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A01615 A discourse vpon the meanes of vvel governing and maintaining in good peace, a kingdome, or other principalitie Divided into three parts, namely, the counsell, the religion, and the policie, vvhich a prince ought to hold and follow. Against Nicholas Machiavell the Florentine. Translated into English by Simon Patericke.; Discours, sur les moyens de bien gouverner et maintenir en bonne paix un royaume ou autre principauté. English Gentillet, Innocent, ca. 1535-ca. 1595.; Patrick, Simon, d. 1613. 1602 (1602) STC 11743; ESTC S121098 481,653 391

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a new evill deed and in your prosperitie handle not as enemies them which in your adversitie you elected for friends The people saith Titus Livius were much moved by the ancient merit of the Caerites rather to forget the new fault than the old benefit and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence peace and remission of their offences was accorded unto them The same moderation of minde used Francis the first of that name of good memorie towards the inhabitants of Rochell in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie against certaine of the kings officers about the impost of Salt but acknowledging Du Bello lib 9. of his Coment their fault they humbled themselves before that good king demanding pardon which hee granted in an oration with a grave and discreet admonishment very worthie such a king and Christian prince in these words My good subjects and friends for such may I well call you since you acknowledge your faults the office and dutie of subjects is so great towards their prince that they which faile in that dutie commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater nor more punishable for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow For every estate of The publick estate lieth in wel commanding wel obeying a well instituted monarch and commonweale consisteth in two points namely in the just commandement of the prince or superiors and in the loyall obedience of subiects If either of these want it is as much as in thelife of a man the separation of the bodie and of the soule for in man life can no longer endure than the soule desisteth to command and governe the body and that the body desisteth from obeying the soule God grant mee grace that I may not faile in the commandement which hee hath given mee over you which I doe acknowledge to hold of him as a thing whereof I must make account unto him and although according to that command I have over you I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince to prefer mercy and clemencie before the rigour of justice but especially towards such as repent and demand pardon I pardon you with a good heart seeing likewise that I know you are children of good fathers whose fidelitie hath beene many times experimented by my predecessors I had rather forget your new misdeede than your ancient merits I hope also that from henceforth you will as willingly bee enclined to obey mee as my naturall inclination is to pardon you I will not doe to you as the emperour did to them of Gaunt which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadell defiled his hands with their bloud My hands thanks bee to God are Crueltie takes love from subjects to their princes cleare from the bloud of my subjects and indeede hee lost the hearts and amitie of his subjects by shedding their bloud but I hope that my mercie and clemency shall confirme your hearts love towards me your king who kindly handleth you as a good father and that if you and your predecessors have beene in times past good and faithfull subjects you will bee much better heereafter I pray you forget this offence which is happened and for my part I will not remember it at any time of my life I pray you also bee as good subjects as you have heeretofore beene and I hope God will give mee grace to bee better towards you than I have beene God our Lord and creatour pardon you and I doe heartely forgive you all you have done without excepting any thing At this word proceeding from so magnificall and generous a king all the Rochelois began to weepe for joy and crying Vive le Roy they prayed God to conserve in all prosperitie so good a king so kind and mercifull Then upon the kings commandement all the bells of Rochell were rung all their gunnes were shot off and bonefires made in signe of great rejoycing And so much there wants that good princes have beene enclined to vengeance that contrary the principallitie it selfe makes them forget all affection of vengeance Spartian in Adrian that they had before as wee reade of the emperour Adrian who being come to the empire forgot all his former enmities insomuch as one day soone after he Ascending unto honor is descending from vengeance came to the empire encountring a capitall enemie of his hee said unto him Thou art escaped King Lewis the twelfth before hee was king being but duke of Orleance had many troubles For in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor his enemies Annales upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner but hee saved himselfe in Bretaigne whither hee was persecuted with an army and battaile was given him and the duke of Bretaigne who tooke his part at S. Aubin where the kings armie got the victorie and the said duke of Orleance were taken prisoners led to the castle Luzignen and from thence brought to the great towre of Bourges After all this there was a concorde amongst them and the said duke came to the crowne Being king they which followed him into Bretaigne and to other places during his adversitie persuaded him to bee revenged of such as had made warre upon him at the kings command and they shewed unto him that the cause of his then persecution came not by king Charles his motion who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governours such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille and others But that good king Lewis shaped them this answere worthie of so gentle and christian a king that could command his choler and passions Nay saith hee a king of France may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleance King Phillip the hardie a gentle prince a lover of peace and very easie to graunt Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon The countie de Foix in his time rebelled but at the request of a sonne in law of the countie this good king pardoned him his fault and gave him againe certaine land which hee caused to bee seized and moreover made him knight and at Court retained him into his service This is far from nourishing enemies and perpetuall vengeance as Machiavell teacheth But heere might I accumulate and heape up many other examples of Caesar Augustus Traian Marcus Antonius Constantine Charlemaine S. Lewis Charles le sage Alexander the great of Sirus and generally of all the good princes which ever have beene all which were endowed with that excellent vertue of clemencie and were farre from all vengeance But these I have recited I hope may serve sufficientlie to shew by good reasons and notable examples that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance is unseemely and unworthie a good prince And as for the examples wherewith Machiavell serves himselfe they bee but examples of tyrants and such as were of no account and of
the honour of his nation vengeances and enmities are perpetuall and irreconcilable and indeed there is nothing wherein they take greater delectation pleasure and contentment than to execute a vengeance insomuch as whensoever they can have their enemie at their pleasure to be revenged upon him they murder him after some strange barbarous fashion and in murdering him they put him in remembrance of the offence done unto them with many reprochfull words and injuries to torment the soule and the body together and sometimes wash their hands and their mouthes with his blood and force him with hope of his life to give himselfe to the divell and so they seeke in slaying the bodie to damne the soule if they could God by his grace keepe all countries but especially England which alreadie is so spotted with other vices and with the doctrine that Machiavell teacheth and which they of his nation practise that they be not soiled and infected with that immortall and irreconcilable vengeance For how should it be possible that any man should be without infinit quarels and continual and ordinarie batteries and murders yea with parents and friends and with al other persons with whom he hath any frequentation if offences may never be blotted out but by vengeance Every one may well know by experience that they which are amongst themselves great friends and familiars yet commit offences one to another and sometimes have great stirres despights and contentions amongst them But must men as soone as they receive any offence at the hand of a parent friend or of any other forget and blot out all amitie Christian and brotherly charitie towards his neighbour and to pardon no faults but seeke the ruin of him that offendeth us Surely this is not onely farre from all Christian pietie but also from all humanitie and common sence yea brute beasts which have no reason are not so unreasonable Irreconcilable vengeance contrary to natural right for a dog which we have offended will be appeased with a piece of bread yea will fawne upon him which beat him and as much will an horse do and an oxe which hath ben pricked and beaten when hey is given them and as for such as say that vengeance is lawfull by right of nature are greatly deceived as the beasts named before doe shew True it is that nature teacheth man and all living creatures to put backe violence with violence when a man is upon the act and instant it selfe when as violence is inferred but it teacheth not that after the act of violence outrage is committed a man ought to seeke vengeance to put backe that violence outrage for this is not to repell and repulse injurie which already being received cannot be repulsed but rather to inferre a new injurie violence withall that naturall right To repulse violence with violence it must be understood with reason equal moderation that is to say That such right hath place when by no other mean in any other sort we can shun the violence which is offered unto us And indeed the brute beasts themselves shew us we must so use it for you shall not see a wolfe nor a swine seeke to put backe the violence offered him whilest they have place enough to flie and that they be not brought to a strait and therfore it is a beastly ignorance to colour that detestable vice of vengeance by the right of nature for it is cleane contrarie and especially to the irreconcilable vengeance whereof Machiavell speaketh which he saith cannot be defaced nor forgotten by new pleasures But I doe well know that some Machiavelist will replie upon this doctrine that Machiavell speaketh onely of princes and great lords unto whom he saith That new pleasures cannot extinguish old injuries and that hereunto accordeth that which Homer saith A mightie king that angry is against one lesse than he Hom. Iliad lib. 1. Can hide full deepe in spightfull heart that hard it is to see His fierce and angry wrathfull mood till he espies his time Revenge to take according to the greatnesse of the crime But let the case be so that the wrath and irritations of great princes and lords dwell longer in their hearts than in other persons of lesse qualitie as the meaning of Homer seemes to be hereof it followeth not that a prince is implacable and that he cannot be appeased by any pleasures or services It seemes that Homer noted no other thing in the particular natures of kings and great lords but that they knowe how for a time to dissemble despights and offences perpetrated against them and can attend opportunitie to revenge them a thing very true and that wee see often practised But it is farre from Homer to say that kings and princes cannot be appeased by pleasures and good services that may bee done unto them after the offence yea in humiliating and reconciling themselves to them Homer speakes here of cholericke kings which are not masters of themselves not being able to command their passions and affections which raigne in them and which doe darken their reason and judgement such as was king Agamemnon of whom he especially spoke in the place above alledged For many good and wise kings and princes are seene which Good princes encline to pardon can so well make their passions and affections obey reason that not onely their wise judgement never suffereth that a desire after perpetuall vengeance shall take root in their hearts but rather will not leave in their memorie the offences that are done them but will forget and pardon them of their owne motion before any pardon be demanded for their wisedome judgeth that those passions of vengeance besides that they doe but torment and make leane the heart of a prince are altogether contrarie to the principall vertue which ought to shine in a prince as clemencie gentlenesse and goodnesse a vertue making a princes estate pleasing and assured which ought principally to shine in privat offences as justice ought especially to shine in publicke offences as shall be spoken more at large in another place although even in publicke offences it is sometimes requisit for the publicke good and utilitie that the prince use clemencie and forgetfulnesse To this purpose is very regardable the opinion that in the Senat that great and Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 3. wise person Quintus Fabius Maximus held When the Romanes begun to get up and reprosper after their ruine at Cannas many of their allies which had revolted to Anniball profered to come to them againe Amongst others there was one Classius Altinius Arpinus who came to Rome and made the Senat understand That he had meanes to bring the towne of Arpos where he inhabited into their hands The matter comming to deliberation in the Senate some argued That it was not good to trust in this Altinius nor in any other Arpinois seeing they had violated their faith by revolting unto Anniball and that it were
theft and they wicked men as they are although most subtillie they play the Foxes according to their masters doctrine yet in the end they wil be alwaies known Murder is alwaies murder to whatsoever end it bee done for Foxes And though they sometimes deceive before they bee knowne they are therefore after double punished in regard of the profit they get by deceiving when none will beleeve or trust them in any manner no not even then when they have an intention and will not to deceive at all For alwaies men presume of them as men ought to presume of deceivers and wicked men which are without faith and promise for men hold them for such and they can bee held for no other in regard of their actions and behaviours of their lives past This then is the first evill proceeding from Machiavells doctrine which is that they themselves which practise it bring evill to themselves and are discryed hated and evill beloved of all men The other inconvenience which followeth this Maxime is that if the prince permit Crueltie overthroweth justice men to commit murders under colour of a good intent and end hee shall breake the order of justice which hee ought to observe in the punishment of offenders and so shall turne all upside downe and bring his estate and countrey into confusion and perill for when justice goeth evill all goes evill when well all goes well as in another place shall bee shewed more at full Murders and massacres also never remaine long unpunished for God incontinent sendes them their reward as came to Romulus Machiavells owne example who was an unjust murtherer and in the end was murdered himselfe And in our time wee see examples enough and I beleeve wee shall see more in such as the hand of God hath not yet touched But amongst these evills and inconveniences which ordinarily lay hold of these murderers and follow them even to their graves with furies feares and torments which vexe their consciences I could heere alledge for a confirmation of this Maxime that which S. Paul saith That we must not doe evill that good may come thereof But I have alreadie said in another place thar I will not imploy the sacred armour of the holy scripture to fight against this profane and wicked Atheist but I will still give him this advantage to contend with his owne armes namely with profane authors which were not Christians and which heerein alone resemble him for in other things hee holds nothing of them and especially in the matter whereof wee speake they have beene most farre from his detestable doctrine When Tarquin the proude king of Rome saw that hee had so behaved himselfe Titus Livius lib. 1. 21. Dec. as he had utterly lost the amitie of his subjects then resolved to cause himselfe to be obeyed by feare and to bring it to passe hee tooke to himselfe the knowledge of capitall causes against great men which before appertained to the Senate to make himselfe the better feared and obeyed and so hee put to death such as he thought good under certaine pretextes and colours thinking thereby the better to assure his estate But how did hee assure it Thus hee so practised this doctrine of Machiavell that hee became extreamely hated of all men in such sort as his subjects not being able to beare his tyrannie did drive him out of his kingdome where hee miserably died And so much there wanteth that the ancient Romanes delighted in massacring and slaying that they hated even the too rigorous punishments of offenders as the punishment of Metius Suffetius Albanois who was with foure horses drawne to death for a strange and damnable treason by him entended For although he merited to bee so handled yet the Romanes had the crueltie of the punishment in so great disdaine and detestation that every body turned away their eyes saith Titus Livius seeing so villanous a spectable And it was the first and last time that ever they used that rigorous punishment Likewise it greatly displeased the Romanes that some thinking to doe well caused to bee slaine a Tribune of the people a very seditious man called Genutius who ceased not to trouble the commonwealth by divisions whereby hee stirred the common people to uproares If Genutius had had his lawfull tryall it is likely hee would have beene condemned but therein there was this mischiefe that none durst lay hold upon him for the reverence of his estate during that yeere but hee must needes have beene suffered either to doe what hee would or els to resist his dessignes by other meanes then by accusation and not at all to condemne him before hee were out of his office This seemed a goodly colour to dispatch him to shun seditions and troubles which this Tribune raised yet the execution which was made without course of law was found nought and of an evill example and consequence and was the cause of great mischiefes and broyles which followed after And as for that which Machiavell writeth that Romulus caused to slay Tatius Dioni Halic lib. 2. Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 8. his companion in the kingdome the better to rule and governe the towne of Rome this is false for histories doe witnesse that after hee had caused this execution to be made hee became cruell and proud towards the Senators exercising tyrannie in many things insomuch as the Senators themselves slew him even in the senat house and cut him in little pieces whereof every man tooke one piece in his bosome so that the bodie of Romulus was not found for they hired one to say that hee did see the bodie flie into heaven and the said Senators helping this bruite and report Plutarch in Romulo placed him in the letanie of their Gods and persuaded the people that hee ascended into the heavens both in body and soule But they gave Romulus his reward for the murdering of his brother Remus and his companion Tatius and they murdered him as hee had done them For briefely it is a generall rule that murderers are alwaies murdered which rule hath seldome any exceptions But whereas Machiavell saith That well to rule and governe a common wealth there would bee but one person to medle therein there hath beene alwaies the contrarie Titu● Livi. lib. 3. Dec. 8. practised When the Romanes thought it good by good lawes and ordinances to governe the estate of their common weale they considered that the number of two Consuls which were their soveraigne magistrates were too few and therefore they abrogated and tooke them cleane away and elected ren men in their places Dionisius 14 Halic lib. 10 unto which they gave the same authoritie which the Consuls before had and especially gave them power and expresse charge to make lawes and ordinances for the pollicie government and justice of the common weale They made the lawes of the twelve tables which endured long after them yea at this day some of these are