he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
acquaint you that when we mention Trade we mean not every particular kind of negotiation wherein the several sorts of Artificers and Shop-keepers are imployed to speak of which would be both an endless an a bootless work Herein perhaps some might fare better with the French the Mercers and Tailers especially for the à la mode Monsieurs when they have money affect to change their fashion as often as the Moon doth her face and to wear as many ribbands on their breeches as ordinary Pedlers bear on their backs as if all the fortunes of France hung at their ends and all their own happiness followed their heels And happily Butchers and Cooks would fare better with the English for a piece of good Beef or a Shoulder of Mutton And we might instance in many others with merriment but we have no mind to be pleasant upon so serious a Subject In short therefore we mean Maritime Trade as our Adversaries do this being the great Diana of the Netherlands which brings them in their Silver Shrines 1. Then we shall lay down this as a fundamental and undoubted Maxim which all I think will take for granted that trade by Sea is the great secular interest of these Provinces the Maritime especially by which they most flourish and without which they cannot subsist Let Amsterdam and the other Cities be as rich or richer then they are imagined yet will they in a few years if their Trade be obstructed become as poor as their Neighbours at Gant or Antwerp For who will build at such excessive charges where the foundation sometimes is half to the superstructure or pay such rents for their habitation and live in such expensive places if there be not freedom of Trade But those that can will remove some hither and some thither as their interest and affection shall incline them Essay or Sermo fidelis 19. rather then spend their Capitalls here If ever Merchants were or are in any place of the world the vena porta as Bacon stiles them of any publick body it is certainly the Belgick If they fraight not their Ships whereby the Marriners may be imployed if they furnish not the Tradesmen shops whereby they may follow their Vocations if they lade not the poor mens backs whereby their Families may fill their bellies finally if they distribute not their Merchandise through the various Seas and Rivers of the Vniverse we may linger a while but it is as impossible we should live long as for a body deprived of food whose parts languish for want of nourishment which should be brought them in the veins by the bloods regular circulation 2. Merchandise being our chief concernment it will necessarily follow that that Nation that can most obstruct the same can do us most injury Now that England can do this more than France or any other whatsoever I think none will deny if any do there is enough said hereafter that will make it sufficiently apparent 3. Of all our neighbouring Nations England being most potent by Sea and France by Land it will clearly follow that a Peace with these two above all others is our great concernment With the former for getting and with the latter for keeping and enjoying our Estates But if we cannot have this from them both which of them is to be preferred comes next in consideration 4. This Common-wealth consisting of Maritime and Inland Provinces the former being by far the most considerable the friendship of England is more to be valued than that of France And this the wisest men that this Republick ever had formerly never doubted of Prince William the First founder of this Common-wealth laid down these three principal maximes of State which were approved by all as sound and rational beyond contradiction 1. To do justice to Strangers For great Nations may be upheld by Power but small Territories must be maintained by Justice 2. To hold a fair correspondence with France For Spain being then the grand Monarchy of Europe and our dreadful enemy the assistance of France was greatly necessary for our supportation 3. To preserve an inviolable Peace with England In regard that this is absolutely requisite for our freedom of Commerceby Sea and the English were our friends in affection as well as Interest whereas the French only upon the latter account For the greatest obstacle that stood in the way of France's greatness was the Spanish power in these Netherlands which being once broke down they well knew they could dilate their Empire at their pleasure as we see it now to our sorrow It is true of later times the Lovesteiners to free themselves from the Headship of the Orange family which sought as they imagined either an absoluteness or at least to infringe the liberty of the Common-wealth have been rather inclined to France and England but they were not so blinded with passion but that having a Peace with Spain and being sensible of France's prevalency and raising their Fortunes upon the Spanish ruines it was their Interest to comply with England rather than France Which plainly appears in that no sooner was those unhappy differences between us and England composed at Breda but immediately the Tripple Alliance was designed and concluded upon by that great States-man de Witt the Head of their party and Sr. William Temple on purpose to put boundaries to the boundless ambition of the French Nation 5. To the reason of State already mentioned together with the judgment of our greatest Politicians both in former and later times let me add that Terrestrial war hath always been accounted more eligible than a Naval yea by some our absolute interest as the Duke of Rhoan observes In so much that Zeeland never to this day consented unto l' Intrest des Prine Est discour 6. but absolutely protested against these Provinces making Peace with Spain And here it is observable how our Adversaries prevaricate in granting this Assertion and yet preferring France I foresee their evasion of conceding a Land-war with a lesser Potentate denying it with France But this is both easily obviated and outed for as I am well assured that if England had not assaulted us by Sea France had never done it by Land so I have reason to believe that if he had we should have found him sufficient work If we had the Sea free for our inferior Provinces the charges of a Land-war for the superior were easily borne And we should not want men enow for our money to fight for them with France or any other whatsoever so long as we should think them worth the fighting for Nor let any wonder that I insert such a conditional for I shall afterwards make it appear how the Common-wealth may be well secured though these Provinces should be let go or lost And as for the inferior they are so situated in the water and thereby so inaccessible that we need not fear what all the force of France can do if we be resolved to
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare