both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios who resided near them and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo who had alwaies continued in Piedmont or thereabouts endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace then the rest because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed nor indeed regarded but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissentions and who in consideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies and upon whom the House of Austria had designed as well as upon the rest of Italy as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Roman Empire and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover through the whole extent of it Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year as to the best qualified and most just Arbitrator of Christendom whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace whereupon the Mareschal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment worthy of their abilities to meet at Suze a Town near Quâ—rasque where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies to confer of some convenient means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testifie by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the â—eâ—ling of Peace between Christian Princes The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperour came shortly after with full power from his Master whom the progress of the King of Swede made impatient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty to return into Germany whereby to give a check to his proceedings not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go directly thither without the Mareschal de Thoyras who was not as yet come though he arrived shortly after to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace then courage in War when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it The President de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference and Guichardus Chancelour of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua though he had given an absolute power to his Majesties Ambassadors to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit Cavacâ—ia was sent thither by the Common-wealth of Venice but it was only to reside near his Majesties Ambassadors whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done for they assisted not at the Conference no more then the Comte de la Rocque extraordinary Ambassadour of Spain for he had no power as we have already declared and came thither only to hinder the accomodation These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this important Treaty amongst which I may safely say that those of his most Christian Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque and Galas that the French Nation are no less prudent in counsel then couragious in arms that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans yet they have no less Flegm to debate such Propositions as were made to them the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary their solidity sustained the assaults of others their prudence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprize them and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas and the Comte de la Rocque whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason They came last to Querasque and at all meetings stayed till the last to let the world see they were not in haste and that they desired no an end of the Treaty but by the way of Honour and for their Master's advantage They well knew that the Emperor's the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough by reasoâ— of the ill condition of their Masters affairs and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage Qualities necessary for an Embassadour PRinces though they are great yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs in their own persons Necessity compels them to imploy some of their Officers and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with strangers Prudence forbids them so to do they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with but also committing their authority to the contests which happen at all conferences and what is most considerable is that they have more liberty treating by their Embassadours to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them without being obliged to declare their reasons Withall they have more time to weigh their resolutions either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel then when they are in publick Assemblies they may likewise judge with more judgement because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party which their Embassadours present at the Treaty cannot but successively discover although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation Treaties of Peace are the more important seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States the life of the Laws Order and Policy and the plenty of all Prosperity so that able persons ought to be employed in them The necessary qualities which he who is imployed on such occasions ought to have cannot be laid down in few words I shall content my self to name some few which are the chiefest and to say that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates as also of his Masters interests of theirs with whom he treats and of their Allies for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal Next to this chief quality prudence ought to be as his eyes to inform him what to resolve and what to evade to fore-see the consequences of those propositions which are made to countermine them who indeavour to blow him up to know how to chuse means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth and to wave those reasons which are prest upon him This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain stayednesse which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution he ought to be more phlegmâ—tick then cholerick to check his hasty design of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs He ought let others wrangle without being moved from what he
Assembly very remarkable of the three States in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers render an accompt and to intrust the disposal of the Publick Money into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men who it was hoped would manage them with more Fidelity In fine a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby and they had joyned to them for Counsel four Bishops and four Knights Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France was then clapt up in Prison and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines The Affairs of the Valtoline AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline but that I may write it with more perspicuity I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair and to observe to you that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps not unlike a great Ditch separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons and those which are on the Coast of Italy It is not of very large extent not being above twenty leagues in length and one in breadth but is very fertile and of great importance serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians to bring Forces out of Germany into Italy as well to defend as to increase their States The Venetians were not ignorant of it when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it to have free passage through it as their occasions should require though France had the onely Power to dispose of it according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th and renewed by Henry the Great Anno 1602. during the time of his own life the life of the present King and eight years after his decease Which Alliance with them gives great offence to the Spaniards which caused them to make another League with the Grisons to whom the same Passages were assured for the safeguard of Milan However after a long Treaty made in the year 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey and that of France re-setled it is true it was not for any long time because the Venetians having been at variance with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand and the house of Austria sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons who contracted another league with them which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them that of Plauta for the Spaniards and that of Deslia for the Venetians which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day The difference was such that from the year 1617 to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them in which sometimes one party sometimes another had the better of it At last the Valtolines annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions which the Protestant Grisons used over them and otherwhiles pretending that they would abolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them they made a general revolt and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan massacred all the Protestants they met with In July 1620 the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cruell act whereas they to secure themselves from the revenge which they expected had recourse to the Governour of Milan who glad at heart to make an advantage in this occasion was not backward in sending them souldiers and building them Forts in their Valley The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession could not succour the Grisons with his Armies but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain to require and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored and all things re-placed into their former state and condition The Marshal took extraordinary paines to procure it and at last obtained it and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there and with a Proviso that the Cantons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty procured the Catholique Cantons by their mony to deny their consents which one thing being deficient they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty and moreover made one at Milan with the Deputies of the Grisons and two others with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold by which they got great advantages in those Countries and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous as also the Princes of Italy and Germany which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Austria and having made their complaints to his Majesty his Majesty who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice in February 1623 for the executing the Treaty at Madrid and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline This League made the King of Spain suspect that they began to smel the Usurpation which he had made so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to preserve it â—he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Milan had built in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands and those of the Holy Seat to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty which should be made to end all those differences The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep However his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope consented to it upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months during which time the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair there were divers Proposals made France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline or for security of all such as made profession thereof But they would never agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages with so much peremptoriness During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed and Vrban the eighth being set in his place after his first entrance upon the Popedom proposed new Articles of Accommodation which comprised as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques which were readily accepted
and in Italy were onely to make sure of the out-skirts that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France That he would not enter into any further proof of it seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters then to stay untill they entred upon theirs That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them every one keeping himself upon the defensive posture but that when any thing should be attempted on them the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands that they are not really so potent but onely because they dare affault the whole World and that they have the Courage to fall on others because none fall on them Which was too evident to be doubted That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did excite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory representing to him the lives of Cyrus Hannibal Alexander Caesar and divers illustrious Roman Captains who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies That there was onely this wanâ—ing to add to his Majesties glory whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours Their Artifices were so great that nothing more could be wished for onely that he would imbrace the design He alledged that England would Potently assist it That Flanders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak would gladly be delivered out of it and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica with what he would pay his Army answered with the Army it self for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe the Ayr the Earth the Fire and all the Goods of those who inhabited it should be common to them and in the progress of that affair he made it evident that he was not mistaken for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy he never received any Supplies from Affrica The most part of these reasons were so true and the rest so specious that the King must needs have wanted Courage had he not been perswaded with them and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessity for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition as also in relation thereunto that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline by stopping the progress of his proceedings But on the other side his Majesty was not ignorant that those enterprizes which he had already commenced were very great considering in what condition France then was and that it would be difficult to undertake any more untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obedience were totally ruined That withall it were absolutely needfull before any thing could be attempted on Flanders to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria in Germany and to secure the Passages by which releef might be sent to them so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them but the King desired the State to be assured that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance as also that when a fit opportunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage he would most certainly ingage in it for that his own glory and their good way interessed in it Politique Observation IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution which leadeth him to make War if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the taking of advantages upon his enemies It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms and to make Leagues or to break Peace Before a design be attempted it should first be known whether it be sure profitable and honourable and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it and whether he runs any part of the danger and above all it would be known and that exactly too of what force the enemy is what succour he doth expect the diversions which he hath in other places the advantages which he may have in Combats by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army and in short all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs A War never ought to be begun but with Prudence that it may be ended with advantage A resolution ought not to be taken but on the present State of Affairs ballancing Reason with hope comparing the present with past and never proposing those things for easie which are seen but by halves otherwise the successe will demonstrate that it was began with too much heat and too little Prudence The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth of the Family of the Caraâ—fi for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage Hannibal was much to be commended as T. Livy saith that in all his Conduct he was acquainted with his enemies intentions as well as with his own That Prince who ingageth himself in a War without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself certainly it must be when a Proposal is made to him grounded on a League for that offensive Leagues do not alwaies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it If the enterprize will be of long continuance then onely the different Interests of several United Princes will force them to break off Besides Time alteration of Affairs and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted do commonly work some change In short the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies and then every one retires
refuse them but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty and that he would assist them with his Arms against any that should pretend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice They received this Declaration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin but that was not the onely difficulty in the execution of the Treaty The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines did presse his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage they that they ought to be established in the right of Soveraignty over the Valtoline The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year 1617 excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty to wit the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thousand crowns The other were animated by the Spaniards that they ought absolurely to be exempted from the Soveraignty of the Valtolines without being obliged to any other duty then the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns who should freely declare their sence of it His Majesty had oftentimes by his Embassadours requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law that they might make a Declaration together for the quiet of that people but the Spaniard who onely sought advantage from their division delayed the Embassadour so long that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty which implied that not onely the Treaties made at Lindaw Coire and Milan should be void and of no effect but withall that conformably to the second Article the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in in the year 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Soveraignty which they that year had over the Valtolines and the said Comtes and that consequently it belonged to them alone and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace Alliances War to coin monies to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Countries to imposeTaxes Contributions and the like and that the Valtolines could onely pretend to the Justice and Civil government which for quietnesse sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties to the end they might live in Peace but with order however not to deliver it untill both parties had agreed to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it as also not to discover it to one or other if he imagined both of them would make any difficulty to receive it that he might not put his royal authority into their hands This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinals Prudence who knew that a Kings authority ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined perswaded his Majesty to commit the execution of it to his Embassadours discretion The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs which the Spaniards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him did not propose it in publick to have their common approbation of it onely gave his Majesty notice of what he had done who approved of it and left the deciding of those differences untill such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause Politique Observation PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers and that thereupon it is necessary to commit many things to the Embassadours who are with them in the behalf of his Master and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him It is a commendable discrecion to be perswaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself whereas they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption upon their own parts do usually commit their Masters authority to the inconsideratenesse and inconstancy of neighbours expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders and in fine leave them without effect For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they imployed were it in Peace or War Caesar upon his resolution for an expedition into England gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus to look after France in his absence but he gave him no particular Orders onely to act as the necessity of affairs did require Tiberius one of the wisest of the Roman Emperours did the like as Tacitus reports when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary for the reducing of some revolted Legions unto obedience giving him no other order for his Conduct but that which himself should think proper to be done when he was upon the place He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custome who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they imployed a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the publick concerns of the State and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise they were never wanting for the most part but to confesse that it was not possible for them being at a distance to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres and had resolved to pursue them through the Forrest Simine to invade Tuscany the Senate mis-informed of what he might do sent two Senators to him to disswade him from the attempt but before the Senators had come to him they found he had already passed the Forrest and obtained the Victory which he sought for at which they were much astonished This serves at least to shew that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are imployed especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences and that he who doth otherwise
Imperial Commissary entred in their place Politique Observation IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law The â—ord of Hosts seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them as he himself thinks fit he gives them Peace or War and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms to teach them that it is his gift and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it His Providence guides things to their ends by means which to appearance are contrary to it But his Power is always Master and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder the Clouds cleft asunder the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed the Ayr cleered and in a while all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice who over-ruleth Hosts to make the force of his power to appear just when Battels are joyning to cover the earth with dead Bodies to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries and then to allay their rage to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands to fill their souls with gentleness and in a word to give a happy Peace After such an affair seeing all things fall out contrary to our expectations may not one conclude that God laughs at our Designs and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs The re-victualling of Cazal AFter all this the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to had much ado to march out of Montferrat and they did not only delay the time by pretending that their Ammunitions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal which the French when they retired had left This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal under the Mareschal de Marillac and accordingly it was effected The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat at which the Commissary could find no exceptions it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this that the Generals having divided the Army in two parts one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them They ranged themselves into Battalia and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt into Cazal and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat c. Thus the War ceased for that year though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on Politique Observation JT were great rashness in a General after a Victory or the taking in of any Place so to despise his Enemy as to let his Forces be in disorder or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost The Anger which an Enemy is possessed with after he is either beaten or forced from his Siege should induce him still to be ready for a fight his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches they should be so look'd after that they do not enter in at another part they should never be thought to have left a Country so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd or the Gate of a Town which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty ought to be left unregarded Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed there ought to be a strict watch kept seeing a broken Army doth often rally and rush in upon the Conquerors and do them so much the greater mischief by their not being prepared to make defence The King of Swede enters into Germanie WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest several Princes of Germany and amongst the rest the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg the Marquis of Brandenburgh and divers Common-wealths oppressed by the House of Austria imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence called him in to their assistance They sent sundry Deputies to him to engage him with all earnestness to assist them whom they found so much the more enclined to it in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with him for he had caused his Letters to be broken open his Characters deciphered and interpreted imprisoned his Subjects trading upon the Baltique Sea after he had taken away their Merchandises prohibited the Commerce though it were a natural right and free to all the World had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia to fight against the Swedish Army to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States so that some of them were even brought to Beggery without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage not able to suffer such injuries and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army About July he came before the Island of Rugen which he made himself Master of in a few days notwithstanding those great oppositions which he met with thence he went to Stralzund a Hans Town seated upon the Baltique Sea in the Dutchy of Pomerania which he had taken into his protection in the year 1628 and there he landed The Imperialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility though they were constrained to raise the Siege after the losse of above twenty thousand men but they quickly drew off for altogether not thinking it possible to resist him in a field who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen Politique
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ— by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâ—urper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâ—ance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ—'d by a Tyâ—anical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it was enough to render it suspected that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy connot be but with design to advantage himself that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies in Germany in Italy in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security did not a little incline him thereunto He further represented to them how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling and made it easie to be concluded that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition would be the more prejudicial to them he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded neither was he backward to represent unto them that admitting these his reasons should be invalid yet they did abuse themselves if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty 1609 yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions seeing on the contrary upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded yet they must ever be renewing of it and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby but the losse of a fair opportunity whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb He moreover forced them to confesse that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace the State of their affairs and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it that their Provinces were never more flourishing that Learning Husbandry Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish were with them freely exercised in times of War that their Disciplines were so carefully improved that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might that their Pastures and Plains were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick as the Province of Zealand and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years yet it could not however but be advantagious to them because the Flemings and Walloons would in that interim forget their warlike exercises and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria that there would be no more cause of fear but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes and represented to them how little reason there was to beleeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons because the Spaniard would not leave them idle but find employments enough for them in other parts and that on the contrary undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power to receive the Law from him and to lay down their Arms and which once effected that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength which had for many years supported the House of Austria and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery This Answer was the more to be considered in regard it was so convincing contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty nor did he forget to add that on the contrary it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces both in regard of the Division it would raise among them or the dis-use of Arms and their Traffique in the Indies so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them but that in case they concluded it they would thereby blast their fairest hopes diminish the stock of their riches and cut off their right hand their power by Sea without which they were not considerable among their neighbors As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace which had received it's birth and being from War and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them as experience had evinced in the late 12 years Treaty during which the Spanish Plots Gold and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do besides the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises would loose much of their valor by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh when it is seconded by glory that he might excite them he proclaimed aloud that there never yet was Common-wealth so like the Roman as that of the Hollander adding withall that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies
not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution but the more in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours especially those of Germany who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged could not for the future be so assisting to them as formerly they had been He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies injureth it self and that in fine if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted who openly said Pompey knows not how to overcome This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull which the Sieur de Charnace imployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty so dextrously did he manage them so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country in a Treaty of Peace wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof neither satisfied with this resolution he assured them according as he was commanded that they might the more readily take the field how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men to be sent unto them from the Swede who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander so that about the beginning of Spring the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard Politique Observation VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions The first is when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantagious Peace for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it The Olive Trees true Symbols of Peace bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth nor wil I longer dwel upon it The second is when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize how just and glorious soever hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall The Gods themselves saith an Ancient do submit to necessity there is nothing stronger then it and the greatest vertue must stoop to it neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it The third is when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy whom at that time we despair to overcome and that either by sowing some division among them or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised but letting fall the Sails runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded when it will afford the means of taking more advantage War is a kind of sicknesse in the State and as sick people are permitted to rest the better to recover their lost strength so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time the better to refresh his forces to recruit them and to raise monies necessary to maintain them If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty it will then be very improper to conclude it when a Country is flourishing and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace Most certain it is that sometimes so it happens and Hannibal well knew it when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans at the end of the second Punick War he reproached them as Livy observeth it Ye had much more reason quoth he to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers that was the would which killed you The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse which opening the door to delight and luxury might in a little time dul their courages and make them easily conquered by their enemies This if true among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War nor can be preserved but by War It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did as Livy recordeth which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him for having suffered himself to be surprized by them for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War of which the Romans were altogether unprovided so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him besides all these considerations if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantagious For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse neither can any one so act unlesse
one as powerfull as himself who may raise advantages by it and peradventure to his prejudice The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres to the Queen of Swede and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments rendred him no lesse deserving of this then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States who were feared by their neighbours and would have been a terrour to France it self could the have prosecuted their advantages His Orders were chiefly three the first was to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic what care his Majesty took in their interest the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories The second was to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent and there it was where the foundation of all was to be layed The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February that he might the sooner get thither but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union He receiv'd Orders accordingly nor was it of small consideration because he could easilier dispose them one by one then in a multitude nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron to prevent those whom he had not yet seen and to confirm the others in their resolutions and being arrived the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders the strong diversions he had made in Italy in Lorrain and other places the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies tending only to their advantage Having thus recollected things past to their memories he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs how needfull it was that they should preserve their union and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on and therefore clearly evinced unto them that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire and the ejected Princes to their Estates there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union which the Emperour not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power the far greater of the two whilest their confederacy lasted He had not much ado to confirm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure In fine the found themselves forc'd to confesse they had no other way left but to be firm and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty This advice conduced much to the end of his design which having happily obtained he lost no more time but entred upon the new Alliance between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden on the other part which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance which was for the defence of their common friends for the securing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire by which every one might be restored to his rights The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot and 6000 horse that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take in the same manner as she found it that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded which if broken by the enemies the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour yet this was not all it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany to obtain which the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost
alteration that his Commission being to be executed in publick and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers as Bayliff of Bar to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorrain to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesties commands seeing they having no other Soveraign but his Majesty no one could have the power to exempt them from that duty which they owed him The Sieur de Couuonges upon this answer withdrew and the next morning the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled took his place and caused his Commission to be read unto them which impowered him to seiz the Dutchy of Bar for his Majesty for default of Homage and to re-unite unto the Crown the rights of Royalty and Soveraignty which had heretofore been alienated and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly injoy that to this end he was inabled to alter the Titles of Justice to ordain that all succeeding Acts should passe in his Majesties name that they should be sealed with his Arms that all the inhabitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty for Letters of Justice and Favour of Pardon and Grace that the money should be hereafter stamp'd with the Arms of France and that in general the same Orders should be established among them as were observed in the other Provinces of France Then he told them he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty seeing they were his Subjects born and that it could not but be glorious for them to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions who for his Clemency is beloved by his people and who for his Valour is honoured of all the World that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the lesse strange unto them in regard the Duke of Lorrain his Majesties Subject and Vassal in relation to this Dutchy which belonged in Fee to the Crown had failed to do his Fealty and Homage though by the customes of France none but his Majesty could re-install him in it that his Majesty had for ten years past expected his submission though he might lawfully have seiz'd it upon the death of the late Duke and that this Law of Fealty should be the more vigorously executed as to the Dukes of Lorrain in regard they had often failed to do their duties unto his Majesty As to that which concerned the reuniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France he added that those Rights being as it were a Flower extracted from that Crown by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorrain it was the more equitable to re-unite them and deprive the Duke of them because he hath so far abused them that he wanted little of a total usurpation without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal and Homage as so many marks of Soveraign Authority not to be alienated that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands who had for so many years together delayed and refused to do homage for them and indeavoured to perswade the World that those perform'd by his Predecessors were but so many visits and complements especially considering that bounty hath its limits as well as Justice and that it is taken for a dishonourable weaknesse in Kings when it is excessive or when it perswadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them In fine he ordered that the Dutchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesties hands and that the Royal Prerogatives should be re-united to the Crown of France by the Messengers of the Parliament who accompanied him to be injoyed by his Majesty untill he had receiv'd satisfaction in the causes of the seizure This was the substance of his discourse at the Palace In the following days he cause his commission to be read in the Bayliffs court in the chamber of Accompts and the Town-House The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty He did several acts of Justice required the Clergy to make publick Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorrain regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals in the exercise of their Office and in general setled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesties service That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes especially their rights of Soveraignty THough Liberality be so becomming Kings that it is no lesse beseeming them to give then to command yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far as to alienate their Demesnes The Revenues of the crown do chiefly contain two things the rights of Soveraignty and the lands which they have reserved to themselves or acquired by any other way whatever The rights of Soveraignty consist in the power of executing Justice coyning of money granting of Pardons making Peace and War establishing Laws imposing Taxes creating Magistrates and sending Embassadours As for Demesne Lands as it is impossible to support the charges of State without a certain income Kings have alwaies reserved some of this sort beside their Soveraignty to serve their occasions This Demesne though of lesse honour hath ever been esteemed so sacred that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers Indeed it is impossible as Tacitus observeth to keep a people in quiet without Arms Arms without Money and Money without Revenue or Tribute Hence it was that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence yet could not give their assents unto that because the ruine of the Empire would be inevitable when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed If the alienation of ordinary Lands and Tributes be so prejudicial to States those of Soveraign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun inseparable from the Royal Family and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which becomes it That of the Law which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives ought to be understood more in relation of those then of Lands and thereupon hath ordained that if any thing be alienated or dismembred it shall notwithstanding be re-united to the Crown as so many distracted members to their body to restore it to its former strength This hath been alwaies so exactly observed in this Kingdom that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France the Demesnes of the Crown are never alienated but with expresse reservation of reverting to the Crowns when the Males fail and that without any right of Soveraignty so that to grant such royal Prerogatives
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâ—lâ—nd which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bâ—rgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâ—ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâ—e to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty especially to the transacting of such things which notwithstanding their innate Justice may provoke any evil spirits For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State yet the most part ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them Opinion guides the whole world and sets a price upon virtue it self and the reputation alone of him who negotiates may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man he will be hardly perswaded that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity will engage himself in unjust designs The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions and the opinion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Empire that there is no Appeal from his Judgement It is an ancient saying Truth is the strongest thing in the world But however if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her The prescriptions of a Physitian who is in esteem doe even passe for good And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self Scipio the African would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth and all this he did that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave which he called Jupiters Grot and thence brought them all written perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity And this was an easie way to perswade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to God himself hath thought it very proper too when he would bring any great thing to passe for he hath chosen usually such men who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare could not be but truth He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice with the many graces that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope and that the Articles of Mariage had been coucluded upon the twentieth of November His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clerâ—s one of his Councellors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intelligence and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Mariage was the consideration that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood this would render it indissolvable After these Complements were once past he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ratified and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words He discharged himself with honour both to the one and t'other Commission and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance he at last concluded with such dexteritie that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France and in particular for his Majesties Interests and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treatie that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised and which both of them were readily disposed to effect and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concern'd their Religion than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion provided they exercised it in private and lived in obedience as good Subjects ought to doe and finally both of them signed and delivered two Deeds for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises After all this his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake without being any more troubled for the future and for what related to all in general there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal directed to the Lord Conway Secretary of State commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd that it was his Majesties pleasure no farther prosecution should be made against them and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor Treasurer to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and to all other chief Officers principally requiring the Grand Treasurer to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer with order not to do the like hereafter and thus by obtaining their Promises Words and Assurances they had as much security as they could wish for could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse Politique Observation THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred that ours have sometimes scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath of what they once gave upon their words It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England at the Camp neer St. Aubin Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence by the Prior of St. Martin the fields Indeed there being nothing
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
of bringing his Master into such trouble as he wil have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them The Athenians did heretofore think this to be a business of so great importance that they condemned their Embassadours to die whom they had sent into Arcadia for onely returning home by another Coast then that which they were commanded though they had well dispatched the Affair they were imployed on as it is reported by Elian It is true the face of things may alter after an Embassadours departure and if so he must have his eyes in his head it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair But in case Affairs be not altered he is bound to stick close to his Instructions under penalty of being very faulty Manlius did not spare his own son for fighting with the Enemy contrary to his order though he got the better of them for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his Generals command though he be assured to overcome him And that Embassador deserveth severely to be chastised who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him for the management of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State then the Conduct of a War Those spirits which are most acute and subtle are most subject to slip into this defect because they are more wedded to their own opinions and will ever be refining of things more then need requires esteeming more their own thoughts then all the orders which shall be given to them and this is it which made Thucydides say Those Souls which are a little more steady are propperer for negotiations then those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispence for the Match with England THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio with expresse order not to deliver it untill the King of England should ingage himself by Oath to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted and untill the King of France had given it under his hand that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles to which the King of England should ingage to be fully accomplished The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King and his Majesty was not a little surprized at it to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England and to seek for a new dispence from Rome when some moneths had been passed over in the soliciting for the former Indeed it was so much the more troublesome in respect that these obstructions might totally break it off which might not onely breed quarrels between the two Crowns but divers mis-fortunes upon the Catholicks in England A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio and it was there represented to him of how little importance these new Articles â—ere in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess that is by her Domestiques and servants and by those of the Princess were to be Catholicks which did tacitely imply that the Children should be brought up by Catholicks This was easie to be demonstrated but the Nuntio being of an impertinent nature in affairs as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests beseeched the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfie his Holiness without imbroyling the business with the King of England promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear for the taking away all obstructions and difficulties which might bring any delay to the marriage In prosecution whereof the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with and the King writ to his Majesty of England to desire him to condiscend to those alterations which the Pope had made letting him see how frivolous they were The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder but however seeing it had been agreed that the children who should be born of this match were to be educated by the Princesse untill their respective ages of thirteen years and that her servants were to be Catholicks and to have all freedome for the exercise of their Religion hee consented to all that was desired as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholick and should have no trouble in their Religion accordingly hee sent all manner of assurances to the King but not a word of swearing to it which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope wherein she promised upon her Parol not to chuse any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her but such as should be Catholicks All Conditions being thus resolved on it was verily beleeved there could be no further difficulties raised at Rome There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea the other by Land to the Sieur de Bethune with Orders to procure the dispense to bee amended withall expedition and to beseech the Pope in his Majesties name to dispatch it according to the Articles which had been newly agreed on without exacting a new Oath The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty he spake to the People with a great deal of affection by re-presenting to him those great blessings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown and with what zeal his Majesty had imployed his Arms against the Hereticks all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him as also because his Actions gave great assurance that he would never omit any occasion which might tend to the advantage of the Church He forgot not to represent to him the dangers that would ensue from a total breach by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage and the severe usage that the Catholiques in England would consequentially lie under That what his Holiness had thought fit to adde to the Articles already concluded on was in a manner included in them already and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those who should have the honour to be neer the Princess however that his Master the King that he might testifie the respect which he bore his Holiness had written to the King of Great Brittain who had consented to it excepting onely in the point of taking a new Oath which he would no more press him upon in regard of that Oath which he had
had made provision for all those difficulties which have risen ever since and that he desired the execution of it as to the Cessation of Arms that he could by no means hearken to it by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it This was the sum of what passed on both sides The King adding in conclusion that he would send some one of his Councel to wait on him and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation Within a few dayes the Cardinal the Marshal de Schomberg the Sieur de Herbant Secretary of State went to wait on the Legate from the King and upon a conference he came to these two points The first was to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Marquis de Coeures Mâ—nsiâ—ur the Cardinal answered that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy and that if he should submit to it it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War if either party would but hearken to Reason seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion to which his Majesty was much inclined That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness his answer was his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed his Holyness had not any reason to complain and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesties name That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness that he would cause his Ambassadour to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit as also that after the peace should be concluded his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands the Fort of Chiâ—nuennes provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive to the intent both of them might be demolished which once done he would deliver all the rest up one after another until they were every one razed and that this was the most could be hoped for The Legat had other audiences and other conferences past between him and the Ministers where nothing more was proposed nor answered But the King being at Fountainbleau the Legate made a third proposition which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Valâ—oline requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated without which he supposed there could be no settlement His Majesty clearly declared unto him that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons his Allies over the Valtoline A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him and the Ministers upon that subject where having made the same proposition the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer and told the Legat that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons he could not consent to the diminition of their Soveraignty especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion That the Treaty was to be observed and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome they had told him that in conscience he could not consent thereunto The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign of what Religion soever he be so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons their lawful Masters and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid by which it was granted to them had been approved of at Rome by the Pope as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on but after a consultation with the Clergy who found no difficulty in the thing and that the truth being still the same his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present This the Cardinal spake so smartly that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion yet still declaring he would not recede from his first Proposals but under the Pope and holy See's censure He proposed several Articles upon that score to which the King assented That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion that they should not send any Governours amongst them but such as were Roman Catholiques that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom that no Heretiques or their Adherents should buy Houses nor that those who had then any in possession should any longer live there or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques To be short that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline in case they should break the conditions of which the Pope and his
Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply which was this That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons and that the King his Master would never give way to it He well knew that to put the Valtoline into the Popes hands would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard for that the Popes are either by affection or fear more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to perswade the Sieur de Bethune that the Proposal they had made was for the Kings advantage They several times protested to him that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline did bear so great a submission to his Majesties judgment that they would wish for nothing else but onely that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation which if he would they would then do whatever he would command them But in conclusion they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Grisons or Spaniards Because they evidently knew there would be little security or advantage to the French either in one or t'other of these expedients withall that to oblige them to come under the Grisons were to force them to flie to the Spaniards which if his Majesty should do they must of necessity run to them for assistance for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons for that there was not any other Prince neer them from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them but that they doubted it would be a means to ingage his Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard who would never consent to it and that all these considered there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope and that France had some reason to accord to it in respect that the Pope shewed himself very favourable to the French Interests The Sieur de Bethune answered them with Civilities nothing inferior to theirs assuring them of the affection which his Majesty did bear to their concerns and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion But as to the ground-work of the business he discovered to them that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty that then they had no reason to exchange Masters and especially seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves He openly professed to them That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supream Power over them but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons procuring to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms This answer was both resolute and full of Justice but however as Passion takes away the use of Reason so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it as also they thought good That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ by a Prelate of Milan in which they indeavoured to clear by several reasons which were willingly assented to by the Pope That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religions sake Politique Observation ZEal is a Passion very commendable when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity but without this it passeth onely for an unreasonable fury not a vertue The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two qualities and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them Indeed it is like Oyl cast in the Fire it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages that it hurries them both beyond Reason and Justice That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be as they who are established by his hand of which himself shewed an example as also his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal for the Interests of Religion if they follow any wayes contrary to them they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them to conspire against their persons to ruine all with Fire and Sword and to over run the whole land with those mis-fortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars This is that which made the learned Origen to say the zeal of God is nothing worth if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God introducing the Jews for an example who by an inconsiderate zeal for Gods glory made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacriledge that ever was yet heard of against his Son I shall add onely this that such a zeal is not onely unprofitable for Gods service but also very dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars which undermines the Foundations of States and Religion it self and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing which Fury it self can be capable of The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to ingage him in a League offensive and defensive against the Spaniard VVHilest the Legate was at Fountain Bleau the Embassadour of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he onely designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion but they to ingage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards and desire him to fall in upon their Countries There had been a Defensive League made with them the fore-going year which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress But as it is troublesom to continue a War any long time without obtaining some Victories they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct made it their earnest desire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards that they might be revenged on them The Embassadour represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships were not the onely places the Spaniards had designed to invade but that France too was comprised in the same design that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany in the Valtoline
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
not resolved to put up such a wrong who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him would if not granted use all lawfull means of what kind soever to procure it These replies were so just and resolute that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction which France did so earnestly expect Politick Observation IT is very unseemly that a Kings Officers should perswade him to be worse then his word onely to satisfie their own Passions It were the ready way to subjugate the glory of the Master to the Will of the servant and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendor of the Sun who have no light but what they borrow from his rayes Private affections have ever been hurtfull to publick consultations as Titus Livy recordeth neither was his judgement to be questioned when he said there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul and make it like a dis-tempered eye which seeth all things far different from what they really are The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge and his glory is linked with it The Minister who is to see it performed is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect much lesse not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion How can it seem lawfull for a Minister to obstruct it by so prophane an abuse when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it though the good of his State were never so deeply concerned in it Good Princes as Traian saith are more bound to perform what they promise then to effect what themselves desire so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse then their words under pretence of the publick good or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper or that the necessity of their affairs doth require it If once a Prince should do so he would ever passe for a Prince without Faith which is the greatest misfortune can betide them and thus Mimus Publicanus saith he who hath once forfeited his Faith hath nothing else to lose because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entred into but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at It is a shamefull excuse for them to alledge they did not think of it Bias saith they cannot make no lawfull excuse for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithfull hath a more considerable damage then if he lost the thing which he promised After Cinna had sent for Marius he made a question whether or no he should receive him but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him told him it would be unfit to propose it to him for quoth he the obligation of Faith doth not allow of the consideration of what is once promised But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Majesty of a King to break his Oath for by it he doth seem to mock God whom he invoketh as a witnesse of his promise Cicero saith in his Offices that an Oath never ought to be broken and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death because they who were guilty of it did not onely violate the worship of God but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society The Traffique at Sea established DUring all these civil and forraign broyls the Cardinal was intent upon repairing those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars and upon setling such an Order in the three States that happinesse might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone in this he imitated the wise Physitian who having recovered his Patient maketh it his work to restore his former strength There onely wanted this one thing to the compleating of it That they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend would lend their assisting hands to it Now Commerce at Sea being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course which his Majesty having assented to he gave notice of it to the Undertakers and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships assuring them that they should have all possible assistance from him and that he doubted not but they might in time receive as great advantages by it as the Hollanders did by that which is setled amongst them or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design Montmor in the name of one hundred others presented to the Councel Articles of establishment for a Company to Traffique both into the East and West by Sea and Land He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres and that the moyety of the profits thereof should stil go towards the increasing of the said stock That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and setling the ground-works of their Trade These Proposals were very advantagious his Majesty approved of them and commanded the Cardinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company So they had divers Priviledges and Liberties granted to them in regard of Forraign Wars and the Wealth which followeth Traffique as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea which was no slight matter for that the Spaniards English and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea by this means and have often thereupon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures The Cardinal withall perswaded his Majesty at the same time to lay out a great sum of money to buy Ships both at Amsterdam Denmark and other places of France to defend themselves from the like incursions Politick Observation TWo things chiefly are necessary to render a Kingdome flourishing Government and Commerce and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist so without the latter we find it want many things important to the life of man and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches Those Politicians have deceived themselves who measure happinesse by vertue alone and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves are to no purpose We are not now in those times when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour Many more things are now require to entertain 〈◊〉 â—…en heretofore and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive ones self of them by lazinesse And admitting it were not so have not sundry Philosophers used Traffique as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things Solâ—n amongst the Athenians rendred himself capable of
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hunâ—ing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Louâ—s d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thougâ—t he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmoâ—t his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
invaded the Territory of Meyâ—nfield where he made great havock and not long after surprised Coiâ— and made a Garrison of it without regard had to the Publick Faith and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him Politique Observation JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries It is an act full of hostility not to be used but toward an enemy I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians told him as Thucidâ—des relateth it That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged did an unjust act Every one that hath power in his hand ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence The Romans were hertofore much commended for that they never invade any Country no not their enemies without first proclaiming a War so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours they sent their Embassadours to demand it if within three days after demand made it were not delivered they denounced the War neither then did they enter upon them but after many Ceremonies which are described in Titus Livy But that we may not go so far back did not the Heralds of Florence and that not above three hundred years since declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind Those ancient forms indeed are now no longer in use but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it cannot be considered but as an Usurper But ambition is now grown to that passe that it is enough be the means what they will so they serve his designs without considering that divine Justice throws down whatever is founded upon injustice that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts so God the judge of Kings will chastise their usurpations that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice cannot long last though force uphold it for the present Prosecution of the History THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons had imployed the utmost of his industrie and prudence which by his employment he was bound unto for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever who should attempt against his Allies surrounded his lodging with Guards and seized on his Papers without any regard to the Law of Nations which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them Politique Observation SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons they cannot be affronted without great injustice by any Prince who is not in open War with him He who doth otherwise breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States and injureth the person of his Master He is guilty of an outrage seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable and as Tacitus saith it is rarely seen among enemies that Embassadours are ill treated Besides how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves but onely dispute it by reason All that can be done toward an Embassadour from whom one hath received an injury is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy with order to tell their Master that the Consul Publius Licinius should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours if he had any thing to propose to them and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome where they should be no more received They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius to conduct them out of Italy to their ships as Titus Livy reporteth And the late King Henry the great whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours when he discovered that Tassas Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour Embassadours of Spain held intelligence with Haste and Merargues he had more regard to the Law of Nations then to their sedicious practises which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility To injure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice neither can there be other reason for it then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs and to obtain if possible at his recommendation that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy who proffred him their assistance but would have been glad to have continued it by paying this civility to the Emperor The Duke of Mâ—ntua had discharged his duty when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission could have been refused seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it at least without the prejudice of any other in case there be several who claim it which in processe of time ought to be examined by the usual ways and the Laws of Justice To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour Whiles he was yet in his way he received new orders to wit that he should complain unto the Emperour of the little respect which the Comte de Merodes had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons by seizing on the Passages of Steir Pom du Râ—in the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield and all this without declaring the War but at that instant when he began it and that he
approaches unto must not be neglected for such a deficiency were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infallible There is no need of a surprisal for in such assaults as are made the Enemy not finding any to resist them do as it were seize upon it The slighting which we make of our Enemies in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them which is almost inevitable Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity not to secure Cazal against such an accident though exposed to a far greater danger But for the better understanding of his Conduct it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege After the taking of Pignoral both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost the precedent year when he drew off at the same time that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march He was provoked in point of Honour in the design his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory which he had got by so many victories blasted with this disgrace gave him an extream impatiency to repair that fault which occasioned it He resolved either to perish or carry the place not being able to survive the losse of his Honour and in prosecution thereof there was no Stratageme or force omitted which might render him Master of it Never was place so vigorously assaulted as never more stoutly defended Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies Nothing which the Cannon could do was left unassayed almost continually the Place was undermined on every side wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them In a word the discontent which accompanied his Courage suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest to overcome Politique Observation SHame is a venemous root from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced and it cannot better be compared then to certain plants which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly and whose leaves on the contrary proper to cure many diseases Is it not that which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders to that height that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies they have precipitated themselves into the fight and goared their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers who after they behaved themselves ill one day have presently after appeared like so many Lions in the pursuit of their Enemies and so have defended themselves from that disgrace with which they had been branded The shame which the Persians had as Justin reports to see their wife 's come towards them with their Coats trust up made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples needless to the rehearsed The shame that Caesar had seeing the the Image of Alexander who had won so many remarkable victories as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes so touched him that afterwards he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions which have eternized his glory A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland NOw for the perserving of this place notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it two things were necessary First to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men as they would have desired Secondly that the Kings Army might want nothing but be recruited from time to time by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first before he parted from Paris giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves with the Troops there requisite without diverting them to new enterprises especially seeing the King of Swede of whom we shall speak hereafter began to give them employment in Germany The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders to bring them to a truce whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States of many Princes of Germany as well as of the Duke of Mantua's The King apprehended that danger and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance upon condition that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies That power was given him from the month of December of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature are not so readily determined the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard Politique Observation AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force as we have said so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence He ought to be like a good Pilate who have attained great experince at Sea can discover a Tempest before it comes and prepears all that is necessary to resist it or I will compear him to a wise Physician who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness but even from the danger of falling-sick and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services he can render that Governes a State is to prevent by his Prudence the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage to avoid his undermining by a Counter-mine and by his good conduct to slight all the works of
favourably received then formerly The General assembled the principal Officers of the Army to deliberate upon it and eight of nine that were there having approved of it they were received and the Cessation resolved on untill the 15 of October with condition that his Majesties Army might Quarter any where on t'other side the Poe and take for their money any victuals or provisions necessary for them That the Town and Castle of Cazal should be put into Spinola's possession upon promise that he should restore it if the Cittadel were relieved by the 30. of October and however that the Kings Army might have free intercourse with the Cittadel and that if the Cittadel were not relieved before the thirtieth day of October it should then be delivered up to the said Marquess and that the Spaniards should be obliged to make necessary provisions of victuals in Cazal until the said thirtieth day of October Politique Observation A Treaty is the ordinary beginning of Peace whoever begins to treat on condition to surcease for some time all Acts of Hostility hath a great inclination to make an agreement The onely indeavouring of a Treaty doth ordinarily testifie that the fire which inflamed the War is now extinguishing and the pleasantnesse which is found in a Truce is a certain Charm which doth insensibly allure one to a final accommodation as Plutarch hath demonstrated in the life of Nicias speaking of the Truce which was made between the Athenians and the Lacedemonians so that he who would make a good accommodation considering the incertain successe of War ought never to refuse a Treaty provided it be upon honourable terms So much the rather ought he so to do for that those very actions by which he proposeth to obtain a Victory may end in a shamefull flight in Treaties one ought not alwaies to look forsuch advantagious conditions but each side must yeeld and give away a little of that which is their own Thus did Pericles one of the wifest Ministers of State amongst the Ancients make no difficulty to grant the Treaty which was made between the Athenians and those of Sparta that the Athenians should every yeer send them two Talents though they did in some sort pay dear enough for them as Plutarch observes in the life of Pericles So Lewis the Eleventh whose Prudence is much commended in our Histories easily accorded to the Treaty made with Edward King of England for nine years paying him yearly 50000 Duckets of Gold which the English vainly called Tribute but were in effect a Pension and was accordingly so termed by the French It is true it cannot be paid with any great deal of honour but it was however commendable by the Laws of Prudent Policy because sent the English out of France who had they joined their Forces with Charles of Bourgogne might have much indangered it In fine safety is to be bought in any eminent danger and it is at any time advantagious enough to hinder an enemy from obtaining a victory and to get time to render ones self stronger for the next fight Prosecution of the History THis Truce was much condemned by many and by the Cardinal himself too who was just upon the point of perswading his Majesty to make a Declaration by which he should dis-own those who had signed it and with expresse command to his Army to advance The Gallantry of his Courage which knoweth not what it is to give ground could not endure that the Town and Castle of Cazal should be delivered up into Spinola's hands and it is not to be doubted that had his Majesty been there it had never been assented to at all But however take the reasons upon which it was so resolved which I do the more willingly set down to excuse those who undertook it The first and principle was the Duke of Savoy was much inclined and promised to join himself with the Kings Army if the Spaniards did not agree to those conditions which had formerly been ascertain'd with Spinola Mazarini passed his word that the Duke of Savoy should write a Letter about it to the Dutchesse of Savoy of which the Generals of the Army should have a copy for their discharge so that agreeing in this manner with the Duke of Savoy the Spaniards were obliged to conclude the Peace and if not the Duke of Savoy was ingaged to joyn his with the Kings Forces to relieve Cazal There was nothing to fear in respect of Cazal but on the contrary the delivery of it was certain and most true it is without that the Generals had never resolved upon that particular And the extream necessities to which Cazal was reduced as Monsieur de Thoyras sent word caused them to doubt lest that in few dayes and before the Army could come up the inhabitants who were wearied out with suffering of inconveniences for three years together some of them who were gained by the Spanish party should force the Garrison to surrender which could not be suffered without great dishonour to the Kings Army Besides the Marquesse de Breze had order from the Generals to go to Cazal under pretence of finishing the Treaty however not to execute it untill he had conferred with the Sieur de Thoyras and understood whether or no he could hold out till the relief came without danger and then to assure him that in case he could theâ— would bring up the Army forthwith and not conclude the Treaty In short the Treaty was not executed until it was understood that neither he nor any one else would undertake to warrant the successe To be short it was thought necessary to refresh the Army and to give them more scope they being much afflicted with the sicknesse and to releive Cazal they were of necessity to march 30 leagues through an Enemies Country with a small proportion of victuals and without any retreating place at all Politique Observation A Man may say thus much in the behalf of those who were Authors of this Truce that whoever pretends to make a long and durable Peace ought not to refuse some satisfaction to his enemies who in case they be forced to conclude with dishonour and confusion presently break out again as soon as they find themselves in a Condition of taking their revenge Such was the opinion of Archidamus when he would have perswaded the Lacedemonians to make a Peace with the Thebans upon the relation of Isocrates And indeed it is impossible to make a good and firm establishment of a Peace if one side hath all the advantages and t'other be driven into desperation And as nothing doth so much excite courage as the losse of honour so it ingageth them to new attempts without any hopes of reducing them to a second Peace If one hath not Forces infinitely above theirs and be not absolutely assured of the victory Necessity it self when a man find that he suffers with shame and discredit makes one of them worth four and forceth him who before fled to face
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâ—den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith â—ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviâ—rs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ— partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
desired not to live but to serve his Majesty that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life and that his health would soon be recruited since he found his Majesty in so good condition After this they retired two hours in private together to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him after which his Majesty returned to Paris Politique Observation EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State as the only lustre of their fair attempts The joy of their return from a long voyage hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them and to render them all imaginable respects Thus Pompey returning after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City the ways the Port and the streets were so full that there was hardly any Passage Some were offering sacrifice for his health others feasting and making merry in sign of joy some march'd before him with Torches and others strewd the way with flowers Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome that they might render him the glory which he deserved yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it but on the other side it is observed in History that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome as at his return either to see him or to testifie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him I will passe a little further and add that justice and prudence do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince then to his Subjects he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him himself receives no mean advantage thereby because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands It there any thing more glorious said the great Chancellor of Thiery King of the Goths then to deserve praise and approbation who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery Surely no the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his actions and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation Which if true as doubtlesse it is there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince bestoweth upon him they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers then their stamps do on their monies Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the importance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace at such time as they came to sup with him and waited on them back again when they took their leaves Ferdinand King of Spain the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained was not to seek in it when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable for he seldom spake to him but bare headed and sometimes received him upon his knee He well knew that the honour wherewith he acknowledged his services did animate others to follow his example and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and Hollander his Majesty bent his chief care to take order accordingly Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concernment that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend thereupon and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it gave great cause to look about lest they might be induced to assent thereunto Neither was it unknown how that he designed the League once concluded to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour the better to curb the Swede and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions was industrious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty in order to which he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becomming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit He committed the management of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace who was newly returned from Germany where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment could not be any ways suspected I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions onely this the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Cardinal to whom nothing was impossible but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League which may conclude their differences in an happy peace but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to their interests to send him unto them to communicate such
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
the King to treat entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions 1. That the Duke of Lorrain should renounce all new Alliances it prejudice to that of France 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King with and against all 3. That he should not make any Levies of War during the present troubles of Germany without his Majesties consent 4. The he should disband as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern that he would not attempt any thing but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy both old and new in Deposit to his Majesties hands within three days until such time as his good behaviour or the pacification of the trubles of Germany should take away all cause of suspicion of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty and his Allies and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite were declared null by Law and that the differences between the King and the said Duke were decided each of them in the mean while enjoying their rights without prejudice of this Treaty yet however that in case the War of Germany should last four years the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days or at least that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was and to deliver her into his Majesties hands and should so order the business that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain and the States thereupon depending should be receiv'd by the said Duke with all sort of liberty 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain in case he would make his abode there 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants This was the conclusion made in the Camp before Nancy the 6. of September Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke to procure his ratification He brought in and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty and for his Majesties entring into Nancy But the day being come the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary by a certain Gentleman named Giton so that the whole businesse was to be begun again However the Cardinal sensible of his own power and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain would not totally break off the Treaty but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy to the Cardinal of Lorrain with charge to tell him as from himself that the King found himself by divers reasons forced to carry his affairs to the height yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in execution because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation The Cardinal testified that his good will was no whit diminished that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother to induce him to adhere to the Treaty in order whereunto he sent a Gentleman to him with such effectual expressions perswading him to settle his affairs then in a declining condition that he at last hearkned to his advice and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas His Majesty granted it but the morning following thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas that he might the better get away into Flanders where once being there was no lâ—kâ—lyhood of his depositing Nancy it was signified unto him that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty which he accepting of the Cardinal and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal came first thither about five in the evening accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette the Popes Nuntio a great many Lords and Gentlemen and a good party of Horse and Foot The Duke came not untill about eleven at night so that finding the Cardinal in bed and not willing to permit his people to wake him according as he had commanded they met not untill the morning following That day they had two long debates without any conclusion so that every one thought there would be no agreement but in fine the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made by his Order without including any other condition but this that he might make his abode at Nancy with all honours due to his quality as also the Cardinal his Brother and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly that which ingag'd him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications if his Majesty should so think fit Monsieur le Cardinal did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason not to extend the bounds of France which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory as his Majesty could desire so that both of them having signed it there wanted nothing but the execution of them Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain or to leave him to his own honesty which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person in order to the performance of his promises He represented to him that it would be the more glorious for him in regard it would testifie unto all Princes that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion as also of great advantage in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his unto his Majesties Will Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him and surrender Nancy unto him as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment Such were the charms of his words that
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she