reduce it to one Million The Expence of the Western and Eastern Sea cannot be less than of two Millions 500000 Livers as it appears by the particular Settlements of the same That of the Artillery will amount to 600000 Livers That of the King 's the Queen's and Monsieur's Housholds to three Millions 500000 Livers The Pensions paid to the switzers which cannot be retrench'd in honour amounts to 400000 Livers The Buildings will cost 300000 Livers AMbassadors 250000 Livers The Fortifications 600000 Livers All the Pensions might absolutely be retrench'd which cost the King four Millions but as it is impossible to pass from one extream to another without a medium and that the Court of France is not us'd to resist importunities tho' never so unjust I am of opinion that it will be sufficient to retrench one half of them Which is the more necessary in that it is advantagious for the Publick that the Idleness of Courtiers may meet with no roward and that they may be all annexed to the Perils of the War and thus Pensions and Salaries will only amount to two Millions for the future The King's Gentlemen in Ordinary 50000 Livers Warrants for the payment of certain summs 400000 Livers Casual Accounts and the King's Progresses two Millions Arrears of Duties 150000 Livers The King 's Privy Purse 300000 Livers All these Expences amount only to 25 Millions which being deducted out of 35 to which the Receipt amounts there will remain ten which for the first year shall be imploy'd towards the diminution of the Tailles The true way to inrich the State is to ease the People and to discharge both of their Burthens In lessening the Charges of the State the Tailles may be diminish'd and no otherwise and therefore it is the chief end which ought to be propos'd in the Regulation of this Kingdom * Of 44 Millions to which all the different sorts of Leveys which are rais'd upon the People by virtue of the brief of the Taille amount thereare 26 Millions imployed towards the payment of the Charges settled upon the Taille which consist in Rents or in Salaries and Taxation of Offices or in Rights which have been engag'd to them Tho' the Farm of the Aids produces yearly 4 Millions there is but 400000 Livers return'd out of it into the Exchequet The Rents Salaries Taxationis and Rights ingag'd upon the said Aids consume all the rest which is upwards of three Millions and a half Notwithstanding all the Gabelles produce near 19 Millions there is only five Millions 500000 and odd Livers of the same return'd into the Exchequer because the remaindor which amounts to near 13 Millions is imploy'd towards the payment of the Rents created upon the said Gabelles or towards the Salaries Taxations and Duties of the Officers of the Magazins of Salt or towards the Salaries of the Parliament of Paris Chamber of Accounts Court of Aids Grand Council or the King's Secretaries Although all the other Farms of the State produce twelve Millions the King receives but ten of them because upwards of two Millions must be deducted out of the same which are settled for the payment of some Rents Salary of Officers Taxations and alienated Duties In order to take true measures in an Affair of that consequence it is necessary to know that tho' all the Levies which are made in this Kingdom amount to near 80 Millions upwards of 45 of the same are imploy'd in Charges which may be so well husbanded that whereas we may say at present that the said Charges prove the King's Ruine I dare affirm that the King will be eas'd and inrich'd by the means thereof Many without doubt will be of opinion that it would be fit to ease the State of all that burthen but as it is impossible to make agreat Body subsist without divers Expences absolutely necessary for its maintenance As the weight of all these Charges together cannot be born by the State so the intire suppression of the same cannot be desir'd with reason Three means may be propos'd for the diminution of the said Charges The first is grounded on the over long injoyment which private persons have had of the King's Money upon the Fund they have disburs'd to acquire the Rents Offices and Rights they enjoy I am sensible that it would be easie to dispossess some of the said persons of the Rents and Duties they receive by making a true supputation of the Summs they have receiv'd in which besides the Interest allow'd by the Laws it would be easie to find the reimbursement of the price at first laid down by them for the same But tho' the Justice of the said expedient were allow'd of Reason would not permit the making use of it since that in so doing it would be impossible for the future to find out Money to supply the necessities of the State Whatever securities were offer'd Therefore it is necessary to observe that a thing may not be unjust and yet contrary to Reason and sound Policy and to take care never to have recourse to any expedient which without violating Reason would nevertheless violate publick Faith If any urges that the publick must be preferr'd to private Interest allowing his proposition I desire him to consider that in the discussion of this point those different kinds of Interests are not in the least concern'd but that those of the publick are counter-pois'd by others of the same nature and that as the future has a far greater Latitude than the present which passes in an instant those Interests which relate to the time to come must be respected before those of the present contrary to the custom of sensual Men who prefer what is at the least distance from them because the sight of their Reason has no greater extent than that of their Senses If we consider publick Faith in this point as I think it absolutely necessary the State will be far more eas'd by it than it would be tho' part of its Charges should be suppress'd without making any new Lives in that it will remain Master of the Purses of its Members on all occasions and yet will considerably increase its revenue The second means to diminish the Charges of the Kingdom consists in the reinbursement of the Money which was actually paid by private persons but the verification of it would prove difficult since that in order to facilitate the Sale of what the necessity of the State has oblig'd to alienate that has often been given at four years purchase which appears to be ingag'd at six This medium tho justin it self is not practicable without giving a pretence to many complaints tho' ill grounded The third means for the Diminution of the Charges of the State consists in reimbursing those that are not necessary at the same price at which they are sold among private persons Reimbursing the Owners of the Offices of the Rents and of the Duties which will be thought necessary to be suppress'd in this
and Maxims of that great Minister have been follow'd and in what they have deviated from them and several other Remarks not only curious but important If any body will be so kind as to impart all those things to Us We will willingly communicate them to the Public TO King LEWIS XIII SIR AS soon as Your Majesty was pleas'd to admit me into the Management of Your Affairs I resolv'd to use my utmost Endeavours to facilitate Your great Designs as useful to this State as glorious to your Person God having bless'd my Intentions insomuch that the Virtue and Happiness of Your Majesty have astonish'd the present and will be admir'd in future Ages I thought my self obliged to write the History of your glorious Successes both to hinder many Circumstances worthy to live for ever in the Memory of Man from being bury'd in Oblivion thro' the Ignorance of those who cannot know them like me and to the end that the time past might serve as a Rule for the future Therefore I forthwith apply'd my self to it being perswaded that I could never begin that too soon which was only to end with my Life I did not only carefully collect the matter of such a Work but moreover I reduc'd part of it into Order and put the Transactions of some Years in the Form I design'd to publish them I own that tho' there is more Pleasure in furnishing the Matter of History than in putting it into Form yet I found a great deal of Satisfaction in relating what had been perform'd with great Labour While I began to relish the Delights of that Performance the Illnesses and continual Inconveniences which attend the weakness of my Constitution join'd to the Weight of Affairs forc'd me to lay it aside because it requir'd too much time Yet tho' I cannot possibly perform upon this Subject what I so passionately desir'd for the Glory of your Person and for the Welfare of your State I think my self oblig'd in Conscience at least to leave your Majesty some Memoirs of those things I think most necessary for the Government of this Kingdom Two Reasons oblige me to undertake this Work The first is The Fear and Desire I have of ending my Days before the Expiration of yours The Second is The Faithful Passion I have for your Majesty's Interest which makes me not only desirous to see you attended with all sorts of Prosperities during my Life but also makes me earnestly wish to see a Prospect of the Continuation of the same when the Inevitable Tribute we are all oblig'd to pay Nature shall hinder me from being a Witness of them This Piece will appear under the Title of my Political Testament because it is made to serve after my Death for the Polity and Conduct of your Kingdom if your Majesty thinks it worthy of it Because it will contain my last Desires in relation thereunto and that in leaving it to you I bequeath to your Majesty the best Legacy I have to dispose of whenever God will be pleas'd to call me out of this Life It shall be conceiv'd in the most concise and clearest Method I am capable of as well to follow my own Genius and my usual way of writing as to comply with your Majesty's Humour who ever lov'd that Men should come to the Point in few Words being as much pleas'd to hear the Substance of things as apprehensive of the long Discourses most Men use to explain them If my Spirit which will appear in these Memoirs can after my Death contribute any thing towards the Regulation of this great State in the Management of which your Majesty has been pleas'd to give me a greater Share than I deserve I will think my self infinitely happy To that end judging with Reason that the Success God has hitherto been pleas'd to grant the Resolutions your Majesty has taken with your most Faithful Creatures is a powerful Motive to invite you to follow the Advices I will give you for the future I will begin this Work with an Abstract of the great Actions you have perform'd with so much Glory which may justly be stil'd The Solid Foundation of the future Felicity of your Kingdom This Relation will be made with so much Sincerity according to the Judgment of those who are faithful Witnesses of the History of your Time that it will induce every body to believe that the Counsels I give your Majesty have no other Motives but the Interest of your State and the Advantage of your Person I am and will remain Eternally SIR Your Majesty's most Humble most Faithful most Obedient most Passionate and most oblig'd Subject and Servant Armand Du Plessis THE Political Testament Of the Famous CARDINAL Duke de RICHELIEU PART I. CHAP. I. A Short Relation of the King 's great Actions until the Peace concluded in the Year WHEN Your Majesty was first pleas'd to admit me into your Councils and to repose a great Confidence in me for the Direction of your Affairs I may affirm with Truth that the Huguenots shar'd the State with you that the Grandees behav'd themselves as if they had not been your Subjects and the most powerful Governours of Provinces as if they had been Soveraigns in their Imployments I may say that the ill Example of both was so prejudicial to this Kingdom that the best regulated Communities were tainted with their Behaviour and in some cases lessen'd your Majesty's lawful Authority as much as in them lay in order to extend their own beyond reason I may say that every Man measur'd his Merit by his Presumption that instead of valuing the Favours they receiv'd from your Majesty by their Intrinsick Worth they only valued them according as they were suitable to the Unruliness of their Fancy and that the most daring were esteem'd the wisest and often prov'd the most happy I may also say that Foreign Alliances were despis'd Private Interest preferr'd to Publick Good in a word the Dignity of Royal Majesty was so much debas'd and so different from what it ought to be by the Defect of those who had then the principal Management of your Affairs that it was almost impossible to distinguish it The Proceeding of those to whom your Majesty had intrusted the Helm of your State could no longer be tolerated without ruining all and on the other hand it could not be alter'd all at once without violating the Laws of Prudence which do not allow the passing from one Extream to another without a Medium The ill Posture of your Affairs seem'd to constrain your Majesty to take precipitated Resolutions without Election of Time or of Means and yet Choice was necessary in both to improve the Alteration which Necessity exacted from your Prudence The Wisest were of Opinion that it was impossible without a Shipwrack to steer through the Rocks that appear'd on all sides in times of such Uncertainty The Court was full of Men who accus'd those of Rashness who should dare to attempt it and
next place I must also tell you That as Prince's Ears must be shut against Calumnies so they must be open to hearken to the Truths which are useful to the State and that as the Tongue must have no motion to say any thing to the prejudice of any body's Reputation so it must be free and bold to speak when Publick Inteaest is concern'd I mention these two Points because I have often observ'd that it was no small trouble to your Majesty to have the Patience to hearken even to that which was most important to you and that when the Welfare of your Affairs oblig'd you to express your Will not only to Persons of great Quality but also to those of mean Condition you had much ado to resolve to do it when you suspected that it would be disagreeable to them I confess that the said Dread is a sign of Goodness but to be no Flatterer I must also tell you that it is a sign of Weakness which though tolerable in a private Man cannot be so in a great King considering what Inconveniences it may be attended with I lay no stress upon that such a Proceeding would lay all the Odium and Hatred of Resolutions upon your Majesty's Council because that is inconsiderable if it could prove beneficial to the Affairs of the State but that which is worth considering is that there are often occasions in which whatsoever Authority a Minister can have it cannot be susficient to produce certain Effects which require the Voice of a Soveraign and an absolute Power Moreover if the Grandees were once persuaded that an unseasonable Shame would hinder a King from performing the Office of a King in Commanding absolutely they would always pretend to obtain by Importunity the contrary of what has been order'd by Reason and finally their Audaciousness might proceed so far that finding their Prince apprehensive of acting like a Master they would grow weary of acting as Subjects Princes must have a Masculine Vertue and do every thing by Reason without being guided by Inclination which often leads them into dangerous Precipices if those which blind them and induce them to do whatever they please are capable to produce Mischief when they follow them with too much Inadvertency the natural Aversion they receive sometimes without a Cause may cause greater yet unless they are temper'd by Reason as they ought to be In some occasions your Majesty has stood in need of your Prudence to check the Tendency of those two Passions but more in the last than in the first since it is easier to do Mischief following the Dictates of Aversion which requires nothing but a Command in a King than to do good according to one's Inclination which cannot be done without depriving one's self of one's own which many Persons can hardly resolve to do Those two Motions are contrary to the Genius of Kings principally if reflecting little upon them they oftener follow their Instinct than their Reason They often induce them to engage in the Divisions which are frequent in Courts among private Persons which has occasion'd great Inconveniences in my time Their Dignity obliges them to reserve themselves for Reason which is the only Party they ought to espouse on all occasions they cannot do otherwise without divesting themselves of the Quality of Judges and of Soveraigns to take that of Parties and submitting in some measure to the Condition of private Men. They thereby expose their State to many Cabals and Factions which are form'd afterwards Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King are too sensible that they can never do it by Force to attempt it otherwise than by Intrigues Artifices and Cabals which often occasion great trouble in States The Sincerity which is necessary in a Man who makes a Testament does not permit my Pen to end this Section without making a Confession as true as it is advantagious for your Majesty's Glory since it will testifie to all the World That the Law of GOD has always been a bound capable to stop the Violence of any Inclination or Aversion which could have surpris'd your Mind which being liable to the least Defect of Human Nature has always Thanks be to GOD been free of the most notable Imperfections of Princes CHAP. VII Which represents the present State of the King's Houshold and sets forth what seems to be necessary in order to put it into that in which it ought to be THe Order of Arts and of all good Discipline requires that a Man should begin his Work by that Part which is most easie Upon this Foundation the first thing an Architect does who undertakes a great Building is to make a Model of it in which the Proportions must be so well observ'd that it may serve him as a Measure and Foot for his great Design And when he cannot compass the said Project he lays aside his Enterprize common Sense making the dullest sensible that he who cannot perform the least is altogether incapable of the most In that Consideration as the meanest Capacities are sensible That as the Structure of Man is an Abstract of that of the Great Word so private Families are the true Models of States and of Republicks and every body being persuaded that he who either cannot or will not regulate his Family is not capable to Order a State Reason did require that in order to compass the Reformation of this Kingdom I should begin by that of your Majesty's Houshold Nevertheless I confess that I never durst under take it by reason that your Majesty having ever had an Aversion for the Orders you reckon'd to be of small consequence when any private persons were concern'd in them no body could propose such a Design without openly shocking your Inclination and the Interest of many Men who being continually about you in great Familiarity might have prejudic'd you against those Orders which were most necessary for your State to put a stop to those of your Houshold the Irregularity of which were useful to them But as a Testament sets forth many Intentions which the Testator durst not divulge during his Life this will petition your Majesty towards the Reformation of your Houshold which has beem omitted both by reason that though it did seem more easie than that of the State yet it was in effect much more difficult and also because Prudence obliges to suffer in some measure small Losses to gain considerably in others As it is obvious to all the World that no King ever carried the Dignity of his State to a higher degree than your Majesty so no body can deny that none ever suffer'd the Lustre of his Houshold to be more trampled upon The Strangers who have travell'd in Frâ—â—â—e in my time have often wonder'd to see a State so exalted and a Houshold so debas'd And indeed it is insensibly decay'd to that degree that some are in possession of the first Places of it who under the Reigns of your
the Goodness of God has contriouted more towards your good Successes than the Prudence and Force of Men. It was at that very time the Queen your Mother us'd her utmost Endeavours to change your Majesty's Council and to establish one to her own mind It was at that very time also the Evil Spirits which possess'd Monsieur's Mind were labouring in his Name as much as in them lay to ruine me The Mother and the Son had made an Agreement which was more contrary to the State than hurtful to those whose Ruine they openly proseouted since in the present state of Affairs it was impossible to alter without ruining them The Son had promis'd not to marry the Princess Mary which the Mother dreaded to that degree that in order to prevent it she had put him into the Castle of Vincenne in your Absence where he tarry'd until that Agreement procur'd his Liberty in exchange of which the Mother had promis'd to put me out of your Majesty's favour and to remove me from Court In order to render these Promises the more inviolable they were put in Writing and the Duke de Bellegarde carry'd them long between his Shirt and his Skin to shew that they touch'd his Heart and to make those that had made them sensible that he would never lose them without his Life There never was a stronger Faction in any State it would be easier to name those who were not concerned in it than those that were And that which encreas'd the wonder of your Conduct on that occasion is that being sollieitous my self to withdraw from your Majesty to oblige the Queen who desir'd it passionately your Majesty being destitute of all other Counsel at that time had no body to consult with and to help you to resist the Authority of a Mother the Artifices of all her Adherents and my earnest Sollicitations against my self I say this because the Marshal of Schomberg who was faithful to you was absent at that time and that the Lord Keeper Marillac was one of those who seconding the Queen in her Designs serv'd her against her self Your Prudence was such that in removing the Lord Keeper of your own accord you deliver'd your self of a Man who had so great an Opinion of himself that he thought nothing well done unless done by his Order and who thought many ill ways lawful to compass the Ends which were suggested to him out of a Zeal which may be styl'd Indiscreet In fine your Proceeding had so much Wisdom in it that you granted nothing to the Queen to the prejudice of your State and yet refus'd her nothing that could be granted without wounding your Conscience and without acting as much against her as against your self I might forbear speaking of the Peace which was concluded at Ratisbonne between your Majesty and the House of Austria by reason that as it was agreed on by your Ambassador on Conditions which the Emperour himself was sensible he had no Power to grant for that reason it cannot be plac'd in the number of your Actions But if the World considers that tho' the Fault of your Ambassador could not be imputed to you as it requir'd a great deal of Goodness to suffer it it requir'd no less Address to repair it in some measure and not to lose the Fruit of a Peace which was so necessary to this State at a time in which your Majesty had so many Crosses This Action will be look'd upon as one of the greatest you ever did and consequently such as cannot be omitted in this place Reason and Conduct of State did require an Exemplary Punishment of him who had exceeded your Orders in so nice a Point and in so important an occasion But your Goodness ty'd up the Hands of your Justice by reason that tho' there was no Ambassadour but himself he had not acted alone in that Affair but with an Associate of such a Quality as made you rather consider the Motive of the Fault than the Fault it self They were both surpriz'd to that degree with the extream Illness you fell into at Lions that they acted rather according to the Condition into which the Kingdom would have been by your Loss than that in which it was and according to the Orders they had receiv'd Notwithstanding the ill Conditions of their Treaties the Imperialists were soon after forc'd to restore Mantua the Dread of your Arms oblig'd them to restore what they had usurp'd over the Venetians and Grisons and after your Majesty had suffer'd the Duke of Savoy's Forces to enter into Pignerol and into the Fort and Valley of Perouse according to the Treaty of Querasque You agreed so well with him that by vertue of a new Treaty those two Places did remain in your Majesty's Hands to the general Satisfaction as well as Advantage of all Italy which for the future will be less in dread of an unjust Oppression since it sets a Door open to its Relief At that very time the Discontents the Duke of Bavaria had receiv'd from the Emperour and from the Spaniards and the Dread which all the other Electors both Catholicks and Protestants were in of being divested of their Stares like many other Princes at their Sollicitations having induc'd them secretly to desire your Assistance your Majesty treated so dexterously with them and with so much Success that they hinder'd even in the Emperour's Presence the Election of the King of the Romans notwithstanding the Dyet of Ratisbone had only been Conven'd to that end After which to pleasure the said Duke of Bavaria and to satisfie the Electors as well as to confirm them in their Resolution of rendring the Catholick League not only Independent of the Empire but of Spain also which usurp'd the Direction of it your Ambassadors kept so good a Correspondence with those Princes that they facilitated the means to them of depriving Walstein of the Command of the Armies of the Empire which prov'd very prejudicial to his Majesty's Affairs Your Majesty's Credit prov'd as great towards the North since the Baron de Charnau without the Title of Ambassador procur'd almost at the same time a Peace between the Kings of Poland and of Sweden a Peace which had been attempted in vain by many other Potentates The said Peace gave way to the Enterprize the King of Sweden made soon after to prevent the Oppression of the Princes of the Empire in Germany which Design was no sooner known to your Majesty but to prevent the Prejudice the Catholick Religion might receive by it you made a Treaty with him which oblig'd him not to interrupt the Exercise thereof in all the places of his Conquest I am sensible that your Enemies who endeavour to justifie their own Actions by crying down yours have us'd their best Endeavours to render that Agreement odious but their Design had no other Effect than to discover their Malice Your Majesty's Innocence is the more apparent in that your Ambassador never enter'd into any Treaty
Garrisons and upwards of Thirty Thousand Horse will be an Immortal Argument to Posterity of the Power of this Crown If I add that these different Occupations did not hinder you at the same time from fortifying your Frontiers to that degree that whereas they were open on all parts before to your Enemies they cannot look on them now without amazement I shall touch a new Point no less considerable to Posterity since that as this Kingdom is thereby secur'd for ever it will receive as much Benefit by it for the future as your Majesty has endur'd Labour and Pain in the Performance Those whom History will acquaint with the Crosses your Majesty has met with in all your great Designs through the Envy your Prosperities and the Fear of your Power have created in divers Foreign Princes by the want of Faith of some of your Allies by the Treachery of some of your Subjects by a Brother ill counsell'd at some times by a Mother always possess'd by ill-dispos'd Minds after her having depriv'd her self of your Majesty's Councils and separated her Interests from those of your State being sensible that such Obstacles are no small heightnings to your Glory being sensible also that great Hearts having form'd great Designs cannot be with-held by the Difficulties they meet in the same If they consider besides the natural Levity of this Nation the Impatience of the Souldiers little us'd to the inevitable Fatigues attending the course of Wars and finally the Weakness of the Instruments you were forc'd to make use of on those occasions among which I take the first place they will be forc'd to own that nothing could supply the Defect of the Tools but the Excellence of your Majesty who was the Workman Moreover if they consider that overcoming all those Obstacles you have attain'd the Conclusion of a Peace in which the Defect of some of your Allies and the Affection you have had for them have oblig'd you to relinquish part of what you had Conquer'd by your own Forces they will needs be oblig'd to acknowledge that your Goodness is equal to your Power and that in your Conduct Prudence and the Blessing of God have kept an even Pace These Sir have been your Majesty's Actions hitherto which I will esteem happily ended if they be attended with a Repose which may allow you to bless your Kingdom with all manner of Advantages In order whereunto it is necessary to consider the several Orders of your Kingdom the State they compose your Person which is charg'd with the Conduct thereof and the Means you must follow to perform it worthily which requires nothing in general but to have a good and faithful Council to esteem their Advice and to follow Reason in the Principles it prescribes for the Government of your Kingdom 'T is to that I will reduce the Remainder of this Work treating those matters distinctly in divers Chapters subdivided into divers Sections in order to explain them the more methodically REFORMATION OF THE Divers Orders OF THE STATE ONE might make whole Volumes upon the Subject of the several Orders of this Kingdom but the Scope of my Design not being the same with many others who aim at nothing but to discourse well upon all the parts of a State without considering whether the Publick will receive any Benefit by their Discoursing or not I will only endeavour to represent to your Majesty in few Words what is necessary to procure the Welfare of all your Subjects in their several Conditions CHAP. II. Of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order SECTION I. Which represents the ill State of the Church at the beginning of the King's Reign the Present State thereof and what is necessary to be done to put it in that in which it ought to be WHEN I remember to have seen Gentlemen and other Lay Persons in my Youth who held not only the major part of Priories and Abbies but also of Cures and Bishoprick in Commendam and when I consider that in my first Years there was such a Licentiousness in Monasteries of both Sexes that nothing but Scandals and ill Examples were met with in places where Edification was to be look'd for I own that it is no small Satisfaction to me to see those Disorders absolutely banish'd under your Majesty's Reign and that the said Tenures and the Disorders of Monasteries are scarcer than lawful Possessions and Orderly Communities were at that time The best Method in my Opinion for your Majesty to continue and to increase that Blessing is to take a particular Care to place Persons of Merit and of exemplary Lives in Bishopricks to bestoâ— Abbies and other simple Benefices of your Nomination on Persons of Probity to deprive those who lead Licentious Lives in so holy a Station a that is which unites men particularly to God oâ— your Sight and Favours and to make an exemplary punishment of the Scandalous I might propose many other Expedients for the Reformation of the Clergy but provided your Majesty will be pleas'd to observe these Four Conditions and to use virtuous Men of that Profession favourably you will discharge your Duty and will render the Ecclesiasticks of your State either such as they ought to be or at least so prudent as to endeavour to become so To that end it is my Duty to represent to your Majesty that it is very necessary to take Care not to be mistaken in your Judgment of the Capacity of Bishops A Man may be Learned may be Capable and yet not fit for that Function which besides Science requires Zeal Courage Vigilancy Piety Charity and Activity together It is not sufficient to be an honest Man to make a good Bishop for he must be good for others as well as for himself I have often had a Dread that Men of Quality would hardly contain themselves within the bounds of their Duty and that they are less regular in their Lives than others Many others being mov'd with that Fear are of Opinion that Doctors of a good Life and low Birth are fitter for those Employments than those who are of higher Extraction But there are many things to be consider'd on that Subject A Bishop ought to be Learned full of Piety Zeal well Born by reason that the Authority requir'd in such Places is only to be found in Persons of Quality But as it is difficult to meet all those Qualifications in one and the same Person I will be bold to say that good Manners which must be consider'd above all things being suppos'd Quality and Authority which are commonly Companions are to be preferr'd before great Science having often seen very Learned Men who made very ill Bishops either for not being able to Govern upon the account of their low Extraction or for living too near according to their Birth which borders upon Avarice whereas Nobility which is attended by Virtue commonly has a particular Desire of Honour and of Glory which produces the same Effects as Zeal occasion'd
Employment who would by no means accept of it at present because it is usurp'd by Persons who do not deserve it And all Gentlemen will willingly accept of it upon the account of the access it will give them at Court where a Chance and some Acquaintance may advance their Fortune in an instant Your Majesty will also receive another Benefit by the said Establishment in that as it will lessen the Number of the * Yeomen or all those who are not of the Order of the Nebility or Gentry Roturiers who are freed of the Tailles by the Places they enjoy in your Houshold it will encrease the Number of those who are to help the People to bear the Burthen they are over-whelmed with at present The fourth is That your Majesty should give all the Places of your Houshold gratis without allowing them to be sold upon any Consideration whatever It may be urg'd perhaps That it is not reasonable that those who have bought Places very dear should not be allow'd to sell them again but as it is impossible to make any Settlements of great use for the Publick without their being attended with some Inconveniencies for private Persons the said Inconvenience is not considerable seeing that as they did not buy their Places with an assurance of leave to sell them again like those Officers who pay an Annual Duty to the King they may be depriv'd of the Hopes they had fram'd to themselves without any Injustice And though some private Persons may find themselves griev'd by such an Alteration all the Nobility and the Greatest will find a notable Advantage by it in that whereas they were formerly oblig'd to sell a considerable part of their Estates to get Places which has often ruin'd the best Famiies of the Kingdom there will be no means left to expect them but Merit which will hinder them from ruining their Estate and will oblige them to acquire Vertue which is despis'd in this Age because the Price of all things only consists in Money Moreover there will be so many means to satisfie those who upon the account of any particular Consideration will deserve to be exempted from the general Rule That the Publick will receive the Benefit of the Advantage your Majesty will be pleas'd to procure them and yet such private Persons as might have cause to complain with Justice will receive no prejudice by it As it is impossible to question the Usefulness of these Propositions the Facility to put them in Execution is evident since as abovesaid it only requires a firm and constant Resolution in your Majesty to reap the Benefit of the same and to restore your Houshold to its former Greatness CHAP. VIII Of the PRINCE's Council SECT I. Which shews that the best Prince stands in need of a good Council IT is no small question among Politicians to know Whether a Prince who Governs a State by his own Head is more desirable than he who not confiding so much in his own Abilities relies much on his Council and does nothing without their Advice Whole Volumes might be compil'd of the Reasons which might be alledg'd for and against it But referring this Question to the particular Fact which obliges me to introduce it in this place after having preferr'd the Prince who acts more by his Council than by his own Opinion to him who prefers his own Head to all those of his Counsellors I cannot forbear saying That as the worse Government is that which has no other Spring than the Head of a Prince who being incapable is so presumptuous as to slight all Counsel the best of all is that of which the main Spring is in the Sense of the Soveraign who though capable to Act by Himself has so much Modesty and Judgment that he does nothing without Advice upon this principle That one Eye does not see for well as many Besides that Reason discovers the Solidity of this Decision Truth obliges me to say That Experience has convinc'd me so much of it that I cannot forbear affirming it without doing my self a Violence A Capable Prince is a great Treasure in a State a Skilful Council and such as it ought to be is no less considerable But the Concert of Both together is of an inestimable Value since thereon depends the Felicity of States It is certain that the most happy States are those in which Princes and Counsellors are the Wisest It is also certain That there are few Princes capable to Govern States alone and moreover though there were many they ought not to do it The Almighty Power of GOD his infinite Wisdom and his Providence do not hinder Him from making use in things which he might do by his bare Will of the Ministry of Second Causes and consequently Kings whose Perfections are limitted instead of being infinite would commit a notable Fault in not following his Example But whereas it is not in their power as in GODs to supply the Defects of those they employ they must be very careful to chuse them as perfect and as accomplish'd as possible can be Many Qualifications are requir'd to make a perfect Counsellor nevertheless they may be reduc'd to Four viz. Capacity Fidelity Courage and Application which includes many others SECT II. Which represents what Capacity is requir'd in a good Counsellor THe Capacity of Counsellors does not require a pedantick Knowledge None can be more dangerous in a State than those who will Govern Kingdoms by the Maxims they find in Books They often ruin them thereby because the Time past has no relation to the present and that the Constitution of Times Places and Persons is different It only requires Goodness Steadiness of Mind Solidity of Judgment true Source of Prudence a reasonable Tincture of Letters a general Knowledge of History and of the present Constitution of all the States of the World and particularly of that in which they are Whereupon two things ought particularly to be consider'd The First That the greatest Wits are more dangerous than useful in the Management of Affairs unless they have a great deal more Lead than Quicksilver they are no ways fit for the State Some are fertile in Inventions and abounding in Thoughts but so variable in their Designs that those of the Morning and of the Evening are never alike and have so little connexity and choice in their Resolutions that they alter the good as well as the ill ones and never remain constant in any I may say with truth as knowing it by Experience that the Levity of such Men is no less dangerous in the Administration of Publick Affairs than the Malice of many others Much is to be dreaded from Minds whose Vivacity is accompanied with little Judgment and tho' those who excell in the Judicious part should not have a great reach yet they might be useful to States The Second Remark to be made on this Subject is That nothing can be more dangerous in a State than to give a great
Men to obey and that it is impossible for Subjects not to love a Prince when they are sensible that Reason is the Guide of all his Actions Authority constrains to obey but reason persuades to it and it is much safer to guide Men by Ways which insensibly ingage their Will than by such which for the most part only prevail by force If it be true that Reason ought to be the Light to guide Princes in their own Conduct and in the management of their States it is also true that as nothing in Nature is more inconsistent with it than passion which blinds Men to that degree that it often makes them mistake the Shadow for the Body a Prince must above all things avoid to act by such a Principle which would render him the more odious in that it is directly opposite to that which distinguishes Men from Animals Men often repent at leasure what Passion has induc'd them to do in haste and we never run that risque when we act by reasonable Considerations We must be positive on what we resolve by such Motives since it is the only way to be obey'd and that as humility is the first Foundation of Christian Perfection Obedience is the most solid ground of subjection and so necessary towards the welfare of States that they can never flourish while it is defective Many things are of this Nature that there is no difference between the Will and the Performance by reason of the facility we meet in the execution but we must will them to the purpose that is with so much firmness as never to desist from them severely chastising those who shall refuse to obey after having commanded them to put them in execution Those that appear most difficult and almost impossible are only so upon the account of the difference wherewith we seem to will and to command them and it is most certain that Subjects will always be religious in obeying while Princes are steady and persevering in their Commands from whence it follows that it is most certain that their Indifference and Weakness is the Cause of it In a word as to will a thing positively and to do what one has a mind to is one and the sâ—me thing in a lawful Prince so to will weakly and not to will are things so different from 'em that they tend to the same End The Government of a Kingdom requires a manly Vertue and an unmoveable steadiness contrary to the Irresolution which exposes those who are govern'd by it to the Enterprises of the it Enemies Men must behave themselves in all things with Vigor principally seing that tho Success should not answer our expectation at least we will have this advantage that having omitted nothing in order to make it succeed we will avoid the shame when we cannot avoid the misfortune of an ill Event Tho Men should absolutely miscarry in performing their Duty the Disgrace would be happy and on the contrary what ever Success a Man could have in deviating from that which he is oblig'd to out of Honour and Conscience he ought to be esteem'd unhappy since he can gain nothing thereby to equal the disadvantages he receives by the means wherewith it has been procur'd Heretofore most of the great designs of France have miscarry'd because the first difficulty that oppos'd the putting of them in execution put a stop to the Proceedings of those who in reason ought nevertheless to have prosecuted them and if it has prov'd otherwise during your Majesties Reign it is to be imputed to your Perseverance When a Time proves improper for the execution of a good design we must expect another and when we have once set our hands at work if the difficulties we meet with oblige us to any suspension reason instructs us to resume our first designs as soon as time and occasion prove more favourable In a word nothing ought to divert us from a good Enterprise unless some Accident happen which renders it altogether impossible and we must omit nothing to further the Execution of those we undertake with Reason That obliges me to mention Secresy and good Discipline in this Place which are so essential towards the good Success of Affairs that nothing can be more Besides that Experience justifies it the reason of it is evident seing that whatever surprises commonly astonishes somuch that it often deprives Men of the means to oppose it and that the prosecuting the Execution of a design slowly and the divulging of it is just like the Speaking of a thing not to do it This is the reason that Women who are naturally lazy and have not the gift of Secresy are so unfit for Government and if we consider moreover that they are very subject to their Passions and consequently little capable of Reason and of Justice that Principle will exclude them from all public Administrations Not but some might be found so free of those defects that they might be admitted to it There are but few Rules without Exceptions This very Age has produc'd some which can never be sufficiently commended but yet commonly their natural Weakness renders them Incapable of masculine Vertue so necessary for Administration that it is almost Impossible for their Government to be free either of Lowness or of Diminution which the Weakness of their Sex is the Cause of or of Injustice or Cruelty which the unruliness of their Passions is the True Source of CHAP. III. Which shows that Public Interest should be the only End of those who govern States or at least that it ought to be perferr'd to particular Advantages PUblic Interest ought to be the only Aim of the Prince and of his Councelors or at least both ought to have so singular a respect for it as to prefer it to all particular advantages It is Impossible to conceive the good a Prince and those he Imploys in his Affairs are Capable of doing in following this Principle Religiously neither can any one Imagin the Miseries a State is lyable to when Private Interest is prefer'd to Public good And that the last is regulated by the first True Philosophy the Christian Law and Policy give such lively demonstrations of this Truth that the Councellors of a Prince can never sufficiently make him sensible of the necessity of this Principle nor the Prince be too severe in the Chastisement of such members of his Councel as are so wretched as not to put it in Practice I must needs observe on this Subject that the prosperity which has constantly accompany'd Spain for some Ages last past is wholy to be imputed to the Care of their Councel to prefer the Interest of the State to all others and that most of the Misfortunes which have befallen France have been occasion'd by the application which many of those who have been imploy'd in the Administration have had to their private Interest to the prejudice of the Public The first have all along follow'd Public Interest which by the force
of State was resolved at that time not to break with Spain But Cardinal de Richelieu caused that resolution to be alter'd and the collection of the Pieces for the Justification of that Cardinal which were given to the Public by M. du Chatelet maintains in several Places that the said Cardinal sent M. du Fargis orders directly contrary to those he had receiv'd in France But M. du Fargis persisted constantly in denying that ever he received them and the thing remains undecided to this day Therefore it is not true that he himself confessed that he had concluded the Treaty of Moncon at the sollicitation of Cardinal de Berulle without the King's knowledge and contrary to his Majesty's Express Orders For among so many Authors who have attack'd and defended the Reputation of Cardinal de Richelieu none ever bethought himself hitherto to write this point of History and there is no reason to believe the said Cardinal upon his bare Word since he was so public an Enemy to the Cardinal de Berulle that his Panegyrists lose no occasion to blame him and to push it as far as ever it can go Finally it is yet less true that the Cardinal de Berulle and the Lord Keeper Marillac advis'd the King to abandon the Duke of Mantua to the injustice and insatiable Avidity of the Spaniards but that which is cerain in relation thereunto as the two Authors who are most devoted to Cardinal de Richelieu who are those that have written his Life and the History of his Ministry do acknowledge is that at the Death of Vincent Duke of Mantua and when the Duke de Nevers succeeded him it was put in agitation in the Council of France not whether the Duke of Nevers should be absolutely seconded but whether they should second him so far as to run the hazard on his account to break the Peace of Vervins which King Henry the Great had concluded with Spain and it was carry'd by the plurality of Voices that the King should not run the hazard of that risque Cardinal de Berulle who was then one of the Principal Councellors of State was of that opinion he persisted in it until Cardinal de Richelieu caused the said Affair to be examin'd anew in the Council and made them resolve to maintain the Duke de Nevers against the Emperor and against the King of Spain There was but six Months space between those two deliberations and they were both taken in the year 1627. If the Cardinal de Berulle during the Interval of the said six Months pretended that it was not fit to exasperate the Spaniards In that he only conform'd to the determination of the Council of State of France But I maintain that after the second deliberation which was to protect the Duke of Mantua towards and against all the Cardinal de Berulle never let fall any word to blame the War which France engaged into upon the account of the Duke de Nevers with the Emperor and the King of Spain and no Man can produce any Printed paper or Manuscript which says any such thing THE END THE Contents Chap. I. A Short Relation of the King 's great Actions until the Peace concluded in the Year pag. 1. Chap. II. Of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order pag. 48. Sect. I. Which represents the ill State of the Church at the beginning of the King's Reign the Present State thereof and what is necessary to be done to put it in that in which it ought to be ib. Sect. II. Of Appeals and the Means to regulate the same pag. 53. Sect. III. Of Privileg'd Cases and the means to Regulate the same pag. 64. Sect. IV. Which shews the Consequence of the Regalia pretended by the Holy Chappel of Paris over the Bishops of France and opens a way to suppress the same pag. 68. Sect. V. Of the Necessity of Protracting the Delays that are us'd in the Course of Ecclesiastical Justice from whence it happens that three Crimes remain unpunish'd pag. 75. Sect. VI. Which represents the Prejudice the Church receives by the Four Exemptions several Churches enjoy to the Prejudice of the Common Right and proposes Means to remedy the same pag. 78. Sect. VII Which represents the Inconveniences that arise from the Bishops not having an Absolute Power to dispose of the Benefices that are under them pag. 90. Sect. VIII Of the Reformation of Monasteries pag. 93. Sect. IX Of the Obedience which is due to the POPE pag. 95. Sect. X. Which sets forth the Advantage of Learning and shews how it ought to be Taught in this Kingdom pag. 97. Sect. XI Means to Regulate the Abuses which are committed by Graduates in the obtaining of Benefices pag. 104. Sect. XII Of the Right of INDULT pag. 106. Chap. III. Of the NOBILITY pag. 109. Sect. I. Divers Means to Advantage the Nobility and to make them Subsist Honourably ib. Sect. II. Which Treats of the Means to prevent Duels pag. 114. Chap. IV. Of the Third ORDER of the Kingdom pag. 119. Sect. I. Which relates in general to the Disorders of the Courts of Justice and examines in particular whether the Suppression of the Sale of Offices and of Hereditary Offices would be a proper Remedy for such Evils ib. Sect. II. Which proposes the general Means which may be us'd to put a stop to the disorders of the Courts of Justice pag. 131. Sect. III. Which represents the necessity of hindring the Officers of Justice from incroaching upon the King's Authority pag. 135. Sect. IV. Of the Officers of the Finances pag. 137. Sect. V. Of the PEOPLE pag. 140. Chap. V. Which considers the State in it self pag. 142. Sect. I. Which represents how necessary it is that the several Parts of the State should remain every one within the extent of their Bounds ib. Sect. II. Which examines Whether it is better to make the Governments Triennial in this Kingdom than to leave them Perpetual according to the Vse which has been practis'd hitherto pag. 143. Sect. III. Which condemns Survivorships pag. 146. Chap. VI. Which represents to the King what Men think he ought to consider in relation to his Person pag. 149. Chap. VII Which represents the present State of the King's Houshold and sets forth what seems to be necessary in order to put it into that in which it ought to be pag. 162. Chap. VIII Of the PRINCE's Council pag. 171. Sect. I. Which shen's that the best Prince stands in need of a good Council ib. Sect. II. Which represents what Capacity is requir'd in a good Counsellor pag. 173. Sect. III. Which represents the Integrity that is requir'd in a good Counsellor pag. 175. Sect. IV. Which represents what Courage and Foree is requir'd in a Counsellor of State pag. 181. Sect. V. Which represents what Application is requir'd in Counsellors of State pag. 184. Sect. VI. Which represents the Number of Counsellors of State that is requisite and that one among them ought to have the Superiour Authority pag. 191. Sect. VII Which represents what the King's Behaviour is to be towards his Counsellors and shews that in order to be well serv'd the bost Expedient he can take is to use them well pag. 195. The second PART Chap. I. THe first Foundation of the Happiness of a State is the Establishment of the Reign of God pag. 2. Chap. II. Reason must be the Rule and Conduct of a State pag. 5. Chap. III. Which shows that Public Interest should be the only End of those who govern States or at least that it ought to be preferr'd to particular Advantages pag. 9. Chap. IV. How much Foresight is necessary for the Government of a State pag. 12. Chap. V. Punishment and Reward are two Points absolutely necessary for the Conduct of States pag. 16. Chap. VI. A Continual Negotiation contributes much towards the good success of Affairs pag. 24. Chap. VII One of the greatest Advantages that can be procur'd to a State is to give every one an Employment suitable to his Genius and Capacity pag. 32. Chap. VIII Of the Evil which Flatterers Detractors and Intriguers commonly occasion in States and how necessary it is to remove them from Kings and to banish them from their Courts pag. 38. Chap. IX Which Treats of the Power of the Prince and is divided in to Eight Sections pag. 45. Sect. I. The Prince must be Powerful to be Respected by his Subjects and by strangers pag. 45. Sect. II. The Prince must be powerful by his Reputation and what a necessary to that End pag. 46. Sect. III. The Prince must be Powerful by the force of his Frontiers pag. 48. Sect. IV. Of the Power a State ought to have by its Land-Forces This Section has several Subdivisions upon the account of the abundance of matter it contains which will be specify'd in the Margin pag. 51. Sect. V. Of Natural Power pag. 80. Sect. VI. Which Treats of Trade as a dependency of the Power of the Sea and specifies those which are most Convenient pag. 92. Sect. VII Which shews that Gold and Silver are one of the Principal and most necessary supporters of the State declares the means to make this Kingdom Powerful in that kind shows the revenue of the same at present and how it may be improv'd for the Future in discharging the People of three parts in four of the Burthen which overwhelms them at this Time pag. 140. Sect. VIII VVhich shews in few words that the utmost point of the Power of Princes must consist in the Possession of their Subjects Hearts pag. 132. Chap. X. Which concludes this Work in showing that whatever is contain'd in it will prove ineffectual unless the Princes and their Ministers are so mindful of the Government of the State as to omit nothing which their Trust obliges them to and not to abuse their Power pag. 133. THE END
not to disturb the repose of his Father's old age Orders follow'd immediately to Confine him first to his House of Plassac next to Loches where he ended his days some years after His constancy was such in that great Age that after having perform'd in his last sickness what ever could be desir'd of him for his Conscience without Pride or Weakness for he ever had Religion and Faith he let fall never a Word in relation to the Cardinal but what was at once Christian like and Noble He ordered the Duke de la Vallette's two Children to be recommended to the King they having the honor to be related to him they were the Children of his first Marriage for he had none by the second And some suggesting to him that he would do well to do them the same office with the Minister whose power was so well known he only answer'd mildly I am his Servant without being able to resolve to request any thing of him He dyed on the 13 of January 1642 being 88 years of Age repeating often even in the middle of his Prayers and in the very Arms of Death the Name of his Son de la Valette whom he look'd upon as his Martyr The Cardinal de Richelieu did not out-live him long He dyed on the 4th of December of the same Year being only 58 years of Age leaving to Courtiers one of those fine but too subtile Examples of what Fortune Grandeur and Favour is never certain never contented and which is worse little present and long pass'd The King who griev'd in secret for having allow'd him so much Power and who had reason to dread all things from him if he had liv'd much longer did not think himself so much depriv'd of a faithful Minister as deliver'd of a proud insupportable Master It then prov'd a kind of Merit at Court not to have been too much his Friend But all things were soon alter'd there a second time by the King 's own Death on the 14th of May 1643. The Duke de la Valette call'd Duke d' Espernon since his Father's Death came back from England and surrender'd himself in the Prison of the Palace of Paris and was absolv'd by the unanimous Voice of the Parliament with a general Applause of the Grandees and of the People No Man of any Note that I know of ever laid the ill Success at Fontarabie to his charge but the Cardinal and as to the pretended Intelligence or Conspiracy with the two Princes far from upbraiding himself with it he plac'd it among his best Actions since that tho ill us'd and oppress'd by the Cardinal to the highest degree he had been able to resist the Temptation to right himself and the Duke his Father by a Civil War the greatest and most dangerous of all those of that time if both had hearkn'd to it As the Cardinal de Berulle dyed with the repute of sanctity and that all those who have known him have testify'd the same except Cardinal Richelieu it is a very material point to inform the Public with the Motives that could induce the said Cardinal de Richelieu to insert these Words in the Tenth Page of his Political Testament Your Majesty would thereby have freed the Nation of the Grisons for ever from the Tyranny of the House of Austria had not Fargis your Ambassador in Spain at the Sollicitation of Cardinal de Berulle made as he has confess'd it since without the knowledge and contrary to your Majesty's express Orders a very disadvantageous Treaty to which you adher'd at last to please the Pope who pretended to be somewhat concern'd in that Affair and in the 14 Page the Cardinal de Berulle and the Lord Keeper Marrillac advised your Majesty to abandon that poor Prince he speaks of the Duke of Mantua to the injustice and Insatiable avidity of that Nation which is an Enemy to the Repose of Christendom he means the Spaniards to hinder them from disturbing it the rest of your Council proved of a different opinion both because Spain durst not have formed such a Resolution immediately after the making of a Treaty of Vnion among the English and because if they should have followed so ill an advcie they could not have been able to stop the progress of your Arms. A Little insight into the principal Affairs transacted in the reign of Lewis the XIII is sufficient to know that the Cardinals de Berulle and de Richelieu were both ingag'd in the Interest of the Queen Mother Mary de Medicis and that they liv'd in perfect Intelligence until the year 1622 when the War of the Pon de Cee broke out All the Queen Mother's Creatures did expect that Cardinal de Richelieu to whom that Princess had given Order Power to conclude an accommodation with the King her Son's Ministers would mind their advantages as much as his own and would not expose them to the Vengance of their Enemys whom they had only irritated to remain Faithful to the Queen Mother Nevertheless Cardinal de Richelieu only thought of obtaining a Place for himself in the Sacred College and neglected all the rest For which reason Cardinal de Berulle the Marshal and Lord Keeper Marillac Monsieur and Madam du Fargis and several others fell out with him In the Second Place the first considerable affair which occur'd in the Council of France in 1624 immediately after the Cardinal's being introduc'd there upon the Marriage of Madam Henrietta of France youngest Sister to the King with the Prince of Wales The Cardinal de Richelieu pretended to attribute all the honor of it to himself and negotiated with so much address that he obtained from the Earls of Holland and Carlile Ambassadors from England more advantageous Conditions for the Catholic Religion than those which the King of Great Britain had granted to the Spaniards when he desir'd their Infanta for the said Prince of Wales But the main difficulty was to prevail with the Court of Rome to approve the Conditions Cardinal de Richelieu had made with the English Ambassadors The Court pitched upon Cardinal de Berulle in order thereunto He went to Rome and there began continued and concluded the famous Negotiation which is found among the Manuscripts of Lomenie in the King's Library He obtain'd what ever he desir'd of the Pope and that was sufficient to excite Cardinal de Richelieu's jealousy As to the Treaty which du Fargis made at Moncon in 1626 with the Spaniard's in relation to Valtelina we must consider that the said du Fargis had been six years before Ambassador in Spain and that he was sent thither by the Court of France before Cardinal de Richelieu entred into the Ministry which was in 1624. The instructions which du Fargis had receiv'd in taking leave of the Court from M. de Puisieux Secretary of State Son to the Chancellor de Sillery oblig'd him to treat with the Spaniards on the same Conditions as he did since at Moncon because the Council