And where those of Syphax had plotted the murder of Masinissa Non aliud mihi factum quà m quod sceleris sui reprehensi essent saith Appian The Ambassadors of the Protestants at the Counsell of Trent though divulging there the Doctrine of the Churches contrary to a Decree there enacted a crime equivalent to Treason yet stood they protected from any punishment So much doth public conveniency prevail against a particular mischief That the State of Rome though in case of the most capital crime exempted the Tribunes of the people from question during the year of office And the Civilians all consent that Legis de Jure Gentium indictum est eorum corpora salva sint Propter necessitatem legationis ac ne confundant jura comercii inter Principes The redress of such injuries by such persons the example of Modern and best times will lead us to Vivia the Popes Legate was restrained by Henry the Second for exercising a power in his Realm not admitted by the King in disquiet of the State and forced to swear not to act any thing in Praejudicium Regis vel Regni Hen. 3. did the like to one of the Popes Ambassadors another flying the Realm secretly fearing timens pelli sui as the Record saith Edward 1. so restraining another until he had as his Progenitors had informed the Pope of the fault of his Minister and received satisfaction of the wrongs In the year 1523. Lewis de Pratt Ambassador for Charles 5. was commanded to his house for accusing falsly Cardinal Wolsey to have practised a breach between Hen. 8. and his Master to make up the Amity with the French King Sir Michael Throgmorton by Charles the 9. of France was so served for being too busie with the Prince of Condy in his faction Doctor Man in the year 1567. was taken from his own house in Madriil and put under a Guard to a straiter Lodging for breeding a Scandal as the Conde Teri said in using by warrant of his Place the Religion of his Country although he alledged the like permitted to Ghusman de Silva their Ambassador and to the Turk no less then in Spain In the year 1568. Don Ghuernon d' Espes vvas ordered to keep his house in London for sending scandalous Letters to the Duke d' Alva unsealed The Bishop of Rosse in the year 1571. vvas first confined to his house after to the Tower then committed for a good space to the Bishop of Ely his care for medling with more business then belonged to the place of his imployment The like was done to Dr. Alpin and Malvisett the French Ambassadors successively for being busie in more then their Masters affairs In the time of Philip the second of Spain the Venetian Ambassador in Madrill protecting an offendor that fled into his house and denying the Heads or Justices to enter his house vvhere the Ambassador stood armed to vvithstand them and one Bodavario a Venetian whom they committed to Prison for his unruly carriage and they removed the Ambassador unto another house until they had searched and found the Offendor Then conducting back the Ambassador set a guard upon his house to stay the fury of the people enraged The Ambassador complaining to the King he remitted it to the Supreme Councel they justified the proceeding condemning Bodavario to lose his head and other the Ambassadors servants to the Galleys all vvhich the King turned to banishment sending the whole process to Inego de Mendoza his Ambassador at Venice and declaring by a publick Ordinance unto that State and all other Princes that in case his Ambassadors should commit any offence nnworthily and disagreeing to their professions they should not then enjoy the privilege of those Officers referring them to be judged by them vvhere they then resided Barnardino de Mendoza for traducing falsly the Ministers of the State to further his seditious Plots vvas restrained first and after commanded away in the year 1586. The last of Spanish Instruments that disquieted this State a benefit vve found many years after by their absence and feel the vvant of it now by their reduction Having thus shortly touched upon such precedent examples as have fallen in the vvay in my poor observation I humbly crave pardon to offer up my simple opinion what course may best be had of prosecution of this urgent cause I conceive it not unfit that vvith the best of speed some of the chief Secretarries vvere sent to the Ambassador by vvay of advice that they understanding a notice of this information amongst the common people that they cannot but conceive a just fear of uncivil carriage towards his Lordship or his followers if any the least incitement should arise and therefore for quiet of the State and security of his person they vvere bound in love to his Lordship to restrain as vvell himself as followers until a further course be taken by legal examination vvhere this aspertion begun the vvay they onely conceived secure to prevent the danger this fear in likelyhood vvill be the best motive to induce the Ambassador to make discovery of his intelligence when it shall be required I conceive it then most fit that the Prince and your Grace to morrow should complain of this in Parliament and leaving it so to their advice and justice to depart the House the Lords at the instant to crave a conference of some small number of the Commons and so conclude of a Message to be sent to the Ambassador to require from him the charge and proofs the Persons to be sent the two Speakers of the two Houses vvith some convenient company of either to have their Maces and ensigns of Office born brfore them to the Ambassadors Gate and then forborn to shew fair respect to the Ambassadors then to tell them that a relation being made that day in open Parliament of the former information to the King by his Lordship they vvere deputed from both Houses the great Councel of the Kingdom to the vvhich by the fundamental Law of the State the chief care of the Kings safety and public quiet is committed they vvere no less the high Court of Justice or Supersedeas to all others for the examining and correcting all attempts of so high a nature as this if it carry truth That they regarded the honour of the State for the Catholicks immoderate using of late the Lenity of Soveraign Grace to the scandal and offence of too many and this aspersion now newly reflecting upon the Prince and others meeting vvth the former distaste which all in publique conceive to make a plot to breed a rupture between the King and State by that party maliciously layd hath so inflamed and sharpned the minds of most that by the access of people to Term and Parliament the City more filled then usual and the time it selfe neer May day a time by custom apted more to licentious liberty then any other cannot but breed a just jealousie and
fear of some disorder likely to ensue of this information if it be not aforehand taken up by a fair legal tryal in that High Court Neither want there fearful examples in this kind in the Ambassadors Genoa upon a far less ground in the time of Parliament and is house demolished by such a seditious tumult The Parliament therefore as well to secure his Lordships person followers and friends from such outrages to preserve the honour of the State which needs must suffer blemish in such misfortunes they were sent thither to require a fair discovery of the ground that led his Lordship so to inform the King that they might so thereupon provide in Justice and Honor and that the reverence they bear unto the dignity of his Master may appear the more by the mannerly carriage of his Message The two that are never imployed but to the King alone were at this time sent and that if by negligence of this fair acceptance there should happen out any such disaster and danger the World and they must justly judge as his own fault If upon the delivery of this Message the Ambassador shall tell his charge and discover his intelligence then there will be a plaine ground for the Parliament to proceed in Examination and Judgment But if as I believe he will refuse it then is he Author Scandali both by the Common and Civil Laws of this Realm and the Parliament may adjudge it false and untrue and declare by a public Act the Prince and your Grace innocent as was that of the Duke of Gloucester 2 Rich. 2. and of York in Henry the sixth his time then may the Parliament joyntly become Petitioners to his Majesty first to confine his Ambasiador to his house restraining his departure until his Majesty be acquainted with his offence and aswell for security as for further practice to put a Guard upon the place and to make a Proclamation that none of the Kings Subjects shall repair to his house without express leave And to send withal a Letter with all speed of complaint against him to the King of Spaine together with a Declaration under the Seals of all the Nobility and Speaker of the Commons in their names as was 44 Hen. 3. to the Pope against his Legat and 28 Edw. 1. Requiring such Justice to be done in this case as by the Leagues of Amity and Law of Nations is usual which if the King of Spain refuse or delay then it it Transactio Criminis upon himself and an absolution of all Amity and friendly intelligence and amounts to no less then a War denounced Thus have I by your leave and command delivered my poor opinion and ever will be ready to do your Grace the best service when you please to command it THAT THE KINGS OF ENGLAND Have been pleased usually to consult with their Peers in the Great Councel and Commons in Parliament of Marriage Peace and War Written by Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet Anno 1621. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. That the Kings of England have been pleased usually to consult with their Peers in the Great COUNCIL c. TO search so high as the Norman Conquest it is necessary to lay down the form and Government of those times wherein the state of affairs then lead in another form of publick Councels for the people brought under by the Sword of William and his followers to subjected vassallage could not possess in such assemblies the right of their former liberties division and power having mastered them and none of their old Nobility being left either of credit or fortune what he retained not in providence as the Demesnes of the Crown or reserved not in piety for the maintenance of the Church he parted to those Strangers that sailed along with him in the Bark of his adventure leaving the Natives for the most part as appeareth by his survey in no better condition then Villenage He moulded their Customs to the manner of his own Country and forbore to grant the Laws of the Holy Edward so often called for To supply his occasions of men mony or provisions he Ordered that all those that enjoyed any fruit of his Conquest should hold their lands proportionably by so many Knights fees of the Crown and admitted them to infeoff their followers with such part as they pleased of their own portions which to ease their charge they did in his and his Sons time by two infeoffments the one de novo the other de veteri This course provided him the body of his War the money and provision was by Hydage assessed on the common people at the consent of their Lords who held in all their Signiories such right of regality that to their Vassals as Paris saith quot Domini tot Tyranni and proved to the King so great a curb and restraint of power that nothing fell into the care of Majesty after more then to retrench the force of this Aristocracy that was like in time to strangle the Monarchy Though others foresaw the mischief betimes yet none attempted the remedy until King John whose over hasty undertakings brought in those broyls of the Barons Wars There needed not before this care to advise with the Commons in any publick assemblies when every man in England by tenure held himself to his great Lords will whose presence was ever required in those Great Councels and in whose assent his dependent Tenants consent was ever included Before this Kings time then we seek in vain for any Councel called he first as may be gathered though darkly by the Record used their Counsels and assents in the sixth year of his Raign Here is the first summons in Records to the Peers or Barons Tractaturi de magnis arduis negotiis it was about a War of defence against the French And that the Commons were admitted at this time may be fitly gathered by this Ordinance viz. Provisum est assensu Archiepiscoporum Comitum Baronum omnium fidelium nostrorum Angliae quod novem militis per Angliam inveniend decimarum c. and this was directed to all the Sheriffs in England the ancient use in publishing Laws From this there is a breach until the 18 Hen. 3. where the next summons extant is in a Plea Roll of that year but the Ordinances are lost From hence the Records afford us no light until the 49 of the same King where then the forme of summons to Bishops Lords Knights and Burgesses are much in manner though not in matter to those of our times This Parliament was called to advise with the King pro pace assecuranda firmanda they are the words of the Writ and where advice is required consutation must needs be admitted To this King succeeded Edward his Son a wise a just and fortunate Prince his Raign and so long to the fourth of his Grandchild we have no light of publick
to make the Body a Stranger to Pain both in taking from it the Occasion of Diseases and making the outward Inconveniences of VVant as Hunger and Cold if not delightful at least suffareble Fr. Walsingham A Brief DISCOURSE Concerning the Power of the PEERES AND COMMONS OF PARLIAMENT In point of JUDICATURE Written by Sir Robert Cotton at the request of a Peer of this REALM LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A Brief DISCOURSE Concerning the POWER Of the PEERS c. SIR To give you as short an accompt of your desire as I can I must crave leave to lay you as a ground the frame or first model of this State When after the Period of the Saxon time Harold had lifted himself into the Royal Seat the great Men to whom but lately he was no more than equal either in fortune or power disdaining this Act of Arrogancy called in William then Duke of Normandy a Prince more active than any in these Western Parts and renowned for many Victories he had fortunately atchieved against the French King then the most potent Monarch of Europe This Duke led along with him to this work of Glory many of the younger Sons of the best Families of Normandy Picardy and Flanders who as Undertakers accompanied the Undertaking of this fortunate Man The Usurper slain and the Crown by War gained To secure Certain to his Posterity what he had so suddenly gotten he shared out his purchase retaining in each County a portion to support the Dignity Soveraign which was stiled Domenia Regni now the antient Demeans And assigning to others his Adventurers such portions as suited to their quality and expence retaining to himself dependency of their personal service except such Lands as in free Alms were the portion of the Church these were stiled Barones Regis the Kings immediate Free-holders for the word Baro imported then no more As the King to these so these to their followers sub-divided part of their shares into Knights Fees and their Tenants were called Barones Comites or the like for we find as the Kings write in their Writs Baronibus suis Francois Anglois the Soveraigns Gifts for the most part extending to whole Counties or Hundreds an Earl being Lord of the one and a Baron of the inferiour Donations to Lords of Townships or Mannors AS thus the Land so was all course of Judicature divided even from the meanest to the highest portion each several had his Court of Law preserving still the manner of our Ancestors the Saxons who jura per pagos reddebant and these are still termed Court Barons or the Freeholders Court twelve usually in number who with the Thame or chief Lord were Judges The Hundred was next where the Hundredus or Aldermanus Lord of the Hundred with the chief Lords of each Township within their limits judged Gods People observed this form in the publique Centuriones Decani judicabant plebem onni tempore The County or generale placitum was the next This was so to supply the defect or remedy the Corruption of the Inferiour Vbi Curiae Dominarum probantur defecisse pertinent ad Vicecomitem Provinciarum The Judges here were Comitos Vicecomites Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eo terras hâ—bent The last and supream and proper to our question was Gener ale Placitum apud London Vniversalis Synodus in Charters of the Conqueror Capitalis Curia by Glanvile Magnum Commune consilium coram Rege Magnatibus suis In the Rolls of Hen. the third it is not stative but summoned by Proclamation Edicitur generale placitum apud London saith the Book of Abingdon whither episcopi Duces Principes Satrapae Rectores Causidici ex omni parte confluxerunt ad istan Curiam saith Glanville Causes were referred propter aliquam dubitationem quae emergit in Conitatu cum Comitatus nescit dijudicare Thus did Ethelweld Bishop of Winton transfer his Suit against Leoftine from the County â—d generale placitum in the time of King Ethildred Queen Edgin against Goda from the County appealed to King Etheldred at London Congregatis principibus sapientibus Aogliae A Suit between the Bishops of Winton and Durham in the time of Saint Edward Coram Episcopis Principibus Regni in praesfentia Regis ventilata finita In the 10. year of the Conqueror Episcopi Comites Barones Regia potestate e diversis Provinciis ad universalem Synodum pro causis audiendis tractandis convocati saith the Book of Westminster and this continued all along in the succeeding Kings Reigns until towards the end of Henry the third As this great Court or Councel consisting of the King and Barons ruled the great affairs of State and controlled all inferiour Courts so were there certain Officers whose transcendent power seemed to be set to bound in the execution of Princes Wills as the Steward Constable and Marshal fixed upon Families in Fee for many Ages They as Tribunes of the People or Ephori amongst the Athenians grown by an unmannerly Carriage fearful to Monarchy fell at the Feet and mercy of the King when the daring Earl of Leicester was slain at Eversham This Chance and the dear experience Henry the third himself had made at the Parliament at Oxford in the 40. year of his Reign and the memory of the many streights his Father was driven unto especially at Runny-mead near Stanes brought this King wisely to begin what his Successors fortunately finished in lessening the strength and power of his great Lords And this was wrought by searching into the Regality they had usurped over their peculiar Soveraigns whereby they were as the Book at St. Albans tearmeth them Quot Domini tot Tyranni and by weakening that hand of power which they carried in the Parliaments by commanding the service of many Knights Citizens and Burgesses to that great Councel Now began the frequent sending of Writs to the Commons their assents not only used in Money Charge and making Laws for before all Ordinances passed by the King and Peers but their consent in Judgements of all natures whether Civil or Criminal In proof whereof I will produce some few succeeding Presidents out of Record When Adomar that proud Prelate of Winchester the Kings half Brother had grieved the State with his daring power he was exised by joynt sentence of the King the Lords and Commons and this appeareth expresly by the Letter sent by Pope Alexander the fourth expostulating a revocation of him from Banishment because he was a Church-man and so not subject to Lay Censures In this the Answer is Si Dominus Rex Regni majores hoc vellent meaning his revocation Communitas tamen ipsius ingressum in Angliam jam nullatenus sustineret The Peers subsign this Answer with their names and Petrus de Montford vice totius Communitatis as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons For by this stile Sir J. Tiptoft Prolocutor affirmeth under his Arms the Deed of
the Lords to the King In the 27 a Great Counsel is assembled many of the lay Peers few of the Clergy and of the Shires and Burroughs but one a peece This was for the prosecution of the French wars when honorable peace could not be gotten but the year following a Truce offered the King forbore to entertain until he had the consent of the Peers and Commons which they in Parliament accorded unto before the Popes Notary by publick Instrument The dallying of the French King in conclusion of peace and the falling off of the Duke of Brittany having wrought his end with France by reputation of the English succour is the year following declared in Parliament and their advice and aid required for the Kings proceeding In the 36. year he calleth a Parliament to consult whether war or peace by David King of Scots then offered should be accepted In the 40. the Pope demanding the tribute of King John the Parliament assembled where after consultation apart the Prelats Lords and Commons advise the denyal although it be by the dint of Sword In 43. The King declares to the Peers and Commons that the French against the Articles of the Truce refused payment of the moneys and delivery of the Towns summoning La Brett and others the Kings Subjects in Gascony to make at Paris their appeals and had forraged his of Bontion requiring whether on their breach he might not again resume the stile and arms of France The Lords and Commons had apart consulted they advised the King to both which he approving altered the inscription and figure of his Seal Two years after it was declared to the Peers and Commons that by their advice he had again resumed the stile and quarrel of France and therefore called their advice for the defence of the realm against the French securing of the Seas and pursuing of the Warre of which they consult and resolve to give the King an aid the like of Councel and supply was the year succeeding In the 50 a Parliament to the purposes of the other two was summoned and the year following the King in Parliament declaring how the French combined underhand against him with Spain and Scotland required their advice how Peace at home the Territories abroad Security of the Sea and charge of the War might be maintained I have the longer insisted in observing the carriage of these times so good and glorious after ages having not left the Journal entries of Parliament so full which with a lighter hand I will pass through Richard his Grand child succeeded to the Crown and troubles having nothing worthy his great fortunes but his great birth the first of his Raign he pursued the Steps of his wise Grandfather advising with Peers and Commons how best to resist his Enemies that had lately wronged many of his Subjects upon the Sea coasts In the second year he again consulted with his people how to withstand the Scots who then had combined with the French to break the Truce In the third he called the advice of Parliament how to maintain his regality impaired by the Popes provision how to resist Spain France and Scotland that had raised Wars against him how to suppress his Rebells in Guyen and Ireland and how to defend the Seas The like in the fourth year following at Winsor the year succeeding at a great Councel the King having proposed a voyage Royal into France now called the Parliament to determine further of it and it is worthy observation for the most before any proposition of War or Peace were vented to the Commons a debate thereof proceeded in the great Councel to stay it fitter to Popular advice The quarrel of Spain continuing the Duke of Lancaster offered a voyage against them so that the State would lend him money after consultation they granted aid but not to bind them to any continuance of Wars with Spain In the sixth the Parliament was called to consult about defence of the borders the Kings possessions beyond Sea Ireland and Gascoyne his subjects in Portugall and safe keeping of the Seas and whether the King should proceed by Treaty of Alliance or the Duke of Lancaster by force for the Conquest of Portuguall the Lords approve the Dukes intention for Portuguall and the Commons advise that Thomas Bishop of Norwich having the Popes Croiceris should invade France The same year the State was re-assembled to consult whether the King should go in person to rescue Gaunt or send his Army the Commons after two dayes debate crave a conference with the Lords the effect is not entered in the Roll only they bid Sir Thomas Puckering their speaker protest that Counsells for War did aptly belong to the King and his Lords yet since the Commons were commanded to give their advice they humbly wished a voyage Royal by the King if not that the Bishop of Norwich ought with the advantage of the Popes Croiceris be used in that service who accepted the Charge with ill success he further for the Commons prayed that the Kings Unkle should not be spared out of the Realm before some peace be setled with the Scots and that the Lord de la Sparre sent with Propositions from Spain may first be heard The Chancellor in the seventh year in the name of the King willeth the Lords apart and so the Commons to consult whether Peace or War with Scotland or whether to resist or assail the Kings adventure with Spain France or Flanders Their opinion is not entered in the Rolls an omission usual by the Clarks neglect only their Petition is recorded that the Bishop of Norwich may accompt in Parliament the expence of the monies and be punished for his faults in the service he undertook both which are granted At the next Sessions the same year the Commons are willed to advise upon view of Articles of Peace with the French whether War or such a Unity should be accepted They modestly excused themselves as too weak to consult in such weighty affairs But being charged again as they did tender the honour and right of the King they make this answer Quils intendent que ancunes sermâ—s terres que mesme lour Leeige auroit â—it pur cest accord in Guien si serront tenns dobt Roy Francois par homage service mars ne persont uny que lour dit Leeige voiroit assenter trope legierement de temer dicens Francois pertiel service la villa de Callis aultres terres conquises des francoise per lespreneve verroit la comen ense faest fait si autrement lour perroit bien faire giving their opinions rather for Peace than War Peace with France not succeeding the eighth year the body of the State was willed to advise whether the King in his own person or by sending of forces against the French Spain Flanders and Scotland should proceed This King having assembled at Oxon
besides the first and last of Parliament and there was entred some Speeches by him uttered but that of all the rest is most of remark the reporter then present thus tells it This of the Duke of Clarence and the King Tristis disceptatio inter duos tantae humanitatis Germanos nemo arguit contra ducem nisi Rex nemo respondit Regi nisi dux some other testimonies are brought in with which the Lords are satisfied and so Formârunt in eum sententiam damnations by the mouth of the Duke of Buckingham the Steward of England all which was much distasted by the House of Commons The Raigne of Henry the seventh affords us upon the Rolls no one example The journall Bookes are lost except so much as preserves the passages of eight dayes in the twelfth year of his Raigne in which the King was some dayes present at all debates and with his own hand the one and thirtieth day of the Parliament delivered in a bill of Trade then read but had the memorials remained it is no doubt but he would have been as frequent in his Great Councell of Parliament as he was in the Starre-Chamber where by the Register of that Court it appeareth as well in debate of private causes that toucheth neither life nor Member as those of publique care he every year of all his raign was often present Of Henry the eighth memory hath not been curious but if he were not often present peradventure that may be the cause which the learned Recorder Fleetwood in his preface to the Annalls of Edward the fifth Richard the third Henry the seventh and Henry the eighth hath observed in the Statutes made in that Kings dayes for which cause he hath severed their Index from the former And much lay in the will of Wolsey who ever was unwilling to let that King see with his own eyes Edward the sixth in respect of his young years may be vvell excused but that such was his purpose it appears by a memorial of his own hand vvho proportioning the affairs of Councell to several persons reserved those of greatest vveight to his own presence in these vvords These to attend the matters of State that I will sit with them once a week to hear the debating of things of most importance Unfitness by sex in his two succeeding sisters to be so frequent present as their former Ancestors led in the ill occasion of such opinion and practise Most excellent Majesty your most humble servant in discharge of obedience and zeal hath hastned up this abstract vvhich in all humility he offers up unto your gracious pardon Presumption to enter the Closet of your Counsell is far from his modesty and duty vvhat hath been your powerfull Command he hath made his Work vvhat is fit to be done vvith it is only your divine judgment He dares not say Presidents are vvarrants to direct The success is as vvorthy observation as the knowledge of them sometimes have made ill example by extension of Regal power through ill Counsels vvith ill success Some as bad or vvorse vvhen the people have had too much of that and the King too little the danger no less To cut out of either of these patterns to follovv vvere but to be in Love vvith the mischief for the example The clearer I present this to your Highness the nearer I approach the uprightness of your heart the blessed fortune of your happy Subjects Pardon most Sacred Majesty that I offer up unto your admired vvisdome my vveak but dutifull observations out of all the former gathering In Consultations of State and decisions of private plaints it is clear from all times the King not only present to advise and hear but to determine also in Cases Criminal and not of Bloud to bar the King a part vvere to exclude him the Star-chamber as far from reason as example The doubt is then alone in Crimes meer Capital I dare not commend too much the times that lost these patterns either for the Causes or Effects but vvish the one and other never more To proceed by publick Act of Commons Peers and King vvas most usuall Appeals are given by Lavv of Hen. 4. of this in novv debate the vvay I fear as yet obscure as great advice to State is needfull for the manner as for the Justice The example in the cause of the Duke of Suffolke 28 Hen. 6. vvhere the King gave judgement vvas protested against by the Lords That of the Duke of Clarence of Edw. 4. vvhere the Lords and the high Stevvard the Duke of Buckingham gave judgement vvas protested against by Commons in both of these the King vvas sometimes present but vvhich of those may suit these times I dare not guess That of Primo Rich. 2. of Gomeneys and Weston accused by the Commons plaint for Treason vvas tried by the Lords in absence of the King but sentenced by the Lord Scroop Stevvard for the King The Accused vvere of the rank of the Accusers Commons and not Lords Hovv this vvill make a President to judg in causes Capital a Peer of Parliament I cannot tell But if I should conceive a vvay ansvverable as well to Parliament as other Courts if the King and the Lords vvere Tryers and the Commons assenters to the judgment to hear together the Charge and evidence The Lords as doth the Jury in other Courts to vvithdravv to find the Verdict and then the Stevvard for the King to pronounce the Sentence It passeth so by vvay of Act and Course that carrieth vvith it no exception and likely to avoid all curious questions of your Highness presence there If your humble servant hath in this expression of his desire to do you service presumed too far his Comfort is that vvhere zeal of duty hath made the fault benignity of goodness vvill grant the Pardon A DISCOURSE OF THE LAWFULLNES OF COMBATS To be performed in the presence of the KING or the Constable and Marshall of ENGLAND Written by Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet 1609. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A DISCOURSE OF THE LAWFULLNES OF COMBATS To be performed in the presence of the KING c. COMBAT WHere difference could not be determined by legal proof or testimony there was allowed the party his purgation Which was either Canonicall or Legall The first by Oath and called Canonicall because it is Lawfull The other which was either Per aquam candentem ferrum ignitum or Duellum called vulgare because it was brought in by the barbarous people without the pretext of any Law untill the Gothish and Lombard Kings seeing their Subjects more addicted to Martiall Discipline than to Civill Government reduced those trialls to Form and Rule Which Constitutions are now incorporated in the Civill Law From the Northern Nations of which the Saxons and Normans or Northmanni are part it was brought into this Land And although it grew long ago both by the Decrees of
l. a yeare out of all other annual pensions ratably leaving the remain if any to the Pattentees Hen 6. annis 28. 29. 33. resumeth in England all Lands offices liberties and grants from annis primo and the like anno 21. in Ireland So did Edward 4 annis 4. 7. 12. And Henry 7. anno 2. resumed all grants made by Edward 4. or Richard 3. Particular by Lones Or Benevolences Voluntary Or Compulsive First upon Lones voluntary as upon assurance of Bond of the Nobility So was William de la Poole bound for Edward 3. anno 13. in great summes and the. Duke of Glocester anno 20. Henry 6. and the Cardinal pawned Ws silver Vessels for Henry 6. debt Vpon pawn of Jewels Thus did Henry 3. anno 26. to the Archbishop of York and when his own were at gage he took Aurum et Jocalia faeretri sancti Edwardi Confessor and pawned them Edward 1. imployed one Andevar ad jocalia sua impignoranda Edward 2. pawned his Jewels to the Lord Beaumont Edward 3. pawned Magnam Coronam Angliae to Sir John Wessingham for 8. years Richard 2. pawned vasa aurea et diversa jocalia to Sir Robert Knolls Henry 4. Invadiavit tabellam et tresellas suas argenteas de Hispania Henry 5. pawned his great Crown to the rich Bishop of Winchester Henry 6. to the same man then Cardinal pawned many parcels of his Jewels in the 10 12. and 29. of his reign and the like to many others And the late Queen to ease her people did the like with her Jewels in the Tower besides the often morgage of her land Lones voluntary upon Assignments of Customes and Subsidies So did Cardinal Beauford lend 10000. l. to Henry 6. anno 22. upon security of the Customes of London and Southampton the King indenting to turn the course of most trade thither And Henry 6. anno 15. and Edward 4. anno 12. did secure their debts by assignment over of the next Subsidie or aide that shall be granted from the Church or Laity to them being a devise in truth to draw on a supply the sooner from the State Lones voluntary upon the Great Seal or the Privy Seal The Great Seal under which they should have without paying Fee a Patent sealed for repayment of their dues by a day certain The Privy Seal which is of late the most in use and it is worthy of observation to see the willingness of former times in respect of these In the 13. of Henry 4. there is a Roll intituled les nomes de ceux que ont da prester an Roy les somnes escrits The Arch-bishop of Canterbury lent 1000. Marks the Bishop of Lincoln as much the Bishop of Norwich 600. l. the Bishop of London 500. Markes the Bishop of Bath 400 Marks the Lord Privy Seal 200. l. the Clerks of the Chancery 1000. Markes Particular Grants of the Subject by Lone compulsive So were the Merchants of Florence Venice and Luke compelled by an order in Councel 3 Henry 3. because they had by grace et sufferance du Roy graunts priviledges et reportants grand lucre pour le exercise de leur Merchandre en le Angle terre And the persons that refused to lend were committed to the Fleet neither were the English more free in anno 30. Henry 6. divers being enjoyned to attend the Councel-table or else to pay the demanded Lone In the time of Henry 8. anno 14. of his Reign he exacteth by way of Lone ten pounds in the hundred of all goods jewels utensils and land and according to the extreamest rate revealed by Oath of the possessors Notwithstanding there is a Law 2. Richard 2. that none shall be denyed in demand of any Lone his reasonable excuse Particular Grants of the subjects by contribution or Benevolent gifts These were of old usual and free and therefore called Liberalitas populi by Richard 1. and Curialitas by Ed 1. Ed. 3. Henry 4. and Henry 5. confessed to proceed ex spontane voluntate nec de jure vendicare potest Yet did Henry 6. anno 20. in an instruction to Commissioners imployed in procuring a Benevolence say that for so much as by the Law he might compel all his Subjects and at their own charge to attend his yet he was contented to spare such as would but contribute asmuch after his degree and reputation as two days in his personal service would stand him in thereby implying a necessity in them to give to escape a further expence This Law upon which Henry 6 grounded himselfa was by a Statute in Queen Maries time repealed And that since repealed this last year hath made are reviving of the former whereby the King is readmitted into his old advantages and the subject in the former mischief And Henry 8. anno 17. Although he entituleth the benevolence he sought with no other stile then an amicable grant yet he threatened the refusers with convention before his Councel imprisonment and confiscation of Goods THe Kings raise money and improve and revenues of the Crown By power absolute in the Soveraign in disposing 1. Lands 2. Merchandize 3. Regalities 1. Lands as by selling which hath been often the old if they were not of the Antient demeasne-land which our forefathers held impious to alienate from the Crown and those were such Lands as go under the title of Terra Regis in the Book of Domesday and were the Lands of Edward confessor of other Lands I never observed question neither do ever find that Acts of Resumptions ever reached to Lands that were sold for valuable consideration By passing in Fee-farm except places of the Kings Residence Parks spacious Wastes or Forrests all the Lands of the the Crown which remain either in the annexation custody lands or Queens jointure and exceed not yearly 32000. l. These although largely estated out in several natures some for lives some for years will one with the other be advanced to a treble rent which amounting to 96000. l. leaving an annual improvement of 64000. And if the offer be not made restrictive for the new Tenant there is no doubt but his Majesty shall find ready and hearty undertakers amongst the Gentry and Nobility too who have any place of Residence neer any his Majesties Mannors and the Kings security the better since their abilities will settle the Pre-farm rent upon more Land then the purchase If any shall object against this a loss by Fines and Profits of Courts a prejudice in not serving necessity as of late by sales or diminution of Regalities in seisure of so many Royalities It may be answered to the first that the casual profits of Courts never defrayed to the present Officers their fees and expences and this appeareth from a collection made the 44. year of the late Queen where the total issue of such certain charge exceeded the receipt of such chances above 8000. l. To the
but it must value in pecunia quantum in massa And Silver is a Commodity as other Wares and therefore holdeth his estimation as they do according to the goodness And the Lord Treasurer Burleigh in Anno 1561. when the currant of State-Councel affected an abasement of Coine after a grave deliberation advised the Queen from it and never would give way to any such resolution in his time But that benefit which truly the King might more make of Bullion then now he doth is to erect again Cambium Regis his own exchange An office as antient as before Henry 3. and so continued unto the middle of Henry 8. the profit of it being now ingrossed among a few Gold-Smiths and would yield above 10000. l. a year if it were heedfully regarded and then should the King himself keep his Mint in continual work and not stand at the devotion of others to supply Bullion and should never want the materials if two things were observed The one to permit all men bringing in Bullion to trade outward the value thereof in domestick Commodities at an abated Custome The other to abate the mighty indraught of forreign manufactures and unnecessary Wares that the outward trade might over-balance the inward which otherwise will as it hath done draw on this desperate consumption of the Common-Wealth Which anno 27. Edward 3. was otherwise for then the Exitus exceeded the Introitus by far and in the last times of the late Queen as in anno 1573. For at this time the unmeasurable use of luxurious Commodities was brought in as Wines Spices Silk and fine Linnens c. for of the latter sort of above ten groats the Ell there is above 360000. l. yearly spent which is half the value of our cloths transported maketh the State to buy more then they do sell whereas a good Father of a family ought to be vendacem and not emacem Besides the condition of our People is now such that the greater part neither get nor save which in a private house is an apparent argument of ruining and must be no less in a Common-Wealth And it is observed generally that hence the want of Bullioin now is such that there is not money in Specie sufficient to pay the lenders their principal so that usury is paid for money upon supposition and not really If then his Majesty shall be pleased by advise of his Councel to advantage himself any otherwise by coinage it will be safer to do it upon a simple mettal then by any implyant or beater suite which well governed States both modern and antient used For Rome in her increase and greatest pitch of glory had their money aere argento auro puto puro and so have all the Monarchies absolute at this day in Christendome And I believe it may be wrought to his Majesty of good value and to the State of much ease if it may be put in practise with discreet caution and constant resolution for the danger onely may be in the venting of the quantity which may clogge the State with useless money or extension of the example which may work in by degrees an embasement of Bullion The proportion that I would hold beneficial and safe should be in the Mass at first 120000. l. by which his Majesty should gain 10000. clearly the increase annual 12000. l. in which his Majesty should gain 1000. And the limitation that none be enforced to take any but in summes under 20 s. and then but the twentieth part proportionably Against this some may object that it will either not advantage the King so much as it projected either from the difficulty in venting or facility in Counterfeiting or else prejudice the estate with a worthless money The benefit to the King will easily fall out if he restrain Retailers of victual and small Wares from using their own tokens for in and about London there are above 3000. that one with another cost yearly 5. l. apiece of leaden Tokens whereof the tenth remaineth not to them at the years end and when they renew their store which amounteth to above 15000. l. And all the rest of this Realm cannot be inferiour to the City in proportion And the form and figure may with an Engine so subtilly be milled that the charge will prevent all practise of false play For the prejudice since London which is not the 24. part of the People of the Kingdome had in it found above 800000. by a late inquiry by order of the late Queen and so falleth out to be 2 d. a person in the intire state it may nothing either of loss by the first uttering being so easie nor burthen any with too great a Mass at a time since continual use will disperse so small a quantity into so many hands But on the other side will be to the meaner sort except the Retailers that made as much advantage formerly of their own Tokens as the King shall now of necessary use and benefit For the buyers hereafter shall not by tyed to one Seller and his bad Commodities as they are still when his tokens hereafter made currant by authority shall leave him the choise of any other Chapman and to the Poor in this time of small charity it will be of uch relief since men are like to give a farthing Almes that will not part with a greater sum Besides it cannot but prevent much waste of Silver that is by the minting pence and half pence occasioned there will be no cause hereafter to cut any Bullion into proportion so apt for losse what that hath been may be conjectured if we mark but of the great quantities from the peny downward since Henry 8. time stamped how few remain whereas of all the Coines from three pence upward which are manual plenty pass still in dayly payment Regalities mixt As for restitution of the temporalities of Abbots and Bishops For which Henry 7. received great sums Corrodies in Cathedral Churches And having in every Cathedral and Collegiate Church as incident to his Crown a Corradary made money of it at the highest rate he could Vacancy of Bishopricks The benefit at the vacancy of any Bishop some Kings have used to their best advantage making a circular remove of as many as in reputation and profit was inferiour to the place void Concurrent Jurisdiction as the Pope had in former times Besides there are two of no mean commodity The one is grounded upon a concurrent Jurisdiction with every Ordinary in the Diocess which the King by having the power Papall in that point invested in him by Act of Parliament may exercise by his Commission or otherwise remit to the Ordinary for some valuable respect Thus did Cardinal Woolsey with Warham the Arch-bishop and all other the Bishops of the Kingdome after he had got his Legative power And this if it were put in practise would draw to the King 20000. l. in his Coffers Tenths of the Church-Lands now in the Laity The other is
auctoritate Parliamenti A SPEECH Delivered in the Lower House of PARLIAMENT Assembled at OXFORD In the first year of the Reign of KING CHARLES I. By Sir ROBERT COTTON Knight and Barronet LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A SPEECH Delivered in the Lower House of PARLIAMENT Assembled at OXFORD In the first year of the Reign of King CHARLES Mr. SPEAKER ALthough the constant VVisdome of this House of Commons did well and worthily appear in censuring that ill advised Member the last day for trenching so far into their antient Liberties and might encourage each worthy Servant of the publique here to offer freely up his Council and opinion Yet since these VValls cannot conceal from the Ears of captious guilty and revengful men withouâ— the Councel and debates within I will endeavour as my clear mind is free from any personal distaste of any one so to express the honest thoughts of my Heart and discharge the best care of my trust as no person shall justly taxe my innocent and publick mind except his Conscience shall make him guilty of such Crimes as worthily have in Parliament impeached others in elder times I will therefore with asmuch brevity as I can set down how these disorders have by degrees sprung up in our own memories how the Wisdom of the best and wisest Ager did of old redress the like And lastly what modest and dutiful course I would wish to be followed by our selves in this so happy Spring of our hopeful Master For Mr. Speaker we are not to judge but to present The redress is above ad Querimoniam Vulgi Now Mr. Speaker so long as those attended about our late Soveraign Master now with God as had served the late Queen of happy memory debts of the Crown were not so great Commissions and Gâ—ants not so often complained of in Parliaments Trade flourished Pensions not so many though more then in the late Queens time for they exceeded not 18000. l. now near 120000. l. All things of moment were carryed by publick debate at the Council-Table No honour set to sale nor places of Judicature Lawes against Priests and Recusants were executed Resort of Papists to Ambassadors houses barred and punished His Majesty by daily direction to all his Ministers and by his own Pen declaring his dislike of that Profession No wastful expences in fruitless Ambassages nor any transcendent power in any one Minister For matters of State the Council-Table held up the fit and antient dignity So long as my Lord of Somerset stood in state of grace and had by his Majesty's favour the trust of the Signet Seale he oft would glory justly there passed neither to himself or his Friends any long Grants of his Highness Lands or Pensions For that which himself had he paid 20000. l. towards the Marriage-Portion of the King's Daughter His care was to pass no Monopoly or illegal Grant and that some Members of this House can witness by his charge unto them No giving way to the sale of Honours as a breach upon the Nobility for such were his own words refusing Sir John Roper's Office then tendred to procure him to be made a Baron The match with Spain then offered and with condition to require no further toleration in Religion then Ambassadours here are allowed discovering the double dealing and the dangers he disswaded his Majesty from and left him so far in distrust of the Faith of that King and his great Instrument Gondomar then here residing that his Majesty did term him long time after a Jugling Jack Thus stood th' effect of his power with his Majesty when the Clouds of his misfortune fell upon him VVhat the future advices led in we may well remember The marriage with Spain was again renewed Gondomar declared an honest man Poperie heartened by admission of those unsure before conditions of Conveniencie The forces of his Majestie in the Palatinate withdrawn upon Spanish faith improved here and beleived by which his Highness Children have lost their Patrimony and more money been spent in fruitless Ambassages then would have maintained an Army fit to have recovered that Countrey Our old and fast Allies disheartened by that tedious and dangerous Treaty And the King our now Master exposed to so great a peril as no wise and faithful Councel would ever have advised Errors in Government more in misfortune by weak Councels then in Princes The loss of the County of Poyntiffe in France was laid to Bishop Wickham's charge in the first of Richard the 2. for perswading the King to forbear sending aid when it was required a Capital crime in Parliament The loss of the Dutchie of Maine was laid to Dela Poole Duke of Suffolk 28. Henry 6. in single and unwisely treating of a Marriage in France A Spanish Treaty lost the Palatinate VVhose Councel hath pronounced so great power to the Spanish Agent as never before to effect freedome to so many Priests as have been of late and to become a Sollicitor almost in every Tribunal or the ill-affected Subjects of the State is worth the enquiry VVhat Grants of Impositions before crossed have lately been complained of in Parliaments As that of Ale-houses Gold-Thred Pretermitted Customes and many more the least of which would have 50. Edward 3. adjudged in Parliament an heinous crime aswel as those of Lyons and Latymer The Duke of Suffolk in Henry 6. time in procuring such another Grant in derogation of the Common Law was adjudged in Parliament The gift of Honours kept as the most sacred Treasure of the State now set to saile Parliaments have been Suitors to the King to bestow those Graces as in the time of Edward 3. Henry 4. and Henry 6. More now led in by that way onely then all the merits of the best deservers huve got these last 500. years So tender was the care of elder times that it is an Article 28. Henry 6. in Parliament against the Duke of Suffolk that he had procured for himself and some few others such Titles of Honour and those so irregular that he was the first that ever was Earl Marquess and Duke of the self same place Edward the first restrained the number in pollicie that would have challenged a Writ by Tenure and how this proportion may suit with profit of the State we cannot tell Great deserts have now no other recompence then costly Rewards from the King For we now are at a vile Price of that which was once inestimable If worthy Persons have been advanced freely to places of greatest trust I shall be glad Spencer was condemned in the 15. of Edward 3. for displacing good Servants about the King and putting in his Friends and followers not leaving either in the Church or Common-Wealth a place to any before a Fine was paid unto him for his dependance The like in part was laid by Parliament on De la Poole It cannot but be a sad hearing unto us all what my Lord Treasurer the last day told us of his Majesties