occasion of revenging the injuries which they had received of recovering the honour of military glory so much valued by that warlike Nation and of securing themselves from greater dangers but that the Princes Hauns-Towns would readily wage war with the Turks with powerfull forces whilst being busied at Sea they could make but small resistance on that side nor would they want a head who would incite them thereunto since Ferdinand of Austria brother to Charles the Emperour and who was to succeed him in the Empire having been much molested by Soliman seemed greatly to desire such an occasion as was now offered promising to adhere unto the League and Cesar named him to be one of the chief contractors whereat the Venetians were very well pleased They therefore willingly gave way that it should be referred to the Pope and Emperour to nominate what share of expence he should be at with the other Colleagues and did earnestly endeavour to confirm him in this resolution by their Embassadour Marin Iustiniano who was then resident with him Ferdinand had often had occasion and much to his prejudice to sustain the fury of the Turkish forces who having possest themselves of that part of Hungary which lies between the Rivers Sava and Drava were become his very formidable neighbours and had thereby free and open ingresse into Ferdinando's territories whose subjects were vext by the continuall inroads and pillagings of the Turkish Garrisons upon those confines even in time of Truce Therefore Ferdinando and his subjects appeared very desirous and willing both for their honour and safety to suppresse the Turkish forces and to drive them out of that Province Great and very convenient were the forces of Germany a country abounding in men horses monies and victualls and in all things belonging to war but being perpetually troubled with domesticall discords by reason of so many diversities in Religion and Government she was but weak and unfit for great enterprises Bearing the rather with the injuries of the Turks and with some dishonour suffering her dangers to encrease because she hated the too much greatnesse of the House of Austria It being therefore thought most requisite for the doing of any thing against the Turks that Germany should joyntly resolve to take up Arms without which the Turkish Armies and those forces which are the true foundation of the power and grandure of their Empire would remain safe and entire or but little prejudiced The Venetian Senate that they might leave nothing unattempted resolved to send expresse Embassadours to the Electors of the Empire and to other Princes and Hauns-towns in Germany to perswade them to make war holding out unto them the opportunity which was then offered of regaining the antient honour and military glory of the German Nation and promising that the Common-wealth would and should make use of all her forces to keep the common enemy busied else-where so as being assaulted both by sea and land the way would be made plain for famous victories for Christendom Iovan Veniero and Luigi Badoaro who being gone as hath been said to that Court upon occasion of the peace of France had received orders to stay there till he should receive new orders from the Senate treated often with the Emperour touching the conclusion of the League exhorting him to send free and sufficient Commissions to his Agents at Rome and witnessing the firm and constant resolution of the Senate to joyne with him and willingly to undergo the charge and danger of the war They excited him likewise to solicite provisions for the Fleet for the effecting of what was resolved upon and concluded at Rome Cesar listned very well to these things and seemed very desirous to bend all his forces against the Turks in the Eastern parts affirming as he had often done before that he would go thither himself in person and that he should be exceeding glad that the Common-wealth which he did much love and esteem might encrease her greatnesse and reputation by the recovery of the Towns which the Turks had usurped from her The Senate therefore sent forthwith to their Embassadour Mark Antonio Contarini who was at Rome particular information of their good-will to the League with orders to endeavour the speedy conclusion thereof though he might give way unto some things Thus was the time protracted without making any answer to the Consuls Letters the Senate not being resolved what to do touching the propositions of peace made by the Turks and to the particular discourse which the Bashaw had had with the Consul which many of the Senate being displeased at they oft-times opposed it when any new commissions or orders were spoken of to be sent to the Embassadour at Rome concerning the League They considered That it was not expedient the Common-wealth should bind her self so fast upon this Treaty of the League as they should debar themselves all negotiations of peace That they were first to examine well the present state and condition of affairs and see how they could make war with what forces what monies with what helps it was to be maintained whether they would be so constant in persevering in trouble and danger as they appeared ready to undertake it whilst yet afar off That the publick Exchequer was much exhausted by the so long wars on Terra ferma their subjects weak and poor That their cities did rather require rest then to enter into a more dangerous war then the former were That the former successes might shew how uncertain and ill-grounded the hopes were which were reposed in assistance from forrain Princes since unlesse the strong scituation of Corfu and the inconveniencies or dis-accommodations of the enemy had not preserved that Fort and freed the Common-wealth from so great a loss Doria had suffered it to fall into the hands of the enemy deluding all the Common-wealth's hopes and designes Nor were the weighty interests of so many citisens to be despised who being to sustain the heavy burthen of publick taxes had their estates in the hands of the Turks which they might hope to recover by treaty That not to listen to any proposition of peace or concord was to contend with the Barbarians themselves in Barbarism to exceed them in those things whereof they were most to be blamed That it would be a great disadvantage if things succeeding unprosperously in the progresse of war we be forc'd to seek for that peace from the Turks which is now voluntarily offered by them That if no other good might be got by such a treaty it would not be amisse to delay those dangers which were threatned by such an enemy that they might prepare the better to defend themselves That if these things were well weighed as they ought to be why should the occasion of any good be let slip Wherefore should the answer expected by the Bashaw so long be deferred Wherefore should not the Bailo be made acquainted with the Senate's will That delay could produce nothing but mischiefe
That Soliman 's anger would not be a little encreased by the refusing his offers who held himself scandalized by what the Fleet had done and as was said by the Grandees of that Court by the small account that was made of his person no Embassadour being sent to him when he came so near the States dominions as was usually done upon like occasions to other Princes Moreover this silence would make the Turks more diligent in making the greater preparation for war since they must needs finde we had no minde to have peace In fine that to advance so far in the treaty of League without proposing any thing of peace had no other aspect but of enforcing the Senate to embrace the resolution of continuing in war which if well weighed was of all things most to be abhorred But these things were thus answered by those who thought it the safer safer way to treat of League then of Peace That they were not alienated from the thought of peace but did endeavour to provide so for the emergencies of the present times as they might be able to sustain war That therefore they did not without just cause forbear writing at the present to Constantinople lest they might make the Christian Princes jealous whereby they might slacken their providing for war That there remained many things yet to be considered before the League could be concluded wherein time might be protracted and when things should be drawn nearer to a head they might have better occasion to know the Turks mindes and so bear both the League and Peace in hand at once and pitch upon what might be thought best for the Common-wealth That too much haste could onely discover their weaknesse the more unto the Turks and make them more insolent in their Articles of Agreement the which the more they should seem to desire it would be had upon the harder tearms That no matter of expence was to be had in consideration since howsoever they were to arm themselves and to treat of peace with their weapons in their hands not to prejudice the conditions of peace and not to commit themselves too rashly to the discretion and faith of their perfidious enemies These reasons were alleadged for the League and the businesse at Constantinople was deferr'd But at last many being desirous that somewhat should be written and that the businesse should not be totally given over it was proposed unto the Senate That the Consul might tell the Bashaw Aiace That the Common-wealth had great reason to complain of Soliman who unprovoked by any publick injury had broke the peace and sent his men in hostile manner to Corfu without expecting Orsino's return sent by his consent nay by his order to Venice and with promise not to attempt any novelty till by his return it might be known what the truth of those passages was which the Turks took ill and who was really in the fault That it had alwaies been the stedfast intention of the Senate to preserve peace and amity with that Empire and that upon occasion of so many wars made by Soliman they had never disturbed his enterprises but had alwaies kept their word inviolably and kept constant to their neutrality That at this very time Generall Pesaro dreamt of nothing lesse then of impeding his Captains designes no not of giving them any suspition but that he was come into the Gulph to joyne with the other sea-Captains and shun such accidents but that being driven by the winds he was forc'd to passe into the Rivers of Puglia where the Turkish Fleet lay That they did believe Soliman stood well affected to the Common-wealth as he was affirmed to do and well inclined to peace since being a just and a wise Prince he knew it became him to preserve friendship with the Venetians who had given him no occasion to the contrary Nor was it fitting that good intelligence between Princes should be broken by the inconsiderate actions of any particular Officers That therefore they were confident he would restore the goods of private Merchants which were detained who upon the faith of so great a Prince were perswaded to trade in his Dominions Their intention hereby was that the Consul seeking by such discourse as this to fift somewhat more particularly into the Turks thoughts should begin if he should find any good hopes to commence the Treaty of peace This proposall being made in the Senate three daies were spent about it which being over there wanted two votes to make the businesse be resolved upon so as there was nothing decided in the point though it had been long disputed by personages of great dignity and authority The promises of these Princes had made so great an impression in the minds of all men as confiding very much therein and being therefore desirous to shun any the least suspition that the League was not really intended by them they would listen to nothing which might perswade to the contrary Don Lopes the Cesarian Embassadour hearing of this irresolution he hoped that the Common-wealth might be brought to a nearer conjunction with Cesar He therefore renued the motion of uniting the Fleets which had formerly been made by him and Doria He appeared in the Colledge and laboured much to perswade that for the common service no longer delay should be made in giving order to our Generalls to go to Messina and joyne with Doria's Gallies who he said had sufficient commission from the Emperour in that point and that he should not be wanting in any thing which concerned the good and safety of Christendom and in particular that of the Common-wealth He shewed That the Emperour stood very well affected to the common good and that his forces should be answerable to this his affection for besides the Fleet now in being other ships of all sorts were arming in the Spanish Havens and great provisions of men and monies were raising throughout all his dominions That the Emperour Charles desired to justifie himself alwaies before both God and man that he had discharged his part gallantly not having spared either expence or labour to quell the pride of the enemies of Christendom That he had therefore at all times solicited other Princes whose interest was concern'd in this common cause to know the dangers which grew daily greater tending to the ruine of Christianity which he by reason of his greatnesse might live freer from then any other but that he did more value the common good then his own particular concernment That there needed no new examples to shew that the weaknesse of Christian Princes and the exaltation of their enemies proceeded from their own luke warmnesse That the last unfortunate successe of Rhodes might be considered which being assaulted by this very Soliman and not succoured by any Christian Prince fell miserably into the power of the Turks to the so much losse prejudice and shame of all Christendom But that there was some excuse for those successes then since those Princes
of those States He told them that at the meeting of these Princes businesses were to be treated of which concerned the joynt service of Christendome and the particular convenience of that Common-wealth which he would alwaies value as that of his own proper Dominions That Cesar being now to go with great Forces against the Turks did desire to know what the Senate's pleasure and opinion was therein what preparations they thought would be necessary and what they would do on their behalfs to the end that he might the better know how to govern his affairs That though the Peace with France was not yet fully established it might be accounted as good as done so well were these Princes inclined thereunto and so good intelligence was there held between them so as it was firmly to be believed that being free from all other impediments they would go with their joynt Forces to ruine the Infidells But because the weightinesse of the businesse required length of time and the season was now far spent for making so great preparations Caesar thought it would for the present be better to provide for defence then for offence wherein he would be as careful of his neighbours Dominions as of his own Monsieur d' Anibao spoke afterwards to the same purpose attesting the King's good-will and desire to the peace and good of Christendome It was not hard to know whither these endeavours tended and what was Caesar's true designes to wit to hold the French in hand with vain hopes of yielding up the Dukedome of Millan unto them and the Venetians by proposing Treaties and great preparations for War against the Turks meaning nothing lesse that so he might spin out the time secure himself from the French Forces by deviating the King from the thought of War and from the Turks by placing the Commonwealth's Territories and their Fleet at his out-Bulwarks This answer was therefore made to the Marquis and to Anibao That their comming was very acceptable in respect of the Princes in whose names they came as also in respect of themselves Wherefore they desired that many thanks might be returned to their Princes for the honour and esteem they bore to the Common-wealth That the newes of good intelligence and of certain hopes of peace between so great Princes was the more acceptable to all for the great benefit that all Christendome was likely to receive thereby For what concern'd the declaring of their intentions upon the present occasions it might be sufficiently known by their actions since they had so readily taken up Arms at first had often since refused all proposalls of Agreement never spared for any expence or reâ—used to expose themselves to any danger and had already for their parts constantly and stoutly sustained the weight of so great a War these three years last past That being now invited by these hopes they would out-do what they had done That it ought notwithstanding to be consider'd that they should not be able long of themselves to withstand so potent an Enemy Therefore what could they say more the necessity was sufficiently known That it was known Barbarossa was with 80 Sail in the Gulph of Lepanto intending as it was said to Winter there So as if the Fleets were not in readinesse to hinder his designes by February next it might easily be seen in what danger the Dominions of the Common-wealth would be and consequently what evills threatned Christendome To all which things convenient regard was to be had and fitting remedies prepared This no-direct answer was thought to suite best with the quality of the proposall and the condition of time So as without tying themselves to any particular Treaty Caesar's and the King's Agents were thus dismist But the jealousie which the meeting of these two Princes had begot in the Pope who complained that it was made without his participation was much increased by these mens comming to Venice not that he did any waies doubt the Common-wealth's loyalty she being to run the same fortune with the Apostolick Sea But fearing leâ—t under these seeming shewes of honour and esteem some important plot might be hidden as had been formerly against the liberty of Italy He therefore often minded the Venetians that a good understanding between the Church and the Common-wealth was now more necessary then ever and that for his part he would do what was possible to keep all danger off Caesar being aware of these the Pope's suspicions and fearing lest his being unsatisfied might disturb his designes sent speedily Luigi Davila to Rome and got the King of France to send Monsieur di Gue to acquaint the Pope with the meeting which was to be had in France and to justifie their proceedings Wherewith the Pope being either really satisfied or thinking it made for him to appear to be so resolved to send his nephew Cardinall Fernese into France that as his Legate he might be assistant at this Convention might further the conclusion of Peace and might proffer the Pontificall Authority and all the Treasure of the Church for any enterprise against the Infidells The Venetian Senate likewise to correspond with like love and respect towards so great Princes resolved to send Antonio Capello and Vicenzo Grimani both of them being Procurators of St. Mark as their Ambassadours to where the meeting was to be whose Commission was To thank Caesar and the most Christian King for their love and esteem shewed to the Common-wealth for communicating their intentions by such honourable personages That they should signify their approbation thereof and excite them to provide against the dangers of Christendome And that they should excuse their having sent an Ambassadour to Constantinople as done out of necessity since they had not sufficient Forces to resist so potent Enemies nor time as was confest by Caesar's self to prepare sufficiently for War and that they had done it to hold the enemy in hand and to gain time the better to effect what they should undertake There came likewise at this time an Ambassadour from the King of Hungary to Venice to propound a straiter intelligence with the Common-wealth and a particular obligation for the common defence of their State He exhorted them likewise to continue their Treaty of Peace with the Turks for that Caesar would never come to agreement with the King of France as long as he might have the States of the Common-wealth and of the King of Hungary for his out-Bulworks against the Turks They returned thanks to the King for this advice without proceeding as then to any Treaty But the Pope though he offered his Forces to maintain the War and exhorted the Senate not to be wanting in making all possible provision for the preservation of his State and for the defence of Christendome Yet did he not totally conceal his jealousie of the Imperialists and the little hope he had of their assistance He often affirmed that as he was certain that wise Senate would never make agreement with
Cruelty used by Mustafa and why 126 127 Cubat a Chiaus sent from the great Turk to Venice to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus 25. His arrival Entertainment and behaviour with the Senates Answer 27 28 The Town of Curzola how preserved 108 109 D THe Description of the City of Nicosia 51. Of the place wherein the Sea fight between the Christians and the Turks 134 Discourses upon Selino or Selymus 6 7 8. Upon the War with the Turks accepted by the Venetians 29 30. Upon Dorias carriage at the Battel of Lepanto 141 Upon the Christians success then and whence it was 142 Upon the Peace which the Venetians made with the Turk Upon the Christians after their Victory 145. Designs of the Spaniards in treating for a League against the Turks 69 70. Of the Christian Commanders after the Victory 144 145. The divers designs of Christians in general after the Victory was blaz'd about 149 150. E AN Edict set out by the King of France against such as should go armed into Flanders 165 F FAmagosta ill provided both for â—en and Commanders 47. Besieged by Mustafa 61. The scituation of it 115 116. Assaulted and Batter'd by the Turks 117. Valiantly defended by the Christians 118. Reduced to a sad condition 123. Is surrendred to the Turks upon Agreement 124 Feasts and Tryumphs in Venice for the Victory at Sea 143 144. In Rome at the entrance of Marc ' Antonio Colonna when he returned from the said Victory 147. Forts made by the Venetians at St Nicolo Malamocco and Chioggia 1â—â— G GIacomo Foscaâ—ini Commissary General in Dalmatia 96. Chosen Generall of the Venetian fleet 154. Proffers battel to Uluzzali 175. Discovers the enemies fleet again and stirs up his men to fight the Turks 178. Goes to charge Uluzzali and is â—â—â—dred 179 Giacomo 〈◊〉 Commissary of the 〈…〉 iâ— the place of Barbarigo 144. Commander of the Right Wing of the Christians fleet at Lepanto 172. Charges some of Uluzzali's fleet 179. Chases Uluzzali to the Castle of Modone 189. Assaults â—akes and slights the Fort of Varbagno returns to Corfu 192 Giovanni Andrea Doria vide John Giorgis Cornaro brother to the Queen of Cyprus perswades her to yeild the possession of that Kingdom to the Venetians 4 Girolamo Zanâ— General of the Venetian fleet 14. Ioyning with the Galleys of the Pope and of Spain Presses them to go for Cyprus 62. Hath a design to relieve Famagosta 74. Lays down his Charge 75 He dies in a deplorable condition 93 9â— Girolamo Paruta Governour of Tine valiantly defends that place against Piali 43 44 Gregory the XIII confirms the League with the King of Spain and the Venetians 157. Much troubled at the Spaniards carriage 166. Being angry at the Peace which the Venetians had made with the Turk denies audience to their Embassadour 20â—punc Is reconciled to them 204 I THe Iealousies of States how great they are 168 The Immoderate desire of Empire and Military glory of the Ottoman Princes â—â—â— The Authors Intent in writing of the War of Cyprus ibid. John Andrea Doria having orders to go with the K. of Spains Galleys and joyn with the Venetians prolongs his going into the Levant 34 35. Comes with the Galleys to Candia 41. Hearing that Nicossia was lost would â—e dâ— go back 64. Commander of the Right Wing in the Battel of Lepanto 128. Charges Uluzzali's wing routs it and puts it to the flight 140 Don John of Austria declared General of the League 92. Receives the Standard at Naples 114. Goes to seek out the Enemy 127 128. Discovers the Turks Fleet and immediately makes the sign of Battel be given 135. Boards Ali's Galley and takes it 138. Gets the victory ibid. Blamed in Spain for fighting 15â— Delays going into the Levant and at last gives his reasons for it 161. John Baptista Contarini sinks a Turkish Gally 138. His valour at Corone 184. L A League negotiated by Pope Pius the V between Christian Princes against the Turk 16. Between the same Pope the King of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 91. 〈◊〉 published in Venice 105. Luigi Mocenigo chosen Duke of Venice 32. His Speech to the great Council 96 97 98 99. His Oration before the Council of Ten for Peace 196 197 198 199. Luigi Martinengo Commander of the relief sent to Famagosta 74. Captain General of the Artillery there 118 His Worth 122. Basely murther'd by orders from Mustafa 126. M MArco Antonio Quirini Captain of the Gulf 39. Takes in Brazzo di Maina 40. Scowres the Archipelagus ibid. Carries Succour to Famagosta 94. Sinkes three Turkish Gallies by the way ibid. destroyes some Forts of the Turkes and returns to Candia ibid. at the Battel of Lepanto forces a Squadron of thirty Turkish galleys to run themselves on ground 138. Utterly routes the Right wing of the Turkish fleet 139. Takes Malgariti and sleights it 146. Marc Antonio Colonna general of the Popes galleyes 35. Sent by the Pope to Venice 82. confirmed General of the Popes fleet and in Dons John's absence of all the fleets 92. At Lepanto assaults Portau's galley 137. Enters Rome in triumph 147. Marc Antonio Bragadino Governour of Famagosta and his speech to the defendants of that City 118. Surrenders it to the Turkes 125. Upon Mustafa's invitation goes out into his camp accompanied with most of the chief Commanders ibid. Put to divers tortures and flead alive 126. Marc Antonio Barbaro the Venetians Consul at Constantinople informes of Selinos resolution to wage War with them 12. by order from the Venetians negotiates with the Turk for a Peace â—00 Which after many obstructions and troubles he concludes 201. Maximilian the 2. Emperour distasted with the Pope Pius the 5. for the Title he had conferred on the Duke of Florence 19.80 resolves not to enter into the League with the Venetians and why 73. Propounds new difficulties not to enter into the League 150. Mehemet the first Bashaw is against the enterprise of Cyprus 9. Discourseth with the Venetian Consul about a treaty of agreement 162. Endeavours to preserve friendship between the Christians Emperour and his own master 153. Mustafa a Bashaw General by land of the Turkes in the enterprise of Cyprus 42. Passeth thither and landeth without any obstacle at Saline 46. Goes to assault Nicossia 49. Gives the assault and the course he takes 54 55. Exhorts those of the town to yeild 56.57 Assaults it in four places at the same time and is repulsed 58. Takes Nicossia upon a Parley and most perâ—idiously sackes it 60. Marches with his army to Famagosta 61. Encourages his Souldiers to the assault â—21 Hath Famagosta delivered him upon Articles of Agreement 124. Most impiously and perâ—idiously breakes all those Articles 126. N NIcossia in Cyprus reduced to a Fort Royal by the Venetians 51. 〈◊〉 provided for defendants 47. Assaulted by the Turkes 54.57 Taken and sackt 60. The Number of the Turkish vessels of all sorts that were 〈◊〉 for Cyprus 44. Of their forces that went
his Affairs in so bad a posture and seeking to provide for his own safety retired with some few Horse into Navar to try the utmost of his Fortune For he understood that some Troops of the Switzers were already got thither expecting to be followed by many others of their Nation who came in much greater numbers to defend that State Wherefore the Millaneses seeing their City bereft both of Commander and Souldiers that their Castle which was well garrison'd was in the hands of the French and that the Enemies Army drew neer some allured by hopes of better Fortune others moved by fear thought it best to put themselves willingly into the power of the French and to this purpose to send Embassadours to the General of the Venetians Army who having already made a Bridg over the Ada threatned to bring his Army before the Town This mean while the French with whom was Andrea Gritti as Embassadour from Venice assaulted Italy took many Cities and Castles some by slight skirmishes some without any withstanding Thus the state of Millan straitned at one and the same time by the French and the Venetian Armies fell in a short time into the French mens hands Two only Cities Navar and Como held still for Maximillian The Venetians heightning their hopes by these prosperous successes promised unto themselves a happy end of all the War Their Army was grown into such Reputation after the getting of Cremona as Renzo da Ceri being ordered by Alviano to go with a Band of Souldiers to recover Brescia the City yielded as soon as he came before it For the Spaniards who had the Guard thereof when they heard of his approach withdrew themselves into the Castle There was but one thing which appeared might hinder the conceived hopes of Victory which was that it was said the Switzers had so zealously undertaken to protect Duke Maximillian as it was thought they would prefer his honour before whatsoever other thing Their Nation was then in very great esteem out of the opinion which was had of their excellent Discipline in War Wherefore they were much celebrated and feared by all people So as blown up with Pride for having once had good success in their attempts chiefly because the French Forces were once worsted by their means and Duke Maximillian restored to his state aspiring yet to greater Glory they did totally despise the French Nation which they had once overcome Their haughty minds could not endure to be despised and under-valued by King Lewis who when there was a treaty of renewing the League with them seemed more desirous of some little advancement of Moneys than of their Friendship whereupon the business remain'd undecided These men said that they had always highly esteemed the King of Fâ—ance his Friendship that they had toyled very much in several Wars to the end that he might by them receive Glory that having by their egregious actions deserved much better salary then they demanded they could not receive such reasonable reward from that ungrateful King as they by their service and hazard had won King Lewis repenting this his advice sent his Embassadours to their Dyets to accord those differences who though they had endeavoured to please some of the best amongst them with presents and promises yet could they not get them to receive the King into their Friendship 'T is thought that the hopes of great Reward and an Opinion of vain Glory did incite the multitude to fight against the King of France since they saw their Friends and Companions rich and return'd with Conquest from the late Wars of Italy The Popes authority and exhortations were added to these things for Iulio was wont mightily to magnifie the Helvetians whom he had honoured with the glorious title of DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and Leo did continually though under-hand solicite them to take upon them the defence of the state of Millan Besides he had sent them a certain summe of Money by Maximillian's Embassadour under pretence that it was due unto them for service done in the other Popes time And since the recent Memory of the glorious Actions done by that Nation invites me thereunto I have thought it greatly suiting with the business which I am now in hand with to say something of their Customes and Discipline The Switzers are a Nation of Rusticks far from any neatness or civil breeding but very desirous of War and for strength of body beyond all the Nations of Europe They inhabit those high Hills which bound France on the West side and on the East and North Confine upon Germany Therefore as formerly this Countrey was held a part of Gallia Belgica so now it is placed as a member thereof within the Confines of Germany The Inhabitants suffer much in the scarcity of all things by reason of the Countries barrenness the which they use to remedie not by cultevating the ground or by marchandizing as other people for the most part do but by the pay which they get in the Wars They think that curious and delicate living makes men effeminate therefore despising Learning and all civil Adornments they spend their lives in continual sweat and labour So as being naturally strong of body and accustoming themselves to hunger watching cold and thirst they do so strengthen themselves as they can easily undergo the hardest things As soon as their years will suffer them to bear Armes they leave their own homes put themselves into other Princes pay and learn all Military Affairs in Armies Hence is it that strength of body and experience in War makes these fiercely minded men so daring as they dread not any Enemie nor is there any Enterprize so hard or difficult which they do not willingly undertake whereby they have won singular praise for matter of War amongst all Nations and their Discipline is chiefly esteemed in pitcht fields when people fight with Banners flying For they so order their Squadrons as they stand fast and firm and bear any shock of the Enemy without any disorder But this their great Industry is marr'd and corrupted by many bad Customes so as they deserve not that praise which is due to true Worth For they esteem nothing a fault in War but to fear the Enemy and think it not a fault for able valiant men to take Liberty in committing other faults so as the Soul being sick and weak in what concerns true Honour suffers her self the more easily to be contaminated They have often therefore been observed to despise Loyalty to refuse obedience even to modest Commands and to measure all things according to their own Interests more then according to Honesty They have Liberty in great esteem and veneration and profess the maintaining thereof more than any other Nation doth Wherewith being contented and secured by their cragged scituation they go out of their Confines not with any intention of inlarging them but to fight for other mens Power and Glory So they exercise the Militia rather
the same chances That they should remember that they also being govern'd once more by their own peculiar affections then by reason and to revenge the injuries done by Lodowick Sforza had not such consideration as they ought to have had to the danger whereinto they put the Common-wealth by calling in for their Companion of War a powerful forreign King who was to neighbour upon their Dominions in stead of a weak Italian Prince That therefore they should be well advised and learn how to reap some advantage by the Popes favour which they had ever till now endeavoured to preserve Thus did Bembo deliver his Embassie in such manner as he was commanded but the Senate were much otherwise minded esteeming it neither a safe nor easie thing to have recourse to Cesar's favour and the Spaniards So as these the Popes request being reported to the Senate by the Savij of the council according to custome they were not accepted of but by frequent Votes they resolved to continue in the favour of the French and to give this Answer to the Popes Legate That his Embassie was very wâ—ll received by the Senate as well in respect of his own person whose worth and singular love to his Country was very well known to them all as also in regard of that Prince who had sent him for great had the observancy always been which the Common-wealth had born to the Popes of Rome but that their inclination bore them more particularly to reverence and observe Leo wherefore the Senate had always highly esteemed his wise Counsâ—ls and friendly Admonishments But that it had fallen out by a certain Fatality that the more they had desired his Friendship and Association above that of all others in so great variety of Affairs the less could they get to joyn in confederacy with him so as though their good wills were never sever'd from him yet it behooved that their Forces should be always divided That therefore as they returned many thanks unto his Holiness and did confess the great obligations which the Common-wealth had to him for his having by many endeavours readily imbraced and favoured their cause so were they very much troubled that they could not follow his advice since the ancient custom of the Common-wealth would not permit that leaving ancient Confederacies they should make new ones or unprovoked by any injury forbear to do that which was convenient fâ—r them and which by Articles and Conventions they were bound to do That they had always been taught by their Fore-fathers that what was honest was useful that therefore they could not without great Infamy to the Common-wealth break that League which they had a little before made with the French Moreover that if the Pope would call to mind the ancient merits of the Kings of France as well towards the Church as towards the State of Venice as also the Wealth and Power of so great a King he would commend this their advice and think that he himself ought to follow their example for the safety of the Ecclesiastical State and the greatness of his Family would be better founded by his adhering to the Forces of the French and to the Venetians Friendship Moreover they acquainted Bembo with their Jealousies which made them believe that such a Treaty of Peace would not be very safe Since the Pope was perswaded thereunto by the Emperour and by Ferdinand who as it did plainly appear did under a pretence of agreement plot as they formerly had done a pernicious War against the Common-wealth for at the same time when the Embassabour of Spain treated with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy Ferdinando had begun to renew these Treaties of Peace out of no other end certainly but to make the King of France jealous of the Venetians whereby he might make more advantagious conditions with him Which when he should have done and that the Venetians were dis-associated from the French what could keep him from making himself Master of whole Italy which he had long endeavoured Bembo returned to the Pope with this answer to his Embassie The Venetians calling to mind what Leo had often affirmed that he would never give way no not though the Senate had assented thereunto that any part of the Common-wealth should remain in the power of any other knowing that by her the Liberty of Italy was chiefly maintain'd and that it behooved the Greatness of the House of Medici to have her for their leaning stock they certainly thought they ought not to believe much in his exhortations for at the same time that he divulged these things under pretence of Friendship he treated with them of peace after such a manner as that if it had been granted the Common-wealth would be berest of the richest and noblest part of her Dominions by consenting that Cesar should keep Verona a gallant City and the Gate of Italy whereby he might always enter at his pleasure to ruine her But the Venetians did build their chiefest hopes upon the coming of the French into Italy which made them care so little for Peace for Lewis not being able to fall upon the Enterprize of Millan the year before by reason of the War with England and yet longing very much to put an end to the War in Itataly the differences being now accorded between him and Henry King of England he had promised to send over a great and powerful Army very speedily to Italy to which when the Venetian Forces should be added they thought they might be able to drive their Enemies from the confines of the Common-wealth Who as they were more insolent by reason of the late troubles of the French so the force of the League being strengthened by their return into Italy and they themselves wanting many things especially Monies they would lay aside their audaciousness and for their own safeties sake put on new resolutions To increase these their hopes and to confirm such Princes as were their Friends still in Friendship with them they chose two Embassadours to send to the two Kings the one of France the other of England to wit Francisco Donato and Pietro Pasquillio but Donato falling soon after desperately sick they chose Sebastiano Giustiniano in his place They were first to congratulate with both these Kings for the Peace and Marriage which had ensued between them for Lewis had married Mary Sister to Henry and that they should render them many thanks for that the one and the other of these Princes had in the Articles of Peace made between them named the Venetians as their Friends and Confederates That they should also assure the King of France that the Senate had the same intentions as he had and the like desire of renewing the War and to increase the strength of the League that therefore he should not doubt of the Venetians good will towards him since they were not only most ready to continue the Friendship of the French and to prefer it at all
blame the counsels That for all this bad fortune the Senate would not go less in their former intentions of providing for the War but would take care that the Army should be abundantly furnish'd with all things which belong'd to the care of a General as if he himself were present at their Counsels And that the General should want nothing whereby to shew his Worth These and the like means were often used not only to Trivulcio but to the King of France yet were they not able to make him alter his resolution He therefore departed from Millan and the care of the Venetian Army and the administration of the War was committed to Theadore Trivulcio This man was formerly entertain'd by the Venetians and had the same place and imployment as Renzo da Ceri had before but was not able to come unto the camp till now whither as soon as he was come he had the same authority given him as Giacopo Trivulcio had before though not the name nor degree of Captain General This mean while King Francis having provided all things for his departure and sent some of his men already before he left the Duke of Burbone in charge with the Government of the affairs of Italy wherein he endued him with great authority and returned into France But being resolved before he went to send more aid to the Venetian Army he recommended the men to the care of Monsieur Odetto de Fois named Monsieur di Lautrech one famous in War and desirous of Glory who for his worth and courage was thought fit to exercise the place of any Commander His commission from the King was to go with those men to the taking in of Brescia and to do all things for the good and service of the Venetians with the same care and diligence as if the City were to be recovered for him and to be annex'd to the Crown of France And certainly all the Kings Proceedings were such as plainly shew'd he bore a great good will to the Common-wealth for he had often constantly affirm'd that if the occasion of War should require it he would be ready to return again into Italy with no less Forces then he had done now to the end that the Common-wealth might be restored to her former Power and Dignity Wherefore the Venetians to purchase more grace and favour with the King thought fit to send an Embassadour who might continually reside with Monsieur di Bourbone who as it hath been said was left in Italy in the supremest place of Dignity since it was likely they might have many occasions to treat with him in To which imployment they chose Andrea Trevisano who as soon as he came to Millan Andrea Gritti who had tarried in that City after the Kings departure to procure the coming of the French to our Army returned to the camp by order from the Senate where he was made Commissary in the place of Dominico Contarini who falling sick had got leave of the Senate to be gone Almost about the same time came Monsieur di Lautrech to the Army and now the French aid being come it was thought it was no more to be doubted but that Brescia not being able any longer to ressist so great Forces would at last fall into the power of the Common-wealth The Pope thinking that such success would make much against his designs sought by all means to hinder it He propounded a Truce and howsoever desired that the business might be spun out at length hoping that if the Siege of Brescia should prove long and difficult some occasion might arise which might make the Venetians listen the sooner to agreement though upon bad conditions And because he himself was able to do but little in this business no great belief being given to his words nor exhortations he thought to interpose the King of Polonia's authority perswading his Embassadour who was yet at Venice to re-assume the business of Peace by making new Proposals As if the Venetians would forego the friendship of the French and side with Cesar the noble Cities of Cremona and Lodi might be added unto their State for the King of France might be easily driven out by the joynt Forces of the Emperour the Pope and the Common-wealth and then those Cities might be obtain'd from Cesar by the King of Polands Intercession and Authority so as being for the future sever'd from the State of Millan they might be added to the Dominion of Venice which would make way by occasion of handling other particulars for the re-gaining all the other things which were now held by Cesar. Upon the same design the Pope to the end that by absence of the Commander the business of Brescia might be drawn out more at length exhorted King Francis to send Monsieur di Lautrech to Rome seeming very desirous to treat with that grave and wise man in many things concerning the business of Naples which he knew the King did very much desire and therefore he thought this proposition would be very acceptable to him And though the Pope had contrary thoughts in his head yet he seemed very desirous that the beginning of that War might not be deferr'd for that Ferdinando King of Spain after long sickness was dead and the power of Charles Duke of Burgony who had taken upon him the name of Prince of Casteile grew daily more formidable to all those that had any States in Italy but chiefly to him that therefore all force and industry was to be used in not suffering his power to increase too immoderately But as Leo's cunning already sufficiently known to all could not bring about his design he having lost all credit so did it afford great cause of wondet by his uncertain way of proceeding for it seemed that these courses wherewith he thought to have joyntly provided both for his own safety and the like of the Ecclesiastique State did ill become his wisdom for he endeavoured as he had done all the time of his Popedome that the Venetians who had always shew'd themselves obedient to the Apostolique See whereof there wanted not many evident examples being supprest by so many adversities should be still troubled with the labour and dangers of War so as their Forces should be kept low and the dignity and power of the Common-wealth weakened and that on the contrary he should so study to advance the Emperours greatness when he knew that nothing could be so pernicious both to himself and all Italy as to suffer the Dutch Armies to continue long in that Country giving occasion thereby to revive the ancient claim and pretences of the Emperours And say he should have forgot ancient passages whereby he might be instructed how many cruel and bitter things that Nation had plotted against the Popes of Rome how could he forget modern affairs and speeches told unto him used by Maximillian Who was wont in all his discourses to say publickly that the Churches State did belong to the Western Empire and
that it would be his Fate to return the Dignity of the Empire in Italy by his Forces to its former greatness Therefore they who thought they saw more into Leo's intentions were of opinion that his chief aim was to take the Venetians off from the friendship of the French Which if he could not do yet that by the weakening of their Forces those of the King of France would likewise be weakened he being a friend and confederate of the Common-wealths whose greatness moved thereunto either by hatred or fear the Pope could not tolerate Whereas he was less jealous of Cesar's Forces as well in his own respect as of that of the Church by reason of his natural light headedness by reason of his paucity of men and want of monies for which reasons he thought his greatness could never be so well grounded but that it might by some chance be made to toâ—ter Thus did this year end mens minds being variously possess'd with hope and fear and not knowing what the end of so many evils would be for in the beginning of the next year which was the year of our Lord 1516 and the 8th year from the time that all Italy and especially the State of Venice began to be sorely molested with War new Preparations for Arms and evident signs of future troubles began to appear Souldiers were taken into pay every where more means were used for the renewing of War then was before and chiefly the Venetians refusing all Treaties of Peace or of new Leagues and being return'd to besiege Brescia with great hopes of gaining it were resolute to continue the War till such time as they should have gotten that City either by force or by voluntary surrender Cesar also who had not been himself in person in any of the Armies the last year past but managing the War by his Captains had not managed it over well re-assuming his former thirst after War sought to raise commotions in all parts and to augment his Forces that he might molest the affairs of Italy he called many Dyets craved aids muster'd men sent for Commanders but he chiefly sollicited the Switzers to take up Arms and to revenge the death of their valiant companions promising to be their Leader and to be willing to share with them in all labour and danger The King of England did the like out of envy to the King of France his recent glory and out of anger that he had taken the King of Scotland into his protection The Pope with the like intention but more secretly endeavour'd the same with the Switzers All these affirm'd that the Switzers could undertake no War which could bring them greater glory or richer booty then that of Italy which being already begun must now again be renewed with greater Forces They moreover promis'd them some pay for their Souldiers but much hopes of greater advantage which they might always have by their Friendship This mean time the Venetian Commanders Lautrech being already come as hath been said with aid to their camp held many Councils and did differ in their opinions touching the managing of the War Some were for the raising of the Siege from before Brescia and for carrying the whole Army to Verona for which they alledged that that City now that their veterane Souldiers were gone to relieve Brescia was but weakly garrison'd and that the Enemy had made no provision for necessary defence as not suspecting any such thing then But the season of the year made much against this opinion for the Camp could not without great inconvenience be removed in the midst of Winter nor the Souldiers be led to a new Enterprize Besides it might appear a rash thing to change greater hopes of getting Brescia with the uncertainty of what might befall about Verona for the condition of Brescia being considered it was evidently seen that unless they did intermit their begun works the Town must of necessity fall into their hands either by force or by surrender it was apparent that the City was in great want of money Corn and of all sort of Victuals the Commanders were at oddes within themselves the Souldiers weary of being long besieged and by reason of many sufferings rather ready to mutiny then to fight and the Citizens as well by reason of their new grievances laid upon them by their new Masters as out of their ancient affection to the Venetians desirous of Novelties and ready upon any accident to drive the Garrison out of the City Moreover the Defendants were reduced to a small number for the Foot who were come a little before to assist the Besieged seeing that with diversity of opinion but no resolution many discourses had been had of leading the Souldiers forth to fight and that the scarcity of Victuals did daily increase were most of them gone from the City leaving the business unperfected These things being found by the report of many to be true it was by general consent agreed that they should keep their Quarters and attend with all diligence to straiten the City more Our Army abounded in all things for the Senate were so careful to provide all things requisite for War as though the Enemy strove much to hinder it all their endeavours proved vain Amongst the rest Mark Antonio Colonna endeavour'd often by sending his Souldiers out of Verona to keep the Army from victuals and by laying ambushes to intercept the monies which were sent to the Venetian camp To which purpose he kept continually good store of Spanish Foot and Horse at the Town of Legnano which was now fallen into his power to block up all the ways of that Country and the Enemy growing daily more bold and offering at great matters they made incursion even to the Territories of Brescia which they might safely do because they saw the Venetian Army was busied about the Siege Wherefore the Captain General and Commissaries thought that it stood not with the honour and reputation of that Army to suffer that so few men should come so near hand to insult over them Wherefore having notice that Colonna endeavour'd to come into the confines of Mantua to block up that way likewise which as the safest was frequented by those that went to the camp Paolo Manfrone and Mercurio Bua were sent by our men to meet them and to fight them Who though they undertook the business couragiously yet did they not succeed well therein for Colonna having notice of their coming by his Scouts took with him some companies of veterane Souldiers and went speedily towards Valeggio where he had such advantage of place as he might chuse whether he would keep safe there or fight upon advantagious terms Our men and the Enemy entred at the same time by several ways into this Town and both of them strove to possess themselves of the Bridg which joyns the Town together being otherwise divided by the waters of Menzo each side hoping to repulse the Enemy and to make themselves Masters of the
peace Cesar prepares to succour Genua Giorgio Sfonspere musters 10000 Dutch at Bolzano and in despite of the Confederates passes into the Country of Mantua Giovan de Medici his Valour The Dutch pass into Tuscany The Venetians succour the Popes State and send Marco Foscari to Florence The Imperial Fleet towards Genua is pursued by the Venetian Fleet chas'd by Navarro gets at last to Gaetta and lands the Vice-roy of Naples Renzo de Ceri sent by the King of France to Rome The Viceroy succours the Collonesi and besiegeth Frussolone The Colleagues attempt the taking of Naples their proceedings Important actions before the City The Neapolitans are afraid and are supported by Don Ugo Moncada The Ecclesiastical Army in disorder Burbone comes forth of Milan to joyn with the Duth and goes to Bologna The Pope the mean while concludes peace with the Viceroy his little discretion in laying down Arms his fears and his excuse to the Colleagus Embassadours A Tumult in Florence appeased by the Duke of Urbane Burbone despairing of the Enterprise marches towards Rome desires passage from the Pope which is denied wherefore he besiegeth the City he is shot upon the walls thereof with a musket and dies The Emperours Army enters Rome The Pope retires to the Castle of St Angelo Rome in a few dayes undergoes the miseries of being sack'd of Famine of Pestilence and suffers totall desolation of all things as well sacred as prophane THe Fortune and reputation of the French being much declined by their being driven in a short space out of the State of Milan and by Forces not greater then their own it was generally thought that the Venetians whose Army was defeated and the greatest part of their Horse by them dismist they having likewise given leave to their Commissary Gritti to return from the camp and come home having largely made good their Confederacy with King Francis though they got but little good thereby would at last follow the victorious Fortune of Charles the Emperour who as he had formerly seemed to desire their friendship so did he now more then ever endeavour to draw them to side with him hoping by reason of the low condition which the French were in to be able to seperate them from King Francis and believing that the preservation of the State of Milan and the good end of all the war did chiefly depend upon this new Confederacy and upon the assistance and forces of the Venetians for it was very certain that king Francis made great preparations to pass into Italy with a powerfull Army and that if he should be assisted by the Venetians the Emperialists and Sforzas would not be able long to maintain the burthen of so heavy a war As on the contrary if the Venetians should joyn with the Imperialists it was thought that the French would be kept from retiring into Italy being they were to meet with so stout resistance and that King Francis seing himself deprived of the Venetian's aid would lay aside all thoughts of coming into Italy as despairing of good Success Cesar therefore laboured hard to effect this and did not onely treat thereof at his own Court with Gasparo Cotarini who was Embassadour there for the Com-wealth acquainting him with many reasons wherefore the Senate should be perswaded to joyn in like Confederacy with him to defend the States of each other as they had of late years done with the King of France but he likewise interposed the authority of the King of England with whom Charles having had speech at his return from Spain he had had much discourse thereupon and the Cardinal of York had the copy of the Capitulations drawn up by the Emperour's Lord Chancellour and having acquainted Gasparo Contarini with them offered to moderate them and to make them such as the Common-wealth which had complained thereof as being too severe should have reason to accept them But the business requiring some length of time by reason of this distance of place a League was concluded between Charles and Henry reserving room for the Venetians to be comprehended therein if they would declare within three months and if they would accommodate their affairs first with Cesar either by way of Truce or Peace which being communicated to the Senate produced as then no other result save onely fair correspondency in general with a shew of being much inclined to peace and to friendship with Cesar so it might stand with the honour and safety of the Commonwealth and that since the Cardinal of York had already offered himself to be a Mediator and stickler in the business of greatest difficulty it was requisite to hear what he would propound before any resolution could be taken But the news of the French preparations for the affairs of Italy increasing dayly and greater doubts arising in Charles and Henry by reason of the Venetians delaying to put on any resolution that their State would continue their confederacy with France they resolved to send Embassadours to Venice to accelerate the conclusion of the League which was propounded by them The King of England's Embassadour came thither first which was Richard Pace who having received his Commission from his King whilest the said Richard was at Rome discharged his trust together with the Emperours Embassadour which was resident at Venice desiring in their Princes name that the Senate would declare what they intended to do when the King of France should return with an Army into Italy to possess himself of the State of Milan But the Emperours Embassadour proceeded further desiring that the Commonwealth would wage war against the King of France if he should not desist from troubling Cesar and from disturbing the peace of Italy alledging that the Venetians were bound to do so by a particular Confederacy made two years before at London wherein by particular consent of their Senate the State of Venice was named amongst the chief Contracters The Venetians proceeded very maturely in this Treaty weighing how pernicious any resolution they could put on might prove to the Commonwealth according to the various events which might happen in the affairs of Italy and by the secret Counsels of Princes for it was certain That if the King of France should through any accident that might happen delay sending a powerfull army on this side the Mountains his reputation would be so much lesned and the Forces and authority of his enemies so confirmed as the adherers to the French would be exposed to eminent dangers and on the other side to forego their Friendship to boot that it went against their general inclination brought with it no lesser difficulties For it was rather to be believed both in respect of the power and wealth of the Kingdom of France and out of the immense desire that King Francis had to get the State of Milan that the French would return with powerfull Forces on this side the Mountains and regain his former power and authority so as they might have means
signall Victory gotten by the Imperialists against the French was cause of much trouble to the Venetians knowing that a heavy load lay upon them for the Counterpoise of the French failing and all the other Princes of Italy being weak and full of Terrour by reason of this so mighty success they were almost of themselves alone to defend the liberty of Italy against the power of Cesar which was increased greatly by this his late good fortune nor could they hope that he would contain his Forces within the Confines of the State of Milan it was rather to be believed that his Army pursuing the victory would enter into the neighbouring States whereunto their being so unprovided to make any stout resistance might very well invite the Imperial commanders The Venetian Forces were onely of some consideration for they had 1000 Curassiers 600 Light-horse and 10000 foot they therefore resolved to make use of these forces and to increase them and to exhort the rest of the Princes of Italy to do the like and to arm themselves so strongly as they could But their chief study and care was to joyn themselves with the Pope for they believed that all the Potentates of Italy would finally depend upon his Authority and that there might be thereby some hopes of good They therefore solicited the Pope often Shewing him into what great dangers Italy was brought which if they should not receive some sudden and powerfull remedy they would increase so fast as all labour and industry and expence to prevent eminent ruine would be in vain That Cesar 's actions did clearly shew what his thoughts and intentions were since he had not assigned over the Dukedome of Milan to Francisco Sforza as by his Confederacy he was bound to do but that having defeated the French Army so as there was now no more fear of any enemy he did notwithstanding keep his souldiers still in that State placed Garrisons in the Cities and would have all things done by his authority and in his name and that certainly Cesar had so fair a way opened unto him of making himself master of Italy if the Italians would stand idle and leave their affairs to the discretion of others as one that were never so moderate having so fair an occasion could not abstain from turning his thoughts and Forces upon the taking of Territories so ill defended and that in such a case the State belonging to the Church would be no freer from offence then the like of their Commonwealth but would rather be in more danger because her weakness did the more expose her to injuries Nor did such thoughts and actions as these want several appearances of a fair collour far war Chiefly by reason of the League made by the Pope with the French which being come to the knowledg of the Imperialists they seemed to be more troubled thereat because it was made contrary to their opinion or sense they put him in mind that it became not a wise Prince to think upon giving satisfaction when he was able to take up armes and to depend upon himself and his own Forces and that truly the most expert men thought it a more easie thing far the Italian Princes to joyn together and being joyned to defend themselves against the Emperours Forces if the Pope would declare himself to be head and authour of such an Union For the Florentines were alwayes at his command and had now particularly signified their will and readiness to defend themselves by Francesco Vettori whom they had sent to Rome to that purpose thereby to invite him to take upon him the common defence That the Duke of Ferrara would be ready to do the like in consideration of his own State and to free himself from the contumacy which he was run into with the Church whereof he had already given sufficient signes he having sent an express messenger to Rome presently after the defeat of the French to offer the Pope 250 Curassiers 400 Light-horse and all his other Forces for the defence of the Apostolick Sea and for the welfare of Italy That the other lesser Princes could not nor would not sever themselves from the authority and from joyning with the forenamed with whose joint forces the Duke of Urbane did promise to defend all their States That it was to be considered the Cesarians wanted money and that the souldiers chiefly the Dutch being much behinde hand for pay â—ere readier to mutinie and to return home then to fall upon any other Enterprise without being paid their Arrears That the State of Milan was totally exhausted and unpeopled That the name of a Spanyard Emperour's Army was already much diminished and to conclude That part of his men were sent from Lombardy to resist the Duke of Albany These things though they were very punctually represented by the Venetians and diligently listned unto by the Pope yet were they not able to infuse any hope into him or to keep him from precipitating into an agreement and from thinking of securing his affairs rather unworthily by receiving any whatsoever condition from the Conquerours then by his own forces and by the aid of other Princes and Confederates so as without so much as expecting Cesar's will or any orders from him he had begun new Treaties with the Viceroy being hereunto induced by an immoderate fear that the Emperours army should be necessitated to pass thorough the state of the Church or else thorough Tuscany and to bring either the one or the other and peradventure both of them into great trouble and danger The Viceroy listned willingly to the Treaty of agreement promoted by the Pope knowing that peace and union with him did greatly concern confirming the Victory and freeing the Army of many necessities which it then suffered under whose Authority being as he believed to be followed by the other Princes of Italy the State that was won would be secured for the future from the French Forces who could not hope to do any good in Italy without the assistance of some Italian Prince These considerations being discovered by the Ventians who knew that such a security would at last cause more danger to them and could not notwithstanding keep the Pope from making this Agreement they proceeded slowly in their Councels not making the Imperialists dispair nor yet joyning in any streighter friendship or confederacy with them but they perswaded the Pope that to the end he might be provided for all events in case the agreement should not be made good he should forthwith send Monsignor Verulano who was long before destin'd thether into Switzerland to make 1000 Switzers come in presently to the defence of the Liberty of Italy the nation being greatly ambitious of the name of Liberty and that he should with the like diligence dispatch away a Nuntio to England whether the Common-wealth would at the same time send Lorenzo Orio whom they had chosen for their Embassadour to negotiate with the King thereof who was in great esteem
intent upon their own advantage then agreed with the accommodation of so many great differences and to putting an end to Wars of so long duration It was known that the King of France was very jealous of the Pope so as he did neither believe much what he said nor did he much confide in him Holding all his proposals to be doubtful and uncertain Therefore he treated apart with the Venetians that they would reorder their Forces by Sea and by Land seeming not to be at all discouraged for what had hapned at Naples as a thing which had fallen out by misfortune and not through any cowardise of the Souldiery Wherefore he was more desirous then ever to renew the Wars in Italy As for the Emperour though he said he would come into Italy to take upon him the Crown of the Empire and to procure peace yet he made so great preparation for War as it appeared he intended not to do as he said especialy since his desire of making himself Master of the State of Milan was so very well known And as for the Pope who was to take upon him the chief care herein he still retained the desire of recovering not only the Towns in Romagna but also Modena and Regio and likwise he longed to revenge himself for the injuries done him by the Florentines and to replace his Nephews in their pristine greatness and dignity in Florence which were not things to be done without War And the Venetians though they had been so many years involved in Wars wherein they had already spent five Millions of Gold and that therefore they desired to give some ease and refreshment to themselves and to their Subjects yet they persevered resolutely not to abandon the Duke of Milan not to permit that that State should fall again into Cesar's power nor would they easily part with the Towns in Puglia and Romagna unless upon the establishing of universal peace upon fair and rational conditions Thus did the Princes at this time steer their thoughts and actions and this was mens opinion touching â—uture War and Peace This mean while the News increased of Cesar's coming into Italy for which great preparation of Shiping was made at Barcellona and the Arch-Duke Ferdinand came to Ispruch and raised much moneys in the Dyets taking foot Souldiers into pay to send them for Italy to serve his Brother giving out that he would assault the States of Venice Yet at the same time divers treaties of agreement were propounded to the Senate by Andrea Doria and by some other Imperialists shewing that the Emperour had very good thoughts towards the Common-wealth and offering to negotiate peace wherein the Venetians proceeded very cautiously fearing lest this might be a trick to seperate the French by these jealousies from the freindship of the Common-wealth so as they slackned not their preperation for War for the Senate would depend upon themselves and treat of Peace with Sword in hand and with honour The time of the Duke of Urbines command being at an end they continued his imployment for three years longer with the increase of ten thousand Crowns a year pay and with as many Curassiers as made up those that were before under his command two hundred Moreover a particular Troop of fifty Curassiers was given to his son Guido Ubaldo who was likewise taken into the Commonwealths service and had a stipend of a thousand crowns a year given him Gianus Maria Fregoso was made Governour General of the Venetian Militia in reward of his loyalty and worth And because the Duke of Urbine had many occasions to be absent from the camp as he was particularly at this time and that it was thought fit for the publick service that some person of great authority should always be in the Army Antonio Alberti was sent to him Savio degli Ordini with Orders that he should go speedily from Brescia where he then was and come to the Army in which journey for his greater honour he was accompanied by the said Alberti Other chief places of the Militia were disposed of to others Count Gaiazzo was made General of the Light Horse and Antonio da Castello Captain of the Artillery Hercoles Fregoso Farfarella da Ravenna and other Commanders were taken again into the Commonwealths service A good sum of money was sent to the camp to Commissary Navi with Orders to raise new Foot and to fill up the companies Nor were they less vigilant about Maritime Affairs Girolamo Pesaro was created Captain General at Sea and Andrea Pesaro being chosen a little before Commissary of the Fleet and Vicenso Iustiniano Captain of the Bastard Gallies they were both of them ordered to prepare for Sea there were other ten chosen for Governours to arm the ten Gallies which were disarm'd the preceding Winter so as the Common-wealth had above fifty Gallies at Sea and though by the Articles of confederacy they were not bound to furnish out above sixteen Gallies they promised notwithstanding to adde four more thereunto so as there should be twenty for the service of the League whereof Girolamo Contarini was made Captain And because the Duke of Milan and Monsieur di S. Paule who were desired to increase the number of their Foot according to their Articles excused themselves for want of monies the Senate resolved to lend the French twelve thousand Duckets and eight thousand to the Duke of Milan But the Venetians did chiefly desire and pray the King of France that he would not be wanting to the Colleagues upon so important an occasion since he had found them all so affectionate to him and so constant in prosecuting the War And truly these remembrances were no more then necessary for all the bad success of the French in the affairs of Italy arose from their slowness in making provisions and from too much confiding in themselves the French being naturally given to promise all good success to themselves at the first beginning which makes them easily undertake any business but they are not constant in the prosecution and but little careful in providing necessaries out of the hopes they have of bringing it soon to an end measuring it often more according to their own desires then according to the truth Monsieur de S. Paule was reduced to want of men monies and almost of all things requisite to maintain War in Italy Nor was there any preparations seen for doing any thing beyond the Mountains which the King had so often promised to do And yet it was now more necessary then ever to do both these and that with powerful forces to keep the Emperour from coming into Italy either by preparing strongly to resist him there or else by keeping him imploy'd in defending Spain and in muniting the heart of his Dominions They therefore told the King that it was a thing becoming him and the forces of that powerful Kingdom to interrupt Cesars designs and to bring him by force of Arms to an agreement and to the restoring
their Fleet as being desirous to recover Castel Nuoâ—o rather by force then agreement Barbarossa was already gone forth with 150 sayl of several sorts of shipping and with a great train of Artillery and Beglâ—rbeg of Greece at the same time marched with a great many Horse to the taking of Castel Nuovo So the Turks not dissenting from agreement with the Venetians easily consented that the Truce should be prolonged with them alone for the month of September and set some of their ships that were deteyn'd at liberty and allowed more freedom to their Consulls and Merchants This Treaty being noysed abroad it was severally discourst of every where according to the diversity of mens judgements or rather of their affections Most men commended the Venetians for accommodating themselves to the times and to necessity indeavouring the safety of their state and affairs by agreement since they had try'd the way of Arms two years in vain with great expence and danger whereby their sincerity faith and reall intentions to the common good did sufficiently appear particularly the Pope said the Senate had done according to their ancient renown and wisdome proceeding according as the present condition of affairs did dictate and providing for the preservation of their State by such means as were permitted them He therefore would not arm his Gallies confessing that the joyning of the Fleets would do more harm then good disturbing on one side the Treaty of Peace and then doing no prejudice to the Enemy But because he intended to keep two Galleys armed for the defence of his maritime Coasts he desired them of the Senate who willing granted them Barbarossa this mean while steering on his course and being to enter into the Gulph the wonted difficulties arose Where the Common-wealths Fleet should keep To retreat would be dishonourable would infuse feare into their subjects and make them dispair would shew their weakness to the Turks and make them more insolent stand upon harder terms of agreement On the other side to keep at Corfu might afford occasion of meeting with the Turkish Fleet and raise new scandalls and might also make the Turks jealous that they would joyn with the Imperialists a thing which would be very unseasonable at this time and contrary to the intention of the already begun Treaty of Peace They had not as then above 65 Gallies in their Fleet which if they should keep all without the Gulph Dalmatia and the Gulph it selfe would be abandoned and if they should divide them all parts would be weak and in danger It was resolved notwithstanding that one of the Commissaries should come with 25 Gallies into the Gulph and that the other should tarry with the rest at Corfu hoping that if Barbarossa should advance the doubt of incountring him would cease and the Gallies from Candia would quickly arrive which being fifty in number and already on their way hoping to finde the Navigation safe by reason of the news that the plague was fallen into the Turkish Fleet so as it could not get from Nigraponte did afterwards return back hearing that Barbarossa was with his whole Fleet in the waters of Zante The Turks did no injurie to the Venetians in this their voyage Barbarossa affirming that he would keep Truce with them but that the Emperour not being therein comprehended he was not bound to keep from besieging Castel Nuovo which was possest and kept by the Imperialists but meeting with an armed Vessel which brought Souldiers and Victualls to Napoli di Romagna and Lorenzo Sanuto's person who went Consull to Napoli they did not any wayes molest them yet Commissay Contarini tarrying at Corfu with some few Gallies did for their greater security cause some Cable Ropes with their Anchors to be fastned to some Rafters wherewith securing so much of an Arm of the Sea as might receive his Gallies he provided against any sudden violence of the Enemy The Spaniards being affrighted at the comming of the Fleet and at the Turks great preparations began to consent to the putting of Castel Nuovo into the Venetians hands which they had formerly upon various pretences denyed to do which Proposition being made to the Senate they answered That the offer was now made out of season that they had oftentimes been earnest with them to observe their Capitulations whereby that Town was to have been delivered up to them that now when they had been inforc't by great necessity and had proceeded so far in the treaty of Peace it became them not to do any thing that might disturbe it Barbarossa this mean while pursuing his way came in the beginning of August with 90 Gallies and 30 fly-Boats to the Gulph of Catarro where casting Anchor so far off the Fort of Castel Nuovo as that he might not be offended by the Artillery thereof he landed his men safely and 80 pieces of Artillery of several sorts and Ulmana Sangiacco of that Province came thither almost at the same time with great store of Foot and Horse which incampt themselves about the Town the Enemy not being long able to hinder them though at first they sallyed boldly forth to disturbe their Works The Turks began to play upon the Town on three sides Barbarossa took the care of that battery which was on the North-side Ulamane ordered an other and Salecco attended on that which was toward the Sea so as by perpetuall shot they beat down the walls even to the ground and the Fort not being inviron'd with a ditch and therefore the Town which stands somewhat high being expos'd to the shot of Cannon when the walls were beaten down and wanting earth to make new Trenches the Houses were batter'd and beaten down so as no place in the Town being safe many Souldiers were slain and the Enemy meeting with but little opposition drew nearer the wall and possest themselves of a Bastion under which the Spaniards dispairing of all other means had made a mine but when they set fire unto this their last remedy it was so late in playing as the Turks had opportunity of escaping the danger and the ruins falling inwards slew many of the defendants The Spaniards had also made a mine in another part where they thought the assault would be most dangerous but the Turks being advertised thereof by a fugitive Souldier forbore approaching the place of danger wherefore the Souldiers being discouraged seeing all their labour and industry prove vain resolved to give over defending the Town and to retreat into the Castle the Captain Ario Maceno entering thereinto with some other Captains and with about 800 Souldiers But Captain Sarmento preferring a glorious though an assured death before a dishonourable uncertain hope of safety kept in the Town with some select companies of Souldiers where having for a while valiantly withstood the Enemy being at last over-born by their numbers he and all his souldiers were cut in pieces and those who were within the Fort considering they could not make long resistance against
ficklenesse Therefore what is said of the peace which we are now in hand with with the Turks may be said of whatsoever other agreement made with any other Princes which is easily broken by severall accidents nor will there be pretences of injuries wanting when men are pleased to take them and they are easily made to do so by the hope of aggrandizing and accommodating themselves Wherefore we see friendship lasts but a while amongst Princes and the lesser while by how much they are the more powerfull and neerer neighbours But howsoever you will say we must not forbear to use Treaties oftner then Arms nor must we refuse a short quiet because we cannot enjoy a perpetual tranquillity There is at least thus much good in peace as it secures us from present labours and dangers and this ill in Leagues as they upon uncertain hopes expose us to certain expence and to great dangers so as we hasten those evills by these means which we seek to shun It hath therefore been the constant purpose of this Senate for these many years to do any thing whereby the friendship of the Turks might be preserved and yet there was not any one that did doubt when war was resolved on that such a confederacy as this which is now proposed might be had but all confess'd that little good was to be hoped for by it because it was known that it was dangerous for us to suffer the Turks greatnesse to encrease so much this remedy of a League was not thought very fitting for it and not to be used but upon great necessity as was now done when we despaired to allay Selino 's fury in the heighth of his anger What is now to be done when we see the State of affairs somewhat altered but to temporise with the enemy whom we cannot suppresse to make him jealous by this treaty of League to sweeten him with a treaty of peace to keep severall waies open and to follow that which time and affairs will shew us shall be most for our good and as God shall inspire us to do for the preservation of our Common-wealth These words wrought variously upon the Senate so as they remained still in the same irresolution but most of them being enclined towards the League whereunto they were much perswaded for fear of some scandalls that might be imputed to them of inconstancy for having so soon altered their minds as if they were mated by the first misfortunes of war The question was put and carried by many voices of sending to their Embassadours which were at Rome to stipulate the League which was the sense of the answer which they gave to Colonna who presently after returned to Rome where the Pope hearing of this determination made the Catholick King 's Embassadour and those of the Common-wealth be publickly brought into the Consistory and making what they had agreed upon be readd by the Datory he laying his hand upon his breast was the first that swore to observe those capitulations wherein he was followed by Paceco in the name of the Catholick King Gravella being gone for Naples and then the King's Embassadour and those of the Common-wealth took the same oath upon a Masse-book and the next day though the Venetian-Embassadours were against it saying That in point of honour any such declaration should be deferred till that Cesar might have notice thereof and his pleasure therein might be more expresly known the Pope a solemn Masse being onely said and a Procession made in St. Peter's Church would have the League published whereof these were the particular Articles That a perpetuall League should be made between Pius the 5th who engaged himself for the Apostolick See and for his Successors by the consent of the Colledge of Cardinalls and Philip the Catholick King and the Duke and Senate of Venice to abate the power of the Turks who had lately by force of Arms assaulted the Kingdom of Cyprus which lay very fitting for the enterprise of the holy Land That the Colleagues forces should consist of 200 Gallies 100 Ships 50000 Foot Italians Spanish and Dutch 4500 Horse with a suitable train of Artillery and Ammunition which were to be employed as well in defence of the associate Princes Dominions as in opposing the Enemie particularly in the enterprises of Algiers Tripoli and Tunis That these forces should meet at Otranto in May next or in the beginning of Aprill so to paste into the Levant and proceed against the Enemie as time should advise and as the Commanders should think fit That notwithstanding these things might be altered the provisions of war be increased or diminished according as the need or conditions of the enterprises should require which they were intended for which was every year to be consulted upon and determined at Rome in the Autumn And that if it should be resolved not to undertake any common enterprise that year it might then be lawfull for any of the Associates to minde their own particular affairs chiefly the King of Spain those of Algiers Tunis and Tripoli in which case if no great Turkish Fleet should be abroad the Venetians should be obliged to furnish the King with 50 Gallies and the King was bound to do as much for the Venetians if they should attempt any thing against the common enemy within their Gulph Provided alwaies that those who would have any such assistance should first have greater forces in readinesse That all the confederates should be bound reciprocally to defend each others Dominions which should be assaulted by the Turks and particularly all places belonging to the Church in which case they were to give over all enterprises that were begun against the Turks That the King was to contribute the full half of all the expences of the war and that the other half being divided into three parts the Venetians should defray two parts and the Pope the third who not being able to contribute so much of himself the other confederates should make good what was wanting of that Proportion of three parts whereof the King was to pay two and the Venetians one who moreover should be particularly obliged to give the Pope 12 Gallies furnisht with tackling and Artillery which the Pope was to man for the service of the League but that generally every confederate should be bound to contribute such things for the common cause as he should most abound in and the others want which should be regulated in the accounts according to the aforesaid proportion That the exportation of Corne should alwaies be open in all places with a limited tax for the carrying out and that they should be extracted from such place or places as lay fittest for the occasion their needs being first satisfied who were to give way thereunto that in all consultations and deliberations the Commanders in chief of the three Confederates were to intervene and what the most should determine should be firmly concluded but the execution of what should be resolved on
he was the more fervent herein for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State for he had married Claudia eldest daughter to King Lewis to whom the state of Millan might seem to belong her Father being â—on to a daughter of Iovan Galleazo Visconte But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara by the dishonourable conventions made with the Switzers at Dijune and by the loss of two noble cities Terroana and Tornai which were taken by the English prevailed most with this young King who was desirous of Military Glory Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy for just when Fortune began to smile upon him and that the honour of France began to revive he dyed Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing what he so much desired if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom which did of right belong unto him by which Enterprize the Glory of his name would be much increased and the Power of France and whereby way would be made for greater atchievements He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy wherein his Father in Law Lewis had been much vers'd And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice might make much towards his getting the Victory as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate wherein he acquainted them with his being King and shewing a ready and good affection towards the Common-wealth he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France and that if he should find them disposed like himself the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good He made the Bishop of Aste signifie as much unto them who was then in Venice having been sent Embassadour thither by King Lewis Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French and desired that they would come into Italy and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death had charged their Embassadour Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy when they had received these Letters and Embassies from the King seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth and for his desire to assist them They promised to correspond with him in love and affection saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joyn'd together by reciprocal obligations of League That they were therefore ready to renew the present League and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy and in aggrandizing his Power so as he might be a terrour to his Enemies and a friend and sure help to the Common-wealth Moreover the Embassadours who were sent as you have heard to the Kings of France and England and who being upon their journey had tarried at Lyons after Lewis his death were ordered to go on and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France These when they were come to Court did easily renew the League upon the former Articles To which the King was already so much inclined and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy as he labour'd in all his discourses with the Venetian Embassadours to shew them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War affirming that he would never lay down Arms till he had gotten the state of Millan and till the Common-wealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost and were returned to her former Dignity The Venetians were very glad of this the Kings resolutions and fearing lest this so great fervency might as it often falls out be by some new accident abated they shewed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished and their resolutions doubtful and uncertain might not have time to recrute and re-assume courage and that the City of Crema this mean while which was known by experience might be a great help towards the recovery of Millan might not run any farther hazard which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War was now brought to great extreamity and that the Truce made with their Enemies being now near an end stood them in no stead for they had heard it credibly reported that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts and prepared to besiege that City That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them to do who had already begun to raise new Souldiers and to provide Arms Money and Ammunition Moreover that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy they had resolved to rig out many Gallies entreating his Majesty that he would do the like The Embassadours having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris they went into England to fulfill the other part of their Embassie where being graciously received they shewed in their first Audience The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis husband to King Henry's Sister a great Friend to the Common-wealth They then told the King how highly the Common-wealth was bound unto him for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis and lately with King Francis he desired that she as a Friend and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League But afterwards at a more private Audience they earnestly desires him that he would by his Authority and by his exhortations confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in of intending the Affairs of Italy and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them from which great safety was to arise to both their States and much advantage to all Christendom that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the gâ—od of the Crown of France or that of England and did very much desire that these present Kings as their Predecessors had done might know that the Common-wealth was much bound and tyed unto them This Embassie being done Giustiniano stay'd behind with Henry to treat of the Common-wealths affairs but Pasquillio return'd to France and being come to Paris he met with Letters and
were to come and hinder their passage and when they heard that the powerful Enemy had deluded their Forces by taking another way and that they were already got out of the hardest and most difficult passages they admired the worth and Fortune of the French and chiefly the constancy of the Kings resolution to which it seemed even nature her self had yielded obedience and then they began to abate much of their former forwardness and to despair of Victory So laying aside all thoughts of joyning Battle without the advantage of place they retreated to Novara which made the French hope they might soon end the War and get the State of Millan without the loss of blood They were well acquainted with the nature and customes of the Switzers how that they were fickle seditious easie to fall at oddes desirous of Novelties but chiefly greedy of money they therefore began quickly to bethink themselves to overcome them with this engine of gifts and fair promises Many of them being hereby tempted laid aside their first desire of glory in War and preferring the certain reward which by agreement was promised them before the uncertain hopes of Arms minded presently to return home they with much arrogancy demanded pay left their Colours refused to obey Sedunense and the rest of their Commanders and all things went tumultuously on They gave these reasons chiefly for this their so great change that things had succeeded prosperously nay with great glory to the French at their first entrance into Italy and on the contrary whatsoever the Switzers had attempted had proved vain and ignominious that therefore having lost all hopes of Victory and more certain gain being offer'd them it was in vain to spin out the War any longer The Duke of Burbone who commanded the first Squadrons of the French Army past first on the left hand not far from Ville Francha where Prospero Colonna by chance was who hearing of the arrival of the French came thither to muster the Switzers Army which till then was divided in several parts to the end that being all in one body they might oppose the Enemy in their passage into Lombardy and fight them whilst they were tyred and weary with their journey But the French prevented Prospero in his designs for Palissa and Obegny went with a good number of Foot towards the Town where Colonna with his men thought himself to be safe and having sent some few Souldiers before clad like Pedlers who made as if they would lodge in the Town the Guards at the Gates who suspected no such thing were by them slain and the Gates being possess'd the French Commanders and those that followed them entred and took Colonna Prisoner together with all his Horse At which all the rest being discouraged as well for the loss of so gallant a Commander as for shame of the thing fell into such disorder as the Collegues Forces were of several opinions and divided in all things The Vice-roy who had stay'd long in the Territories of Verona and taken up his Quarters about the Banks of Poe durst not advance any farther and Lorenzo di Medici stay'd to little purpose with the Popes men at Parma not undertaking any thing So as no succour coming to the Switzers Sforza's difficulties grew daily greater and his hopes of defending his State which was set upon at one and the same time in several parts grew less for King Francis thinking it made much for the Victory to keep the Enemies Forces divided in several parts whilst the affairs of Italy were in great commotion by reason of the unexpected arrival of his Army had sent Emat de Pria with a good Band of choise Fooâ— and with 400 Horse to Genua to find out Ottaviano Fregoso This man had then the Principality of that City and had begun long before to adhere unto the French Party and having gathered together 4000 Foot and received the French Forces he joyn'd with them and at unawares fell upon Lombardy beyond the Poe and laid all that Country waste Moreover the King did much sollicite the Venetians who were ready enough of themselves to move speedily with their Forces So as Renzo da Ceri being return'd as hath been said to Crema the Senate commanded him to enter in hostile manner into the State of Millan and to endeavour the recovery of some of those Towns as occasion should serve in the name of the King of France And though the Truce was not yet ended which was formerly made between the Cities of Crema and Millan it was thought that no private agreement could hinder this order because the men that were drawn out then against the Enemy were not taken out of the Garrison of Crema but were newly come to the Army from Padua and moreover they fought not at the entreaties of the Venetians but for the King of France his service The Venetians had likewise ordered their Captain General that as soon as he should know the Spanish Army was gone from the Territories of Verona he should go with all his men into Lombardy and take with him those others that were sent to Crema that so he might fall upon greater undertakings He therefore understanding that the Enemy were gone went from Polisine di Rovegio where he had staid awhile and past over the River Adice with his Camp at Abbadia and came neer Cremona exciting all the people as he past by to Rebellion The French Army was in another part which proceeded forcibly and made great progress against the State so as Sforza's Dominion being set upon on so many sides was shortly to fall the King of France being already with all his men within his Confines and finding that the Treaty handled by the Duke of Savoy was spun out at length and proved vain he prepared to lay Siege to Millan The disagreement was occasioned by the coming of many new companies of Switzers to the Camp who unacquainted with the troubles of War were more hot in the prosecution thereof said that Sforza's reputation which they had undertaken to defend was to be maintain'd by the Sword not by Treaty so as the face of War was various and doubtful both Peace and War being at the same time in discourse with the Switzers and there being many Armies in the same State some to oppugne it some to defend it but all of them so divided as the Forces of neither party could be increased by the assistance of their companions none of them having the means allowed them of meeting together but were by the nearness of the Enemy forced to take uncertain and dubious counsels wherefore the King did desire the more to have Alviano's Forces joyn with his To which purpose he was gone to the Town of Marignano where he took up his Quarters From hence he write to the Venetian Senate acquainting them with his safe arrival in Italy and with his prosperous successes and moreover made his hopes and his counsels known to them Thus the
Territories and to prejudice our Army But to hinder these the Souldiers of the Common-wealth came from out Pescâ—iera and Valeggio and meeting with some of them they often fell to blows with various success of both sides nothing hapning notwithstanding worthy of memory nor which did much concern the main business Whilst Brescia was thus besieged many things had past concerning peace The Pope seeing that his attempts by Force and Arms succeeded not according to his thoughts betook himself to his wonted artifices the better to secure himself thereby He therefore resolved to be a Mediator of peace between the Emperour and the Venetians Which if it should succeed he thought he might treat of peace with the French upon better terms But the Venetians weary of such Proceedings and being often deluded by vain hopes could not believe much in the Popes words Wherefore thinking that the safety of their State and of their Affairs could be grounded no where better then on the friendship of the French which they desired might be made as much known to them as might be they refused all offers of agreement and thought it better to acquaint the French Embassadour with all things that were propounded to them by the Pope concerning peace And to do the like with the King by their Embassadours that were with him who told him in the name of the Common-wealth that the Senate in their present troubles of War placed their hopes in nothing but on their own Forces and on the King of France his help and favour The King was of the same mind to keep friendship with the Venetians and to pursue the War Wherefore Cesar who was much troubled at these prosperous successes having by his Embassadours endeavoured to come to some agreement the King utterly despising the Friendship and League which was offer'd him dismiss'd the Embassadours and acquainted the Venetians particularly with the whole Treaty The French knew very well by many examples that Cesars mind was so mutable and so desirous of Novelties as their affairs could never be reputed safe nor quiet whilst he had any Footing or his men any receit in Italy So as they must be forced to be at great cost and not out of danger in maintaining the State of Millan till Cesar and his Armies were driven from thence but the King thought otherwise of the Pope for though he had alienated himself from him when he thought him to be most his friend yet he greatly desired the Popes Friendship nor was he parted from him but upon great necessity Wherefore the Pope having sent his Nuntio into the French Camp without knowledg of other confederates to treat of agreement the King received him graciously seeming very well pleased that there was means left him whereby to be easily received again into favour and friendship with the Pope yet being resolved not to buy it at any dear rate since it was voluntarily offer'd him the Nuncio could get no positive answer unless the Cities of Parma and Piacenza which were then detain'd by the Pope should be restored to the power and possession of the French The Pope though he thought it very severe for him to be bereâ—t of those two Cities and to lose that reward which he had purchas'd by so many dangers and labours yet after having spent many days and nights in great agitation of mind he at last resolved to satisfie the King and to resign up those Cities Finding that all his labour was lost in going about to bring the Venetians to agreement with him and Cesar. Nor could he defer it any longer without hazard not thinking either his own Forces or those of his colleagues sufficient to secure him and his affairs from the power of the Conquerours These chief points being therefore accommodated to the end that they might treat the better of the rest and that the League might be the more firmly made it was resolved that the Pope and King should have an Interview for which a certain time being appointed the one parted from Rome and the other from Millan and met both at Bolognia as the most convenient place for them both The Venetian Embassadours accompanied the King the more to honour the Royal Court in a time of such solemnity the Court being then full of many French Lords and very glorious in all manner of Preparations as also for that it was reported that many things belonging to the Common-wealth were to be treated of at that convention and touching universal agreement which caused much rejoycing in all Italy which had been so long molested but especially amongst the Venetians all of them hoping well in a future peace Yet for what concern'd the Common-wealth because divers difficulties lay in it it was only resolved that Cardinal Egidio Eremitano a Personage of singular Integrity and Learning should be sent Legate to the Emperour from the Pope to treat of this business and to endeavour to make him comply and agree with the Venetians Pontifical Briefs were likewise sent to the Venetians wherein they were exhorted to embrace peace but as concerning the common condition of affairs and the ordering of a general peace nothing was either concluded nor so much as treated of but rather many seeds were sown of other Wars for on the one side King Francis not being able any longer to cloak his desire of winning the Kingdom of Naples which he had long thirsted after had by his civility and complacency with the Pope got leave of him that by the Popes favour and authority he might when time should serve fall upon that Enterprize on the other part Leo discovered a no less ardent desire in himself of the greatness of the House of Medici by denying the King who had very much desired it at his hands to pardon Francisco Maria della Rovere Duke of Urbin if he had found any fault in him Whence it might be easily comprehended how he was minded when there should be occasion again of taking up of Arms and of exposing himself again to the danger and troubles of War to put his Nephew Lorenzo 〈◊〉 Medici into possession of the State of Urbin wherein he had a little before invested him Thus the Sequel did shew manifestly that both Leo and Francis aim'd only in this their convention at their own advantage and their present accommodation and that they did not almost at all think upon the common agreement and peace for the future for having establish'd divers things touching their own security and the aggrandizing of their States they both departed from Bolognia after having spent six days in this Treaty 'T is most certain that both these Princes did very much desire this Inter-view out of a thought of reaping much advantage thereby for the Pope being strangely ingenious and knowing how to handle business best for his advantage thought he should be able by his perswasive speeches and elegancy of words to pacifie the King and make him become his friend if he should find him otherwise
the establishing of a Peace To the end that they might not be thought to disturbe so great a good to all Christendom out of any particular respects unto themselves But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks they answered when things should be hopefully begun and that they should be prosecuted with like fervour the State of Venice would be readier then any others for such an Enterprize nor would they at any time be wanting unto themselves to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong as being most concern'd therein Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom nor in obeying the Popes pious and earnest entreaties But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy and not being able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks nor to sustain the War in their own Territories before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates they could not be the first in declaring themselves Enemies to the Turks But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio Iustiniano who was Embassadour for the Common-wealth with the King of France it was at last concluded upon these conditions That all Arms should be suspended for five years And that people might live peaceably in either State without either doing or receiving any injury That it might be lawful for Cesars and the Common-wealths Subjects to travel and traffique safely in each others Country as in time of Peace That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possess'd of that all Prisoners of War should be released except Christopher Frangipane who was to be sent into France to be kept there that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Duckets yearly And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Cesars party to the former Owners And the differences concerning the confines being many and hard to decide and chiefly in Friuli they could not as then come to any determinate end Cesars Commissioners saying that they had no orders nor power to treat thereof but the settlement in this point as in all other difficulties was left to the King of France as to the Authour of this agreement Wherein he afterwards decreed that the Emperour and the Venetians should chuse Commissioners who meeting in Verona whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority should treat upon and resolve the business of confines The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them and acquainted the King of France therewith saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his Whilst these things were a doing the Emperour Maximillian fell sick and dyed in the beginning of the year 1519. Whereupon the Souldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Marano entring licentiously into the confines of the Common-wealth plunder'd many of the Venetians Subjects Houses and committed many other Hostile Acts wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire telling them that for their parts they would not violate the Truce nor innovate any thing for Maximillians death provided that the Commanders and Souldiers of the Empire should abstain from doing injuries Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides Now they began to treat of chusing the Emperour whereunto Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain did chiefly pretend Princes of rare endowments of mind and very eminent for Fortune but very formidable by reason of their great power The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdomes and be made much greater then the other by the help of Germany he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possess'd in Italy and so this Counterpoise being taken away they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy for ambition does always increase in great Princes together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy Yet ballancing all things well it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperour then the King of Spain for they considered that the former as being a Stranger would be of much less power in Germany and that the French Nation as it is very hot and violent at the first so not being very constant to its purposes often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire and endeavour wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting then at keeping The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy though it were great might by some accident decline and at last be extinguished Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards who when they have once much inlarged their Dominions and laid a good ground-work for it all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire His Embassadours which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose were therefore willingly listned unto But to boot with all this Monsieur de Taligni who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice made several other propositions He desired the loan of a good sum of money that his King when he should be declared Emperour might have wherewith to supply many gifts and great expences which he was to be at and moreover that the Venetians would forthwith send some Souldiers into Germany to secure the Electors from any violence And that the Senate would declare what was to be done if Charles should enter Italy with an Army as it was given out he would do to go to Rome and force the Pope to free him from the Oath which he took from Julius the second when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples note that it was decreed by Pope Urban that whosoever should possess that Kingdom should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors to keep Charles from being chosen Emperour To which demands the Senate answered That the Common-wealth was so highly obliged to the King as that they wish'd him all prosperity for they had always thought that whatsoever addition of State or Honour
should befall the Kingdom of France would be of no small importance for their security wherefore they would imploy all their endeavours and power for the aggrandizing of the King thereof and that though the publique Exchequer was very much emptied by reason of the long Wars yet if need should require they would overcome all difâ—iculties to accommodate him with the sum of 100000 Duckets But as for sending their Forces beyond the Mountains nothing could be of less use to the King nor of more prejudice and danger to themselves for they should shew a great will to do harm where they could do none That all the strait and difficult passages by which their Souldiers were to pass into Germany were possess'd by the Dutch and well guarded and garrisoned by them That as it would be very hard for their men to pass over the Mountains and to get into Germany so it would be easie for the Dutch to fall down from several parts into the Confines of the Common-wealth and put their Affairs into great confusion But if that Charles being unprovoked by any injury should come armed into Italy and should attempt to violate the sacred Majesty of the Pope of Rome the Senate of Venice would not differ fâ—om what their Ancestors had ever proved themselves to be to wit DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and DIGNITY which name of Honour and true Glory was always held by them in high esteem and should be preferr'd before the Imperial greatness Whilst King Francis treated thus by his Embassadours Charles who partly by favour making large promises to the Electors partly by fear having already got many men together had got the good will of the Electors he was declared King of the Romans Almost at the same time Soliman only Son to Selino his Father being dead possess'd himself quietly of the Empire and was put into the Seat of the Ottoman Princes without any contention Only one Agazzelle a Captain in Soria proved contumacious and a Rebel to the new Emperour but his Rebellion was soon supprest and all the Provinces of the Empire became obedient to Soliman in whom there appeared evident signs of an high and great Spirit so as being come to the Empire there was no doubt but that he would flye high and plot great mischiefs against Christendom Yet the Christâ—an Princes not minding so great a danger whilst the want of experience in the young Prince their innate Enemy might somewhat allay his power having other thoughts suffer'd the greatness of the Ottoman Empire to increase and be better established Only Lodowick King of Hungary took up Arms and endeavour'd help from all parts whose Kingdom was likely to partake first of the mischiefs of War for Soliman would not renew the Truce with Lodowick which when it was formerly offer'd him by his Father Selino was by him refused being thereunto advised by the Emperour and the King of Polonia because Selino was then busied in Wars far off which was perhaps a generous but no good counsel Lodowick sent therefore his Embassadours to all Princes Courts chiefly to Rome and Venice admonishing what danger others were in by his ruine To this the Venetians answered that the Ottoman Empire was a good while since grown very formidable to all men but more particularly to their Common-wealth by reason of the neighbourhood of their States That for their parts they had never refused such invitations but had oft times both by words and example excited other Princes to withstand the growing power of so great an Empire But what were they able of themselves to do They therefore chose Marco Minio for their Embassadour whom they sent with their acustomed presents to Constantinople to confirm the Articles of peace after the same manner as they were concluded a little before by Antonio Iustiniano as you have heard adding thereunto those things which Selino after his conquering of the Mamalucchies Empire had lately promis'd to grant To wit that the Venetian Merchants might enjoy the same priveledges and immunities in their goods in Egypt and in Soria as they had anciently done Which Soliman was so ready to grant as the Eastern Seas being then much infected by Pirats he offer'd to send out his Fleet against them if the Common-wealth would do the like to the end that the Seas might be kept open and that the Venetian Merchants might continue their trafique by Navigation into Nations which were under the Ottoman Empire of which his ready will and desire of peace and friendship Soliman had given testimony having at the same time that Minio prepared to go for Constantinople sent Acmat Ferrat on his behalf to Venice to acquaint them with his accession to the Empire and that he would continue those conventions and friendly offices with the Common-wealth as his Father Selino alwaies had done This peace with the Turks was very opportunely made to the yet unsetled condition of Italy and for the quieting of those suspitions which the Senators were full of the beginning of this year by reason of News that was spred abroad of a great Fleet that was to put forth from Constantinople wherefore the Senate not thinking it fit to be at the discretion of a barbarous Prince naturally ambitious and grown insolent by new victories had been very diligent in furnishing all their Sea-Forts with great Garrisons and added 50 Gallies to their Fleet wherein the Common-wealth's chief hopes seemed then to lye and they made Andrea Gritti Captain-General of the Navy Moreover the order of the Militia of the men of that same Country was instituted in the Kingdom of Candia as it was done some years before in the State by Terra firma to the end that upon any sudden occasion the Garrisons of Cities in Countries far off and which it would be hard to succour speedily might be increased The charge hereof was given to Gabriele Martiningo who was honour'd with the title of Governor of that Island But these provisions proved unnecessary for that occasion for Selino had by his death put a period to these thoughts of War and Soliman did readily confirm the Articles of peace as hath been said wherefore the Venetian Fleet the other dangers being removed went into the Seas of Barbary which were infested with many Pyrats to secure their great Gallies which Sayled through these Seas not without great danger of Pyrats by the taking of many of whose ships the Sea was much cleansed and the way was opened for those Voyages Thus did the Venetians temporize with the Turks and kept friendship with them since there appeared no hopes of overcoming them For that the Christian Princes kept still at enâ—ity within themselves little minding the much greater common danger The King of France being greatly scandalized at the conâ—erment of the Empire upon Charles of Austria and fearing least his Forces and Authority being so much increased he would suddenly fall into Italy and bereave him of the State of Millan had signified to
tryed both prosperous and adverse fortune and who was lately return'd to his Country after having been many years banish'd for that being General at Sea he had not made good use of occasion in fighting and in overcoming the Turkish Fleet at Lepanto Grimani took upon him the place of Duke the Common-wealth being as you have heard by what is past in Peace and Tranquillity But such seeds of discords and war between Princes were already sown as it was to be feared they might bring forth new troubles in the Common-wealth and perhaps necessitate her to take up Arms again for Cesar who was already gone to Aquisgrane in Germany where he took upon him the first Crown of the Empire had still a great desire to come into Italy wherefore he had often times sollicicited the Venetian Senate to joyn with him thinking that the Friendship and Forces of the Common-wealth would be of great importance for his designs Therefore amongst other things he promised to invest them fully with all those Towns and Territories which he then possess'd and unto which the Empire laid any claim or pretence which the Venetians who knew that by just title and right they had long belonged to them did little value and therefore this was of no greater force then his other promises to make them alter their first intentions Wherefore they delay'd sending to congratulate with him according to custom for his acquired Dignity and having chosen Francisco Contarini for their Leiger Embassadour in the place of Gaspero Contarini who had stay'd at that Court the usual prefix'd time lest they might give any the least suspition to the French of their joyning with Cesar in any undertaking they retarded his expedition Wherefore Cesar dispairing to make the Venetians forego their friendship with the French he took a new resolution which was to send Monsiâ—ur Philiberto Embassadour to the Court of France with a resolute intention as he would have it believed either to agree with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy excluding the Venetians or else that they being jealous thereof might at last be moved to joyn with him so to shun the greater evils which they had a little before had tryal of by the joyning of those two Crowns against the Common wealth And that he might leave nothing unattempted he by his Embassadour who was then resident in England complained grievously to the King thereof whose Authority was then so great as he was made Arbitrator and Moderator of all the important businesses which past amongst the Princes accusing the Venetians for that not having observed what they had promised in the Agreement made with Maximillian they had refused peace when he had offered it them But the Princes did the less believe these things for that Cesar at that same time that he seemed so much to desire peace was known to prepare for war Therefore King Francis acquainting with great sincerity the Venetians with this whole Treaty would not listen to Cesars Proposals but growing rather every day more and more desirous either to fall foul upon Cesars Territories or else to defend his own Dominions from being assaulted by him he applied himself to confirm his friends thereby to increase his power and reputation he therefore spoke with the King of England at Ardes a Town in Picardie to confirm the peace made between them but a little before and having a daughter born unto him he desired the Senate that she might be held at the Font by their Embassador and proceeded very civilly in all things with the Commonwealth But for all this the League which had been long treated of at Rome was not yet concluded but the Articles being drawn up by common consent and the Venetians having sent sufficient Commissions to their Embassadour then resident at Rome to ratifie them the Conclusion was defer'd by reason of new difficulties which arose For the King of France who was at first content that the League should aim onely at the peace and safety of Italy to the which the other Italian Prince being invited there was place reserved for such as would Confederate to the end that they might join in the Common cause made now new proposals which aimed at other ends moved thereunto either out of new desires or out of some new occasion seeing Cesar busied about many weighty affairs for there were many Commotions in many of the chiefest Cities of Spain which in a tumultuous manner sought to withdraw themselves from Charles his Government and constituting a popular Government to injoy Liberty as many Towns in Germany doe Besides many of the Princes and people of Germany shewed themselves to be but badly satisfied with the new Emperour for divers of his actions especially for Luther's being banished by Imperial Proclamation at the Dyet at Wormes so that he had reason enough to be troubled Wherefore the King of France thinking that those dangers were sufficiently secured which had first made him endeavour the League being little satisfied therewith as humane mindes especially those of Princes disquieted with new longings are easie to give way to new desires he more fervently coveted greater matters thinking that he had now a fitting opportunity offered him to oppose Cesar's greatness which did already grow too immoderate and particularly to drive him out of his Territories in Italy wherefore he made his forces move towards Navarre to assist the King and repossessed him of his ancient States which were formerly taken from him by King Ferdinando and did little less then discover his intentions openly in the Treaty of League with the Pope and Venetians The Pope moved by these or by some more hidden reasons he likewise being full of new cogitations began to propound new Articles in the conventions of the League desiring that it might be specified that all the Colleagues should be bound to assist him in punishing the Churches contumatious Subjects whereby it clearly appeared that his ancient desire of driving Duke Alfonso d'Este out of the Dominions of Ferara was risen up in him again which was nothing else but to kindle a great combustion in Italy for the less able the Duke knew himself to be to resist the power of the Colleagues by reason of his small forces and the little love his Subjects bore him the more he should be inforc'd to have recourse to Forraign aid for his defence and to leave no stone unturned The Venetians knowing that whereas they desired to procure quiet and safety both to themselves and to all Italy the way would by these new Obligations be opened to new troubles and to greater dangers they began likewise to proceed more slowly in concluding the Agreement For they maturely considered that it made not for their good wholly to break the Truce for five years confirmed by Cesar and to anger the King of England who they knew would not be pleased with the new Confederacy he having done many friendly offices to the Emperour Whilst the business
of the League for these Respects was delay'd and doubtfull it was known by a new and unthought of Accident which did alter the whole course of affairs and was cause of grievous and important Tumults that the Pope after having shew'd so great a desire for the peace of Italy and after so many negotiations had with the French to oppose such as should go about to disturb it had secretly agreed with the Emperour to assault the State of Millane by their joint forces All men especially the Venetians did strangely wonder and were very much confused that the Pope by taking away the Counterpoise of the French Forces should by his forces and authority increase the Emperours power in Italy which he himself had but a little before made appear to be so suspicious and formidable to the Church and to all the Italian Princes and that it ought to be supprest or at least moderated By the Pope's consent and counsel several secret practises were held by the Imperialâ—sts with those that were outlaw'd in Millane whereof there were many principal Noble men of great attendance and authority that by their means tumults should be unexspectedly raised at one and the same time in several Cities to drive out the French of Force who feared nothing less whose Garrisons were already much lessned and when Lautrech was absent who was gone a little before to France But these consultations coming to the knowledge of Monsieur di Lerce brother to Lautrech and to whom he had left his Lieutenant in Italy before the time was ripe to put them in execution he speedily raised so many men as did suffice to suppress these Plots and many of the Outlawed being by him driven out of the State of Milan where they had secretly hid themselves and fled to the City of Regio where they were received by him that was governour for the Pope who as hath been said was conscious of what was formerly agreed on with Cesar and knew all these Designs And these men being pursued by the French even to the gates of Regio the Pope complained grievously that the French beaâ—ing so little respect to his dignity and authority and to the friendship which he held with the King of France should go to his Forts and seek to use violence anticipating by these complaints which were chiefly made to the Senate of Venice those which were rather to have been made by the King of France that the Pope contrary to the agreement which was made between them should suffer that his rebellious and contumacious subjects and who were Out-lawed should be received into the Cities belonging to the Church just when they sought to disturb his affairs But the Venetians being desirous as much as in them lay to appease these tumults for the Pope's more resolute will and his confederacy made with Cesar though it were ratified by him was not as yet publiquely known laboured to free the Pope of these suspitions shewing that the proceedings of the Kings of France had always been such towards all Popes and that upon their knowledge the now present King bore so great a respect to the affairs of the Church and such observance to this Pope's person as a contrary opinion was not now to be grounded upon so slight an occasion nor ought so continued and so good an Intelligence betwixt that Kingdom and the Apostolique See be broken upon such a cause They therefore earnestly desired Leo that before he should settle in such an opinion as might produce many pernicious effects he would be pleased to write to the King to know his mind and to be better informed of what had hapned But it was in vain to perswade the Pope who though he seemed to put on new resolutions upon this new accident had notwithstanding for certain established his agreement already with the Emperour wherein it was accorded That when the State of Milan should be recovered by their joynt Forces the Cities of Parma and Piacenza should return to the Church and all the rest of the State of Milan should be assigned over unto Francesco Sforza That the Pope should forthwith absolve Charls of his oath which he took at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples that so he might with the better Title hold the Empire All Treaties of agreement being then despaired of the Venetians resolved to be by no means failing to the obligations which they had to the King of France touching the preservation of the State of Milan It was known that many souldiers were assembled by order from the Pope and Emperour to the end that since they succeeded not in their secret practises they might forthwith betake themselves to open force To which purpose the Pope though under other pretences had already taken six thousand Switzers into pay and Prospero Colonna who was declared Captain General of the Enterprize went to Bologno to raise a great many souldiers and the Viceroy of Naples with the Cavalry of that Kingdom and Marquis Pescara with the Spanish Infantery were come to the banks of the River Tronto to be ready to pass over upon the first occasion Wherefore the Venetians hasted to take six thousand Italian foot into pay and mustering all their Horse in Brescia they ordered their Governour Theadoro Trivulcio to march with them to the banks of Ada and that if the French affairs should require it he should pass over it They likewise commanded Paolo Nani who was then Commander of Bergamo that he should wait upon the Governour and follow the camp executing the place of Commissary This news being this mean while come to France Lautrech returned speedily into Italy began to provide for the succouring of the State of Milan in time there not being sufficient Garrisons there in it to defend it if it should be fallen upon by a powerful Army His chief care and diligence was to keep the new succour which the enemy expected who had already about a thousand Curassiers and eight thousand foot from joyning with them The Pope had lastly taken three thousand more Switzers into pay for half of his former number of them were diminished And at the same time Ferdinand brother to Charls being come to Villaco to raise six thousand foot in those parts prepared as soon as his number should be full to pass with them into Italy for whom Cesar demanded passage from the Venetians They answeted they could by no means satisfie him in that his desire by reason of the agreements which they had made with the King of France wherein to fail was to falsifie their words But to be sure that they should not enter against their wills they gave order for the stopping of all passages and placed diligent Guards in them And because there were several Passes whereby the Dutch foot might fall down into the Territories of Verona and joyn with Colonna's men so as it would be a difficult matter to secure them all by putting sufficient Garrisons into them the Venetians
to revenge themselves of the Italian Princes for any injuries received by them which if they should not be able to do they might peradventure joyn in League with their own enemies against the Common-wealth as King Lewis had done some years before which was the beginning of her so many and so heavy calamities Out of these and other such respects the Senate being resolved not to make any new confederacy unless necessitated and being unwilling either to forgoe Friendship with the French or to make Cesar despair of what he was in treaty with them acquainted the King of France with these practises and answered Charles and Henrie's Embassadours in general tearms seeming to be as desirous of Cesar's friendship as he was of theirs But the present condition of Times and the many late afflictions of the Common-wealth did require that being to make any new agreements they should aim at putting their State into a quiet and peaceable condition and shun whatsoever determination might though upon like or greater hopes be an occasion unto them of new disturbance and danger That therefore if the King of France should come into Italy they would so keep their Confederacy with him as they would have a care not to violate the Truce and their Promises made to Cesar nor would they the mean while be wanting to do all good offices as well for the common service of Christendome as for their own particular good to the end that armes might be laid down and injuries cease to be done on all sides But that if this might not be compassed they had not any just pretence to make war with the French with whom they had so long had Friendship and that Friendship confirmed by many obligations The League made at London not being any wayes valid to that purpose as well because it was never compleatly perfected as also that Leo being dead who was one of the chief Contracters it became invalid and null Whilst the Imperial and English Embassadours could get nothing but general answers though they labour'd that the Embassadours of the Common-wealth who were resident at their Princes Courts might have Commission given them to come to some conclusion concerning this propounded League Girollimo Adorno the Emperours Counsellour and Chamberlain came to Venice sent by Cesar with Commission to treat upon and conclude those things wherein there lay any difficulties between him and the Common-wealth knowing that to treat thereof at his Court or at the Court of England as was begun to be done would require much length of time a thing very unfit for the present business Adorno labour'd in a long speech to perswade the Venetians to quit their Friendship with France and to embrace the like of Cesar's which was offer'd them upon honourable and advantagious tearmes But the Senate still moved by the aforesaid respects continued in the same answers neither resolving nor dissolving this Treaty but looking to find out in process of time what would be best for the Common-wealth to do they excused this their delay by the Importancy of the business by the condition of the times and of the state wherein their Common-wealth then was and by the form of their Government where all things being to be sifted and resolved by the liking and judgment of many which are most commonly especially in such things as are hard and difficult several and sometimes contrary Affairs could not be so soon nor so easily ended as in Princes Courts where they pass through the hands but of one only or but of a few This mean while the number of Spaniards increased very much in Giaradada wherefore the Venetians raised many Foot and increased their Garrisons which begot many jealousies in the interessed Princes for mindes contaminated either by too immoderate desire or fear use to judge of things according as their affections lead them not as they are in themselves Cesar and Henry thought this raising of men to be made in favour of the French and on the other side the King of France being already grown jealous of these negotiations though he were made acquainted with them began to think that the Imperialists might be entred into Giaradada by the consent and counsel of the Venetians and that the Souldiers raised by the Venetians might be to effect some new confederacy which they might have made privately with the Emperour The one and the other of them being much troubled hereat they all of them indeavoured to make the Venetians side with them or at least to declare themselves The King of England to add necessity to his endeavours made two of the Venetians great Gallies which were full fraught with rich Merchandize and which chanc'd to be then in his Havens to be unloaded under pretence that the Emperour would make use of them for his navigation But notwithstanding all such occasions being over the vessels and goods were still detained in that Island to the great inconveniency of particular Venetian Merchants and to the offence of the publique dignity On the other side the King of France did often advertise the Venetians of the very great preparation for War which he made to come with into Italy Touching which he desired to receive the Senates opinion and counsel To which answer being made in very affectionate terms but without any particular expression concerning the Enterprize they commended much the Kings wisdom saying that he knew best the fittest time and the condition of Forces wherewith he might securely effect what he had designed but that it was to be believed it was speed which was to do him most good therein so to prevent the counsels and preparations of the Enemy At the same time that these things were in treaty News came that Soliman prepared a powerful and numerous Fleet to assault as was better known afterwards by the effect the Isle of Rhodes the seat and peculiar habitation at that time of the Knights of Ierusalem The News of this preparation made the Venetians make Dominico Trevisano their Captain General by Sea they increased their number of Gallies and the Garrisons of their Islands minding chiefly the security of the Island of Cyprus which according to no slight suspicions which were given out Soliman intended to assault with this Fleet. Trevisano was ordered to advance towards Cape Malio to observe the ways of the Turkish Fleet which if they should make towards Cyprus that then he should go first to that Island and should possess himself of the Haven of Famagosta and that if the Turks should intend any prejudice to the Common-wealth he should by all means possible endeavour the safety of the State and the indempnity of its Subjects But that if he should see they bent their Forces elsewhere he should carry himself so as Soliman might know that their Fleet was intended for the safety of their own affairs and not to hinder his designs Thinking it no wisdom to expose the Commonwealth which was hardly as yet freed from the malignity of fortune
would make thereof then in any self interest or doubt of theirs And Monsieur di Taberna who was resident in the Court of France on the Duke of Milan's behalf by not rejoycing nor holding any discourse with the King about this acquisition did by saying nothing witness as much his masters displeasure Which because it might produce many bad effects the Venetians laboured to free him of this suspition and to appease his displeasure witnessing the Kings good will and excusing Lautrech And that these their endeavours might be the more efficacious and to maintain the Dukes reputation as much as they could they sent Gabriel Veniero Embassadour to him to remain Resident with him Luigi Sabadino the States Secretary having been there till then Alexandria being taken Lautrech gave out that he would march with his Army towards Rome to free the Pope who though he had accorded with the Spaniards as hath been said was still kept Prisoner by them many difficulties being met withal as well in the payment of the monies promised to the Souldiers as in the assignation of the Strong-holds nor did Cesar seem to be well resolved therein though by his Speeches he sought to make the contrary be believed But the Venetians did openly oppose this course not but that they did equally with the King desire the Popes freedom but because they thought it little useful for the common affairs the same reasons and respects concurring then and being made more considerable by other new accidents which upon narrow examination before were by common consent thought sufficient to perswade that Lautrech when he past first over the Mountains was rather to come into Lombardy then into the Territories of Rome it being known that all the remainder of the War would depend upon the success thereof That there was great hopes at this time of getting the Cities of Pavia and Milan each of them being but slightly garrisoned and Antonio da Leva by whose diligence and discipline that State was more maintained then by his Forces being very sick and altogether disabled for action That if this occasion should be lost the condition of all things would grow dayly worse for the League for a great many Landsknechts were ready to fall down presently from the Country of Tinoll into Lombardy By whose coming the Enemy would become much stronger and it would be but in vain for the Confederates to attempt any thing But that if these men should find no safe receptacle in Milan they neither having Horse nor victuals they would be forced to alter their minds and to return home Time and opportunity would this mean while be gotten for the coming of the ten thousand Dutch Foot to the Camp which were raised with the King of Englands monies by which the Army being much increased both in reputation and Forces might with assured hopes of victory proceed on to the Enterprize of Rome and the Enemies would be soon driven from thence and the Ecclesiastical State and Liberty of Italy secured Lautrech being overcome by these reasons was content to march with his Army towards Pavia which not being timely succour'd by the Forces which Antonio da Leva sent thither from Milan fell easily into the Leagues hands and was sack'd by the Army the Souldiers using all sorts of cruelty to the Inhabitants because it was said that they boasted themselves to have quell'd the King of France by the imprisonment of King Francis which hapned whilst he besieged that City This News was very welcome to France the French men thinking that by this victory they had cancell'd the infamy of the Battle fought by that Nation in that place some few years before At the same time Andrea Doria was come to Savona with his Gallies and some others belonging unto the French where the Venetian Gallies were to have joyned with him to attempt the business of Genna it being thought that great advantage might have been made by that City if it should be reduced to the Kings obedience But after a whiles stay and before the Venetian Fleet came unto them a very fair occasion was offer'd of suddenly dispatching the business For the Genouese ships being come loaded with corn to the Washes near Porto Fino the Genouese being very desirous to have them come safe unto the City were gone out to meet them with 8 Gallies part Genouese part Spanish and put therewith into the same Haven Moreover understanding that Doria had landed some men and that making some Trenches he indeavoured to make himself Master of the Haven and to hinder any relief from coming to those Ships and so get possession of them they had sent Agostino Spinola thitherward with a company of select Foot to disturbe the Enemies works and to secure the Haven and the Ships Wherein they had good success for Spinola falling at unawares upon Doria's Souldiers whilst they were confused and in disorder put them quickly to flight though they were more in number and took Phillippo Doria Prisoner But News coming not long after to Genua that Cesare Son to Ianus Frigoso was come into the Valley of Pozzavera and incamped in a Town called San Pietra de l'arena with two thousand Foot and some Troops of Venetian Horse with which Lautrech had sent him to favour the business of Genua and that being gone from thence he was marching towards that City they were all of them on a sudden mightily afraid for that their best Souldiers were gone out of the City to Porto Fino and for fear of some rising in the City by reason of the several factions that were therein Wherefore the Adorni who had then the chief Government of the City apprehending these commotions sent to Spinola commanding him to come speedily with all the men he had with him and to relieve the City So as being inforc'd to abandon the Fleet he left it a prey for Doria into whose hands eight Gallies six of the Enemies Ships fell without any dispute or danger The mean while the Adorni joyning many others of the people to the Souldiers which Spinola brought along with him believing that by falling at unawares upon the few that Fregoso brought along with him he might overcome them and keep the City safe and quiet they went forth and drew near the Enemies Quarters Who being advantagiously seated fought more confidently and did not only make their party good but began to disorder them afterwards to make them run killing many of them and taking many of them prisoners amongst which chief Commanders Spinola was one Wherefore Frâ—goso pursuing his victory and not being retarded by a company of Spanish foot of the Garrison who were march'd out to relieve their fellows he routed them easily and march'd towards the City of Genua which being bereft of almost all defence and having many in her who were formerly resolved to surrender by reason of the love they bore to the family of Fregosi and to the French did receive in Cesare Fregoso and
come himself to Venice to justifie his actions the Senate either being better informed or that they might the better accomodate themselves to the time and affairs would not suffer him to leave the Army but removing away the Guard from his Wife and Son seemed to be satisfied with him But the Venetians since they could not make Lautrech alter his resolution made their men come into Lombardy which were then about fifteen thousand foot having left three thousand five hundred Light Horse with Lautrech for the enterprize of Rome being thereunto moved out of the pressing care which they had of retaining the Towns which they had recovered in the Dukedom of Milan the weight whereof lay only upon the Common-wealth Francisco Sforza being so exhausted of money as he was hardly of himself able to maintain the ordinary Garrisons of the City much less to bring men into the Field as he was bound to do by his Articles and as was necessary to resist the Forces which were prepared by Antonio da Leva Moreover the respect of their own affairs did not a little move them and the fear of bringing the danger home unto themselves bereaving their Country of defence by sending their Forces so far off and especially because they heard that many armed people were gathered together in the parts about Tirol and that great provision of victuals and munition was made in the City of Trent to be sent into Italy And this fear made the greater impression in them because now Ferdinando of Austria who had quieted the affairs of Hungary by the victory he had gotten over Giovan the Vayvod of Transilvania had better conveniency to attend the affairs of Italy as he had oft times seemed very desirous to do Wherefore thinking it necessary to encrease their Army to the number of twenty thousand foot and to make greater provisions to maintain another great War the Senate entreated the King of England that he would be assistant to the Commonwealth and to the cause of Italy by contributing part of the expence in so great a need to the payment of that Army which was to maintain the Liberty of Italy which he had so often promised to defend But the King affirming still that he would make War upon Cesar in Flanders and free Italy from any such danger by diverting his Forces shewed that it was good for the common service to lessen the provisions which were destined for such enterprizes so as the Commonwealth being to be alone at so great expences and the publique Treasury being already much exhausted by the so long War was forc'd to have recourse to many extraordinary ways for the raising of monies Amidst all these preparations for War the business of Peace was not notwithstanding quite laid aside but the Emperour seeming to desire it had several Treaties with the King of France and with the Venetians somtimes apart for particular agreement and somtimes joyntly for a general peace The demands which were made on the King of France his part and on the Venetians were That Cesar should set the King of France his Sons at liberty That he should free the Pope and forgo whatsoever he held that belonged unto the Church That he should restore Francisco Storza Duke of Milan unto his State and that he should remove all his forces out of Lombardy and out of Rome Which Cesar neither wholly accepting of nor yet altogether denying he sought by various difficulties to hold on the more certain resolution chiefly by demanding a great sum of money of the Venetians whereby holding the business on foot but full of doubts he desired to take the advantage of time and to steer his course according to the event of the affairs of Italy and according to the preparations made by his Brother hoping the mean while to conclude the particular agreement with the King of France more to his own advantage to whom as the King acquainted the Venetians afterward he did at last propound The excluding of all the other Colleagues and the appropriating of the State of Milan to himself Whereby and by his first resolution in all his Treaties of having Sforza's cause decided by Judges and that in the mean while he should keep the City of Milan in his own name and with his Garrisons it might easily be conceived that all his Treaties tended only to this that the Confederates Armies being disbanded he might put himself in safe possession of the State of Milan so as all thoughts of Peace being laid aside War was again denounced by the Confederates to Cesar wherein thinking that it might make much for their advantage if they could draw the Duke of Ferara and the Marquis of Mantua into the League and having tryed them both they concluded with the Duke of Ferara to receive him into their League upon condition that he should maintain two hundred Curassiers at his own charges in the Colleagues Army and that he should contribute ten thousand Ducats monethly for the space of six moneths towards the payment of the Foot For which the Confederates were to take him and his State into their protection After which agreement a large and stately Palace which did formerly belong to him in Venice was restored unto him But the Treaty was somwhat more difficult with the Marquis of Mantua for he desired to be declared Captain General of the League in Lautrech's absence To which the Venetians would not consent in respect of the Duke of Urbine But at last Girallimo Zane Podesta of Verona being gone to Mantua in the publique name to treat of this business he concluded it without that condition taking the person and the State of the Marquis into the Confederates protection But Cesar seeing he was to make his party good against so many enemies and desiring to make his cause appear less dishonest and by so doing to sever the King of England perhaps from the rest of the Confederates he resolved at last to give the Pope his Liberty To which purpose he sent sufficient commissions to the Viceroy and to Don Hugo di Moncada who being dead the Viceroy concluded the Agreement The Pope being to leave according to former Articles Ostia Civita Vecchia and Civita Castellana in the Emperour's possession and paying the same sum of money though with some further respite of time And passing his word above all things else that he would not oppose Cesar in the affairs of Naples nor of Milan The Colleagues in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred twenty eight prepared to make War with most powerful forces both by Land and Sea and chiefly to fall upon the Kingdom of Naples as the King of France had long before desired and intended Wherefore he prest the Venetians that they would encrease their Gallies to the number of twenty four according to the first capitulations But they said they had fully made good their promise with the former sixteen because of these there were eight Bastard Gallies every
safe by reason of the particular agreement made with Cesar at Barcellona which till now was kept secret nay he thought to make use of the Imperial forces to satisfie his desire and particular ends in placing his Nephews in their former power and authority in Florence as it was agreed upon before between him and Cesar. Wherefore for the Emperours greater honour he sent three of the principal Court Cardinals to meet him at Genâ—a and to be assistant to him The Florentines who were in the greatest and most present danger sent also their Embassadours soon after to Cesar to curry-favour with him and to understand his will excusing themselves for having entred into confederacy against him for that it behooved them therein to follow the Popes authority and commandment and shewing themselves ready to adhere unto him But these men having brought no publick commission to accommodate the differences which depended between the City and the Pope and Cesar continuing firm in his resolution to keep his promise made to the Pope and to give him all manner of satisfaction this Embassie proved to no purpose and their affairs continued in their former condition Other Princes of Italy sent also their Embassadours desiring friendship and fair correspondence only the Senate of Venice persevered in their opinion of not coming to any agreement with Cesar unless forc'd by necessity Not but that the Venetians would have been as glad of concord as the rest but because they thought that Cesar intended nothing less then the Liberty of Italy and that his end was to bring things to such a condition as that all the rest should receive Laws from him Wherefore they thought that to appear humble and submiss served only to puff him up the more and to confirm him in his desire and hopes of commanding all Italy They therefore thought it not fit to send their Embassadours to him then but they gave way that the Duke of Millan who desired their advice in this point as by conventions he was bound to do might send his Embassadours because they thought it might become him to do so who was a Vassal of the Empire and that it might turn to the common good by opening a way upon that occasion to the accommodation of his own particular differences upon which the conclusion of the universal peace did chiefly depend whereof since no well grounded hopes did as yet appear the Venetians who saw themselves left almost alone to undergo all the danger betook themselves with all industry and diligence to provide for all such things as might secure their State the best they could upon this so important occasion They raised new foot to increase their Army and their Garrisons which between the one and the other arose to the number of fifteen thousand They made Francisco Pasquillio their Commissary General on Terra firmâ— giving him a particular charge to survey the strong Holds and to provide all necessaries for them They took divers chief Commanders into the Commonwealths pay amongst which Sigismond Malatesta together with a thousand foot and two hundred Light Horse And because the Dutch foot advanc'd already in great numbers from Bolzano Commissary Giovan Contarini and Cesare Fregoso were put into Verona with a good Garrison And because the greatest concernment was to keep the other confederate Princes of Italy as firm to them as they could the Senate failed not to minde the Florentines thereof to praise their constancy to exhort them to defend their Country and the liberty thereof promising to give them what assistance the times would permit them to do and particularly to make their men enter into the Territories of Piacâ—nza and Parma as soon as Cesar should be gone from thence so to draw the Imperialists who were in Tuscany to the defence of those Cities They used the like indeavours with the Duke of Ferara sending Marc Antonio Veniero Embassadour to him who was to witness the constancy of the Common-wealth in their resolution of defending the Common liberty and their particular good inclination towards the Duke and his State whereunto as they were joyned by neighborhood and many other respects so would they never shun running the same fortune with him That therefore they desired to understand what his pleasure and opinion was as knowing that in times of such difficulty a great esteem was to be put upon his friendship and advice But they chiefly laid before him the danger of the Florentines saying that as they were common to them all so they ought all to assist them that they should remember what the Popes desires were which would be the more inflamed by what of prosperity should befall Florence and that the Pope would the more molest his State and the like of all others unto which he laid any just pretentions The Duke seemed to take these Memorandums very well and promised many things and particularly that he would maintain a good body of men which he was raising about Modena which should not only be for his own defence but for the service of all the Confederates At this time the Agreement made at Cambrai was published wherein as it was long before commonly said none of the Confederates were comprehended only place was reserved for the Venetians to be admitted thereinto if within a short space the differences betwen them and Cesar should be reconciled which was nothing but a meer complement they being in effect totally excluded since the greatest difficulties remained still undecided The King of France was obliged amongst other things to make the Towns in Puglia which were possess'd by the Venetians to be restored to the Emperour which if they should refuse to doe he was to declare himself their Enemy and help the Emperour to recover them by force Which Article being to be put in execution the King sent his Embassadours to Venice to require the Senate that they would cause the Towns which they possess'd in Puglia to be delivered up to Cesar as he was bound to do by the conventions at Cambray alledging that he did this in observance of the League made at Cugnack wherein that was comprehended And he further added that he did so much rely upon the affection which the Common-wealth had always shewn to the Crown of France as if they were not bound thereunto by Agreement he was perswaded he might obtain it of them by way of meer gratification the occasion and thing it self being of so great waight and that without it he could not have his Sons who were to succeed him in his Kingdom set at liberty by Cesar. To this the Senate answered That they did still continue that good affection towards the King and Crown of France as they had done for many years past and would still do so for the future the Common-wealth being almost indissolvably knit fast to the Kingdom out of many common interests That they could not deny but that they had very much desired their Common-wealth might have been comprehended in the
and Sea Captains meeting together they resolved to send the Gallies immediately back to Barbary and took order the mean while for curing the Turkish Captain using him civilly and excusing their fault by the errour of night When this News came to Venice the Senators were for the same cause greatly troubled and the rather for that the Harvest proving very bad this year and they having hoped to feed the numerous Inhabitants of the City with corn which they expected out of Turky from whence they had not only obtain'd transportation of corn but had begun to load divers of their ships therewithal they feared lest this offence might be done unseasonably For the Turkish Officers who were upon the shore side had already without expecting any farther Orders from the Court embargode the Venetian ships which were at the loading places ready to carry corn away For this it was propos'd by some that another Commissary should be chosen in lieu of â—analâ— who should be deprived of that place and sent for back to give an account of what he had done But this action was by others stoutly defended as done by military reason and worthy to be rewarded not punished for that it did not become the dignity and honour of the Commâ—nwealth which was so highly esteemed to punish or but to appear inclined to punish such servants who behaving themselves well and valiantly had discharged the trust imposed in them faithfully Thus these proposals being laid aside it was resolved by a joynt consent to send Daniel de Fedirici Secretary to the Pregadi to Constantinople who was a discreet man and well experienced in other affairs that he might justifie what was done viva voce to the Bascia and to Solimans self shewing the necessity which had inforced our Captain out of apprehension of the armed Vessels which came so near him and by the darkness of the night to fight their friends Gallies and that on the other side the sudden sending back of those and the good usage of their Captain might sufficiently prove their sincere good will towards the Grand Signior The admittance of these things was much furthered by the good offices done by Ebrahim and Gritti but especially by the new war of Persia on which Soliman having already fix'd his mind he would not promote any thing that might divert him from it Thus these commotions being honourably appeased at Constantinople Canale reaped the more praise and glory who dying not long after in the same charge the Senate in acknowledgment of his long and faithful service granted a certain annual Revenue in fee during Canales life time to his Son Antonio in the Island of Corfu Canale was certainly a gallant man in his time and very famous for his experience in Sea affairs and for his noble daring which made him easily attempt whatsoever difficulties These things hapned in the Venetian Fleet but that of the Emperours after it had tarried long about Naples and Messina went boldly on to relieve Corone though her Captains knew that the Enemy was very strong in those Seas And they were successful therein for according to their intention they brought relief to their men who were besieged in Corone and were already reduced to the utmost extremity But conceiving some better hopes afterwards of greater success and victory against the Turkish Fleet which leaving the way open to its Enemies did by its direct running away declare the weakness and fear thereof it proved by fault of the chief Commander or by the perpetual misfortune of Christendome vain and to no purpose Nay it may be said that this cowardise of the Turkish Commanders proved more prejudicial to Christendom for Soliman not satisfied with those to whom he had committed the Government of his Fleet and blaming their fear and want of experience sent for Cariadino nick-named Barbarossa who of a Pyrate being become a Prince did then command over the City of Algiers and gave him the charge of his maritime affairs This man was very expert at the Mariners art and having roved a long time with armed ships upon the Sea knew very particularly all the Christian situations and Sea-coasts about Barbary and had got a great repute by many prosperous successes against the Moors in the African Rivers and particularly by the rout which he gave the Spanish Gallies as they past four years before under the Government of Don Hugo di Moncada to Genua to find out Doria He may be said to be the first that taught the Turks how to manage a Fleet all things else belonging to the maritime Militia who had hitherto minded the grounding and increasing of their power only by Land Armies By his counsel the arming of Gallies with Slaves was first instituted which were formerly used to be armed with raw and unexperienced men by him were many other orders made whereby the Turkish Fleets are become more formidable to Christian Princes Soliman being resolved to make use of this man gave the Venetians quick notice thereof to the end that they might treat with him if they should meet him hereafter as with one that appertain'd to his Court knowing that he was continually pursued by their Gallies as one who had done them much prejudice And truely he was afterwards an Instrument of much mischief to Christendom and particularly to the State of Venice as shall be made known by what succeeded At this time for all these eminent dangers that threatned Christendom the Pope was notwithstanding so intent and more then ever fervent in his accustomed desires of exalting his Nephews and his Family as he had had secret Treaties with the King of France of a Marriage between Katharine to his Nephew Lorenzo de Medici and Henry Duke of Orleans the King 's second Son to effect the which he promised the King to come to Nize The News of this interview being noised abroad though the business which was there to be treated of was not certainly known did much trouble the Venetians chiefly because it was given out that the Emperour was to meet there also The actions of these Princes were therefore diligently observed by the Senators who had learned by what had pass'd at the Diet at Cambrai and by more recent affairs that all things ought to be apprehended and suspected from the ambition of Princes But the interview which should have been in Iuly being put off to September the true cause of this meeting was discovered for the better ordering whereof the Bishop of Faenza met at Nize for the Pope and Monsieur Le Grand for the King which freed the Venetians of their jealousies The Pope acquainted them afterwards with his designe and with the cause thereof wherein not concealing his intention of his Neeces Marriage any longer he thought to disguise it in other colours and that he did not look so much at his own particular interest in this Treaty as at the common good and the safety of Italy Which he knew and which
this present Emperour whose greatnesse we did so fiercely oppose taking upon us the defence of the Dukedom of Millan but the French-mens so oft failing in their promises Did not we keep constant in our friendship to the King of France to the last but the French have often abandoned us we never them unlesse upon great necessity Assuredly though we should listen to these propositions their actions would not correspond with their promises which have alwaies been very large I will not say so much to abase us as by the custom of the Nation but their actions have alwaies come short of their obligations slow uncertain inconstant And not to mention things further off the King hath used the same importune delay in furnishing his Captains with men and monies to maintain the war in Italy for the advantage of the common good and soon after when he discovered his own interest and the hopes of recovering his sons and of making peace how easily did he agree with Cesar not onely without including our Common-wealth but without making us acquainted with his counsells leaving us in the perplexities and dangers of war who did so readily take up arms first for the freeing of his own person then of his sons made a potent and victorious King our enemy and undergone great expence and danger If the King â—id so easily â—orget our interests when he could finde nothing in us but good turns favours and merit why should we think he should prove more constant or faithfull in his friendship now that he may have conceived hardly of us and may think we have injured him for he will alwaies interpret our confederacy with Cesar to be such though it were done upon urgent necessities The King would now flatter us and by so many and by so large promises would allure us to assent to his desires because he knowes he stands in great need of our friendship He is infinitely desirous to regain the State of Millan he sees he hath no leaning stock in Italy that his Armies are staied in Piedmont that he must fight for his passage longer then he had thought to have done and when he shall have overcome this obstacle not having any one who wiâ—l receive or assist so as he is to meet with no lesser difficulties he would by all means make us forego Cesar and bring us to make a new confederacy with him But say I beseech you who is it that does believe or who indeed can with reason believe by the yet recent example of this very Kings actions when Cesar seeing those forces turned against him by whose assistance he thought he should have been the better able to defend the State of Millan when he saw his territories assaulted at one and the same time by the King of France and by the Turks that he should resolve as it is well known he did to enter into a treaty of surrendring the Dukedom of Millan because the Kings third son should not be invested thereinto Who is it I say that can perswade himself that the King would not presently have laid down Arms without any thought of our concernments and have made an agreement not onely without us but it may be against us to assist Cesar in repairing himself upon us and to our prejudice for what he had granted unto him But I see it will be answered These hopes as being far off ought not to be much valued And why ought we not all take in consideration the securing of our selves from the so great and eminent dangers of the Turkish forces This is a thing certainly as much desired by me as by any others but yet though I have the same desire I cannot be of the same opinion concerning it for I see no reason to trust our security upon these promises nay rather on the conâ—rary me thinks that the danger remaining still the same we shall by waiting upon these negotiations weaken much our own defence The Turks by nature and by their prosperous successes are proud imperious as those who despise all others and put a value onely upon themselves and upon their own accommodations and shall we believe that they will govern their thoughts according to the perswasion or desire of the King of France rather then according to their own particular objects If the antient friendship and commerce which we have with them yea even to their advantage shall not avail to make them cease from making war upon us of what authority I beseech you do you think the King of France his perswasions will be with him Soliman requires nothing of the French in reward whereof to grant peace unto us upon their score the French are they who pray assistance from the Turks It is more reasonable therefore that they should accommodate themselves to the Turks will and not the Turks to theirs So as the more I know that we ought to desire the confirmation of peace with the Turks the lesse hope I to obtain it by this means But I am afraid it may so fall out as being unable of our selves long to hold out against the Turks we shall unseasonably deprive our selves of those aids which are ready and wherein onely we can promise any good unto our selves I speak of our Fleets joyning with the Imperialists And 't is this believe me that both the Turks and French do look upon the Turks are jealous of this uniting of our Fleets they fear nothing but this as being that alone which can disturb their designes and perhaps it is to hinder this that they use this means with the French who will willingly serve them as well for their own interests as to requite them for the good which they receive by their â—leet This therefore may sufficiently teach us what we ought to do in this point and what our answer ought to be since it is a clear case that we ought to shun and abhor that which is desired and endeavoured by our enemies The more therefore they desire to severe us from Cesar the closer ought we to cleave to him and to avoid all occasions which may make him suspect we intend otherwise And certainly when we shal have duly considered all things we shal be of this opinion that we cannot look for greater nor for more certain help for these our threatning dangers from any where else then from this our joyning with the Imperialists or at least from nourishing an opinion in the Turks at the present that very good intelligence is held between Cesar and us and such a union may easily be had if we have a minde to it But let us take it for granted that Soliman does not at all intend to trouble us now but aims onely upon the Emperours Dominions is it a good is it a wise is it a usefull or Christian-like counsell to give him occasion of encreasing the good will he hath already of making enterprises upon Christendom of getting his foot into Italy of weakening that Prince his
from whom they might expect best assistance were disarmed which would not prove so now when the Emperour and Common-wealth had two powerfull Fleets at sea to fall upon the enemy What was there more to be expected That forces were to be made use of whilst they were enâ—ire and losses obviated before they happened and not to suffer the one and the other Fleet to run peradventure some hasard become weaker since mens designes do oft-times miscarry by severall unthought-of accidents or that the Turks should begin to get footing in Italy and so these mischiefs prove too late to be remedied By these and the like reasons the Embassador strove to make the Senators leave their Neutrality and declare enmity to the Turks But they being grave and considerate men would not be moved by these majesticall words and ill-grounded promises continuing their resolution of not taking up arms unlesse enforc'd by necessity against so powerfull an enemy and who might prejudice the dominions of the Common-wealth in so many severall parts she not having forces of her self sufficient to defend them nor having reason to confide much in others It was therefore resolved to answer in generall terms That they returned thanks to Cesar but could do no more at this time out of many weighty and well known respects especially since their friendship and neerer conjunction being desired by the French and by the Turks they had answered them they could not give them satisfaction for that it was the stedfast resolution of the Venetian Senate to keep their plighted faith to all men as it became all Princes to do That they would notwithstanding keep in arms for any chance that might occur having alwaies together with their own safety an eye to the common good of Christendom The Embassadour seemed satisfied with this answer replying nothing as then but returning some few daies after to the Colledge he made an other demand which was That since the French threatned danger to the State of Millan they would raise 6000 Foot for the defence thereof and send their Gens d' Armes thither according to the Articles of the last Agreement Wherein shewing themselves to be very ready necessary orders were fortwith given out for it But the Commanders being come with their Horse and many Foot to those Confines the Duke of Urbin who commanded the Venetian Militia in chief put them in minde that they were to passe no farther they being onely to defend the State of Millan whereof there appeared no need at the present since the French were held play as yet in Piemont That if they should passe the River Sesia and enter the Dukedom of Millan that then their tye of confederacy would take place and that upon such an occasion the people of the Common-wealth should be ready The end of the Eighth Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK IX THE CONTENTS THe Common-wealth prepares to resist the Turks The League solicited The Venetians are moved by the Consull to treat of Agreement Mark Antonio Cornaro disswades from so doing Marco Foscari opposeth him His motion not approved of A league of the christian Princes against Soliman the Articles thereof Orders given by the Senate to the Generall Provisions of Money A Treaty of Peace between Caesar and the King of France which takes no effect Divers discourses thereupon The Pope goes to Nice what past between him the Emperour and the King of France The Turks preparations for war Their successe A notable Treason punisht by the Turks The Venetians provide to defend Candia Jovanni Moro exhorts those of Candia to keep faithfull to the common-wealth Barbarossa in Candia and what befalls him there Napoli and Malvasia besieged The Turks assault Dalmatia What succeeds there The Dukes exhortation to the Senators Those of Dalmatia resolve to make some attempt after the Turks are gone What their success was The Leagues Fleet and that of the Turks The Spaniards faultinesse The Popes Fleet assaults Pevesa does little good but runs great hazard The Leagues Fleet resolves to fight the Enemy The Turks are irresolute Barbarossa's nature and his opinion The Turks fear the Venetian ships The Fleets encounter Doria's advice and resolution to fight The Fleets face one another Their severall thoughts The Colleagues retreat and are prejudiced by the Turks Severall discourses against Doria his shame The Leagues Fleet adviseth to assault the Enemy again The Generalls severall opinions They assault Castel-Nuovo which surrenders and is sackt by the Spaniards The Turkish Fleet is scattered and sorely rent by storm the Collâ—agues part and disarm The Duke of Urbines death ALl treaty of Peace being laid aside and the hopes of the safety and defence of the States Dominions by Sea resting in Arms the Venetians are very diligent in providing all things necessary for War They prepare a great Fleet Souldiers Ammunition and Victuals for the service of the Islands and other Maritine places Those of Napoli and Malvasia desired that their Garrisons might be increased but especially to be furnisht with Victuals for want whereof Napoli had been in danger of falling into the Enemies hands they promised if assisted and succour'd to undergo the greatest dangers of War and to continue constant to the Common-wealth even to the last extremity The Island of Candia made the same request wherein there having been some commotions and scandalous speeches given out that they would surrender unto the Enemy when their Army should approach by reason of the terrour which the sacking of the Islands in the Archipelagus had infused into the generality of the chiefest cities in the Kingdom they had sent Embassadors to Venice to purge themselves of that fault which they said was occasioned by the errour of some few of mean condition rather out of their indiscretion and cowardlinesse than out of ill will They therefore offered to serve the Common-wealth with their lives and livelihoods promising to give good testimony of their Loyalty and humbly desiring that they might not be abandond for that they were ready to defend themselves to the last would never go lesse in their affection to the Common-wealth whereof many of them were members by an ancient Colony and therefore the more interessed in this cause The Senate listned very attentively to these things and dismist the Embassadors with gracious words and promises and ordered the Generall to send forthwith 25 gallies towards Candia under the command of Commissary Pasqualigo who was likewise to send souldiers and victuals to Napoli and to leave four gallies to guard it The Island and Fort of Corâ—u were likewise furnisht with necessaries and had 1000 foot sent from Venice to add unto the Garrison conducted by Valerio Orsino who was to be the chiefe head of that Militia the Senate not being well satisfied with Naldo's actions Dalmatia was furnisht with severall Troops of light Horse chosen out of stout men of Greece and Crovatia to defend the Country from the inrodes of the Enemy but the
work him to such a restitution but that there was no hopes of obtaining peace without the surrender of Napoli and Malvesâ—a together with all that was possest by the Common-wealth on the Sea-coast of Constantinople even to Castel Nuovo whereby all occasion of scandall would be taken away for the time to come and a good and stedfast Peace would be established That they did also demand satisfaction for the great expences which Soliman had been at in that War since he had been inforc'd thereunto by many injuries wherein his end was not avarice but his honour the Common-wealth having done the like in their agreement with the Emperour a more petty and less powerfull Prince then Soliman The Embassador being far from complying with them in any of these demands answered That then the businesse was aâ— an end that the Common-wealth would be so farre glad of peace and no further then she might have it consistent with her dignity the which she would alwaies with her Forces maintain and defend yet that he being but a servant of the State neither could nor would say any more but that he would give an account of all to the Senate and therefore desired that any further treaty might be suspended till he might receive further commission from the Senate The Basshaws wished him to hope well of the businesse some of them saying that the Grand Seigneur would be content with lesse then he demanded and that it was the custome of the Country to make large demands they therefore advised him to return back to Venice himselfe in person where he might informe his Masters of every particular and then return to a new Treaty the rather for that his return would be just at the time of solemnity of the Grand Seigneur's Daughters marriage and of the circumcising of his Sons Contarini hearing this though so long a voyage and such delay might seem unseasonable for his so great Age and for the importancy of the businesse in hand yet thinking that to tarry longer at the Court after this dismission would be to make the Turks believe that all their desires should be granted he resolved to be gone having first been very diligent in giving the Senate an account of every particular that had past It was observed that at his departure he had not received the usuall banquet nor had been treated either in words or actions with any signs of honour and good-will as was shewn unto him at first The Senate was very much troubled at the newes of their Embassador's departure from Constantinople and at the discovery of greater difficulties in the Agreement then they expected it was too fore a thing for them to maintain War of themselves alone against so powerfull an Enemy their hopes grounded upon assistance from others had alwaies proved weak and to little purpose and were now by these treaties fallen almost away to nothing to accept of peace upon such unreasonable termes would detract too much from the dignitie of the Common-wealth and to part willingly with Towns and Moneys would be but to invite the Enemy who were naturally insolent to make yet further demands Whilst they were yet unresolved what to do new accidents hapned which made them still more irresolute for in this interim Caesare Cantelmi came to Venice who being formerly sent as hath been said from the King of France to Soliman to treat of Truce after having been in France to inform the King returned by his order to Constantinople about the same businesse The French Embassador being in the Colledge said How that this man was sent to Constantinople chiefly for the Common-wealths service to interpose himselfe in the Treaty of peace wherefore he was come to Venice to see what commission they would give him concerning it he being commanded by his King to carry himselfe therein as he would doe in any thing which might particularly concern the Crown of France Iovan Francesco Valerio a Gentleman of Venice used afterwards the same indeavours who having been long in France held intelligence with many chief men of the Court who did many times impart many important businesses to him he witnessed the King's good will and his readinesse to send other Agents to Soliman if this man should not give satisfaction to the Senate he exhorted them to confide in the King's word and in the affection he seemed to bear the Common-wealth in this businesse that they had no better way then this to agree with the Turks with more dignity and lesse danger It was known also that at the same time the Emperour and the King of France were to have a meeting which might be the better had by the Emperour's journey who being to passe into Flanders to suppress the insurrection of those of Guant and to oppose some commotions in that Province occasioned by the dayly grievances laid by Caesar upon those Inhabitants for maintenance of the War had sent unto the King that he would come by France and speak with him touching some agreement between them whereby they might afterwards wage War joyntly against the Turks This meeting of these Princes occasioned variety of discourse and administred many reasons to maintain severall opinions Some argued from hence That the War was to be maintained with better hopes that all thoughts of peace which was treacherously proposed by the Turks were to be laid aside since peace was not to be had but upon hard conditions That it was peace between these two Princes which was alwaies thought would give life to the League and would be the chiefe ground-work of all good successe that they were not to abandon themselves and all their hopes and make themselves a prey to the persidious Enemies now that a thing so much desired was coming on Others were jealous that at this meeting somewhat prejudiciall to the liberty of Italy and in particular of the Common-wealth might be treated of which suspition having been formerly had when these Princes parting from Nice without meeting together in the Popes presence did afterwards parley together in France it was though this jealousie proved vain onely because that Caesar would not trust the King of France and deliver the state of Millan first up to him upon his promise of being assisted by him in getting the Cities belonging to the Venetians Dominion That it was now sufficiently known neither of these Princes would part with anything that was theirs so as they could not be brought to Agreement by any other means then by thinking how to make recompence which should fall unto them by the usurpation of other mens estates It was therefore judged for these important respects that the Agreement with the Turks was the more to be hastned for that the deferring thereof and the divulging of the consultations of the Christian Princes whereby they should be the more necessitated to listen to peace would make the conditions of the Treaty prove the harder afterwards But herein likewise there was a difference of Opinion
comming by the way of Trent into Italy they quickly sent four Embassadours to him Iovan Antonio Veniero Nicolo Tiepolo Mark Antonio Contarini and Vicenzo Grimani who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona received him with much honour and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State which was but onely for two daies for going to Peschiera he entred into the Mantuan Territories from whence he went to Millan from thence to Genua and then to Luca to meet the Pope with whom having tarried a while he pursued his journey towards Algiers But his advice proved bad as was foreseen for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City then he expected but chiefly receiving very great losse by the Arabian Horse raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country who with great speed and with a new and unknown way of fighting to our Souldiers disturbed their works The time was so spun on as way was made to great ruine for a horrible tempest arising at Sea which made the Ships Anchors come home some were driven upon the shore others carried into the high and boisterous seas Insomuch as having lost many of his ships and the rest being much torn the Emperour was forc'd to quit the enterprise having onely purchased this praise That he was never in the least dismai'd amidst so many adversities and dangers Many chief personages who followed the Court perished by the distemper of the aire and sufferings amongst the rest Marino Iustiniano Embassadour from the Common-wealth who by orders from the Senate had alwaies accompanied the Emperour and Nicolo da Ponte who was then Lieutenant at Udine was chosen in his steed This so great losse was interpreted by some to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes since thereby Caesar's forces were weakned and his minde began to droop who having alwaies promised unto himself prosperous successe in all things was thought did aspire at the soveraignty of all Italy Notwithstanding others out of serious considerations were of another 〈◊〉 thinking this to be a common losse and inconvenience to Christians in generall and particularly to the Common-wealth of Venice For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea that ceasing these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury Whilst these things were done by Caesar the King of France his thoughts were not quiet who being highly incens'd against Caesar studied by all means possible to revenge the injuries he had received therefore he had by his Embassadors whom he had sent before to Luca to meet the Pope press'd hard that his Holinesse would declare that the Truce made formerly at Neece by his procurement and authority the more to honest his cause was broken by Fregoso's and Rincone's death But resolving howsoever to use Force and hoping to out-do Caesar by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians he resolved to send Paulino Embassadour to Constantinople to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet 's putting forth to prejudice Caesar and tryed again to get the Venetians to joyne with him On which Paulino having discoursed much before he parted from Constantinople he had obtained as hath been said that Ianusby should be commissioned to enterpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians to encline them to listen to his proposalls touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice as he returned to Constantinople he together with the Bishop of Monpelliers who was there Embassadour in ordinary for the King had private audience in the Colledge before the chief of the Councell of Ten where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King Paulino in a long Oration perswaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King What the ends were said he of the King my Master and what those of the Emperour may now be so plainly discerned by their actions as their ends and designes are no longer concealed The King of France at the Popes perswasion laid down his Arms in Piemont and stopt the course of his almost assured victories out of a good inclination which he alwaies had to concord so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced And the Emperour who first seemed so desirous of peace refusing Articles of a fair Agreement entred himself in person with an Army into France That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Millan not to unite it to the Crown of France that so the Princes of Italy might not by reason of his greatnesse grow jealous of him but to make one of his sons Lord thereof And the Emperour being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself had often deluded his King and the Princes of Italy with vain hopes especially the Venetians who desired alwaies more then others to haâ—e a new Duke and particular Lord in that State That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant who rebelling against Cesar had recourse to him for protection Nay he had readily given way to Cesar 's men and for himself to passe through France for Flanders to appease the tumults of that Province from whence if he had been so minded he might have reaped advantage That he had several other waies witnessed his goodwill to Cesar having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 â—ingdome in the very City of Paris and in his own Palace treating with him still with singular civility That on the other side as sooâ—â—s his businesse was done the Emperour had not onely not corresponded any waies with him openly denying what he had promised but being full of implacable anger against the King had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain when by the Truce renued at Paris all his affairs should have been secure That these and many other things which lay open to the eyes of all men might witnesse what the endeavours ends and natures of these two Princes were by which might be well considered whether of these ought to be chosen for a friend and confederate to the Common-wealth in whether she might repose more faith friendship gratitude equity and modesty in all proceedings That it ought also to be particularly considered how great Cesar 's power would be when he should together with the Kingdom of Naples securely possesse the State of Millan the French being excluded Italy and all allayes ceasing which might curb his desires bent undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy That it was to be had in consideration what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France That Cesar promis'd onely in gratification to the Common-wealth to put a Duke into the State of Millan not intending as might be seen by his actions to do as he said That what his King's gratitude would be and the fruits of this new conjunction
his honour appeared to be otherwise minded either for that he was not well pleased with the Pope for not having openly declared for him as the esteem which he and his House had put upon him seemed to require he having preferr'd him before many honourable Allies in the marriage of his daughter as also the actions of his enemy the King of France who had joyned in league and friendship with the Turks to the prejudice of Christendom or else for that suspecting that the Pope would renue the Treaty of yielding up the Dukedome of Millan to Ottavio Fernese he being already resolved not to part with it upon any conditions he would shun the occasion of encreasing his ill-will to him by not giving him satisfaction and thrust him as it were upon the friendship of the King of France But the Pope esteeming his dignity injur'd if being gone from Rome to speak with Cesar he should suffer him to go out of Italy and not see him for nothing he could do was able to perswade the Emperour to come to Bullognia though he had sent his son Pier Luigi first to him to Genua with this his desire and afterwards his nephew Alexander Fernese who although very young was already made Cardinall he was content to go further to meet him Cesar having alledged for his excuse That he could not retard his journey by going out of his way The Town of Busetto belonging to the jurisdiction of the Palavisini was then appointed for this convention an incommodious and ignoble place but the issue of this interview was such as it was foreseen it would be for nothing was therein concluded neither for the publick service of Christendom nor for the particular advantage of the House of Fernese for Cesar was still resolute to pursue the war against the King of France and the Duke of Cleves And as for the businesse of Millan he would give no absolute negative to the Pope alledging that he could not of himself dispose of that State without the participation and consent of the Princes of the Empire By which answer his resolution of not parting with it was notwithstanding discovered The convention being dissolved which lasted but onely three daies Cesar pursuing his journey entred the State of Venice where he was met upon the confines by the four fore-named Embassadours and received and accompanied with the usuall demonstrations of honour As he without any delay went to Trent to go for Germany the State furnished him with all things necessary for his person and for his attendance and many offers were made unto him in the name of the publick but in generall terms not touching upon any businesse save onely that he would be a means to his brother for expedition in the affairs belonging to the resolution of Trent wherein they had already interessed themselves as friendly compositors Cesar past from Trent to â—lmes and from thence to Spire that he might be neerer the businesse he went about being followed wheresoever he went by Secretary Daniel Buonriccio Agent for the Common-wealth for the Embassadour Ponte falling desperately sick was forced to tarry at Trent and to return from thence to Venice and Bernardo Navagiero who was afterwards made a Cardinall by Pope Pius the fourth succeeded in his place Cesar's first attempts against the Duke of Cleves succeeded well for he tooke the City of Dura from him at the very first but soon after by the intercession and entreaties of the Duke of Brunswick and of the Elector of Collen and out of Cesar's own inclination that he might the more freely without any hinderance proceed on against the Kingdom of France he was by him received into favour and suffered to enjoy his whole Dukedom of Cleves upon the restitution of the Dukedom of Guelders which he had possest himselfe of At the same time the War was begun again in the Kingdom of Hungary whither Soliman being come with a powerfull Army making all the Country be ransackt and ruin'd by his Cavalry he sat down before Strigonia and whilst he was busied there he sent an Embassador to Venice to acquaint the Senate with his voyage and his designs and also to learn news of his Fleet which was busied at this time in the Haven of Villa Franca about the enterprise of Neece and he accordingly was advertised and thanked for his friendship to the common-wealth and for his acquainting her with his actions and counsells It behooved them to appear pleased with this demonstration of the Turks to preserve peace with them and better reputation with others by their friendship which was at this time of better esteem by reason of the Turks joyning with the French who were not wanting in making often mention of the terror of the Turk's enmity that they might make the Venetians be govern'd by them Wherefore Soliman having sent an other Embassador to Venice with new advertisements of his proceedings in Hungary the Senate thought they must not be wanting in correspondence with demonstration of like honour and love towards so great a Prince Stephano Tiepolo was therefore chosen for this Embassy who had already laid down his Commission of Generall at Sea This man was to go in the spring to Constantinople where Soliman who was already upon his return was then to be to congratulate his happy return and to promise good correspondency and continuance of friendship with that Court. The businesse of Marano was not as yet quieted but the French were still more hot in maintaining that Fort and the Dutch in recovering it so as besides 400 Foot who were brought thither first by Monsieur de Senei the King of France sent a new recruit thither of a good many foot and horse And on the other side the King of the Romanes sent some Dutch foot companies over the Mountains under the Conduct of Giovan Baptista Savello and mustred some others of his nearest Territories to make up a body of an Army wherewith to besiege Marano and they were all forthwith suffered to passe through the Common-wealth that they might appear free from siding with any one in this businesse The Venetians were more troubled at the manning out of a Pinnace and two Brigantines at Trieste wherewith they began to streiten Marano by Sea entring by the Haven of Dignano because they would of necessity draw other armed Vessels to those parts and the sufferance of these seemed to intrench upon the Common-wealths pretences to that Haven and shew'd some partiality in them by suffering Maranos out-rages in the same parts where by formerly destroying the Fort they would not favour her defence yet the Common-wealth proceeding calmly on indeavour'd to free her selfe from these prejudices and jealousies rather by negotiations and by a certain cautiousness than by open force Therefore they prest Ferdinando and the Emperour very much that those armed Vessels might not tarry in that Haven and at the same time caused the Captain of the fly-boats and one well arm'd Gallie to come
Cesar some other way An other novelty likewise hapned which was thought would add fuell to this fire of war which was a kindling The Pope finding his other designes for the agrandising of his house prove vain the City of Parma and Piacenza being severed from the Church which were thereunto joyned by Iulius the 2d gave them in fee-farm to his son Pier Luigi obliging him to pay 8000 Crowns a year for them by way of tribute and in lieu thereof to yield up the Dukedome of Camerino and the Signiory of Nepi wherein his son Octavio was but a little before invested to the Apostolick Sea Cesar was so much displeased hereat as he could by no means be brought to assent thereunto nor give way to the investment thereof desired of him by the Pope as being Lord of the State of Millan whereof these two Cities had wont to be a member This obdurancy of Cesar did so alienate Luigi's heart from him who was formerly sufficiently enclined to the French as it was thought he would embrace any occasion that should be offered to witnesse his ill-will and to damnifie Cesar. The Pope being for these respects grown suspected by both sides and equally mistrusting both Cesar and the King of France but being notwithstanding resolved come what will come to make good what he had done touching the setling of the new Dukedom upon his son he had much discourse with the Venetian Embassador shewing in what danger the affairs of Italy would be as soon as the King of France should have rid his hands of war with the King of England with whom he was in treaty of peace Or when Cesar having reduced the Protestant Princes to his obedience at the Dyet at Ratisbone should have no need to take up Armes against them He therefore desired that the Senate would joyne in close intelligence with him concerning the common interests and in signe of greater confidence he made the new Duke send Agostino di Laudi as his Embassador to Venice who acquainting the Senate with the dignity conferred upon him offered both himself and State to be at the Common-wealth's service Correspondence was had hereunto in a friendly manner but in generall tearms which might not any waies oblige nor whereby the Pope might be the more encouraged to do any thing upon these hopes which might disquiet Italy But minding their own defence and providing for what might happen the Senate took Guido Ubaldo Duke of Urbin into the service of the Common-wealth with the title of Captain Generall of the Militia allowing him 5000 Crowns a year pay for himself and 15000 for a hundred Curassiers and a hundred light Horse which he was bound to have alwaies in a readinesse for the Common-wealth's service But Italy's safety consisted in the troubles which were to continue between the Emperour and the King of France for the latter could not by any forces though very great both by sea and land and by hazarding all fortunes recover the City of Bullen from the English who were resolved not to restore it upon agreement And Cesar having assembled the Protestant Princes in the Dyet at Ratisbone to treat of things touching Religion could do no good upon them though he went there himself in person But whereas they first seemed contented that the Councill should be held in Trent promising to send their Doctors thither to treat of the points of Faith and to stand to what should there be decided they now demanded that a Nationall Councill might be called in Germany which being afterwards reduced to Trent that the meeting might be in all parts free and other more exorbitant things Whereby the Pope argued that making use of this occasion he needed not to fear the Councill but might secure his son in Parma and Piacenza since both Cesar and the Princes and people of Germany had turned their thoughts else-where and were to end bitter contestations by war He therefore began to incite Cesar by frequent messages who was already sufficiently incenst against many German Princes and Cities exhorting him for his honours sake to take up Arms against those Rebells and promising him great assistance not onely by concession of many boones in Cesar's States but by contributing a great many Foot Horse to be paid by the Apostolick Sea The Senate had at first a hand in this businesse seeking as they formerly had done to slacken the Pope's fervour in undertaking this war whereby they thought Italy might receive prejudice and no certain hopes that the affairs of Religion would fare the better by force for whole Germany a great and powerfull Province being as it was said to concur therein whereof many of the chief Hans-Towns had already declared for the Protestant Princes who were risen for fear â—est the Emperour might under other pretences bereave them of their libertie and the name of the Pope being grown greatly hatefull in Germany there was reason to fear that that warlick Nation might overflow Italy and they be prejudiced thereby who had no hand in that commotion Or if Cesar should subdue Germany his forces and reputation growing greater by this victory his power would be more dangerous for the Princes of Italy But afterwards knowing the Pope's resolutenesse herein and that being carried away by two powerfull affections fear and hope touching State respects and his own greatnesse and the like of his family he would not be brought to listen to any other counsell The Senate forbare any such courses and rather sought to go by the way of diversion in the discourses which were often held with them to this purpose by the Pope's and Cesar's Embassadours that they might not offend Cesar without any advantage by advising him against the enterprise or by commending it make him demand more expresse aids of them Notwithstanding all this it was said that the Common-wealth was comprehended in the League which was made at Rome which some did so assuredly aver as in the notes which were publickly given about of the confederates contributions and of the preparations for war five thousand Foot were reckoned to be paid by the Venetians who being desirous to satisfie these Princes in what might neither cost them monies nor trouble did upon request willingly grant passage to the Pope's Souldiers who being mustered in Bologâ—â—a to the number of 12000 Foot and 500 Horse were to passe to Trent through the territories of Verona and the like was done to Cesar's Souldiers they being furnish'd with victualls and all other conveniences The Pope's Army was made up of the best Souldiers of Italy and commanded by valiant Captains of all which the Pope's nephew Ottavio Fernese was General a young man but of great hopes and who had been trained up some few years before in the Militia when he went with his father in Law the Emperour to the Affrican wars But people from several Nations were flock'd to Cesar's Army and many out of Germany her self drawn out of the Patrimoniall States of
also to recover Bullen which was by his fathers agreement yielded up to the English For which respects he entertained divers practises not onely with the Pope touching the affairs of Parma but also in Genua and in Sienna to alter the Government of those Cities which depended upon Cesar's authority Yet did he not prepare to put these his designes in execution nor did he openly declare himself an enemy to Cesar. But on the other side the Pope though he had a very great desire to revenge the injuries done him by Cesar and to recover Piacenza to his family yet he was doubtfull whether he should attempt this by force or by treaty Sometimes he was induced to hope well considering that the Emperour who was Lord of so many States though he appeared more severe unto him then to the end that he might obtain other things of him might not at last deprive his son in Law Octavio and his children of that State and reduce him to a private condition He had therefore often sent severall expresses to him desiring that Piacenza might be restored to Octavio and that he would cease troubling him in the possession of Parma But at the same time he negotiated a League with the King of France by which the King was to take Duke Octavio and the City of Parma into his protection and to defend it against the Imperiall forces Sometimes to honest and to facilitate the businesse and to satisfie himself at least in taking this City from Cesar he thought to re-assume it into the obedience of the Church Nor did he cease to solicite the Venetians sometimes by promises sometimes by minding them of the fear of Cesar's forces to joyne with him in the defence of Italy for which he said he was no lesse troubled then for his nephews interest And sometimes he complaines that they were too much Imperialists and did glory in Cesar's friendship and favour which was occasioned more by Cesar's own words then by the Venetians for in his publick discourse of the Common-wealth and Senate he named them with love and honour meaning it may be to make them by this means more his friends But he did not much confide in the King of France whom he named his friend and confederate suspecting lest the King who demanded that the City of Parma preserved by his forces should not be given to Octavio of whom he might alwaies be jealous as being the Emperour's son in Law but to Horatio who was not onely the Popes nephew but his son in Law When he should have gotten that City which lay very opportunely for the molâ—sting of Millan might keep it for himself Moreover what could make him dispair more of finding favour at Cesar's hands then to see that that City should be given into his enemies hands and by whom he might be much prejudiced by the Fernese's means Being much distracted in his thoughts by reason of these considerations after long and various disputes and difficulties touching the Councill which the one would have celebrated at Bullen the other at Trent the Pope to give satisfaction to Cesar resolved after having sent the Bishop of Fano his Nuntio to him to send also the Bishop of Verona his Legate into Germany with authority to dispence with the Germans in many things which were demanded by them and with some alteration of the usuall rites of the Church of Rome a thing which Cesar had very earnestly desired to curb those people who not having obtained the generall Councill which was promised them by Cesar and many of them not having accepted of a certain reformation made for a time and therefore called the Interim till the Councill should be celebrated threatned to mutiny again unlesse they might receive satisfaction in some of their obstinate demands Whereat Cesar was much troubled because it hindered his other designes But he minding onely his own affairs and not being moved by any affections or reasons which were contrary to the interests of his Dominions did wisely nourish certain uncertain hopes in the Pope and in Duke Octavio whereby he kept them unresolved and in doubt Sometimes he propounded proposalls of accommodation with recompence of Territories elsewhere sometimes he said he would have it tryed whether the Church or Empire had more lawfull pretence to those Cities and sometimes seeming much incensed instead of restoring Piacenza he demanded that Parma should be delivered up unto him But in â—ine it was conceived by those who saw further into his designes that by thâ—se uncertainties he would keep the Pope in perpetuall doubts being already resolved by no means to part with Piacenza as lying very opportunely for the State of Millan but that he went about to protract time and to shun the necessity of taking up Arms expecting the Pope's approaching death that he might the mean while put an end to his other deeper designes He thought to settle a mighty Monarchy upon his own Line making the Empire together with so many other Kingdomes and States descend upon his onely son Philip and his brother Ferdinando's claim to the Empire standing in his way as to that who was some years before made King of the Romans a title confer'd upon such as are declared to succeed in the Empire he sought by several waies to perswade his brother to give way unto his son promising to give the Dukedom of Wittemberg to Ferdinando to help his son Maximilian to be chosen King of Bohemia to give him his daughter for wife with some Territories for her portion to make him Governour of his Kingdoms of Spain in his sons absence and other things which were not afterwards altogether effected But Philip past from Spain into Italy whither Maximilian was gon before to celebrate the marriage concluded with 300000 Crowns for portion but no Dominion and to tarry there as Governour of those Kingdoms for Philip was to go into Germany to his father who was gone to Brussells to ease Germany of the Spanish Souldiers part whereof he sent to meet his son in Italy and led part along with him into Flanders The Prince was received with great pomp and honour in every place he was met at Genua where he landed by many Embassadors from severall Princes and particularly by Frederick Badoaro in the behalf of the Common-wealth whose Commission was meerly Complement and to attend the Prince whilst he passed through the State of the Common-wealth which he was to do as he went from Millan towards Germany A stately Bridge richly adorned was built over the River Adice and upon the confines of Verona he was met by the Captain of that City nobly attended and by a great concourse of people who were come from several parts to see him who was born to so great an Empire and to succeed in so many Kingdoms and united States as he was likely to have been the greatest Prince that ever was in Christendom This Prince did not upon this occasion satisfie mens expectations but was held to
between Princes and of maintaining general Love and Agreement between them which had made men begin to celebrate the memory of his Popedom as very glorious The Pope appearing to be somewhat perswaded by these reasons began to think of an Agreement to which purpose he sent the Cardinall de Medeci brother to the Marquiss of Marignano and Cousin to the Duke of Parma and proposed the giving of Camerino and Nepi to him in lieu of Parma which was to remain unto the Church wherewith he forthwith acquainted Caesar making use both of the Senates reasons and authority and affirming that he was thereby put upon such a resolution The Pope thought he should not find the Emperour averse to an Agreement if not out of his own disposition at least not to alienate him from him by despising these his proposalls and his pleasure and giving him occasion to favour the French faction in Italy not without danger to the Kingdom of Naples by reason of the insurrections which were therein at that time And it was thought that the Popes indeavours would have prevailed with the Emperour had not he been otherwise wrought upon by contrary counsels given unto him by his Ministers of State and chiefly by Don di Mendoso Embassador at Rome and by Don Ferrante Gonsaga Governour of the State of Millan who used therein as it was thought their own particular enmity against the Fernesi more then their love to their Princes good But the Pope finding it resented otherwise and not daring for fear of his Forces to offend him returned to his first purpose of prosecuting the Ferneses who on the other side being joyn'd in League with the King of France could the less listen to any proposalls All wisest and best men were much troubled to finde the State of affairs in this condition for it was too clearly seen that the continuance of this controversie for the affairs of Parma would breed open War between the two most potent Princes of Christendom Charles the Emperour and Henry King of France and would bring the Seat of War into Italy For whilst the Pope was incited to the recovery of Parma by Caesars Forces and the King of France did back the Ferneses in the possession of that City by his Men and Monies their Forces must needs meet and suddenly full foul one upon another so as those who saw further into the sequel of these things knew and did not stick to say openly that the reward of this Victory would be the appropriating of this City to the one or the other of these Princes to the certain prejudice of the Italians since they would not want pretences ' either by way of re-imbursement of the expences which they had been at or for some other reasons to retain this City which must be either taken or preserved chiefly by their Forces The King prepared to send succour to the besieged and incouraged Octavio with great hopes and the Emperour having much increased his Forces in Lumbardie did still incourage the Pope pomising to make them joyn with the Forces of the Church and that he would give order to Don Ferrante Gonsaga to observe the Popes commands in the businesse of Parma but the Pope growing jealous of Caesars designs and openly detesting the proceedings of his Officers began to repent what he had done and sought how to draw himselfe out of the businesse He therefore resolved to send his Nephew Ascanio della Cornia to the King of France to perswade him to desist from Arms and to listen to some Agreement shewing him the difficulty of the enterprise which he had undertaken in maintaining a City which was so farre distant from his Dominions and not long after he sent Achille de Grassi to Venice who though he seemed to be sent onely to justifie the Popes actions and to correspond with the so many indeavours oftentimes used to him by the Senate in exhorting him to Agreement having shewed him powerfull reasons by which he said he was perswaded to put on that resolution yet mentioning other matters whereby the Pope might be conceiâ—ed to desire that the Common-wealth would interpose her Authority with the King and the Duke to bring the businesse to some Agreement which the Senate was not unwilling to do if they thought they might have done any good for the common quiet Ascanio returning speedily from France brought word back of the Kings good inclinations which he would be willing to witnesse by his actions for he would perswade Octavio that Parma might return to the Church upon condition that the Emperour would likewise restore unto her the Castles held by him in the Territories of Parma nor would he remove his Garrisons from Parma till he might be sure the Emperour could not possess himselfe of it wherein there being many difficulties it was seen that the proposition tended more to the spinning out of time then to come to any Agreement So as there was no thought now on any side but to provide for Arms. The King continued sending of men into Italy under Monsieur de Neuers and other Commanders raising more Souldiers at Mirandola commanded by Pietro Strozzi The Pope and the Emperour did the like so as the Imperiall and Ecclesiastick Armies being numbred together they amounted to 15000 Foot and good store of Horse which were all commanded by Ferrante Gonsaga who was Captain of the League And these Forces were held to be such as it was generally thought the City of Parma would soon fall into the Leagues hands But Strozzi used great vigilancy and diligence who parting suddenly from Mirandola entred the Bullognian Territories over-running and plundring the Country so fearfully as the Pope beginning to apprehend not onely Bullognia but Ravenna also and some other parts of Remagna was forc'd to send for his men from before Parma to come to the Bullognian Territories to keep his own affairs from danger which Strozzi making use of he marched with miraculous speed towards the parts about Parma and entred the Town himself with a good number of Foot and great store of Victuals so as the besiegers dispaired to get Parma in haste and war was likely to be drawn out at length and occasions likely to be given of many other weighty occurrences whereby all Italy already much perplext might be reduced to much danger and calamity Therefore the Venetian Senate being intent upon all things and resolving whatsoever should fall out to depend onely upon themselves resolved to take 4000 Foot and 500 light Horse into pay whereby to increase the Garrisons of their frontier Towns and placing their chiefe Commanders in them they had a great care of their own affairs But the Duke of Florence being bound to Caesar for many favours already received and out of hopes of others that he might receive did openly assist the Imperiall party both with Men and Monies not with any intention of fomenting this fire which he would much more willingly have seen extinguished but not
audience by his father Alâ—ssandri perceiving this unseasonable delay began to treat with the Lord Chancellor of the Kingdom being advised so to do and assisted therein by Coza Ali a Merchant of Tauris to whom he going at the same time from Venice the businesse was recommended the Chancellour after some discourse had thereupon said that his King was a wise Prince and that he was to proceed maturely in a businesse of such Importance and would a while expect the successe of the League upon which he might afterwards ground his resolution the better Thus Alessandri not being admitted into the Kings presence departed without any other answer For it was clearly seen that Tamas being now very old and addicted to peace shun'd giving occasion to the Turk of any suspition that he would conspire against him together with the Christian Princes This businesse was likewise much impeded by accidents which hapned at that time wherein according to the usuall course of the Ottaman family the Persian forces were imploy'd in appeasing certain Insurrections raised by a Nephew of Homat formerly King of Giland a noble and rich Country of Media now in the possession of the Kings of Persia whereupon Mustapha Mirise the Kings eldest Son was gone with 10000 Horse into that Province to suppress the Author of those Commotions Thus whilst the Christians were in trouble the Persians injoy'd their quiet nourishing thereby a long and heavy War unto themselves which was made against them some few years after by Amurate Son to Selino who possest himselfe at unawares of severall places in Media in the Country which is now called Servan whilst the Persians did in vain desire to see the Christians take up Arms against the common enemies as the Christians did now in vain desire the help and favour of their forces These were the Venetians preparations these their counsells and treaties with other Princes at this time that they might joyntly wage war with the common enemy But the Turks beginning this mean while to commit many hostile acts had detained severall subjects of the Common-wealth together with their goods who traffickt in Narenta and in other parts of Albania within the Turkish Dominions and had likewise unloaded two Venetian ships which were at Constantinople and not suffered them to depart from those Havens though upon other pretences Which when the Venetians heard of they thought it became them to treat the Turkish subjects which were in their City accordingly to the end that their persons and goods might serve to ransome our men and their merchandise A guard was likewise put upon a Chiaus named Mamutbei who being parted from the Court to go for France was come some daies before to Venice and stayed there to negotiate a certain businesse of some particular Merchants with the Venetian Signories to whom he brought credentiall Letters as also to be advised therein by Monsieur Duferier the French Embassadour then resident at Venice who thinking that it had been fit to have known his Kings intention which peradventure might have been altered by the various accidents of the times and to procure a safe conduct for Mamutbei's passage through the State of Millan had kept him from pursuing his journey into France out of these respects Duferier did modestly resent the detention of this man as of one who was sent to his Prince and had been advised to tarry there by him wherefore he endeavoured his liberty But the King when he knew the Venetians just reasons and that Mamutbei had not any important businesse to treat of but that he was come either to be a spy over the Venetians under other pretences or else sent out of some idle occasion by the French Embassadour then resident at Constantinople without his knowledge or consent he was soon pacified Mamutbei was therefore sent to Verona and kept prisoner in St. Felice's Castle till the end of the war Whilst the Venetians were thus employed the Turks were not idle at Constantinople but were alike diligent in providing all things that they might put to Sea as soon and as strong as was possible Selino being returned to Constantinople in December he was so diligent in making men work in the Arsenall in causing new Gallies be built in caulking old ones in casting Artillery and in all other necessaries as he himself went thither sometimes to hasten the work A great number of Pioners were listed in Grecia great quantities of Biskets was made in Morea Gallies were sent to Constantinople from many Provinces to make up the Fleet and twenty five Gallies were prepared in all haste to be speedily sent into Allessandria to bring away much provisions which were made ready there for the Armies For they did very much fear that the Venetians would be speedy in sending a great squadron of Gallies into the Levant whereby their Navigation might be block'd up and hindred much to their prejudice They were likewise very solicitous in finishing a Fort which was begun a little before at Brazzo di Maina that they might have a fitting and safe receptacle for a good squadron of Gallies which they purposed to send early out to hinder the succour which might be sent by the Venetians to Cyprus And Selino continuing his resolution to go himself in person in the Army an infinite number of Camells were prepared and great solemnity was used in getting all things ready according to the custom of that Nation when their Emperour goes into the field The Bashawes discoursed oft how the war was to be managed wherein their opinions were very different some were minded that before any thing else were done men were to be poured into Cyprus by a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessells which being landed and the flat-bottom'd Boats and small Pinaces being left there together with a squadron of Gallies for their better security the rest of the Fleet should make for our Gulph to terrifie the Venetians and to confuse them the more and to keep the Christian Fleets play in these seas And that if it should be too long ere the whole Fleet could be united the first hundred Gallies which should be ready should be presently sent towards Cyprus to get footing there and to secure the landing of the rest of the Army by building a Fort there Others would that Piali without any further losse of time should instantly put to Sea with 100 Gallies and enter our Gulph and that the rest of the Fleet should be sent to Cyprus And others thinking it neither safe nor of any use to advance so soon proposed that Piali should go with the said hundred Gallies to the Haven of Suda and possesse themselves thereof and pillaging the Island of Candia should wait there for the rest of the Fleet and to do then as they should see cause by the movings of our Fleets The different respects of Mustafa and Piali nourished the variety of these opinions the longer for the former to whom the enterprise of Cyprus was
proposed unto your selves in manfully maintaining war against this barbarous Infidel by which you are assured to have a glorious victory The intention of the Pope and of the Catholick King is assuredly such as I may ascertain you you shall never find your selves deceived in anything that you can promise unto your selves in this holy and generall service from them or from their forces and if you will not credit me you must believe experience and reason Hath not the Pope readily granted his assistance man'd Gallies with his own subjects made himselfe the Protector of this League Hath he not been so favourable thereunto as freely to grant those graces towards the establishment of this holy union which he hath alwayes denyed to the Catholick King for raising of Monies to defend Spain against the Insurrection of the Moores and of Flanders against the Rebels both to their God and Prince And the King of Spain how willingly did he listen to the proposall of this League how reâ—dily did he give Commission to his Agents to conclude it how affectionately without being bound thereunto hath he granted his Gallies for the defence of your Dominions What confidence hath he shew'd in you by trusting them in your Havens And now we have certain intelligence that great preparation of Shipping and of Souldiers is making in Spain to send away Don John with all speed into Italy These things being justly weighed leave not any the least place for doubt of the intentions of this so pious and so truly Catholick King If therefore it shall be thought that these Princes have been hard in being brought to any of these things it must be assuredly believed that it hath hapned partly out of a desire of establishing this union more firmly and of taking away all impediments at first that might obstruct it partly because the very nature of the things propounded hath in it somewhat of difficulty or peradventure of impossibility as that the King should set forth a hundred Gallies this year when he hath not at the present above fourscore Yet the Pope and the King labour to overcome this difficulty Orders are already sent to the Vice-Roy of Naples for the manning out of 20 Gallies with Letters of Mart in that Kingdom and those of Savoy Florence and of Malta are indeavoured to be had nay the Pope hath promised that the number of 100 shall be made up and that there shall be Forces enough this year not onely to oppose the proceedings of the Turkish Fleet but as I hope to fight them and to vanquish them But for Gods sake what jealousie what danger can rise from the League which will not be found to be much greater and more certain in making peace if it were to be had now that the Enemies forces are intire and stronger than ever You are very wise and your Councells use to be the rule and example of good Government to other States You may very well know that the Turks can obtain no greater victory nor that any thing can prove more prejudiciall to us Christians than that the occasion of so great a union of Christian Princes vanishing after so many Treaties nay after the firm beliefe of all men that the League is already established and concluded the Turks may for certain find that the Christian Princes shal not be able at any time to raise forces sufficient to prejudice the Ottaman Empire And that as not any one of them is able of himselfe to oppose their power so the discords between themselves the misfortune of our times or our sins secures them from the danger of their joyning together whereby they wil grow to dispise the name of Christian the more and wil be the more incouraged to assault them every where but I neither wil nor ought I fear that this malady should still continue I rather hope that when you shall have duly considered these respects you will readily pitch upon embracing the League which is offered you and that I shall have the honour and the consolation of having been the instrument of confirming it and if it shall so please God perhaps of producing some good effect thereby Colonna his authority and eloquence wrought much upon the Senators but the mighty concernment of the businesse the experience of the last years passages the condition of the proposalls being but in generall and uncertain and the hopes that treaty of peace might produce some good effects distracted the Senators and made them dubious in their opinions They therefore gave him generall answers remembring their actions which might make the world believe they were well enclined to the League and objecting something to what he had said but neither narrowed nor enlarged the Treaty standing resolute upon the point that the businesse might either be absolutely concluded or absolutely laid aside But Colonna having received new orders from Rome whereby greater satisfaction was given in point of the forces and of the time of using them and of recruiting the Gallies as the Venetians had desired for this first year and particularly that the Pope did promise to grant three Tenths yearly to the Common-wealth for the space of five years out of the goods of the Clergy of the Common-wealth The whole businesse was discuss'd in the Senate to the end that knowing on the one side what was in agitation at Constantinople and the directions which they had given to their Consul and to Ragazzoni touching the treaty of peace and on the other side the Pope's conditions and what was propounded by the Catholick King for the conclusion of the League they might more maturely resolve either upon war or peace and do what might be thought would bring most advantage and safety to the Common-wealth wherein the Senators differed in their opinions So as continuing still in the same ambiguitie they did not resolve upon any thing But such answers were given to Colonna's proposalls as differing more in words then in sense they stood still upon generalities without declaring themselves any waies absolutely touching the concluding or laying aside of this Treaty Whereupon whilst the businesse was one day agitated in the Senate Paolo Tiepolo a Senator of mature judgment and long vers'd in the government of the Common-wealth though he was not then of the order of the Savii whose proper and peculiar charge this useth to be stood up and said If in what is now before us the glorious fame were onely concern'd which our Common-wealth hath purchased with all men by her generous resolution taken the last year of accepting the war intimated unto us by the Turks and of defending our State against their insolency I might peradventure be silent and look for what the end of these our irresolute counsells might at last prove though certainly it is no small losse which befalls a Prince when his reputation is lost wherewith States are no lesse governed then by forces But since I know that this our unseasonable delay leads us to ruine
whilst vainly relying upon far distant and fallacious treaties of peace we will bereave our selves of the assistance of other mens forces and of our selves onely withstand the violence of such insolent enemies I must oppose what is propounded and speak my contrary opinion For I think it very pernicious to resolve upon nothing and to spend our time onely in speakingâ— for by so doing we shall at last be deprived of those helps which we have for some months past sought towards the conclusion of this League though the Colleagues were not unwilling to assist us Most illustrious Senators I finde that our mindes are rather altered by this deliberation then the condition of affairs Did not we know that we had to deal with a powerfull enemy when with such zeal and generall consent we resolved upon this war when we refused all treaty of agreement whereunto we were invited by the comming of the Chiaus and readily entertained the confederacy which the Pope offered us Were we not acquainted with the uncertainty of war and with the usuall difficulties met withall in the colleagueing of Princes Yet since we saw no trust could secure us from these barbarous Infidells whose power and ambition doth daily increase and that the delaying of war did not free us from danger but did rather encrease it for we hoped that the honesty and justice of our cause might at last after severall both good and bad adventures prevail and make us victorious since we intended by our dexterity and patience to purchase the good-will of other Princes and making them sensible that their interests were concerned in ours draw them to a reall and firm confederacy that the common cause might be agitated by joynt forces and advice It was these reasons and not chance that moved our Senate to take up Arms and to undergo the hasard and expence of war and to treat upon the speedy conclusion of the League And shall we now suffer the first unfortunate successe in war the first difficulties arising amongst the confederates as if all our generousnesse and constancy were past not onely cool our former fervour and make us forgoe our former resolves but so to bereave us of all counsell as involved in ambiguity we shall not know what to pitch upon which whilst we do not having neither peace nor league suffer all conditions to be uncertain every thing suspected and all businesses to go backward When if we shall duly consider things as they are in themselves uninvelloped in our own affections we shal find it evident what we are to do For all respects concur in prosecuting and in stipulating a speedy confederacy Advantage and Honour advise unto it our security is great and great the glory which we may hope for thereby And if there shall ever be a time to think upon this union certainly the occasion is now offered us not onely out of necessity to oppose the formidable greatnesse of the Turks but by reason of the opportunity we have now to do it Certainly this is the time since we finde all Princes not onely willing but in a posture of power to undertake it Who finds not an ardent zeal in the Pope of exalting Christianity Do not all the King of Spain 's actions shew how great a lover he is of peace how well content he is with what is his own and onely desirous to abase the Turkish power that they may not molest his Dominions nor disquiet his peace It cannot be denyed but that the Emperour is sufficiently desirous of glory and of recovering the Kingdom of Hungary whereof he is for the greatest part at this time deprived by these common enemies which he hath witnessed by his late taking up Arms against Soliman And if these do not readily satisfie our desires we may be sure the hinderance proceeds from necessity and not from want of good-will The Pope's Exchequer is exhausted he hath been forced to impose taxes upon the Ecclesiasticks to procure mony for this war nay by the contribution of Monks in our State wherefore he must proceed more reservedly in granting Tenths and other aids The King of Spain is so oppress'd by the burthen of governing so many Dominions as he must manage his affairs by the hands of severall Ministers and by the advice of many which sometimes retards maturity and is the reason why his intentions are not so easily made known nor produce not conâ—ormable effects so soon The Emperour hath not forces enough of himself and cannot dispose of the German forces without the consent of the Princes and Hans-towns therefore he is slow in resolving upon what both his words and reason shews he is willing to do But certainly the death of the Transilvanian is luckily hapned at this time which will necessitate Germany to take up Arms and to embrace this occasion unlesse she will suffer that Province to fall under the obedience of the Turks and thereby encrease her dangers These hinderances then which arise from usuall difficulties which are inseparable from such businesses nay from all weighty affairs ought not to beget difficulties or jealousies in us nor alienate us from the friendship of those Princes in whom we finde no ill towards us but rather many signes of good-wishes towards the welfare of our Common-wealth Whereunto if we were to be perswaded by no other reason nor arguments we cannot certainly fail if we measure the mindes of those Princes but by their own interests wherein how much the neerer they are concerned in this war and in our behalf we ought to rest the more assured that they will not abandon us and with us themselves Does not the Pope see that the ruine of this Common-wealth would draw along with it the ruine of all Christendom and that neither his Court nor he should be secure in Rome Does not the Catholick King know that if Candia Corfu and the other Islands be lost Cicily and Calabria will be the frontiers against the Turks that if the enemy grow stronger by the ruine of others his danger will be the greater and that by how much the forces of this Common-wealth are weakened the withstanding the Turkish Fleets will light the more heavy upon him The Emperour can never be sure to have his Dominions safe whilst he hath so potent a neighbour and must know that how much the later other Princes are in lending us their assistance and how much the lesse they shall be we shall be the sooner perswaded to accept of any agreement which will be nothing else but to afford time and convenience to this Common enemy to turn his Arms against Hungary and against the Empire Wherefore shall we then admit of doubts without reason and let slip those things which are in our own power to rely upon what depends upon the will of others and chiefly of those whom we have great reason to suspect by reason of their accustomed cunning and of their late deceits The conclusion of the League is certain the
the inconstancy of Leagues by which never any great enterprise was atchieved or which could continue long by reason of the differing nay contrary designs of Princes by reason of the jealousie of States and the suspicion which one Prince hath always of another He who promiseth unto himself a better end of this League then was that of late years made against Soliman and who does not believe that what befell us at Pevesa and the difficulties we met with at Castel nuovo be to be renued to our prejudice and ignominy thinks that the world will alter and delights to cheat himself with vain hopes But some may be perswaded to be for this League not moved thereunto by any hopes but drawn out of a certain consideration that this treaty is already far advanc'd so as to withdraw from it now may taste of inconstancy and appear a fault that thereby we shal debar our selves ever hereafter of the aid of other Princes To which purpose I would I could forget how other Princes have carried themselves towards us and how little they have valued our faith or constancy How can we forget the confederacy broken by Lewis the 12fth King of France at the same time that he constantly affirmed and solemnly swore he would never foregoe our friendship whereof having once made use to his own advantage he did not onely abandon us who not to forsake him had with great expence and danger taken up arms Arms against the Emperour Maximilian but did mainly conspire against us that our ruine might be the reward of our fidelity I will say nothing of what followed afterwards the assistance in appearance but real oppression plotted against us by Ferdinando King of Spain the so various counsells of Pope Julio the 2d and Pope Leo the 10th sometimes for our good sometimes for our ruine So as it behoved us in a short time to change both friends and enemies because we found all confederacy fraudulent And at last our fore-fathers drew our Common-wealth out of so many calamities and restored her to her pristine greatnesse rather by knowing how to accommodate themselves to the times and by wisdom then by war These examples would not peradventure be to be praised if it were not usuall with Princes to proceed with such ambiguity nay often with such contrariety in their counsells as they must necessarily tread in the same steps who will preserve their Dominions So as not being sure that any respects shall be born to them they must be pardoned if they bear but little respect to others And it is an assured truth that those respects are not to be had where the common good is treated of the preservation of a Common-wealth or a State as in private actions We therefore ought to regard the treaty of League onely so far as we think it may make for our good holding it for a certain truth that those will deal just so with us who now seek to joyne with us in League whose proceedings if we will observe shall we not clearly see that their own private interest is the rule whereby they walk in all their designes and actions And I wish to God that this were well understood they would then know that their welfare is almost inseparably annex'd to ours For whatsoever we shall now do we may both for the present and for the future promise just so much to our selves from the assistance of others as will stand with their own advantage and according as times shall fall out But grant that so great an esteem should be put upon that have we I beseech you after the engagement of our word after the agreement unto Articles been faulty in our promises Have we treated upon advantagious or abusive tearms Much contestation and difficulties have still been found in this businesse we have no sooner yielded to many things but that those obstacles being taken out of the way others have been raised of greater importance and more difficult Which way of proceeding is such as ought rather make us forego such a confederacy though stipulated then invite us to observe it now when we are at liberty and that the present accidents advise us to prolong the time without further engaging our selves Is it not too apparent that we can make no use of this League save in show and by the vain report of great warlick preparations but never in reality The hundred Gallies which the Spaniards were bound by Articles to Man would now be reduced to fourscore and the time of their joyning with ours is spoken of uncertainly sometimes the whole month of May is taken for it sometimes no determin'd time The delay of these assistances are better exprest by effects then by words The last years orders to Doria are at first not well understood afterwards worse observed The Gallies destin'd for our present aid are to go to Barcellona to bring away the Emperour's sons the Bohemian Princes and we shall hope to find them at Otranto according to promise in fitting time for our occasions A greater doubt then this doth yet occur to me when I call to minde the Kings Agents pressing so earnestly that the businesse of Algiers should be specified in the confederacy and then meet with these difficulties For we must with reason doubt that the Spanish forces will go this first year for the Rivers of Affrica for their own particular service pleading for their excuse that the League hath not sufficient forces to send the Fleet into the Levant against the Enemy and making use of this occasion to minde that enterprise whilst they may be free from fear of the Turkish Fleet by the Turks being busied in the action of Cyprus and by the counterpoise of our forces at sea These then will be the aids these the forces these the hopes wherewith we are to continue the war maintain Famagosta defend Candia and beat the enemy from the confines of Friuli and Dalmatia against which we hear great store of men are raised But will our neighbours forces defend us or the strong opposite country secure us The Archduke Charles who was so forward in the beginning to defend those passes does not he now answer our desires by saying He can resolve upon nothing without the advice of his brother the Emperour And the Emperour seeming not to believe those rumours which were first raised by his Agents doth now so neglect his answer as I fear when need shall require he wil neglect his provisions But it is alleadged that peace will bring with it but a short and seeming security since the Turks may violate it the more easily when they shall have opportunity or a desire to do so when they shall see they may make peace when they please and are sure their injuries shall not be revenged I deny it not But I say the condition of these things is such as it is vain to perswade our selves that we by any thing we can do can alter their usuall and naturall
took Valentiennes with forrain foot the most vvhereof vvere French And a little before the Duke of Alva had chased and routed a great many both foot and horse of the same Nation which vvent to Garrisonize the Tovvn of Mons. These things as they did much increase the danger of losing those Countries so did they beget great jealousie in the Spaniards that so many French Souldiers were brought into Flanders not onely by permission but by order from the King of France which was the rather believed for that the Duke of Alva giving notice of these passages to the Spanish Court to Rome to Millan had much amplified the business and caused many fears of greater Commotions Wherupon the Governour of Millan the Spanish Embassador at Rome and Cardinall Granville exclaiming very much and appearing to be full of jealousies and fears were the first reason why Don Iohn staid at Messina openly discovering themselves to be so ill satisfied vvith the French and the French growing as jealous of the Spaniards by reason of their speeches and proceedings and fearing lest the Catholick Fleet might turn upon Provence to their prejudice they betook themselves to fortifie Marcelles and increased the Garrisons thereof It was also noysed abroad that the Duke of Alva should have said in publick that he held the War to be alredy begun between the Crovvns of France and Spain at vvhich speeches the King of France being very much troubled he mediated by his Embassadors not onely with the Pope and vvith the Venetians but even vvith the King of Spain himselfe complaining partly That a thing of such importancy should be affirmed by one of his majesties chiefe Ministers of State which as he was very far from thinking of he thought he should finde others to be so too and partly seeking to justifie some of his actions which might seem to have given occasion to these the Duke of Alva's speeches He therefore constantly affirmed that those French with whom the Count Nassaw had taken Valentiennes were all of the Hughenot faction his subjects but as it was well known coâ—â—umacions and rebels to the Crown of France that he had been alwaies much displeased at the commotions of Flanders as one who was sensible of the peoples rebellion in his own Kingdom and whom it became to obviate not to 〈◊〉 by such examples the darings of subjects against their Prince and as one also who did at much desire the exaltation of Christendom as did any one though his particular troubles would not permit him to act therein with others at so opportune a time But though he could not 〈◊〉 therein with his Forces he was far from hindring the good actions of others that he had armed some Vessels not with intention to prejudice any but for the safety of his Seas which were mightily infected by Pyrats neither were those hit armed Vessels so many as could make it be suspected that he either could or would fall upon any enterprises And that these his words might be the better believed he publish'd an Edict upon pain of punishment prohibiting all his subjects to go armed into Flanders and placed guards in all places to hinder them if any contumacious people as he termed them should be so bold as to countervene his orders Nor being herewithal content he began at the same time to do severall things whereby he seemed as if he himselfe would also enter into the League making the Cardinall of Louvain hold many discourses thereupon with the Embassador of the Common-wealth then resident in France wherein he strove to make it be believed that the King of France was well inclined to the Peace and to the good of Christendom and chiefly to the Crown of Spain So as laying at last all other respects aside he would side with the League and proceeding to particular Agreement he propounded severall conditions and chiefly to ratifie friendship and good intelligence between him and the Catholick King by Mariages Though these things came to the Spaniards knowledge yet were they not satisfied therewith but gave out that the French did this to work their ends the more easily by assaulting the King of Spain's Territories in severall parts which were unprovided for them that for certain the Admirall and the King of Navarre did publickly perswade the Christian King to this Rupture whose he would be forced to please for some other particular interests of his own That it was said by all the chiefe of that Court that there could be no quiet in France till the King should resolve to fall upon some important forrain Enterprise wherin the Catholicks Hugenots were to be joyntly imploy'd and that it was clear enough that the French thought this the easiest of all other Enterprises by reason of their conveniency of assaulting Flanders and of straiâ—ning the Spanish Army in point of Victuals as also in respect of the difficulties the King of Spain should meet with in relieving his men That the King of France might make this War upon some appearing pretentions of right which the Crown of France hath to these Countries wherein doubtedly the Queen of England would joyn both with mind and might nor was the League treated of by Monsieur de Momâ—rancy nay concluded as some say with the English to any other end but that being free from all other jealousies they might the better minde the molesting of the Catholick King and therewith assault Flanders That the Queens minde was sufficiently known by her many no friendly actions and especially for that the English did at this time flock over in so great numbers into Holland and Zealand wherein they had already taken some Towns That the ill will of that Queen and of that Kingdom could be no longer concealed now by whom and from whence though with much secrecy and cunning the Kings Rebels had been many wayes assisted and those insurrections nourisht and fomented with several hopes and some sums of Money Moreover that the friendship which the French held with the Turks afforded more just reason for these suspitions it being very likely that the French might be now as much solicited to turn their Forces upon the Catholick King as they had often formerly obtain'd that the Turks Fleet should proceed to the prejudice of the said King nay that it was given out that the more to invite them thereunto the Turks had granted the City of Tunis to the Crown of France upon being preserved by their forces from the Armies of Spain The Pope was much troubled at these things as well for the great Concern of Christendom as in respect of his own credit which seemed not to suffer a little since the conventions of the League were violated by the Fleets suspension and therewith his authority who as Head thereof had a little before established and confirmed it and he was the more scandalized thereat for that many things were in hand which shew'd but little respect towards the Pontificiall Majesty whereof he
endeavours have still been to raise a great force wherewith to put a speedy end to the war VVhat effects have ensued thereupon and for what reasons is sufficiently declared by the necessity and dangers which we are in Our hopes now if â—e do weigh them arighâ— are changed into fear of being rained by a powerful Empire which for the extent thereof and orderly Militiâ— is â—pt to maintain war long VVhy should any one doubt then but that we should listen to proposals of peace made and propounded by the chief Bashaw to our Consul as we have been informed by many of his Letters since we have in vain indeavoured to secure Candia and our other Dominions by other wayes wherefore shall we not use that course which is afforded us of fâ—eeing our selves from the present eminent dangers we are in VVe know that Bashaw Mehemet as one that hath alwaies been desirous of peace laying the doubtfull event of war before Selino hath made him giue way to agreement from which he seemed to be at first much averse If we let slip this occasion truly for my part I fear we shall hereafter desire it in vain and that our affairs will lie long flâ—ting before they will be brought into the Haven and to our former condition of Tranquillity for which we were peradventure more to be envied by other Princes than we had reason to envy them who were invironed with so many troubles and dangers VVho would ever have imagined that the Turks would have been able to put together a new and so powerfull a Fleet the very next year after so great a â—out as they should dare to put to Sea therewith to defend their Rivers and yet we see they have done that with ease which was by all men thought impossible They haue put to Sea have much prejudiced our Dominions they have faced our Fleet defended all their own Territories and are safely returned with their whole Fleet unto Constantinople VVhat greater proof can we have of their power What more certain tokens of the next years successes if after having been so beaten they have resumed so much courage and been able to put together so great Forces we may very well imagine what they will dare and what they will be able to do after having had so long time to recruit themselves and having in a large manner recovered their former reputation and greatnesse But let them who are of a contrary opinion say I beseech you if the Turks shall come forth the next year so powerfull to our prejudice both by Sea and by Land too as some affirm and that the King of Spain moved by some more particular important respects of his own by reason of jealousies which he may have of the French or Germans which is already spoken of or that for any other such occasion he resolve to imploy his Forces destin'd for the service of the League for the safety of Flanders as he did the last year or if he shall purpose to effect his old and chief design about the businesse of Africa which as we know all is the thing chiefliest desired by the Spaniards and which we may have just reason to apprehend by his not suffering his Fleet â—o winter in the Levant how shall we be able to defend Candia Corfu and our other more important places against so eminent danger whilst we relie upon one who is not stedfast in his resolution of adhering unto us so as by vainly trusting to such a leaning-stock our forces shall become the weaker and lesse able to with-stand the enemy or to do any thing against them When they shall besiege our Islands play upon our Forts we shall then send our Embassadors to Spain Portugall and Germany vainly imploring and soliciting the assistance of other Princes acquainting them with their own and our dangers which they value but little as we did the late years And our enemies when they shall see â—s deserted by our friends and not resolved what to do our selves will become more insolent than yet they have been will scorn all conditions of agreement and that which we now refuse being offered shall not be listned â—nto nor granted when it is propounded by us My opinion then Gentlemen is that the occasion of achieving more generous and noble ends as might with reason have been hoped for after so famous a victory being to the great mis-fortune of our selves and of all Christendom let slip we may at least reap thereby what advantage we may to the end that all our dangers rest not wholly unrewarded nor that the blood of so many of our well deserving citisens be shed in vain We ought not to recommit the total of our Fortune for any slight cause to the uncertain event of Battel and experience teacheth us that we ought not to hope for any great enterprises Let us then be rationall let us free our selves as soon as we can from the Dominion of fortune and let us let this maligne influence of the Heavens which doth but badly befriend our Common-wealth passe over Nor ought this to be a badge of infamy to us to the world nor unsatisfactory to the Confederates Our actions have been too evident our good wills therein have been sufficiently seen therein by all men none can deny but that we have readily concur'd to the observancy of the League that we have desired solicited and indeavoured the suppression of the enemy and to make good use of victory But since all our indeavours prove vain who can blame us if being advised thereunto by reason or rather compelled by necessity we have thought upon securing our Dominions by peace as well as the Spaniards indeavoured to secure theirs the last year by detaining their Fleet which by the Articles of the League was destin'd to the common service in the Levant These our just reasons are known to all men the Spaniards themselves know not how to gain-say them nay as we have been lately informed a State Minister of the Kings seeming to have some jealousie of this Treaty said the King would not be displeased that the Common-wealth of Venice to the preservation and dignity whereof he had alwaies been a well-wisher as all Christian Princes ought to be for the good of Christendom should treat with the Turks of peace upon honourable conditions And say that this peace which shall now be established be not likely to be of any long security to us through the enemies perâ—idiousnesse we may notwithstanding get advantage of time by it a thing very seasonable in doubtfull and dangerous accidents and which alwayes ought to be indeavoured by those that are weakest for humane things are govern'd with much of change and not onely mens opinions are seen to be altered in a short time but the whole state and condition of the most important affairs Let us now indeavour to find out some remedy for our instant dangers God who hath alwaies taken this Common-wealth into his particular