Yong men when they marry in their youth haue no further consideration but of their pleasure and onely content them selues to haue their wiues beautifull but the father and mother for that it toucheth both honor and goods they séeke him a wyfe that shall be wise ritch gentle honest and chast and the last thing they behold is hir beautie The marriages that be made hidden and in secret I say it groweth of greate lightnes and procéedeth of no small crueltie for it giueth to al the neighbours whereof to talke and to their old parents wherfore to wéepe It hapneth many times that the mother ouerwatcheth hir selfe to spinne and the Father to grow old in gathering a sufficiēt portion And at the time they shall entreat or talke of an honest marriage the foolish yong man remayneth secretly married whereof after followeth that the mother remayneth wéeping the father ashamed the kindred offended and the friende scandalized and yet thereof procéedeth a greater griefe which is that the sonne hath chanced to matche with suche a wife that the father holdeth his goods not onely euill employed but is much ashamed to admit hir into his house Also another offence riseth in the like marriage which is many times the fathers doe determine with the sonnes portion to remedie and amend the daughters marriage and as the yong mans most principall intent is to enioye the mayde withoute care of goodes the sister remayneth cast awaye the sonne deceyued and the father derided Plutarche in hys politikes sayeth that the sonne whyche married withoute consente of hys Parentes amongst the Greekes was publikely whipt amongst the Lacedemonians they did not whippe but disinherite Laertius sayeth that vnto suche so married it was a custome amongst the Thebanes not that they should only be disinherited of all goodes but also openly be cursed of their parents Let no man estéeme it light to be cursed or blessed of their elders for in the old time amongst the Hebrewes the children withoute al comparison held more account of their fathers blessing thā of their Grandfathers inheritance That the woman be very shamefast and no babler or full of talke ALso it is a counsell very necessary that the man whyche shall marrie and set vp house do choose a wife shamefast for if forceably there should be in a woman but one vertue the same ought to be only shamefastnesse I confesse that it is more perillous for the conscience but I say lesse hurtfull to honesty that a woman be secretely vnhonest than openly vnshamefast Very many infirmities be couered in a woman only by shamefastnesse and many more suspected in hir that is of ouerbold and of shamelesse countenance Let euery man say what he will but for my part I doe firmely beléeue that in a woman of a bashfull countenance there be fewe things to bée reprehended and in hir that is otherwise there wanteth all things wherefore to be praysed The safety that nature hathe giuen vnto a woman to kéepe hir reputation chastitie honoure and goodes is only shamefastnesse and that day that thereof she hathe not great regard let hir yéeld hir selfe euermore for a castaway When any man shall enquire marriage of any woman the first thing he hath to demaund is not if she be rich but if she be shamefast for goodes is euery daye gotten but shamefastnesse in a woman once lost is neuer recouered The best portion the greatest inheritance and the most precious iewell that a woman can bring with hir is shamefastnesse For if the Father shall sée that his daughter hath lost the fame it shall be lesse euill for him to bury hir than to marry hir The maner is that many women presume to be talkers and to séeme gratious in taunting whiche office I woulde not sée them learne and much lesse put in vre for speaking the troth and also with libertie that which in men we call gratious in women we terme it witlesse babling Newes tales vaine fables and dishonest talkes an honest woman ought not onely shame to speake them but also loth to heare them The graue women of authoritie ought not to care to be skilfull of talke and newes but to be honest and silent for if she much presume of talke and taunting the very same that did laugh at hir deuice will afterwards murmur at hir manners The honour of women is so delicate that many things whiche men may both doe and speake is not lawful vnto women that they once dare to whisper them The gētlewoman or women that will be holden graue ought not onely to kéepe silence in things vnlawfull and vnhonest but also in lawfull things if they bée not very necessary for women seldome erre by silence and by much speach they seldome cease to giue cause of reproche Oh sorrowfull husband whose lot hath chaunced to light on a wife that is a great babler yet would séeme a curious speaker For truly if any such once take in hand to recite a matter or to frame any complaint or quarell she neither admitteth reason or patiently suffereth any woord to be said vnto hir The euill life that women passe with their husbands is not so much for that which they commit with their persons as it is for that which they speake with their tongues if the woman would kéepe silence when the husband beginneth to chide he should neuer haue bad dinner neither she worse supper which surely is not so for at the instant that the husbande beginneth to vtter his griefe she beginneth to scolde and yell whereof doth follow that they come to handy grypes and also call for neyghbours That the wife be a home keeper and auoyding all occasions JT is also a commendable counsel that the wife presume to be honest and an housekéeper for when women in their houses will be absolute they come afterwards to wander the streates dissolute The honest woman ought to be very well aduised in that which she speaketh and very suspicious and doutfull in all thinges she doth bycause suche maner of women as haue no regard to their wordes do afterwards offend in déedes For how simple and ignorant is that man but he easely knoweth the honour of women to be much more tender and delicate than of men and that this is true it appereth most cleare for that a man may not be dishonored but with reason but for a woman to shame hir selfe occasion is sufficient She that is good and presumeth in goodnes to continue may hold it for most certaine that she shal be so much better as she shall haue of hir selfe lesse confidence I say lesse confidence to the ende that she neither aduenture to giue eare to wanton or light words or presume to admit fayned offers Let hir be as she may be and deserue what she may deserue and presume what she thinketh good that if she delighteth to heare and suffer to be serued early or late she shall fall And if they shall
or not remembring the case was thus that within fewe dayes after they gaue him thrée twentie stabs with a dagger in such wise that the most Noble Prince lost his life for no greater matter than for not hauing a little good maner The contrary of this Suetonius Tranquillus doth write of Augustus the Emperour which being in the Senat or in the Colledge did neuer sit downe vntill they were all set and rendred the same reuerence that they gaue him and if by chaunce his children entred the Senate house neither did he consent that the Senators shoulde rise either that his children should sit downe Sir if you will not that men call you presumptuous or to speake plainly do call you foole haue a care to be well manered for with good maner more than with any other thing we withdraw our enemies and do sustaine our friends Sir I haue spoken with the Popes messenger vppon the dispensations that you sent to haue to marry with the Gentlewoman the Lady Marina Whiche wée haue agréed for thrée score ducates and as he is a Venetian and would not be counted a foole he will first be payed before you shall be dispatcht I haue spoken with Perianes as concerning the expedition of the priuiledge of the Iury and as he was deaffe and moste dunch I cried out more in speaking vnto him than I do vse in preaching The newes of the Courte is that the Empresse wisheth the Emperours comming the Dames woulde marrie the suters would be dispatched the Duke of Veiar would lyue Antony de Fonseca woulde grow young Sir Rodrigo of Voria would enherit also Frier Denise wold be a Bishop Of my selfe I giue you to vnderstand that I am in possession of all the condicions of a good suter that is to wit occupied soliciting carefull spent suspicious importunate out of temper and also abhorred for that my Lorde the Archbishop of Toledo and I go to the lawe for the Abbay of Baza vppon which I haue for my parte a famous sentence No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue me grace to serue him From Medina del Campo the twelfth of Marche .1523 A lerter vnto sir Gonsalis Fernandes of Cordoua great Captaine in which is touched that the knight escaping the warres ought not from thence forth to depart his house MOst renoumed valiant Prince my weakenesse to write vnto your mightinesse my simplicitie vnto your prudencie if it shall séeme vnto those that shal heare thereof to be a thing ouer proude and to such as shal see it to be ouer presumptuous lette them lay the fault vpon your honour which did first write vnto me and not on me that do answere with shamefastnesse Sir I will trauell to satisfie your excellencie in all things that ye cōmaund me by your letter vpon this condition most humbly beséeching that you do not so much consider what I doe say as that which I would say And for that to a person of so greate an estate it is reason to write with grauitie I will trauell to be measured in the wordes I shall speake and to be remeasured in the reasons I shall write The diuine Plato in his Bookes of common wealth did say That lesse greatnesse is not to be imputed to the honorable to deale and be conuersant with the weake than it is to stand and to countenance with the mightie and the reason that he gaue for the same is that the Generouse and magnificent mā vseth more force in taming his harte to stoupe vnto lowe things than to take in hand graue weightie and high attempts A mā of an high stature receiueth more paine in stouping to the ground for a straw than to stretch out his arme to reach a braunche By this that I haue said I would say that this our hart is so puffed vp and so proude that to rise vnto more than he may it is life and to descend to lesse than he is worth it is death There are many things whiche God woulde not bring to passe by himself alone to the end they shall not say that he is a Lord absolute either wil he bring them to passe by the hāds of the mightie for that it shal not be sayd that he taketh help of humaine fauour and afterwardes he performeth the same by the hand and industrie of some man beaten down of fortune and forgotten amongst men wherein GOD sheweth his greatnesse and filleth the same with his might The great Iudas Machabeus was lesse in body and much lesse in yeares than his thrée other brethren but in the end the good old Mathathias his father to him onely did cōmend the defence of the Hebrewes and into his handes did also resigne the armies against the Assyrians The least of the children of the great Patriarch Abraham was Isaac but in him was established the right line of Christ on him al the Iewish people did fixe their eyes The inheritāce of the house of Isaac came too Esau and not to Iacob but after the daies of the Father Iacob did not onely buy the inheritance of his brother Esau but also did steale the blessing Ioseph the sonne of Iacob was the least of his brethren and the last of the eleuen Tribes but in the ende it was he alone that foūd grace with the kings of Aegypt did deserue to interprete their dreames Of seuen sonnes that Iesse had Dauid was the least but in the ende King Saul was of God reproued and Dauid King of Hebrewes elected Amongst the meaner Prophetes Heliseus was the least but in the ende vnto him and vnto none other was giuen a dubled spirite Of the meaner sorte of the Apostles of Christ was S. Philip and the meanest Disciple of Paule was Philemon but in the end with them more than with others they did take counsaill and in great affaires would take aduise Sir it seemes to mée that agréeing with that which I haue saide your Lordship wold not take counsell with other men that be learned and wise but with me that am the simplest of your friends As your Lordship hath ben so long time in the warres of Italie it is very seldome that I haue séene you but much lesse that I haue eyther spoken or bin conuersant with you for whiche cause my friendship is to be holden for more sure and lesse suspitious for that I loue you not for the rewardes you haue giuen me but for the magnificence that I haue séene in you When one cōmes to seeke to be our frend maketh much to the matter to consider the cause that moueth him to séeke the same for if he be poore we must giue him if he be rich we must serue him if he be fauoured we must worship him if he be wilfull we must faune on him if he be impatient we must support him if he be vicious we must dissēble with him and if he be malicious we must beware of him One of the
lickt his handes fauned with his tayle helde downe hys head and couched downe vpon the ground shewing signes of old acquaintāce and that he was in his det and beholding vnto him The slaue séeing the fawnings and the curtesies that the Lion vsed with him cast himselfe downe vpon the groūd and créeping to the Lion and the Lion comming to the slaue they began one to imbrace the other and to faune as mē that had bin of old acquaintāce that had not séene in many yéeres To sée a thing so monstrous and strange at the sodain which the eyes of man had neuer séene neither in old Bookes had euer bin read the good Emperour Titus was amased and all the Romane people grewe astonied and did not presently imagine that the man and the Lion had bin of olde acquaintance and there knew ech other but that the slaue shoulde be a nigromantike and had inchaunted the Lion. And after the Lion and the slaue had played together renued their olde acquaintance and the people of Rome beholding a greate space the Emperour Titus commaunded the slaue to be cald before him the which comming to accomplish his commaundemēt the cruell Lion came after him so quiet and so gentle as if it had bin a house lamb brought vp by hand The Emperour Titus said vnto him these words tell me man what art thou of whence art thou what is thy name to whome didst thou belong what hast thou done what offence hast thou committed wherefore wast thou brought hither and cast vntoo the beastes may it happen that thou hast bred this most cruell Lion or hast thou known him by chaunce in times past wa st thou present when he was taken or hast thou deliuered him from any mortall perill perchaunce thou art a Nigromantike and hast enchaunted him I commaund thée that thou say vnto vs the truth what hath passed and deliuer vs of thys dout for I sweare vnto thée by the immortall gods this matter is so mōstrous so strange that it séemeth rather that we dreame it than behold it With a good courage with a hygh cleare voyce the slaue made aunswer to the Emperour Titus as followeth the Lion being layd at his foote and all the people in admiration Andronico recompteth by discourse all his life IT may please thée to vnderstande most victorious Caesar that I am of the countrey of Slauonia of a certayne place that is called Mantuca the which when they dyd rise and rebell against the seruice of Rome we were there al taken condemned to seruitude bondage My name is Andronico and my father was named Andronicus and also my grandfather This linage of Andronicos wer in our Countrey so noble and generous as Quintus Fabius and Marcus Marcellus be nowe in Rome But what shall I wretche do vnto fortune which do sée the sonnes of seruants there to be knightes and my selfe that was there a Gentleman in Rome become a slaue It is twentie six yeares since I was taken in my Countrey and so long agoe since I was brought vnto this Citie and also other twētie six since I was sold in the field of Mars and bought of a sawyer which when he perceyued that my armes were better giuen to handle a launce than to pull at a sawe he sold me to the Consull Dacus father to the Censor Rufus that is now aliue This Consull Dacus was sent by thy father Vespasian to a certain prouince in Affrica whiche is called Numidia as Proconsull to minister Iustice and as Captayne of the horsemen to vnderstande in causes of warre for that in verie trouth in the warres he had great experience and in gouernment muche wisedom Also great Caesar it may please thée to vnderstād that my maister the Consull Dacus ioyntely with the experience and wisedom that he had was on the other side proude in commaundemente and couetous in gathering together And these two things be brought to passe that he was yll serued in his house and abhorred in the common wealth and his principall entente was to gather money to make hym selfe riche so that although he had many offices and muche businesse he had no more in his house but my selfe and an other to do all the same in so muche I gathered and caste abroade did grynde fift and bake the breade And besides all this I dressed the meate I washed the clothes I swepte the house I dressed the cattel and also made beddes What wilt thou that I shal say more O most victorious Caesar but that his couetousnesse was so great and his pitie so little that he gaue me neither coate shoes or shirt and moreouer beside al this euery nighte he made mée to weaue two baskettes of Palmes which he made me to sell for eight Sextertios towardes his dispences And that night that I had not performed the same he gaue me nether to eate either left me vnwhipt But in the end séeing my master so continually to chide me so oft to whippe me to kéepe me so naked so to ouer worke me and so cruelly to deale with me I will confesse the troth vnto thée oh inuincible Caesar whiche is that séeing my selfe in so desperat a state and in a life so miserable I desired hym oftentimes that it mighte please him to sell me or else to giue order to kill me Eleuen yéeres continually I passed this wretched life with him without receyuing at his handes any rewarde or at his mouth any milde word And farther séeing in the Proconsul my master that euery day his anger increased and vnto me there was no trauell diminished and ioyntly with this féeling age cōming vpon me and my head to be hore mine eyes blinde my strength weake my health wanting and my hart desperat I determined with my selfs to runne away vnto the cruell deserts of Aegipt to the intent that some rauenous beast mighte eate me or that by pure hunger I might die And for that my master did not eate but what I drest him or drinke but what I broughte him wyth great suertie I might haue killed him and reuenged my selfe but that hauing more respect to the noblenesse of bloud from whence I was descended than to the seruitude that I suffered I thought it better to put my life in perill than to do treason to my noblenesse In the end my master the proconsull going to visite a certaine Countrey named Tamatha which is in the confines of Aegipt and Affrica when on a night he had supped and I saw him a bed I departed without knowing any high way but that I tooke care that the nighte might be very darke and did beholde the daye before whiche mountayne was most sharpe where I myght be most hidden and least sought for I caried with me but a payre of sandalles to weare a canuas shirt to put on a bottell of water to drinke and a little bunch of grapes to eate with whiche prouision I might haue bin
they would craue of God vengeance vpon you Without comparison you ought to haue more feare to doe iniurie vnto the poore than to the riche for the riche doth reuenge himselfe with armes but the poore with teares Also you shall finde in youre Earledome some yong men and maydens that were children of old seruants and the sorowfull orphanes neither haue father to help them neyther good to sustayne them your Lordship ought in suche cases to bring vp the sonnes and to mary the daughters for there is not in this world an almes of God more accepted thā to giue mariage vnto a damsell vpon the point to be cast away As it is a great offence to cause another to sinne so doth hée deserue much glory that takes away the offence for another to fal for certainely we are more beholding to him that kéeps vs from stumbling than vnto him that helps vs vp Also you shall find some men and women of whom they shall say vnto you that they were affectioned to one partialitie and offended at the other and in such cases take no care to make search and much lesse to take vengeance for the noble harts ought neuer to thinke themselues iniured but of such as be mighti◠like themselues If any want of dutie or offence hath bin done vnto you by any of youre estate I holde it for more suretie to dissemble it than to reuēge it for it may so happen that thinking all lawe were ended there mighte arise vnto you other new more indigested angers It is tollerable that the Lords do chastise his vassall but not that he reuenge for it is sure that he will not only defend him selfe but also attempt to offend and the offence shall be raising his countrey and defaming his person If you will be reuenged of such as haue gyuen some occasion be grateful vnto those that did follow and serue you for after this maner they shall remayne recompensed and the other confounded And let it be in this cace for conclusion that in my iudgement and conceit your Lordship ought not to care to remember the iniuries they haue done you but the seruice that now they do you and make no account to make quarells with your vassals for in things of cōmon libertie he that shall séeme most to serue you the same is he that most will sell you That a Knight do minister Iustice in his Countrey ALso it is necessary to the good gouernment of youre vassalles that you leaue them to bee gouerned of vertuous men and of experiēce for ther is no mā in this world so wise that néedeth not the counsell of another We sayd not without graue consideration that you should vse men of experience and sayde not that you shoulde take men of learning For matters in law must be commended vnto the learned but gouernment of the common wealth vnto men of wisedome For we sée euery day by experience what difference or aduauntage there is betwixt hym that hath a good wille and him that knoweth no more but out of Bartlet If you fynde any that ioyntly is both learned and wise leaue not to lay hande vppon him nor let him slip for any price for learning to giue sentence and prudence to gouerne be two thynges that many desire and fewe doe obtayne My Lord you haue to be aduised to commend youre countries to mouthy or brutishe bachelers that come from Salamanca which bringing their science in their lippes and their witte in their sachelles before they can chance to do Iustice they shall escandelise the common wealth and also robbe the whole countrey Those that do procéede from Colledges and from the Vniuersities as they tie themselues to that theyr Bookes do say and not to that whiche theyr eyes doe sée and to that their science doth speake and not to that whiche experience doth find such are good to be aduocates but not to gouerne Sir beléeue me and be out of doubt that the art of gouernment neyther is sold at Paris either is found at Bolloigne neither yet learned at Salamanca but is found out by prudence is defended by Science and conserued by experience Plato in his booke of common wealth sayd these words Consilium peritorum ex apertis obscura ex paruulis magna ex proximis remota ex partibus tota aestimat As if he should haue sayde the man that is wise and of experience the cleare he holdeth for darke the little for great the neare to be far off the gathered together to be cast abrode the certaine for doubtfull Out of these words of Plato there may be gathered the difference betwixt science and experience for that we sée inexpert men holde all things for easie and he that is expert iudgeth all things difficult God dealeth mercifully with suche men as he leaueth not into the hands of proude captaines rash Pilots vnlearned Lawyers foolishe Phisitions and vnexpert Iudges bycause the proude Captayne fighteth out of time the rash Pilots sendes you to the bottome the vnlearned Lawyer looseth youre matter the foolishe Phisition spoyles your life and the vnexpert iudge robbeth your goodes The Iudges to whome you shal put your conscience in trust and commende youre common wealth ought to be honest in their liues vpright in iustice pacient in iniuries measured in their spéech iustified in that they commaund righteous in iudgement and pitifull in their executions Beware of Iudges that be childish foolish ouerbold rash and bloudy which to the end their fame shall sounde at Courte that from thence they may receyue commission of Iustice they wil commit a thousand cruelties in your countreyes and will giue a thousande displeasures to youre persone in suche wise that many times there néedes more reformation for their disorders than for the offences youre vassals shall commit I do lie if it did not happen on a time to me in Arreuallo being warden with a new vnexpert Iudge which bicause I did somewhat aduertise him that he was ouer furious and cruell sayde Father Warden you get youre meate by preaching and I get it by hanging and by your Lady of Gadilupe I do more estéeme to put a foote or a hand to the Pillery than to be Lord of Ventosilla When I heard him mention Ventosilla I replied thys word of my troth master Iustice iustly apertayneth vnto you the Lordship of Ventosa for you may not be contayned in Vētosilla But prosecuting our intent it is to wit that those that the Romaines did call Censors or iudges we do call Corregidores or Correctors and it was amongst them a lawe inuiolable that they made no man a Iudge that was not at the least aboue forty yéeres old he shoulde be maried holden for honest meanely ritch nor infamed with couetousnesse and that in other offices of the common wealth hée had experience Iulius Caesar Octauius Augustus Titus Vespatianus Neruus Coceyus Traian the iust Antony the méeke and the good Marcus Aurelius All these
Father Abbot you will come and dwell at Court from hencefoorth I make exchaunge for your craggy mount and also doe promise you by the faith of a Christian you shall more repent you to haue bin conuerted a courtier than I to be admitted of the religion of S. Benet For the much good will I beare you for the much deuotion I hold of that place you are bound to pray vnto God that he will draw me from this infamous life and fight me with his grace without the whiche we cannot serue hym and much lesse be saued By the handes of Frier Roger I haue receyued the spoones you sent me and to him I deliuered the booke that he desired me in such wise that I shall haue spoones to eate with and your fatherhod a booke to pray in In the rest that you write as concerning your Monasterie the cace shall be that you deale with God for me as one that is deuoute and I shall do with Caesar the worke of a friend No more but that our Lorde be your protector From Valiodolid the vij of Ian. 1535. A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Frederique Enriques in the whiche there is declared a certaine authoritie of the holy scripture GLorious and right famous Archmarriner I am determined before the Iudge Ronquillo to adiorne your Lordship to the end that the parties called and hearde hée he iudge and giue sentence betwixte vs whether I being as I am a Gentleman and a Courtier be bound to answere Extempore vnto all your Letters and to expounde all doubtes which your honour so continually writeth vnto me Your sollicitor is so importunate for answere I confesse that many tymes I giue the seruaunt to the Deuil and also at sometime I pray not vnto God for the maister Complayning yesterdaye vnto your solicitour for that he was so tedious and bicause so continually he did moue me he made me answer with a verie good grace Consider sir master I giue you to vnderstande that the Admirall my Lorde craueth of your reuerence that you write vnto him as a friend that you send him newes as a Chronicler declare his doubtes as a Diuine and counsell his conscience as a Religious Whervnto I replyed if your maister the Admirall will be well serued also I wil be wel payed The paiment shal be for the office of Chronicler of a diuine of a friend and of a Counseller that since I cānot get my meat with the laūce I must obtayn it with the pen. I made al this threatening not to the intente your Lordship shall giue me to eate but for that you should cease to be importune for I thank God the Emperour that is my lord and maister hath not onely giuen mée that whiche is necessarie but also wherewith to reliene others The benefit that we haue that attend vpon Princes is that if we be bound to serue them we haue alwais licēce to craue of them but let the conclusion be that with the same intention that I did speake those wordes here it may please your Lordship to receiue them there that in fine in the end chide we neuer so much or be we neuer so angrie you must nedes do what I desire you and I must of necessitie doe what you commaunde me Your Lordships pleasure is that I write vnto you howe that texte is to be vnderstoode of Esaias where he sayeth Vae tibi Ierusalem quia bibisti calicem irae Dei vsque ad feces Whiche woordes are to bée vnderstoode wo be vnto thée Ierusalem bycause thou hast dronke the cuppe of the Lords wrath euen to the dregs Your lordship asketh a matter so high a thing so profound that I had rather vnderstand than speak it tast it than write it for they know more therof that be giuē to contemplation than such as be occupied in reading but this is the doubt Since God the father did send to Christ his son a cup to drinke of bitternesse wherof is Ierusalem reprehended for the cup that she drank of wrath the one was the cup the other was the cup the one of bitternesse the other of wrathe the Synagogue did receyue the one and the Churche the other Christe dyd drinke the one Ierusalem dyd drynke the other God sent the one and God sent the other But since it is so why doe they so muche prayse the cuppe that Christe tasted of and condemne the sorrowfull cuppe that Ierusalem dyd drinke To vnderstand the profunditie of this scripture we muste presuppose that there be two maners of cuppes which is to wit the cup that is sayd simply only of God and the cup that is sayd with an addition that is of the ire of god There is so great difference betwixt these two cuppes that in the one we drink heauen in the other we swalow hell the holy cup of God is no other thing but temptations hunger cold thirste persecutions exile pouertie and martirdom of which thinges God giues to drink and to tast to such as he hathe chosen to serue him and hath predestinate to be saued Vnto whome God giueth this cup to drynke it is a signe that he is registred amongest them that shall be saued in suche sorte that we can not escape Hell but at the coste of verie great trauel Profoundly it is to be considered what Christ sayde that the cup should not only be giuen to his owne person but that it shoulde also passe vnto his Church in such wise that he drank thereof but he made not an ende for if Christ had dronke al the cuppe only Christ should haue entred the glorie And for this cause he prayed vnto his father that the cup shoulde passe vnto those of his Churche for that we shoulde all enter with him into the glorie Oh high misterie neuer heard of that Christ being in the Garden in the darke alone flat vpon his knées sweating praying and wéeping he did not craue of hys Father that the elect of his Church shuld be cherished or worldly pampred but of that cup he would giue them a draught to drinke Of that cup of bitternesse and trauell only Christ did drinke his fill bicause he only was sufficient to redéeme vs All we that came after Christ If we cannot drinke our fill I would to God we might drinke sufficient for our Saluation the sword of saint Peter the Crosse of saint Andrew the knife of saint Bartelmew the girdierne of S. Laurence the sheares of saint Steuen what other things are they but certaine badges they haue receyued of Christe and certaine gulpes they haue drunke of his cup. So many more degrées we shall receiue in Heauen of Glorie as we haue drunke of the cup of Christ in this life and therefore we ought to pray vnto God euery day with teares that if we cannot drinke all his cup at the least that he will suffer vs to tast thereof The cuppe of Christ although it be bitter in drinking after the
is delicate and of smal strength so be is more offended by a little ayre that cōmes in at a chinke thā the cold of one whole winter night did gréeue him when he was yong The old men of your age ought very much to procure to eate good bread and to drinke good wine and the bread that is well baked and the wine that is a yeare old for as old age is compassed with infirmities and laden with sadnesse the good vituals shall hold them in health and the good wine shall leade them in mirth The old men of your age ought much to consider that theyr meales be small their meate yong and well seasoned and if they eate much and of many meates they euer goe sicke for notwithstanding they haue money to buy them they haue not heate to disgest them The old men of your age ought too procure their bed curteyned their Chamber hanged a meane fire the chimney without smoke for the life of olde men consisteth in going clenly warme cōtented and without anger The old men of your age ought vtterly to auoide to dwel vppon any riuer either to do their busines in moist groundes either to sléepe in ayry places for olde men being delicate as they are be like children and naturally accraised the ayre shall penetrate their powers and moystnesse shall enter their bones The old mē of your age vpon paine of their life ought to be temperate in their diet refusing to eate late for old mē as they haue their stomacks weake and growen colde they may not disgest two meales in a day for the olde man that is vnsatiable and a glutton vsing the contrary shall belke much and sléepe little The olde men of your age to the ende that they be not sicke or grow heauie neyther turne to be grosse ought a little to refreshe them selues walke into the fielde vse some exercise or be occupied in some facultie for otherwise it might happen them to get a tisick or a lamenesse in their limmes in such wise that it will be hard to fetch breath and by puffing and blowing giue warning where you walk The old men of your age ought to haue great care to auoyde all contentious brabbling amongst their seruants and sometime to beare with their negligences to pay their wages too the ende they go contented for otherwise they will be negligent in seruice and very suttle in stealing For conclusion the old men of your age ought much to procure to weare their apparell swéete and cleanly their shirts very well washed their house neat and wel swept and their chamber very close warme and well smelling For the olde man whiche presumeth to be wise if he will liue in health and goe contented ought to haue his body without life his hart without strife In the end of your letter you write that hauing left to loue sorow leaueth not to vere you which vseth to folow the enamored and instantly you desire me to giue you some remedy or to sende you some comfort for notwithstanding you haue throwen it out of the house it leaueth not nowe and then too knocke at the gate Sir in this case I remit you to Hermogenes to Tesiphontes to Doreatius to Plutarch and to Ouid which spent much time and wrote many bookes to giue order in what manner the enamored shoulde loue and the remedies that for their loue they should vse Let Ouid write what him pleaseth Dorcas say what he thinketh good but in fine there is no better remedie for loue than is neuer to begin to loue for loue is so euill a beast that with a thread he suffereth to be taken but hée will not depart with thrusts of a launce Let euery man consider what he attempteth marke what he doth beholde what he taketh in hand note whither he dothe enter and haue regarde where he may be taken for if it were in his handes to set the tables he is not certaine to win the game There is in loue after it is begon infinite shelues immesurable sloughes daungerous rockes and vnknowen whirelpooles in whych some remaine defaced others blinded some besoilde and also some others vtterly drowned in such wise that he that is best deliuered I accoumpt to be euill deliuered Oh how many times did Hercules desire to be deliuered from his loue Mithrida Menelaus from Dortha Pyrrhus from Helena Alcibiades from Dorobella Demophon from Phillis Hāniball from Sabina and Marcus Antonius from Cleopatra from whome they could neuer not only depart but also in the end for them and with them they were cast away In case of loue let no man trust any man and much lesse him selfe for loue is so naturall to man or woman and the desire to be beloued that where loue amongst them dothe once cleaue it is a sore that neuer openeth and a bond that neuer vnknitteth Loue is a metall so delicat a canker so secret that he planteth not in the face where he may be sene nor in the pulse where he may be felte but in the sorowfull hart where although he be sensible they dare not discouer it After all this I say that the remedie that I giue for loue is that they gyue him no place to enter amongst the entrayles nor giue theyr eyes libertie to behold windowes or giue eare to bawdes either suffer any trade of Dames to come or goe if any come to house to shut the dores and not to walke abroade after euening if with these conditions loue may not altogither bée remedied at the least it may be eased and amended Sir and my gossip if you will in all these things profite youre selfe and well consider thereof you shall be excused of many angers and also saue much money For to youre age and my grauitie it is more conuenient to vnderstande of the best wines than to view the windowes of the enamored Take for example chastisement the Licentiat Burgos your acquainted and my great friend which being old and enamored as you died this saterday a death so straunge and fuddayne as was fearefull to al men and sorowfull to his friēds No more but our Lord be youre guide and giue me grace too serue him From Burgos the .24 of Febr. 1523. A letter vnto Sir Iames of Gueuara vncle to the Author wherein he doth comfort him for that he hath bin sicke MAgnificent and right honorable Vncle it pleaseth your Honor to complaine of mée in youre letter that I neither serue you as my good Lorde either do sue as vnto a father or visite as an vncle neyther write as vntoo a friende I may not denie but as concerning kinred your are my Fathers brother in merit my good Lord my father in curtesie and my Progenitor in giuing of liberall rewards which I haue receiued at your hands not as a nephew but as a sonne much beloued Since I haue confessed the affinitie that I hold and affirme the dette
life and iust in youre tribunall or iudgements I wold not gladly heare that those that do praise that which you do should complaine of that whiche you say with a Lorde of so high estate and with a iudge of so preheminent an office my pen should not haue presumed to write what it hath written if your Lordship had not commaunded My Lord I saide it bycause if this that I haue here written vnto you shall not like you that it may please you to sende too reuoke the licence that you haue giuen Also you will that I shall write vnto youre Lordship if I haue founde in anye auncient Chronicle what is the cause wherefore the Princes of Castile do call themselues not onely Kings but also Catholique Kings And that also I write vnto you who was the first that called himself Catholique King and what was the reason and the occasion to take this so generous and Catholique title There were ynowe in thys Court of whome you might haue demaunded and of whome you might haue vnderstood in yeares more auncieÌ„t in knowledge more learned in bookes more rich and in writing more curious than I am But in the end my Lord be sure of this one thing that that which I shall write if it be not written in a polished stile at the least it shall be all very true Comming to the purpose it is to be vnderstood that the Princes in olde time did always take proud ouer-names as Nabugodonozer that did intitle him selfe King of Kings Alexander the greate the king of the world the king Demetrius the conqueror of Cities the great Haniball the tamer of kingdomes Iulius Caesar the Duke of the Citie the king Mithridates the restorer of the world the king Athila the whip of nations the king Dionisius the host of all men the king Cirus the last of the Gods the king of England defender of the Church the king of Fraunce the most Christian king and the king of Spaine the Catholique king To giue your Lordship a reckoning who were these kings and the cause why they did take these so proude titles to me it should be painfull to write and to your Lordship tedious to reade it is sufficient that I declare what you commaunde me without sending what you craue not It is to wit that in the yere seuen hundreth fiftie two the fift day of the month of Iuly vpon a sunday ioyning to the riuer Bedalake about Xeres on the frontiers euen at the breake of day was giuen the last and most vnfortunate battell betwixt the Gothes that were in Spaine and the Alarues that had come from Africa in whiche the sorowfull king Sir Rodrigo was slaine and all the kingdome of Spaine lost The Moore that was Captaine and that ouercame this famous battell was named Musa which did know so well to folow his victorie that in the space of eight moneths he did win and had dominion from Xeres in the frontieres vnto the rocke Horadada which is neare to the towne of Onnia And that whiche séemeth to vs most terrible is that the Moores did win in eighte moneths which in recouering was almost eight hundred yeres for so many yeares did passe from the time that Spaine was lost vntill Granado was wonne The fewe Christians that escaped out of Spaine came retiring vnto the mountaines of Onnia neare vnto the rocke Horadada vnto which the Moores did come but from thence forward they passed not either did conquer it for there they found great resistance and the land very sharp And when they of Spaine did see that the king Sir Rodrigo was dead and all the Gothes with hym and that without Lord or head they could not resist the Moores they raysed for king a Spanish Captaine that was named Sir Pelaius a man venturous in armes and of all the people very well beloued The fame being spread thoroughout all Spaine that the mountaine men of Onia had raised for king the good Sir Pelaius all men generouse and warlike did repaire vnto him with whome he did vnto the Moores greate hurt and had of them glorious triumphes Thrée yeares after they had raysed the good sir Pelaius for King hée married one of his daughters with one of the sonnes of the Earle of Nauarn who was named Sir Peter and his sonne was called Sir Alonso This Earle Sir Peter descended by right line of the linage of the blessed King Richardos in whose tyme the Gothes did leaue the sect of the curled Arrius by the meanes of the glorious and learned Archbyshop Leonard The good king Pelaius being dead in the eighteene yeare of his raigne the Castilians exalted for king a sonne of his that was named Fauila the which two yeares after he began to raigne going on a certaine day to the mountaine meaning to flea the Beare the Beare killed him And for that the king Fauila died without children the Castilians elected for king the husband of his sister whiche is to wit the sonne of the Earle of Nauarne who was named Alonso the whiche began his raigne in the yeare .vii. C.lxxij hys raigne endured eightene yeares which was as much tyme as his father in law the good King Sir Pelaius had raigned This good King was the firste that was named Alonso which tooke his name in so good an houre that since that daye amongst all the kings of Castile that haue bin named Alonso we reade not of one that hath bin euill but very good Of thys good king Alonso the historiographers do recite many landable things to recompt worthy to be knowen and exemplars to be followed The King sir Alonso was the first that out of Nauarne entered Galizia to make warre vppon the Moores with whome be had many encounters and battells in the ende he ouercame and droue them out of Astorga Ponferada Villa franca Tuy and Lugo with all their Countries and Castelles This good king Alonso was he that did win of the Moores the Citie of Leon and builded there a royall place to the ende all the Kings of Castile his successors should there be resideÌ„t and so it came to passe that in long time after many Kings of Castile did liue and die in Leon. This good King Alonso was the firste that after the destruction of Spaine began to builde Churches and to make Monasteries and Hospitalles in especially from the beginning the Cathedrall churches of Lugo Tâ—y Astorga and Ribeâ—ew the which afterwards did passe to Mondonedo This good king Alonso did buiâ—d many and very solempne Monasteries of the order of saint Benet and many hospitalles in the way of saint Iames and many particular Churches in Nauarne and in the Countrey of Ebro whiche he endewed all with great riches and gaue them opulent possessions This good King Alonso was the first that did séeke and commaunded to be sought with very great diligence the holy bookes that had escaped the hands of the Moores and as a zelous Prince commaunded that
with all the mightie and nobles of Spaine ioyned in Medina del rio Secco to giue order for the succour of Tordisillas and to chase away the Rebelles frō the town of Braxima my desire and iudgemēt is that you shoulde rather estéeme to be a souldier with the Gentlemen thā a Captaine ouer Rebelles Also I said vnto you that the gouernours had commaunded a scaffold to be made wherevppon a King at armes beeing ascended made publique proclamation that all Knightes and Gentlemen that repaired not within fiftéene dayes with Horse and Armour vnder the Kings Standerd to serue and be resident should bée holden as traytors and disloyall and that it séemed vnto me that you shoulde rather haue accomplished that which the gouernours cōmanded than that which in Toledo they had desired Also I sayde vnto you that commonly ciuill and popular warres decay in puissance preuaile sildome and may not indure and after they bée finished and the common wealth pacified the Kings and Princes of the same doe vse for custome to pardon the commō people and behead the Captaines Also I sayd vnto you that you shoulde not blinde your selfe with foolishe lyes eyther with wordes of vncertaine purposes whyche is to witte if anye shall saye vnto you that you are the father of the countrey the refuge of prisoners the repaire of the grieued the defender of the common wealthe and the restorer of Castile for the very same persons that to daye do name you redeemer on the morrow will proclaime you traytor Also I sayd vnto you that you ought to haue before youre eyes that your father Peter Lopes and your Vncle Sir Garcia and your Brother Gutiere Lopes and all your friends and alies be all in seruice of the King in the gouernours Camp and that you alone of all your linage amongst rebelles bend against the King whereof there followeth that you alone being in fault they here in generall receiue the shame Also I said vnto you that since the King had giuen you no cause of offence either taken from you any rewarde or bountie or commaunded you any iniustice It were very vniust that you shoulde be the whip wherewith Hernando of Aualos should reuenge his iniurie For if he hath sworne to be reuenged of Xeues also you are bound to be faithfull vnto the king Also I saide vnto you that you shoulde giue to the Diuell the prophestes witchcrafts and enchantments of the Lady Mary your wife whiche is sayde that she and a certaine woman slaue do practise for that to speake and practise with the Diuell it may not be otherwise but that she-looseth hir soule and you to lose your life and honor Also I said vnto you that you should not care to attempt to enter the Couent of Vcles with intent to be master of Saint Iames either to throw Sir Iohn del rio Secco out of Toledo since it were a vanitie to thinke it and a great lightnesse to take it in hande for to be master of saint Iames you haue not done suche seruice wherefore it should be giuen you neyther sir Iohn hath done any treason why it should be takē from him So many and so good Counsells so many and so profitable aduises so many and so perswasible words so many and so importune desires so many and so great promises so many and so great assurances as I gaue promised did sweare desire and importune and assure you mighte not procéede from a suspitious friende either from a man of a double cōdition but rather as from a father to a sonne from a brother to a brother and from a friend to a friende I would to God you did throughly know my hart and the heart of Hernando of Aualos your vncle then shoulde you sée most cleare how it is I that do loue you and he that doth deceyue you I that giue you the hande and he the man that offreth you deceyts I that shew you the deapth and he that sendes you to the bottome I that set vp the marke and he that takes away the white I that lettes you bloud in the right vaine and he that lameth your armes Finally I am he that would cure and open your impostume and he is the man that giueth end to your lyfe and burieth your renoume If you had taken my counsell I had placed you in my Chronicles amongest the glorious personages of Spayne with the famous Viriato the venturous Cid the good Fernan Gonsalis the Knight Tiran and with the great Captaine and other infinite Knightes and Gentlemen woorthie of prayse and no lesse to be followed But since you woulde néeds imitate and credit Hernando of Aualos and the other rebellious commoners I shall be forced to place you in the Cathaologe of the famous tyrantes that is to saye with the Iustice Castromino and Fernan Centeno with captayn Sapico the duchesse of Villalua the Marshal Peter Pardo Alfonso Trusillo Lope Carasco and Taymayo Isquirdo All these and many other with them were tyrantes and rebelles in the dayes of king Iohn and king Henry And this is the difference betwixt you and them that euery one of them dyd tyrannise but their owne countreyes but you the whole countrey of Castile I can not comprehend your intention either can I conceyue what you may obtaine in folowing this enterprise and to contend vpon so vniust a demaunde since you knowe and all we vnderstande that if your enterprise shoulde happe to preuayle there is none that woulde accepte gratifie or take it in good part and if your purpose be made frustrate there is a Kyng that will reuenge the iniurie for the greatenesse and Maiestie of Castile knoweth not to endure disobedience to their kings either suffer themselues to be commaunded by tyrantes When this yeare ye came to talke with me in Medina del campo and I went with you to sée the bit maker and Viloria the skinner Bobadilla the sheareman Pennelas the carde maker Ontoria the lockier Mender the bookebynder and Lares the enseigne bearer that were the heads and inuentours of the commoners of Valiodolid Borgos Leon Zamora Salamanca Auila and Medina I assure you I was dismayde and ashamed for that presently I did both sée and knowe that passion was your guyde and they conducted by opinion that you all did flée reason but for that I am in lyfe a sinner in habite religious in office a preacher and in knowledge simple you haue not to make small accompt of my counsell for as Plato sayd we are not a little beholding vnto those that do aduise vs wherin wée erre and doe directe vs in what wée ought to doe for it is much better we amend by others correction than lose our selues by foolishe perseuerance Beléeue me and be out of doubt Maister Iohn of Padilla if you had spoken firste with me in Toledo as you did after talke with me in Medina you had neuer taken this enterprise in hande for as the
sée them fled that they neyther dare assemble or execute iustice This other day I sawe in Soria where they hanged a Procurer of the citie béeing poore sicke and olde not bycause he had cōmitted any euill but for that some did wish him euill To report vnto you how they haue throwen the Constable out of Burgos the Marques of Auia frō Tordisillas the Earle and Countesse of Duneas and the knights and gentlemen frō Salamanca and Sir Iames of Mendoza from Palentia and how in place of these gentlemen they haue taken for their leaders and captaines bit makers sheremē skinners lockmakers is no smal shame to recount and infamy to heare The hurts murders robberies and scandals that is nowe committed within this realme I dare say that of this so great fault wée al are in fault bycause our God is so right a iudge that hée would not permit that all should be chastised if all were not offenders The affairs of this miserable kingdome is come to such a state the through the same there is no way sure no tēple priuiledged none that tilleth the fielde none bringeth vitailes none the executeth iustice none safe in their houses yet all confesse a king and appeale to the king but the disgrace is that none doth obserue the law none doth obey the King beleue me if your people did acknowledge the King and obserue the law neyther would they robbe the kingdome or disobey the King but for that they haue no feare of the sword nor doubt of the gallowes they do what they lust and not what they ought I knowe not how you can say that you wil refourme the kingdome since you obey not the King you consent to no gouernours you admit no royall counsell you suffer no Chancelour you haue no Iudges nor Iustices no giuing of sentence in matters of lawe neyther any euill chastised in such wise that your iudgemēt to haue no iustice in the kingedome is to refourme iustice I can not cōprehende how you wil reforme this kingdome since by your consent there is no subiect that shall acknowledge a preacher neither any Nunne that keepes hir cloyster no Frier that remayneth in his monastery neyther womā that obeyeth hir husband nor vassall that obserueth loyalty neyther any man that dealeth iustly in so much that vnder the colour of liberty euery man liueth at his owne wil. I know not how you will reforme the common welth since those of your campe do force women rauish maydens burne villages spoyle houses steale whole slockes cut downe woods and rob churches in such wise that if they leaue any euill vndone it is not bycause they dare not but for that they can not I can not conceiue how you will reforme the common welth since by your occasion Toledo is risen Segouia altered Medina burned Halaheios besieged Burgos fortified Valiodolid immutined Salamanca stragled Soria disobedient and also Valentia an Apostata I can not perceiue how you will reforme the common welth since Naiarza is rebelled against the Duke Dueas against the Earle Tordisillas against the Marques Chincon against his Lorde since Auila Leon Toro Zamora and Salamanca doe neither more or lesse than the assembly doth commaund So may my life prosper as I like of your demaund which is to weete that the King be not absent out of this Realme that he maintaine all men in iustice that he suffer no money to be transported out of the Realme that he giue his rewardes and offices vnto the natural subiectes of Spaine that they deuise not any new tributs and aboue all that the Offices be not solde but gyuen to men of most vertue These and such other like things you haue licence to craue and only the King hath authoritie to graunt but to demaund of princes with the lance that which they haue to prouide by Iustice is not the part of good vassalles but of disloyall seruants wée well vnderstand that many people of this lande doe complaine of the newe gouernement of Flemmings and to speake the truth that fault was not all theirs but in their small experience and our much enuie Further aduertising that the straungers were not more to bée blamed than our owne countrie men they knew not the state of things either what offices to craue neither how they would be solde but that they were aduised and also instructed in the skill thereof by the men of our owne nation in such wise that if in them there did abound desire of gain in vs there did excéed the vice of cruell malice Although Maister Xebes and the rest haue cōmitted some fault I know not that our Spaine hath done any offence that you should in the same and against the same rayse any warre The medicine that you haue inuented for the remedie of this mischiefe is not to purge but to kill But since you will néedes make war let vs examine here against whom is this war not against the king bycause his tender youth dothe excuse him not against the Counsell for they appeare not not against Xebes for hée is in Flaunders not against the Gouernors whiche haue but nowe entred their offices not against the Gentlemen who haue not offended neither yet against tyrantes for the Kingdome was in peace than is this war againe your own countrie and against our own lamentable common wealth The wante of prouidence in the king neither the auarice of Xebes is sufficient cause that we should sée that whiche wée doe sée the people to ryse against people fathers against the sonnes the vncles against their cousins friends against friends neighbors against neybours and brothers against brothers but that our sinne hath so deserued to be chastised and yours hath merited that you shuld be our scourge Speaking more particular you are not able to excuse your faulte for beginning as you did the assemblie of Auila from which counsell all this warre hath had his féeding and of a trouth presently I did diuine and also preache that is to witte that neuer was Monipody of any kingdome whereof did not arise some notable scandall The kingdom is nowe altered the kyng is disobeyed the people are nowe risen the hurt is alreadie begon the fire is alreadye in flame and the common wealth goeth sinking to the bottom But in the ende if it like you a good end may be made from whence may procéede all the remedie for that we haue firmely to beléeue that God will rather heare the hearts that praye for peace than the fifes and drums that proclaime warre If it may lyke you to forget some part of your anger and the gouernours to lose some part of their right I hold it all for finished And to speake you the trouth in popular and ciuil warres men do rather fight for the opinion they haue takē than for the reason that they hold My iudgement should be in this case that you should ioyne with the Gouernours to talke and conferre for the
to make incisions the Romanes being not vsed to behold such cruelties and to suffer so intolerable grieues in one day and in one houre they stoned him to death drew him al abouts in the streates FroÌ„ the time they stoned this miserable Antony Musa they coÌ„sented not to haue any Phisition or Chirurgian in all Italy vntill the time of the wicked Emperour Nero which at his returne from Grecia brought vnto Rome many phisitions and also many vices In the times of the Empire of Nero Galba Octo and Bitello phisicke did much florish in Italy and the phisitions did greatly triumph in Rome but after the death of these Princes the good Emperour Titus commaunded the Orators and also the phisitions to be driuen out of Rome The Emperour Titus béeing demaunded why hée did banish them since the one were aduocates for matters in lawe and the other did cure the diseased he made answer I banish the Orators as destroyers of the customes and also phisitions as eniâ—â—â—â— to health And more he said I do also banish the phisitions to take away the occasions from men that be vicious for that we sée by experience in the Cities where phisitions be resident there is alwaies abundance of vices A letter written from Grecia to Rome wishing them to beware of the Phisitions that were come thither THE great Cato of Vtica was no small enimie to all phisitions of this worlde specially that they should not enter within the Empire of Rome who from Asia did write a letter vnto his sonne Marcellus that was in Rome after this maner In thée and in me it appeareth most clearely that more is the loue that the Father beareth vnto the son than the son vnto the father since thou forgettest thy self to write vnto me neither yet to prouide for defence of thy necessities If thou wilt not write vnto me as to thy father write vnto me as vnto thy friend not withstanding it is much more which thou owest vnto my hoare haires and also vnto my good friendly works As concerning the rest my son Marcellus thou knowest that I haue ben resident a Consull here in Asia fiue yeres of which the most time I haue continued here in Athens where al Grecia do hold their notable studies of their renowmed Philosophers and if thou wilt vnderstand what I conceiue of these Greekes it is they speake much and performe little they call all men barbarous and onely themselues Philosophers and the worst of all is they be ready friends to giue counsell vnto al men enimies to accept the same iniuries they know to dissemble but neuer to pardon they be very constant in hatred and very mutable in loue and friendship Finally my son Marcellus I say vnto thée that naturally they be proud to commaund and vntamable to seruice Behold here what in Grecia the Philosophers do reade and teach and what the popular people do learne and if I do write vnto thée it is for that thou shalt not paine thy selfe to come into Grecia neither to passe thy thought to leaue Italy Since thou knowst and also dost vnderstand that the grauitie of our Mother Rome neither may suffer youthly wantonnes neither admit nouelties That day that the fathers of our sacred Senate shall permit the Artes and letters of Grecia to enter Rome from that day I hold our common wealth as lost for our Romanes do esteme and make accompt to liue well and the Greekes but only to speak well In those kingdomes and Cities where schooles and studies be wel ordred and on the other part their common wealthes euill gouerned notwithstanding we sée them florish very shortely we shall sée them famish for there is not in al this whole world any thing that iustly may be termed perpetuall but that which vpon troth and vertue is founded Although al the arts of Grecia be suspicious pernicious scandalous yet I say to thée my son Marcellus for the commonwealth of our Mother Rome the worst of them all is phisicke for that all these Greekes haue sworne to send to kill by medicine those which they might not ouercome by armes Euery day I sée here these phisick Philosophers holde amongst themselues great altercations about the curing of infirmities and the applying of certaine medicines and that whiche is most to be wondred that doing what the one commaundeth and the other counselleth we sée the patient cruelly tormented and sometimes finish his dayes in such wise that their question riseth not how they shall cure him but how with medicines they may kill him My son Marcellus thou shalt aduise the fathers of the Senat if they bring thither vj. phisicke philosophers which be departed hence out of Grecia that they suffer them not to read or teache phisicke either to cure in the common welth bycause this art of medicine is so perillous to be exercised and so delicate to be vnderstoode that there be many that do learne and very few that do know it Of seauen notable benefites that proceedeth from the good Phisition BEhold here maister Doctor the beginning of your Phisick declared and how it was found how it was compiled how it was loste how it was banished how it was receiued and also how sorowfully she went wandring from common welth to common welth Master Doctor by your letter you also craue of me that I write vnto you not onely what I haue read of Phisick but also my iudgment therof whiche I will accomplish to do you pleasure and also for that it may be seene how much profite riseth from the good Phisition and what hurtes from the euill Medicine is to be praised bycause the maker of all things did create the same for the remedie of his creatures giuing vertue to waters plantes herbs stones also in wordes to the end that with all these things men should be cured and with their health serue him God is much 〈…〉 ed with the pacience which the sicke manne vseth but much more with the pacience charitie and hospitalitie that the whole and sound man performeth It is a thing religious and also necessary to procure bodily health and to serue God for if the sicke man haue good desires his workes bée weake but he that is whole sound and vertuous hath good desires and excellent and also notable workes Medicine is to be praised when it is in the handes of a Phisition that is learned graue wise stayed and of experience for such a Phisition with his science shal vnderstand the infirmitie with his wisdome séeke his medicine and with his great experience what and when to imploy the same Medicine is to be praised when the Phisition vseth not the same but in sharpe diseases that be very perillous which is to wit for the Pluresy Squinancy inflamation sharpe Feuer or Apoplexie bycause in cases so daungerous and in perils so perillous all thinges for health is to be prouided and the Phisition in all things
is spokē is If thou shut thy wife within doores she neuer ceasseth to complayne if thou giue hir leaue to walke at libertie she gyueth occasion for thy neighbours to talke and thy selfe to suspect and if thou do much chide she goeth always with a crooked countenance if thou say nothing none may endure hir if thy dispence be in hir disposition the stocke goeth to wrack if the laying out be in thine owne hands beware thy purse or secret sale of thy goodes if thou kéepe thée much at home she thinks thée suspicious and if thou come late home she will say that thou dost wander and if thou giue hir good garmentes she must go foorthe to be séene if she be not well apparelled thou art bidden to an euill supper if thou shewe thy selfe louing she estéemeth thée little if thou be negligent therein she suspecteth thée to be in loue els where if thou denie what she craueth she neuer ceaseth to be importunate finally if thou vnto hir discouer any secret she cannot but publish it behold here the reason and also the occasion wherefore if in the common wealth there be ten well maried there be a hundred that do liue abhorred and in repentaunce which presently would depart from their wiues house and chamber if they could finish with the Church as they can performe with their conscience If matrimony amongst Christians were as it is amongst the Gentiles to be diuorced at euery mans liking I sweare there would be more hast to the lent of diuorcement than to all the rest of the yeare to be maried That no man do marry but with his equall THe rules and counsels that I will giue here vnto those that are to be married and also vnto such as be already maried if they be not profitable to liue contented at the least they shall serue them to auoyde many displeasures The first holesome counsell is to vnderstande that the woman choose such a man and the man such a woman that there bée equalitie both in bloud and in estate whiche is to witte the Knight with the Knight the merchaunt with the merchaunt the Squier with the Squier and the ploughman with the ploughman For if herein there be disconformitie the more base shal liue most discontented and the other of more worthy degree very much repentant The marchaunt that marieth his daughter vnto a Knight and the riche ploughman that taketh a man of worship vnto his sonne in law I do say and affirme that they bring into their house a proclaymer of their infamie a certaine moth for their garments a tormenter of their fame and also a shortner of their liues In an euill houre hath he maried his sonne or daughter that hath brought into his house such a sonne in lawe or daughter in lawe that is ashamed to name him father whose daughter or sonne he or she hath maried in such mariadges it can not truely be said that they haue brought to house a son but a Deuill a daughter but a Snake not to serue but to offend not children but basilisks not to honour him but defame him Finally I say that he that marieth not his daughter with his equall shall finde it lesse euill to burie than to marie hir for if she die they shall bewayle hir but one day but to be euill maried is to bewayle hir many yeares The rich marchant the poore squier the wise plough man and the good townflike craftes man néedes no daughter in lawe that can frill and paint hir selfe but such as he skilfull very well to spinne for that day that such men shall presume to haue in vre the carpet and pillow that day they spoyle their house and their goods sinketh to the bottome I retourne agayne to say and affirme that such men beware that bringes into their houses a sonne in Lawe that presumeth of woorship and knoweth not but to walke vp downe the streates that accompteth to be a trim Courtier and that is skilfull at cardes and dice or boasteth himselfe for running of horses for in such cases the poore father in lawe must fast to the ende the foolish sonne in lawe may haue to spend in follies But the conclusion of this counsell shall be that al men marry their children with their equall and according to their estate otherwise I doe certyfie before the yeare be out it shall raigne vpon their heades that séeke a foolishe or an inconuenient mariage Also it is a counsell very expedient that euery man choose a wife according to his complexion and condition for if the father marry the sonne or if the sonne do marry of necessitie not at his liking the sorrowfull yong man may not say of a troth that they haue maried him but for euermore haue marrd him To the ende that marriages be perpetual louing and pleasant betwixt the man and the woman there must be a knitting of hartes before stryking of hands it is very conuenient that the Father gyue counsell vnto the sonne that he marry to his contentation but in no wise to vse violence to force him against his lyking for all violent marriages engender hatred betwixt the married contention betwixt the fathers scandall amongst the neyghboures lawe betwixt the parents and quarrelles betwixt the kinred neyther is it my opinion that anye should marry sodainly and secretly as a vayne light yong man for euery mariage done onely in respect of loue without further aduisement most tymes doe ende in sorrowes It is a thing very common that a yong man of small age and lesse experience but of to much libertie knowing not what he doeth loue and muche lesse what he taketh in hand groweth enamoured of a young gyrle and marrieth with hir which at the very instant when he hathe finished to tast hir he beginneth presently to abhorre hir The thing that is most to be procured betwixt the married is that they loue entierly and feruently for otherwise they shall all day goe sorrowing with crooked countenances and the neighbours shall haue no want whereof to speake Also I will aduise them to haue their loues fixed true and sure settling in the hart by little and little for otherwise by the selfe same way that loue came running they shall sée hir returne flying I haue séene many in this world loue in greate haste whiche I haue knowen afterwardes abhorre at great leasure One of the moste painfullest things contained in mans life is that if there be a hūdred permanent and constant in loue there is also a hundred thousand that neuer cease to abhorre It is also to be aduertised that the counsell which I giue vnto the father to make no mariage without consent of his sonne the same I giue vnto the sonne that he marie not against the will of his Father for otherwise it may come to passe to receiue more offence by the malediction of his father than his mariage portion may yéelde him profit
the name of Moores establed in Africa when the lawe of Mahomet was there first receyued Now resteth it to discouer vnto your Lordship wherefore this name Greate is attributed to the Turke seeing it is a title which none but he vseth other Princes being onely and simply called by the names of Kings or Emperours For better vnderstanding whereof knowe you that in the yeare 1308. when Michael Palealogos was Emperour of Constantinople and Bonifacius the 8. chiefe Byshop of Rome There sprang amōgst the Turkes a family of Othomans much fortunate famous ouer all Asia in such sort that those Turkes surnamed Othomans enlarged the limits of their rule and reuenewes of their crowne more in 200. yeares than any of their predecessors had in 800. These Othomans discended of base linage and were naturally of Prusea thrée dayes iorneys from Trapezoncia The first Prince of this nation called Othoman tooke this name vppon him at his erecting of a Castle in the cuntrey of Gallana which he did to perpetuate the memorie of the Othomans name This Othoman the first subdued many prouinces of the Kings his adioyning neighbours he wan all that which stretched from Bithynia vnto the Sea Cocsin He brought to his obedience many fortresses towardes the Sea Pontick and all the Cities standing on the Sea costs named Teutonica with the Towne of Sina aunciently named Sebastia Leauing to succeede him his only sonne named Orchanees second Emperour of the Turkes of the race of Othomans whiche conquered many prouinces from the Empyre of Palialogos but especially he obtained the countries of Lycaonia Phrygia Missina and Carye he tooke by force Prusia now called Bursia which was the abiding seate of the Kyngs of Bythynie in whiche he receyued his mortall wound in the firste yeare of the raigne of Iohn King of Fraunce To whome succeeded Amurathes his sonne who imitating the steppes of hys Father and Grandfather in passing an arme of the Sea Hellispont in Abidie to inuade the Greekes tooke Galiapolys with diuers other Townes and afterwardes suddaynely with a mightie power sette vpon the Emperor of Constantinople that nothing mistrusted him and wanne Seruia and Bulgaria but in the ende he was killed by a seruitor After Amurathes succéeded by succession two infants Solyman and Baiazeth which by treason murdred his brother Solyman whereby he alone enioyed the Empire of Turkie and to reuenge the murdering of his father hée attempted sharpe warres agaynst Marke the Lorde of Bulgaria whome he vanquished and flewe and subdued a greate parte more of his country Shortly after he ouercame the prouinces of Hungaria Albania and Valachia and there committing many spoyles and dammages he tooke diuers christian prisoners which he ledde in miserable captiuitie into Thracia to whiche Baiazeth succéeded in right of inheritance two infants one named Mahomet and the other Orchanees which by his vnnatural brother Mahomet was depriued of lyfe so as the gouernment of the Empire was wholly in Mahomet who by might conquered the Valachians and layde vpon them a gréeuous tribute after hée inuaded the Satrapes of Asia and recouered all the countries whiche the greate Tamberlens souldiers before had taken hée chased his owne kynred and aliaunce from Galacie Pontus Capadocia not sparing nor once pitying any noble personages or princes of his own bloud He alwaies kept himselfe in Drinople the Metropolike Citie of Thracia there placing his imperiall seate from thence exiling such Christians as were remayning and inhabiting there in the seuentéenth yeare of his Empire To this Mahomet succéeded his sonne called Amurathes hée ordayned first the Ianissayres runnagate christians to defend his person by whose valiancie hée togither with his successors haue subdued the East With force he inuaded Hungaria Bosina Albania Vallachia and Grecia he toke Thessalonia from the Venetians he obtayned victorie against Laodislaus king of Polonia against the Cardinall Iulian and against Huniades When Amurathes was deade his sonne named Mahomet succéeded in his place whiche with homicide entred his gouernement for bycause his father shoulde not be buryed alone hée slewe his yoonger broother to kéepe companie with his deade father This wicked Prince beleeued in no God hée affirmed Mahomet a false Prophete like vnto himselfe Hée also scorned all Saintes Patriarches and Prophetes This Mahomet was of hearte lyke Alexander the greate in good fortune a Cesar in trauell a Haniball in Iustice a Traian in vyces a Lucullus and in cruelties a seconde Nero. Hée was of greate courage well fauoured euyll coloured friend to Iustice and hyghly delyghted in martiall affayres Hée was in féeding a glutton and in the actes of Venus much impacient To hunting an enimie and to Musicke no friend Hée delyghted to exercyse him selfe sometymes with feates of armes and sometymes in reading histories This Mahomet conquered from the Christians the Empire of Constantinople and Trapezonda Hée wanne twoo hundred townes and twelue Realmes that is to saye Pontus Bythinia Capadocia Pamphilia Licia Sicilia Papblagonia Acbaria Lydia Phrygia Hellespont and Morea Hée also wanne the Segniories of Achaia Carcania and Epyrus and all the Fortes and Cities néere the ryuer Randabelo Hée likewyse obtayned a greate parte of Macedonia and of the Prouince of Bulgaria togyther with the lande of Roscia and the mountaynes Serbye euen to the lake Nicomante Moreouer bée conquered all the Cities Prouinces and Fortresses that were betwéene Andrinopolis and the famous ryuer Danubia and Balaquian also the Isle Mitilene and the foresayde Bosina These and muche more did this miscreaunt Mahomet vanquishe and subdue And yet notwithstanding as Historiographers reporte hée woulde amongest his wayghtie affayres consume muche tyme in abhominable vyces This was hée whiche firste acquyred to himselfe the glorious tytle and name of Greate Turke and Emperour of all the house and race of Othomans whose predecessoures before his tyme were alwayes intytuled Kings or Turkes He raygned thirtie twoo yeares and dyed of the Collicke foure dayes after hée syckened in the yeare of our sauiour Christ 1492. In whiche yeare of this Tirantes deathe was the Citie of Granado taken by the King Don Ferdinando To this Mahomet succéeded in Empyre and name of Greate Turke a seconde Baiazeth who in his Fathers lyfe by procurement of the Ianissayres and in the hope of theyr ayde purposed to vsurpe the state and Empyre to himselfe And as the father béeyng nowe verie olde coulde yéelde no remedie nor reuenge to his disloyall sonne dyed for thought so was his life whiche by enimies coulde not bée taken awaye loste by the enuyes of his children Now if your Lordshippe desire more amplie to reade the wryters of this historie I will when it please you bring them vnto you From Tolledo the .7 of Ianuarie 1533. A letter to Don Frances of Villoa expounding certayne straunge and auncient Epitaphes MAgnificent and curious Knyght for answere to the letter whiche Peter de Heredia maister of youre house deliuered mée at Carsares the 15. of
interpretation of bookes If ye will say that those whiche presently be called Moores or Turkes be the same people whereof the Prophet speaketh Scrutati sunt iniquitates herevnto I answer that as false is the one as the other for as muche as if we will haue regarde vnto the time of the raigne of King Dauid which did prophesie the same vntill the time of Mahomet the first inuentor and conductor of the sect of the Moores we shall find that there dyd passe lesse than 2000. and more than 1800. yeares If we would say and affirme that the Prophet did meane and direct his speech vnto the Christians I saye also it is most false and repugnant vnto all troth for being admitted that the Christian faith had beginning to raigne 600. yeares before the sect of the Moores and more than 3000. yeares after the beginning of the Gentilitie or the Heathen from the tyme that this prophecie was written at Ierusalem vnto the time they began to name themselues Christians at Antioch there passed more than a thousand yeares and also thrée hundred yeares more for aduantage Behold here truly verifyed that since the prophecie may not be aduouched vpon the Gentiles the Moores neyther yet the Christians that it is to be vnderstood spoken vnto you Iewes more expressely for that the Prophet saith not Scruteront but Scruterent giuing vs to vnderstande that many yeares before King Dauid did pronounce the same youre auncesters had then already begon to corrupt the sacred Scriptures and to adde vnto the same erroneous glosses I lie not neyther do I repent to haue sayd that your auncient fathers Scrutati sunt iniquitates since they haue no grace to vnderstand the Prophecie of Ieremie which sayth post dies multos dicit dominus dabo meam legem in visceribus illorum in corde eorū ad scribā legem meam As if he wold haue sayd After many dayes and after many yeares I will create a newe people and will giue them a new lawe whiche I my selfe will wright in theyr bowells and hide within their harts to the ende that no persone shall falsefy the same and muche lesse shall they be able to forget it Then as the Prophecie which sayth Scrutati sant iniquitates c. is spoken onely vnto you and not to all men in lyke manner this Prophecie of Ieremy whiche sayth dabo legem in visceribus illorum c. is spoken vnto vs Christians and not to you Iewes For as muche as our Catholike fayth consisteth more in that which is rooted within our hartes than in that whyche is written in bookes in such manner the weale of the Christian lieth not in that whiche hée readeth but in that which he beléeueth The maruels that Christe hathe done and the doctrines which he hath giuen vnto the world It is necessary and well done to knowe and also to reade them but it is muche more founde and sure to beléeue them for the number is infinite which be saued without reading but not one persone without well beléeuing The Edicts and Proclamations which they ordeyned and the lawes of Moses Promotheus Solon Licurgus and Numa Pompilius were all written with their handes and preserued and kept safe in their originals within their liberties but the law of Iesus Christ ought most certaynly to be writtē within our harts for that in as much that the Lord gaue vs no other law but the law of loue he did like and thought it better that we shoulde search and find the same within our hartes than within our bookes And not without great mistery God sayd by the mouth of your Prophet that the law which his sonne should giue vs that he shuld first write it within the harts before the Euangelist shuld reduce them by writing into bookes for after this manner it might not be forgotten neyther yet burned And so if youre auncient predecessors hadde obtayned the law of Moyses written in their harts as they had them writtē in old parchment they had not in times past worshipped the Idolls of Baal Bell Pegor Asterot Bahalim and Belzebub for whiche offence you were caried captiue into straunge countries and falne into your enimies hands How it came to passe that the Hebrew tong was lost IN like manner ye vsed me with no small despight for that in disputing against you I alleaged youre Esay where God the Father speaking vnto his owne proper sonne sayde these wordes parum est mihi vt suscites tribus Iacob feces Israell dedit te in lucem gentium vt sis salus mea vsque ad extremum terrae As if hée would haue sayd it is no great matter that thou serue me to suscitate and raise vp the lies of Iacob and to conuert the dregges of Israell for I haue giuen thee also for a light vnto the Gentiles to the ende that thou shalt be my sauing health vnto the ende of the worlde There is no man hauing read although but little in the holy Scripture that will not saye and affirme that the Prophet Esay was not an Hebrew borne a Prophet of a noble line and right eloquent in the scriptures for which cause you ought rather to blame and complayne of him which doth call and tearme you lies and dregges of Iacob than of me the which in all oure diputations haue not at any time alleaged any Christian doctor but only Hebrewish Prophets I saye agayne that you haue small reason to be offended with him or me for there is another Prophet which doth call you off scowring another venim another lies another dregs another ordure another slime another smoke another filthe in suche wise that as oft as ye did not ceasse to sin so did they not ceasse to blason and to expresse you with most perfect tearmes Are ye able to denie that of your priesthood of your Scepter of your Temple of your Realme of your lawe of youre tong either of your scripture is there any remayning but the lies which smelleth and the dregs which stinketh Surely that which was in youre lawe cleare nete precious and odoriferous long before the incarnation was consumed and that little which remayned in Iesus Christ did take an end And as cōcerning the priesthood of your law the great sacrificer or the high Priest ought he not to be extract out of the Trybe of Leuy whereof you haue nothing left but the lies for yet in the time of yonger and better dayes it was no more giuen vnto the Leuits that did best deserue it but vnto him that offred most siluer in such wise that to him that offred most and had greatest skill to flatter the priesthood was giuē as when a garment is sold by the drumme Likewise of your Scepter royal what haue you but the lyes for Herod Eskalonite a straunger did not onely vsurpe your Realme but by industry caused the Prince Antigonus sonne to Alexander your King
to be drowned the finall end of youre Realme of Iudea and of the Crowne of Israell What shall we say of your most auncient Temple so magnificent in buildings and so holy in the action of sacrifice surely ye haue no other thing but the lies For ye well know that forty yeares and no more After ye crucifyed the Lorde Iesus Christe the Emperours Titus and Vaspasian the father and sonne did sack destroy and burne the same Of the Monarchy of your kingdome muche lesse haue you not of any thing than the lies for that from the time the great Pompâ—y passed into Asia and subdued Palestine he neuer after committed fayth to any Iewe I say to giue him any speciall charge of gouernmeÌ„t in the Citie or defence of any fortresse but perpetually did shew your selues subiect to the Romaynes not as Vassals but rather as slaues If we should speake of your auncient language of the old carrecters of your wrightings we should likewise finde that you haue not any thing left but lies and for proofe thereof first I pray you tell me whiche is he amongst you that knoweth the language of your ancesters either can reade or else vnderstand any of the auncient Hebruish bookes But nowe to bring you to the knowledge thereof I shall deduce notwithstanding it doth not like you directly and successiuely the beginning of your Hebrewish tong and how by little and little it was lost agayne Wherein you haue to vnderstand that the Patriarke Noe with his children and Nephewes escaping the Floud went and did settle in the countrey of Caldea the situation whereof is vnder the fourth Climate the RegioÌ„ after the Floud first inhabited and populat from whence be issued the Aegiptians Sarmits Greekes Latines and all other Nations In the same Region I meane beyond the riuer Euphrates and neare vnto Mesopotamie the Patriark Abraham was borne and nourished the whiche being called of God came to dwell in the countrie of Canaan afterwardes named Siria the lesse the countrey where the good old Abraham and his generation did most inhabit In those days in that countrey of Canaan they had in vse to speake another language named Sirien very differeÌ„t from the Calde tong But as Abraham and hys posteritie dwelling in that countrey many yeares these two languages by processe of time grewe to be corrupted Abraham hys family and successors being not able to learne the Sirien spéeche neyther the Siriens the Calde tong of these two languages there remayned in vse one which was named the Hebrew Also you haue to vnderstand that this name Hebrew is as much to say as a man that is a straunger or come from beyond the Riuer and for that Abraham was come from the other side of the Riuer Euphrates he was generally called Hebrew in such wise that of this name Hebrew by the which Abraham was called the spéeche tong and language was also named Hebraique and not Caldean notwithstanding that hée was of Caldea Many Doctors Gréekes and Latins haue sayde that the Hebrew tong doth come from Heber the sonne of Sale and that it was the language which was in vse and spoken before the generall Floud notwithstanding Rabialhazer Mosanahadach Aphesrura Zimibi and Sadoc your most anciente and famous Hebrew doctors do sweare and affirme that the first spéeche and language in this world was lost in the construction or to say better the confusion of the towre of Babylon without perfection remayning in any one word of their language And then since the language of Noe was lost the Caldean conuerted into the Sirien and the Sirien into the Hebrew it came to passe that Iacob with his twelue sonnes went to dwel in Egipt where they did soiorne so long Captiues that very neare they forgate the Hebrue tong neyther aptly coulde learne the Egiptian language remayning in their spéech and pronounciation corrupted And as after the destruction of the second Temple as also the totall and finall losse and destruction of the holy lande That your brethren were dispersed throughout the worlde for the most part Captiues and that in you ther remayned nothing but the lies of Iacob the things desolate of Israell God did permitte that they shoulde ioyntly take ende both the forme of your life and the manner of your spéech Behold here honorable Iewes sufficiently proued by your owne doctors that of your countrey language renowne glory and the whole state of your Sinagoge ye haue nothing left but the lies as the Prophet sayth and the dregs and grounds of the tubbe In suche manner that ye haue neither Lawe to obserue King to obey Scepter to estéeme priesthood to aduaunce youre honor Temple to pray in Citie to inhabit neyther language to speake And for that the scope and proofe of your obstination and oure healthe and saluation doth lye and consist in the veritie of the Scripture whiche we haue receyued and the falshoode and corruption of theÌ„ which you confesse it shall be expedient to recite how where and when youre Scriptures were corrupted and lost euen as I haue produced and broughte foorth the losse of your language Ye haue therefore to vnderstande that the fyue bookes of the lawe the which your greate Duke Moyses did write after he came foorth of the Land of Egypt and before he entred the lande of promisse and those whiche were written by the Prophet Samuell and Esdras were all written in the Hebrew tong without any addition of the Egiptian language for youre Moyses being inspired by God in all the things hée did take in hand did wright these bookes in the most auncient Hebrew tong which is to vnderstande in the very same that Abraham did speake at his comming out of Calde God giuing you thereby to vnderstand that you should haue folowed your father Abraham not onely in the forme of your life but also in your spéech During the time that Moyses Aaron Iosue Ezechiell Caleph Gedeon and all the fourtéene Dukes did gouerne your Aliama vntill the decease of the excellent King Dauid the lawe of Moyses was alway well vnderstood and indifferently wel obserued But after the decease of these good personages and the kingdome and gouernment being come into the handes of the successors of Dauid the Sinagoge was neuer more well gouerned neyther the Scriptures well vnderstoode I woulde saye not well vnderstoode generally of the twelue Tribes There were notwithstanding alwayes some particular persones of the house of Israell the whiche were agreable and also acceptable vnto God and to the common wealth very profitable That your law was not from thencefoorth wel vnderstood is most euident for it was prohibited and defended in your Aliama that neyther the visions of Ezechiell the sixt Chapter of Esay the booke of the Canticles of Salomon the booke of Iob neyther the lamentations of Ieremy should be read or commented by any person whiche was done not bycause the bookes