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A02495 The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.; Principall navigations, voiages, and discoveries of the English nation. 1599 (1599) STC 12626A; ESTC S106753 3,713,189 2,072

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will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good in●ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be no● of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whō he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in Africā traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris descēsione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
that morning and euening prayer with other common seruices appointed by the kings Maiestie and lawes of this Realme to be read and saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall and the marchant or some other person learned in other ships and the Bible or paraphrases to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly 14 Item that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the particulars of his charge and to render a perfect accompt of the diffraying of the same together with modest temperate dispending of powder shot and vse of all kinde of artillery which is not to be misused but diligently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the fleete and voyage together with due keeping of all instruments of your Nauigation and other requisites 15 Item no liquor to be spilt on the balast nor filthines to be left within boord the cook room and all other places to be kept cleane for the better health of the companie the gromals pages to bee brought vp according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea as well in learning of Nauigation as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth 16 Item the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by the marchants and not to be worne but by the order of the captaine when he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray for the aduancement and honour of the voyage and the liueries to bee redeliuered to the keeping of the marchants vntill it shal be thought conuenient for euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment 17 Item when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body and conseruation of his health the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant at the assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe wherein such needie person shall be at such reasonable price as the same cost without any gaine to be exacted by the marchants the value therof to be entred by the marchant in his booke and the same to be discounted off the parties wages that so shal receiue and weare the same 18 Item the sicke diseased weake and visited person within boord to be tendred relieued comforted and holpen in the time of his infirmitie and euery maner of person without respect to beare anothers burden and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him for the most benefite and publike wealth of the voyage and enterprise to be atchieued exactly 19 Item if any person shal fortune to die or miscary in the voyage such apparell and other goods as he shall haue at the time of his death is to be kept by the order of the captaine and Master of the shippe and an inuentorie to be made of it and conserued to the vse of his wife and children or otherwise according to his mind and wil and the day of his death to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards bookes to the intent it may be knowen what wages he shall haue deserued to his death and what shall rest due to him 20 Item that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes or open their commodities to any forrein princes or any of their subiects without the consent priuitie or agreement of the Captaines the cape Marchants and the assistants or foure of them whereof the captaine generall the Pilot Maior and cape marchant to be three and euery of the pettie marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant when they or any of them shall be required and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie marchants without the assent abouesaid and all wares and commodities trucked bought or giuen to the companie by way of marchandise trucke or any other respect to be booked by the marchants and to be wel ordred packed and conse●●ed in one masse entirely and not to be broken or altered vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges and inuentorie of al goods wares and marchandises so trucked bought or otherwise dispended to be presented to the Gouernor Consuls and Assistants in London in good order to the intent the Kings Maiestie may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited according to our most bound dueties and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto them appertaineth and no embezelment shall be vsed but the truth of the whole voyage to bée opened to the common wealth and benefite of the whole companie and mysterie as appertaineth without guilt fraude or male engine 21 Item no particular person to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke of the company in sale of preferment of his own proper wares and things and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seuerall profite vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furnished and no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents as shal fortune to any one of them by his owne proper policie industrie or chance nor no contention to rise in that behalfe by any occasion of iewel stone pearles precious mettals or other things of the region where it shall chance the same to rise or to be found bought trucked permuted or giuen but euery person to be bounden in such case and vpon such occasion by order and direction● as the generall captaine and the Councell shall establish and determine to whose order and discretion the same is left for that of things vncertaine no certaine rules may or can be giu●n 22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion but to passe it ouer in silence without any declaration of it seeming to beare with such lawes and rites as the place hath where you shall arriue 23 Item for as much as our people and shippes may appeare vnto them strange and wonderous and theirs also to ours it is to be considered how they may be vsed learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord your ships and there to learne as you may without violence or force and no woman to be tempted or intreated to incontinencie or dishonestie 24 Item the person so taken to be well entertained vsed and apparelled to be set on land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shal know the secrets of his heart 25 Item our people may not passe further into a lande then that they may be able to recouer their pinnesses or ships not to credit the faire words of the strange people which be many times tried
of the said Companie the summe of 23553. markes of debt made by certaine of their factors for the said company for paiment whereof their whole stocke was in danger of arrest by publike authoritie Further also 2140. rubbles for custome and houserent he obtained a rebatement of eighteene thousand one hundred fiftie and three marks of the sayd debt The said Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher as I vnderstand hath drawen a booke intituled Of the Russe Common wealth containing First a Cosmographicall description of the countrey which hath these chapters 1 Of the length and bredth of the countrey of Russia with the names of the shires 2 Of the soile and climate 3 Of the natiue commodities of the countrey Secondly a description of their policie contained in these Chapters viz. 1 Of the constitution or state of the Russe Common wealth 2 Of their Parliaments and maner of holding them 3 Of the Russe Nobilitie and meanes whereby it is kept in an vnder proportion agreeable to that state 4 Of the maner of gouerning their prouinces or shires 5 Of the Emperours priuie counsell 6 Of the Emperors customs their reuenues with the practises for the increase of them 7 Of the Russe communaltie and their condition 8 Of their publike iustice and maner of proceeding therein 9 Of the Emperors forces for his warres with the chiefe officers and their salarie or pay● 10 Of their maner of mustering armour and prouision for victuall 11 Of their ordering ma●ching charging and their martiall discipline 12 Of their colonies and policie in maintaining their purchases by conquest 13 Of their borderers with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace 14 Of their church offices and degrees 15 Of their liturgie or forme of Church seruice 16 Of their maner of administring the Sacraments 17 Of the doctrine of the Russe church 18 Of the maner of solemnizing their mariages 19 Of the other ceremonies of the Russe church Thirdly the Oeconomie or priuate behauiour of the Russe containing these chapters 1 Of the Emperors houshold officers and order of his house 2 Of the priuate behauiour and maner of the Russe people The description of the countrey of Russia with the bredth length and names of the Shires THe countrey of Russia was somtimes called Sarmatia It changed the name as some do suppose for that it was parted into diuers smal and yet absolute gouernments not depending nor being subiect the one to the other For Russe in that tongue doeth signifie as much as to part or deuide The Russe reporteth that foure brethren Trubor Rurico Sinees and Variuus deuided among them the North parts of the country Likewise that the South parts were possessed by 4. other Kio Scieko Choranus and their sister Libeda each calling his territorie after his own name Of this partition it was called Russia about the yere from Christ 860. As for the coniecture which I find in some Cosmographers that the Russe nation borowed the name of the people called Roxellani were the very same nation with them it is without all good probabilitie both in respect of the etymologie of the word which is very far fet and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people which was betwixt the two riuers of Tanais and Boristhenes as Strabo reporteth quite another way from the countrey of Russia When it bare the name of Sarmatia it was deuided into two chiefe parts the White and the Black The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towards the North on the side of Liefland as the prouinces now called Dwina Vagha Vstiug Vologda Cargapolia Nouogrodia c whereof Nouogrod velica was the Metropolite or chiefe citie Black Sarmatia was al that countrey that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea as the dukedome of Volodemer of Mosco Rezan c. Some haue thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken frō one Sarmates whom Moses Iosephus cal Asarmathes sonne to Ioktan nephew to Heber of the posteritie of Sem. But this seemeth to be nothing but a coniecture takē out of the likenes of the name Asarmathes For the dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses to haue bene betwixt Mescha or Masius an hil of the Ammonites Sephace nere to the riuer Euphrates which maketh it very vnlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so far off in y e North northwest countries It is bounded northward by the Lappes the North Ocean On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes Eastward they haue the Nagaian Tartar that possesseth all the countrey on the East side of Volga towards the Caspian sea On the West and Southwest border lieth Lituania Liuonia and Polonia The whole Countrey being nowe reduced vnder the gouernment of one conteineth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires Volodemer which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile because their house came of the Dukes of that Countrey Mosco Nisnouogrod Plesko Smolensko Nouogrod velica or Nouogrod of the low Countrey Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozera Rezan Duyna Cargapolia Meschora Vagha Vstuga Ghaletsa These are the naturall shires perteyning to Russia but farre greater and larger then the shires of England though not so well peopled The other Countreys or prouinces which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforce added of late to their other dominion are these which followe Twerra Youghoria Permia Vadska Boulghoria Chernigo Oudoria Obdoria Condora with a great part of Siberia where the people though they be not naturall Russes yet obey the Emperour of Russia and are ruled by the Lawes of his Countrey paying customes and taxes as his owne people doe Besides these he hath vnder him the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan gotten by conquest not long since As for all his possession in Lituania to the number of 30. great Townes and more with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia they are quite gone being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and Sweden These Shires and Prouinces are reduced all into foure Iurisdictions which they call Chetfyrds that is Tetrarchies or Fourth parts The whole Countrey is of great length and breadth From the North to the South if you measure from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward it reacheth in length about 4260. verst or miles Notwithstanding the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie Northward farre beyond Cola vnto the Riuer of Tromschua that runneth a hundred verst welnigh beyond Pechinga neere to Wardhouse but not intire nor clearely limited by reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmarke that haue diuers Townes there aswell as the Russe plotted together the one with the other euery one of them clayming the whole of those North parts as his owne right The breadth if you go from that part of his territorie that lyeth farthest Westward on the Narue side to the parts of Siberia Eastward where the Emperour hath his garrisons is 4400. verst or thereabouts A verst by their reckoning is a 1000.
disturbance of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the entercourse And whereas most louing and dearest brother one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of merchandises which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles and so much should haue beene payed by h●● as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magistrates of iustice by very credible information and testimony and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 pounds which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England and to be sent ouer with this bearer of which summes he hath often promised payment it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods merchandise and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull whereof your Maiesties councell shal be informed by the Agent of our merchants We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant being a thing granted and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order We therfore intreat your Maiesty that as conueniently as may be satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained And lastly our most deare and louing brother as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amitie descending vpon vs as an inheritance in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise in not accōplishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High From our royall Palace of Whitehall the 14 of Ianuary anno Domini 1591. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defendour of the faith c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan our most deare and louing cousin greeting Right honourable it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our affaires into Russia wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Mess●nger as to our princely letters sent by him both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and graue Counsellour we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readinesse in that behalfe and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull We haue bene also from time to time made acquainted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants And lastly which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection towards vs that your Lordship hath vouchsafed and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our sayd Merchants and the hea●ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer which shall concerne them or their trade All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants as to other of our subiects by one William Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to iustice and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe concerne the same we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley treasurour of our Realme of England that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such ●●p●●it●on as the cause may require And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord the Lord Boris Pheodorowich Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and
that way that they were now in a newe maze thinking that God had forsaken them and left them to a greater danger And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the gally it might haue beene a cause to them if they had beene the Israelites to haue murmured against their God but they knew how that their God who had deliuered them out of AEgypt was such a louing and mercifull God as that hee would not suffer them to be conformded in whom he had wrought so great a wonder but what calamitie soeuer they sustained they knew it was but for their further triall and also in putting them in mind of their farther miserie to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselues therefore Hauing I say no victuals in the gally it might seeme that one miserie continually fel vpon an others neck but to be briefe the famine grew to be so great that in 28 dayes wherein they were on the sea there died eight persons to the astonishment of all the rest So it fell out that vpon the 29 day after they set from Alexandria they fell on the Isle of Candie and landed at Gallipoli where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there who caused them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased They kept there the sworde wherewith Iohn Fox had killed the keeper esteeming it as a most precious iewell and hung it vp for a monument When they thought good hauing leaue to depart from thence they sayled along the coast till they arriued at Tarento where they solde their gallie and deuided it euery man hauing a part thereof The Turkes receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand pursued the Christians and scoured the seas where they could imagine that they had bent their course And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night as it was certified by those who followed Fox and his companie fearing least they should haue bene met with And then they came a foote to Naples where they departed a sunder euery man taking him to his next way home From whence Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome where he was well entertayned of an Englishman who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope who rewarded him liberally and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine where he was very well entertained of him there who for this his most worthy enterprise gaue him in fee twentie pence a day From whence being desirous to come into his owne countrie he came thither at such time as he conueniently could which was in the yeere of our Lorde God 1579. Who being come into England went vnto the Court and shewed all his trauell vnto the Councell who considering of the state of this man in that hee had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage extended to him their liberalitie to helpe to maintaine him now in age to their right honour and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox and his companie made by the Prior and the brethren of Gallipoli where they first landed VVE the Prior and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates of the city of Gallipoli of the order of Preachers doe testifie that vpon the 29 of Ianuary last past 1577 there came in to the said citie a certaine gally from Alexandria taken from the Turkes with two hundreth fiftie and eight Christians whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox an Englishman a gunner and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke whereby so many Christians haue recouered their liberties In token and remembrance whereof vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox he hath left here an olde sworde wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison which sword we doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede hang vp in the chiefe place of our Couent house And for because all things aforesaid are such as we will testifie to be true as they are orderly passed and haue therefore good credite that so much as is aboue expressed is true and for the more faith thereof we the Prior and Fathers aforesaide haue ratified and subscribed these presents Geuen in Gallipoly the third of Februarie 1577. I Frier Vincent Barba Prior of the same place confirme the premisses as they are aboue written I Frier Albert Damaro of Gallipoly Subprior confirme as much I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly confirme as aforesaid I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly confirme as aboue said I Frier Francis of Gallipoly confirme as much The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox BE it knowen vnto all men to whom this writing shall come that the bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman a Gunner after he had serued captiue in the Turkes gallies by the space of foureteene yeeres at length thorough God his helpe taking good oportunitie the third of Ianuarie last past slew the keeper of the prison whom he first stroke on the face together with foure and twentie other Turkes by the assistance of his fellow prisoners and with 266. Christians of whose libertie he was the author launched from Alexandria and from thence arriued first at Gallipoly in Candie and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia the written testimony and credite of which things as also of others the same Iohn Fox hath in publike tables from Naples Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome and is now determined to take his iourney to the Spanish Court hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his liuing wherefore the poore distressed man humbly beseecheth and we in his behalfe do in the bowels of Christ desire you that taking compassion of his former captiuitie and present penurie you doe not onely suffer him freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes but also succour him with your charitable almes the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receiue which we hope you will afford to him whom with tender affection of pitie wee commende vnto you At Rome the 20 of Aprill 1577. Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen Richard Silleum Prior Angliae Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope which for the greater credit of the premises haue set my seale to these presents At Rome the day and yeere aboue written Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in the citie The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant for the placing of Iohn Fox in the office of a Gunner TO the illustrious Prince Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna our Lieutenant and Captaine Generall of our Realme of Valentia Hauing consideration that Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs and was one of the most principall which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie which they haue brought to Tarento wherein were two hundred fiftie and eight Christian captiues we licence him to practise and giue him