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A04224 The vvorkes of the most high and mightie prince, Iames by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Published by Iames, Bishop of Winton, and deane of his Maiesties Chappel Royall; Works James I, King of England, 1566-1625.; Montagu, James, 1568?-1618.; Elstracke, Renold, fl. 1590-1630, engraver.; Pass, Simon van de, 1595?-1647, engraver. 1616 (1616) STC 14344; ESTC S122229 618,837 614

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because he imbraced false religion and worshipped false gods False too like the former King Achab lost his crowne and his life both together The Scripture that speaketh not according to mans fancie but according to the trewth doeth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne to the time of his death Predictions of a Kings ruine are no sentences of deposition Elias neuer gaue the subiects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution neuer set vp or placed any other King in Achabs throne That of the L. Cardinall a little after Pag. 68. is no lesse vntrew That King Vzziah was driuen from the conuersation of the people by Azarias the Priest and thereby the administration of his Kingdome was left no longer in his power Nor so For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead 2. Chro. 26. he withdrew himselfe or went out into an house apart for feare of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdome No the dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scripture to the day of his death And whereas the Priest according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be vncleane he gaue sentence against him not as against a criminall person and thereby within the compasse of deposition but as against a diseased body For the Law inflicteth punishments not vpon diseases but vpon crimes Hereupon whereas it is recorded by Iosephus in his Antiquities Antiq. l. 9. cap. 11. that Vzziah led a priuate and in a maner a solitarie life the said author doeth not meane that Vzziah was deposed but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publique affaires The example of Mattathias Pag. 69. by whom the Iewes were stirred vp to rebel against Antiochus is no better worth For in that example we finde no sentence of deposition but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed He that makes himselfe the ringleader of conspiracie against a King doeth not foorthwith assume the person or take vp the office and charge of a Iudge in forme of Law and iuridically to depriue a King of his Regall rights and Royall prerogatiues Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracie not in qualitie of Priest but of cheiftaine or leader in warre and a man the best qualified of all the people Things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar must not stand for Lawes nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power such as the Pope challengeth to himselfe and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne These be our solide answeres Page 67. we disclaime the light armour which the L. Cardinall is pleased to furnish vs withall forsooth to recreate himselfe in rebating the points of such weapons as hee hath vouchsafed to put into our hands Now it wil be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts fetcht from the ordinary mission of the New Testament from leprosie stones and locks of wooll A leach no doubt of admirable skill one that for subiecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the Pope is able to extract arguments out of stones yea out of the leprosie and the drie scab onely forsooth because heresie is a kind of leprosie and an heretike hath some affinitie with aleper But may not his Quoniam Page 66. bee as fitly applyed to any contagious and inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie His warning-piece therefore is discharged to purpose whereby hee notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution For indeed vpon so weake arguments a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded His bulwarkes thus beaten downe Page 69. let vs now view the strength of our owne First he makes vs to fortifie on this maner They that are for the negatiue doe alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul Let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers For whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God And likewise that of S. Peter Submit your selues whether it be vnto the King as vnto the superiour or vnto gouernours c. Vpon these passages and the like they inferre that obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God and not dispensable by any Spirituall or Temporall authoritie Thus he brings vs in with our first weapon But here the very chiefe sinew and strength of our argument hee doeth wittingly balke and of purpose conceale To wit That all the Emperors of whom the said holy Apostles haue made any mention in their diuine Epistles were professed enemies to CHRIST Pagans Infidels fearefull and bloody Tyrants to whom notwithstanding euery soule and therefore the Bishop of Rome for one is commanded to submit himselfe and to professe subiection Thus much Chrysostome hath expresly taught in his Hom. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes The Apostle giues this commandement vnto all euen to Priests also and cloistered Monkes not onely to Secular be thou an Apostle an Euangelist a Prophet c. Besides it is here worthy to be noted that howsoeuer the Apostles rule is generall and therefore bindeth all the faithfull in equall bands yet is it particularly directly and of purpose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul as by one who in the spirit of an Apostle did foresee that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the citie of Rome Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any priuiledge contained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule did it not become his Lordship to shew by the booke that it is a booke case and to lay it foorth before that honourable assembly who no doubt expected and waited to heare when it might fall from his learned lips But in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall confirmation he flieth to a sleight shift and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation laid by those of our side doeth no way touch the knot of the controuersie Let vs heare him speake It is not in controuersie whether obedience be due to kings by Gods Law so long as they are kings or acknowledged for Kings but our point controuerted is whether by Gods Law it be required that hee who hath bene once recognised and receiued for King by the body of Estates can at any time be taken and reputed as no King that is to say can doe no maner of acte whereby hee may loose his right and so cease to be saluted King This answere of the L. Cardinall is the rare deuise euasion and starting hole of the Iesuites In whose eares of delicate and tender touch King-killing soundeth very harsh but forsooth to vn-king a King first and then to giue him the stab that is a point of iust and trew descant For to kill a King once
to seeke out newe cities and to disconer newe nations ouer whom to beare Soueraigne sway and rule there had remained more enemies to the State then subiects and friends Cypr. cont Demetr Cyprian also against Demetrianus None of vs all howsoeuer we are a people mighty and without number haue made resistance against any of your vniust and wrongfull actions executed with all violence neither haue sought by rebellious armes or by any other sinister practises to crie quittance with you at any time for the righting of our selues Certaine it is that vnder Iulianus the whole Empire in a manner professed the Christian Religion yea that his Leiftenants and great Commanders as Iouinianus and Valentinianus by name professed Christ Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperiall dignitie but might haue solicited the Pope sooner to degrade Iulianus from the Imperiall Throne For say that Iulians whole army had renounced the Christian Religion as the L. Cardinall against all shew and appearance of trewth would beare vs in hand and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army making this profession with one consent when Iulian was dead Socr. lib 3. cap 19. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1. Wee are all Christians yet Italie then persisting in the faith of Christ and the army of Iulian then lying quartered in Persia the vtmost limit of the Empire to the East the Bishop of Rome had fit opporunitie to draw the sword of his authoritie if hee had then any such sword hanging at his Pontificall side to make Iulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon and thereby to pull him downe from the stately pearch of the Romane Empire I say moreouer that by this generall and sudden profession of the whole Caesarian armie Wee are all Christians it is clearely testified that if his armie or souldiers were then addicted to Paganisme it was wrought by compulsion and cleane contrary to their setled perswasion before and then it followes that with greater patience they would haue borne the deposing of Iulian then if hee had suffered them to vse the libertie of their conscience To bee short in the matter S. Augustine makes all whole and by his testimony doth euince that Iulians armie perseuered in the faith of Christ August in Psal 124. The souldiers of Christ serued a Heathen Emperour But when the cause of Christ was called in question they acknowledged none but Christ in heauen When the Emperor would haue them to serue and to perfume his idols with frankincense they gaue obedience to God rather then to the Emperour After which words Page 82. the very same words alleadged by the L. Cardinall against himselfe doe follow They did then distinguish betweene the Lord Eternal and the Lord temporall neuerthelesse they were subiect vnto the Lord temporall for the Lord Eternall It was therefore to pay God his duetie of obedience and not for feare to incense the Emperour or to draw persecution vpon the Church as the L. Cardinal would make vs beleeue that Christians of the Primitiue Church and Bishops by their censures durst not anger and prouoke their Emperours But his Lordship by his coloured pretences doeth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the people to rebellion so soone as they know their own strength to beare out a rebellious practise Whereupon it followes that in case their conspiracie shall take no good effect all the blame and fault must lie not in their disloyalty and treason but in the bad choice of their times for the best aduantage and in the want of taking a trew sight of their owne weakenesse Let stirring spirits be trained vp in such practicall precepts let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of discipline and what need we or how can wee wonder they contriue Powder-conspiracies and practise the damnable art of parricides After Iulian his Lordship falles vpon Valentinian the younger who maintaining Arrianisme with great and open violence might haue bene deposed by the Christians from his Empire and yet say wee they neuer dream'd of any such practise Heere the L. Cardinall maketh answere Pag. 82. The Christians mooued with respect vnto the fresh memory both of the brother and father as also vnto the weake estate of the sonnes young yeeres abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation To which answere I replie these are but friuolous coniectures deuised and framed to ticle his owne fancie For had Valentinianus the younger beene the sonne of an Arrian and had then also attained to threescore yeeres of aage they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they did towards their Emperour Then the Cardinall goeth on The people would not abandon the factious and seditious party but were so firme or obstinate rather for the faction that Valentinian for feare of the tumultuous vproares was constrained to giue way and was threatened by the souldiers that except hee would adhere vnto the Catholikes they would yeeld him no assistance nor stand for his partie Now this answere of the L. Cardinall makes nothing to the purpose concerning the Popes power to pull downe Kings from their stately nest Let vs take notice of his proper consequence Valentinian was afraid of the popular tumult at Milan the Pope therefore hath power to curbe Hereticall Kings by deposition Now marke what distance is betweene Rome and Milan what difference betweene the people of Milan and the Bishop of Rome betweene a popular tumult and a iudicatorie sentence betweene fact and right things done by the people or souldiers of Milan and things to be done according to right and law by the Bishop of Rome the same distance the same difference if not farre greater is betweene the L. Cardinals antecedent and his consequent betweene his reason and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand The mad commotion of the people was not heere so much to bee regarded as the sad instruction of the Pastour of their good and godly Pastour S. Ambrose so farre from hartening the people of Milan to rebel that being Bishop of Milan he offered himselfe to suffer Martydome If the Emperour abuse his Imperiall authority for so Theodoret hath recited his words to tyrannize thereby heere am I ready to suffer death And what resistance he made against his L. Emperor was onely by way of supplication in these termes Wee beseech thee O Augustus as humble suppliants we offer no resistance we are not in feare but we flie to supplication Epist. lib. 5. Epist 33. Againe If my patrimony be your marke enter vpon my patrimony if my body I wil goe and meet my torments Shall I be drag'd to prison or to death Epist lib. 5. I will take delight in both Item in his Oration to Auxentius I can afflict my soule with sorrow I can lament I can send forth grieuous groanes My weapons against either of both souldiers or Goths are teares A Priest hath none
other weapons of defence I neither can resist nor ought in any other maner to make resistance Iustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aphthartodocites Against Iustinian though few they were that fauoured him in that heresie the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excommunication interdiction or deposition The Ostrogot Kings in Italie the Visigot in Spaine the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie and some of them cruelly persecuted the trew professours The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes if they had bene angred The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrestle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones But especially the times when the Vandals in Affricke and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius and Narses professours of the Orthodoxe Faith were tyred with long warres and at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels are to bee considered Then were the times or neuer for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons and to vncase his arrowes of deposition then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer and to shoot at all such Arrian heads then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen the Catholique cause But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge Gregorie the I. made his boasts that he was able to ruine the Lombards for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome their state present and the hope of all their future prosperitie But he telleth vs that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart he was bridled and restrained from any such intent as elsewhere we haue obserued In Apol. pro iuram fidel His owne words lib. 7. Epist. 1. If I would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombards the whole nation of the Lombards at this day had bene robbed of their Kings Dukes Earles they had bene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion He might at least haue deposed their King if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant without polluting or stayning his owne conscience What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie when they would not succour the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors Is it credible that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages without any power to execute their Commission or to make any vse thereof by practise Is it credible that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard without drawing once in a thousand yeeres Is it credible that in the times when Popes were most deboshed abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses as is testified by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants is it credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue strength of their Commission For if either feare or lacke of power was the cause of holding their hands and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behauiour wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his Pontificall See Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers alledged by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage to stand vpon he vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office to vnsheath and vncase his bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes and grieuous enemies to the Church wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gracious Emperours haue they not made knowne the reasons why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword lest long custome of not vsing the sword so many aages might make it so to rust in the scabbard that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword it could not be drawne at all and lest so long custome of not vsing the same should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice If weakenesse be a iust let how is it come to passe that Popes haue enterprised to depose Philip the Faire Lewis the XII and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie to let passe others in whom experience hath well proued how great inequalitie was betweene their strengths Yea for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and warres which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head as happened to Gregorie the VII and Boniface the VIII This no doubt is the reason wherefore the Pope neuer sets in for feare of such inconueniences to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition but when hee perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate or when the King is confined and bordered by some Princemore potent who thirsteth after the prey and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell The King standing in such estate is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall when the groundsill is rotten the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground But if the King shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Realme if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome then the holy Father presents him with pardons neuer sued for neuer asked and in afathers indulgence forsooth giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome that hee was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand no more then the club of Hercules out of his fist How many worthy Princes incensed by the Pope to conspire against Soueraigne Lords their Masters and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates haue miscarried in the action with losse of life or honour or both For example Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope against Henry IIII. of that name Emperour How many massacres how many desolations of Cities and townes how many bloody battels ensued thereupon Let histories bee searched let iust accompts be taken and beside sieges layde to Cities it will appeare by trew computation that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the fist fought aboue threescore battels in defence of their owne right against enemies of the Empire stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome How much Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels it passeth mans wit penne or tongue to expresse And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home doeth not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome Doeth not his Holmesse neuerthesesse animate my Papists to rebellion and forbid my Papists to take