Publishing somâ— Acts of his with other detestable Crimes laid tâ— his Charge whether true or false let them looâ— to it who industriously spread them abroad Yâ—â— it was not quite put out till the Arch-Bishop â—â— Canterbury upon whom among others a greâ—â— Crime was rais'd for procuring his Death haâ— accursed the Priest this William's Kinsman 〈◊〉 had openly divulged the Vertue the Chain wheâ—â—with William was bound in the time of his Imprâ—sonment had upon a Man sick of the Feaver This Instance sufficiently proves that the namâ— of Liberty sounds sweet and that such as prâ—mise to procure it shall have Admirers and Foâ—lowers enough But that also the Favour of thâ— Multitude is deceitful and for a Man to put 〈◊〉 his â—â—at to the People many times is the occasioâ— of losing his Head is evidently manifested by thâ— very same Example How small an Occasion is iâ— that sometimes raises a Man's Fame Yet you here find as petty small Matters soon likewise depress it That is no lasting Name that depends meerly upon Vulgar Breath To Defend the Poor and Needy and protect the Oppressed is a plausible Plea Yet it shall go hard but the Rich Oppressor will find one way or other to ruine that Man in his Goods and good Name if not as to his Life who undertakes so noble a Defence As this King Richard under whose Reign these two Informers rose up was Couragious and Valiant in his Life so a little before his Death an Act of his Magnanimity and Christian Forbearance was shewed by him in his freely forgiving and remitting the Person then in his Power that occasioned his Death after that he heard from the other's Confession that in that Deed he intended to avenge the Death of his Father and Brethren before slain by the King But yet the Man scaped not with his Life though forgiven by King Richard if that be true which is said of the Duke of Brabant that he after caused him to be taken flead quick and hanged After Richard's Decease his Brother John being then in Normandy seizes upon his Treasure and not long after procures himself to be crown'd King at Westminster though in prejudice to the Title of an Elder Brother's Son Whereto his Mother Eleanor is thought to have contributed not a little being possibly desirous rather to set the Crown upon her Son's Head under whom she might hope to have a greater Share in the Government than she could reasonably expect under her Grand-child then within Age where her Daughter-in-law the other 's Mother was likely to bear the greatest sway So that the ambitious Desire of Rule is not incident only to Men but invadâ— even the Hearts of the Female Sex Here thâ— Mother's Ambition raises up her Younger Son even to the Prejudice of her Eldest Son's Heir Though Women be born subject to Men yet it â—â— in a manner connatural to them to desire the Power of commanding them at their own will and pleasure Shew me the Land where the Scepter hatâ— not often bowed to the Dâ—staff and the Princâ— Power together with his heart been subject to â— câ—pricious Womans Humour When they creep in to Mens Hearts and lye in their Bosoms it is 〈◊〉 wonder that they dive into their Secrets and swaâ— their Councels So that the Affairs of the State often turn upon the Hinges of an Imperious Woman'â— Will. Under even the most Absolute Despotical Government of the Turks the Ottoman Power manâ— times lies in a Womans Breast and the Sultanaâ—â— do not seldome over-rule the Consults of the Divan Of which let the Ambitious Roxolana sometime Empress to Solyman the Magnificent sufficâ— for an Inâ—tance But what need we go so far when as neareâ— home our own Ears if not our Eyes may serve for Witnesses of this Truth Yet to the Glory oâ— England be it spoken this Land flourished in sucâ— Peace and Prosperity even to a Miracle undeâ— Queen Elizabeth and the Tranquility of her Reigâ— hath so Honourably Consecrated her Memory iâ— Fame's Temple that few of our English Monarchs ever equal'd her none that I know of all those who went off the Throne surpassed her The Happiness indeed of her Reign may possibly be imputed much to the Wisdom of her Conduct in suffering the Affairs of the Nation to be guided by thâ— Councels of Men Whereas under some of ouâ— Kings our Governours have had such a deal of Chamber-practice that the State hath been much â—t the Guidance of Women or else of such Effeâ—inate Persons as were quite degenerated from â—he Spirits and Courage of their Ancestors as â—ho by their Immoralities Luxury and Debauâ—heries had little left in them of Heroick and Masculine and were scarce fit for any thing else â—ut to be dub'd Knights of the Carpet But what ever was the Title and Means we â—nd John got into the Throne and by the aid â—e obtained of his Lords and Commons before â—â—e End of the Year to recover what was lost â— Normandy we may conclude it was not withâ—ut their Consents From Stow's Relation 't is â—â—ain enough that he was Elected at London â—fter that Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had â—ade a Speech to that purport in the Presence â—f the Bishops Earls Barons and Others They 〈◊〉 may be preferring him a Man of Courage â—nd Spirit and so fitter to rule and govern the â—ealm before the Title of young Arthur then 〈◊〉 his Non-age though of the Elder House For seldom 't is that unusual Changes happen â—ithout some previous Preparatives to make way â—â—r them And if a Nation hath once fixt upon a â—ule to guide the Succession they do not presentâ—â— vary from it but upon urgent Occasion So find â—e in Kingdoms meerly and properly Elective â—â—ey commonly chuse the next Heir of the Blood 〈◊〉 less upon the Interposition of some notable Imâ—â—diment In Sweden that War-like Nation amidst the â—â—eatest Success of their Arms submitted themâ—â—â—ves to Gustavus Adolphus's Heir though a Child â—â—d of the Female Sex and when she grew up to Womans Estate they would willingly have coâ—tinued her their Queen would she but have Marâ—â—ed according to their Desires When that great Change happened in Denmâ—â—â— of late Years which turned it from an Elective 〈◊〉 an Hâ—redâ—tary Kingdom we may have heard it wâ—â— effected by the Policy of the present King whâ— made use of the Distractions of the Nation thâ—â— almost conquered by the Sweeds and that Scaâ—â—ing of Fame he had got by defending his Capitâ—â— City against their furious Assaults to encline thâ— pâ—â—ty Remainder of his Subjects to give way â—â— such an universal Change in the Constitution 〈◊〉 their Government So that whatever Towns or Câ—ties were afterwards reduced they must be coâ—tent to yield to the new-made Law as the establisâ—ed Decree of the Nation A hard thing it migâ—â— possibly appear to such who had no hand in thâ— making of that Ordinance and it may be woulâ— not very readily have given their
to have been there kept and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days to fight for which to observe the King and many others had been sworn besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement Such then being the cause contended for these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided All things in a manner thus tending to War the Barons drew towards London that 's their Place of Rendezvous where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets I find not or thinking they had most to lose they feared to be the greatest Sufferers if the chance of War should fall cross or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes and were in probability likely to get more if the Barons should prevail or at least keep what they had gotten Hence 't is plain that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared Wherefore the Commons as men enraged made to themselves Two Captains Thomas de Pywelden and Stephen Bukkerel whom they named Constables of the City At whose Commandment by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls all the City should be ready in Arms to give Attendance upon the said Captains About the beginning of Lent the Constable of the Tower Sir Hugh Le Spencer came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes who after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains without knowledge what to do or whither to go followed them unto Thystleworth beyond Westminster and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans Richard the King's Brother setting it on Fire and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London This Richard King of the Romans appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties but after this outrage what else could be expected but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power Though 't is commonly seen that from War most come home by Weeping Cross yet there are still too too many found that desire to fish in troubled Waters Would any but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds have counselled such a Fact as this in the midst of Civil broils thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace likely to prevail to become a man of War and which was worse an Enemy a powerful Enemy instead of a peaceable Friend In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free who were strangers of different Rites and Customs and so odious to the Common People That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury we find by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London on Palmsunday week The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews by the King's Grant According to which rate they might take iâ— any Summ lent greater or lesser A reasonable man would have thought this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred Usury unconscionable enough of any sense While the Land stood thus divided into Parties the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex with a strong Power whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him Accordingly in the end of April the Barons with many of the Citizens in the vaward departed from London taking their Journey towards the King and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power by common consent drawing up a Letter sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King But the Answers were so rough and in such a stile that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel and final determiner of the Contest so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other though of the same Nation and Kindred The Barons well perceiving by these Answers that there was no other way but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword they went forward towards the King Wednesday May the 24th 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons wherein by the Will of Providence the Victory sell to the Barons with such a total rout to the other Party that they took Prisoners the King his Brother his Son with many other Noble-Men to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets above Twenty Thousand being slain according to my Author's Account After this so compleat a Victory the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere the Barons kept the King his Brother and Son till they came to London This was the place wherein they had found Shelter and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City there to shew the Trophies of their Victory Now we may easily conclude that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent And so acccordingly we find a Grant made and an Agreement that if any were thought unreasonable they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty And if the four accorded not the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case To continue this accord the firmer the King's Son and his Brother were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated A Parliament was also appointed to be
against his lawful Soveraign and not be Treason If you say by Election of the State you speak not reason for what Power hath the State to Elect while any is Living that hath Right to Succeed But such a Successor is not the Duke of Lancaster as descended from Edmund Crouchback the Elder Son of King Edward the Third though put by the Crown for deformity of his Body for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation Seeing it is a thing Notorious that this Edmund was neither the Elder Brother nor yet Crook-Back't though called so from some other reason but a goodly Personage and without any deformity And your selves cannot forget a thing so lately done who it was that in the Fourth Year of King Richard was declared by Parliament to be Heir to the Crown in case King Richard should dye without Issue But why then is not that Claim made Because silent Leges inter Arma What dispuâ—â—ng of Titles against the stream of Power But however it iâ— extream Injustice that King Richard should be condemn'd without being heard or once allowed to make his Defence And now My Lords I have spoken thus at this time that you may consider of it before it be too late for as yet it is in your Power to undo that justly which you have unjustly done Much to this Purpose was the Bishop's Speech but to as little purpose as if he had gone about to call back Yesterday The Matter was too far gone and scarce a Person there present that had not a Hope of either a private or publick Benefit by that which was done Yet against this Speech of the Bishop there was neither protesting nor excepting It passed in the House as but one Man's Opinion And as for the King it was neither fit he should use much Severity against any Member of that Parliament which had so lately shewed so much Indulgence towards him nor indeed safe to be too hot in his Punishment when he was yet scarce warm in his Government Yet for a warning to use their Liberty of Speech with more Moderation hereafter the Bishop was Arrested by the Marshal and Committed to Prison in the Abby of St. Albans but afterwards without further Censure set at Liberty till upon a Conspiracy of Lords wherein he was a Party he was Condemned to Dye though through Extremity of Grief he prevented Execution Thus far the Chronicle King Henry is now got into the Throne Richard being thrust into a Prison and afterwards into his Grave and yet I don't find him so secure and well settled but that he had many 〈◊〉 Enemies ever and anon to Contest with and 〈◊〉 a few secret disguis'd Ones to fear and suspect with so many prickly Thorns was his new-gotten Crown lin'd Therefore we have little reason to believe he would ever wilfully disoblidge that City whose Power and Strength he so well knew The Mummery design'd by some discontented Lords to be acted upon him at Twelfthtide at Windsor in the First of his Reign The Battle fought between him and Sir Henry Hotspur at Shrewsbury in the Third The Rising about York in the Sixth And the Battle of Bramâ—am Moore in the Eighth besides several other secret Attempts and Conspiracies were as so many Admonitions to him to Fortify himself what be could with the Citizens love and affection as his surest earthly Bulwark and Defence next to his prosperous Success in the aforesaid Contests which prevented the discontented from coming near enough to London to attempt the raising there of new Broils and Commotions to disturb his Repose and the Cities Peace if he had any Evil-willers therein capable of receiving ill Impressions As perhaps he had but few there such Care he took to oblidge them and scarce any occasion given to breed Murmurs and Complaints among them For He who meerly at the Commons request in the Fifth of his Reign remov'd Four of his Menial Servants out of his House when he openly declar'd in Parliament he then knew no cause thereof but only for that they were hated of the People and so often gratified his House of Commons in their Petitions about his prime and principal Officers and privy Councellors must needs be thought more ready to encrease the Number of his Friends than to make himself more Enemies especially in a City of such 〈◊〉 Riches Power and Strength as London was 〈◊〉 known to be beyond denial dispute or contradiction The City flourished under this King in the Renovation of old the Guildhall of London and the Erecting of new publick Structures the Conduit upon Cornhil and the Stocks-Market-House was famous abroad for the abundance of her Traffique and number of her Traders and increas'd at home in Repute and Renown by the prevailing of her Mayor and Commonalty in their Contest with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and other Lords and Knights about pulling up the Wares in Thames over which by their Charter they claim'd a large Power as Conservators of that their beloved River besides the many grounds and reasons the King had to Glory in his confidence of the Love and Loyalty of her Citizens and rejoyce in the continuance of their Affection to him and his Family As is evident from the timely Advertisement the Mayor brought him in the First of his Reign of the Conspiracy of the discontented Lords who under the colour of Christmas Pastimes as Mumming c. design'd Treacherously to have Slain him to the forcing him very seasonably as incredulous as he was before into a belief of the reality of the Plot and accompanied him the same Night from Windsor to London whereby he purchas'd to himself Security disappointed the Conspirators and got time and opportunity to punish the Plotters And may also be inferr'd from the successful care the Mayor Sheriffs and other Citizens took in stilling the midnight difference happening in Eastcheap on Midsomer-Eve in the Twelfth of his Reign when two of his younâ—â—â— Sons Sup't there late at Night and might 〈◊〉 have been greatly indanger'd had the 〈◊〉 lasted any time These are Instances I 〈◊〉 expresly mention'd in History and who knows â—ow many more there might be that were never so â—uch taken Notice of by the Writers of that Age â—s to be carefully transmitted to Posterity by their 〈◊〉 Peradventure there were many more Evidenâ—â—s But I will not so much insist upon an Argument â—hat is but barely possible and probable nor with â—â—lly and impertinence enough stay to beg the â—oint of the Reader upon an uncertain surmise and â—â—njecture Though it would be as absurd in him 〈◊〉 affirm That all things ever done in the World 〈◊〉 the Invention of Letters have been commitâ—â—d to Paper as it would be monstrously Ridiculous 〈◊〉 to pretend to have seen and read all things remarkable that ever were Wrote of this Honourable City and her praise-worthy Actions 'T is enough for my weakness and inability if I can tolerably make out what I have here design'd concerning
then the Mayor and Aldermen with their Assistance took Councel together to drive him and his Adherents out of the City and oppose his further entrance thereunto The effect whereof in the Issue was that After a sharp bickering and contest upon the Bridge the Mayor and the Citizens got the better the Kentish-Men were worsted a truce for a few hours was concluded on whereof the Lord Chancellor took the Advantages by a general pardon to disperse the malecontent and Cade himself was within a little time after Slain in a Garden in Sussex So fatal was it to him by this his Robberies thus to have displeas'd the Citizens For Fabian tells us expresly that had it not been for that he might have gone far and brought his purpose to good effect if he had intended well And so Prejudicial might it have been to the Court had he not by these extravagancies forfeited that favour and respect which had before been shewn him at London to such a degree that the Commons were very highly incens'd against Alderman Horne for opposing the admission of him and his company thereinto at a Common-Councel held by the Mayor aâ— Guild-Hall and speaking vehemently against such as were for his entrance and ceas'd not saith thâ— Annalist till they had him committed to New-gate But now the tide is turn'd again and the King himself is joyfully received by the Citizens of that very same place from whence ere-while he thoughâ— it his best security to depart As the Citizens Favour ebb'd and flow'd such was the posture of his affairs in the wane or the full so stooâ— his fortune either increasing or decreasing where of here is a demonstration that no body can deny thaâ— has but an Historial Faith unless he woulâ— have us believe that the many Historians thâ—â— writ hereof could joyn altogether in an unusual confederacy at several times and from several placeâ— to impose a manifest falshood upon posterity An Opinion almost as absur'd pardon the compariâ—on though not to that degree as theirs who â—s foolishly as prophanely fancy the original Penâ—en of the Scriptures made a mutual agreement though in several ages and from different parts of â—he Universe to obtrude those writings â—pon the World for the Word of the Eternal God 〈◊〉 of I know not what design of State-Policy to keep 〈◊〉 Common People in greater aw and subjection to â—â—eir Governours How fair a Cast the Yorkists lately had for the â—ame through the City's Favour till their own 〈◊〉 management lost it we have seen But that as not all It left such a rub in their way that may be suppos'd to have spoyl'd their bowling upâ—â— the next open adventure For in the thirtieth 〈◊〉 the Duke of York in Person having rais'd an â—â—my upon disgusts and pretences and the King â—â—ing in the Head of another to oppose Him He 〈◊〉 out of the way and eschews the Kings 〈◊〉 and hastens as fast as he could up to London â—â—ping doubtless for assistance or recruits thence 〈◊〉 being deceived in his expectations upon notice â—â—en him that the Londoners would not admit his â—rance to refresh himself or his People he â—â—ightwayspasses away from London over the Thames 〈◊〉 Kent and what pray now was the event 〈◊〉 Not according to his wishes successful we may 〈…〉 For from the History we may easily 〈◊〉 he thought it his greatest interest to come 〈◊〉 terms of accommodation with the King had 〈◊〉 such been his apprehensions doubtless he would 〈◊〉 have yielded thereto dismisses his Army and 〈◊〉 in Person into his Majesties Presence where 〈◊〉 with the Duke of Somerset he 〈◊〉 was accused of conspiring the Kings Death and usurpation of the Crown and sent before the King as a Prisoner to London where he was kept a while till upon a Report of his Sons coming with another Army towards London the Queen and Her Councel thought it convenient to set him at Liberty upon taking openly his Oath of Submission and Allegiance at the High-Altar in St. Pauls-Church before the King and great part of His Nobility To what a plunge was the Duke and his party here driven and with how many difficultyes did the King and his side likewise contest while neither of them were absolutely sure and certain of the City that she would cordially assist the one against the other York was disappointed in his Hopes and Confidence of the Citys favour and thereupon had run himself into great danger for which he knew at that Instant no better remedy than to swear over again his Allegiance to him whom he had intended and designed for a long time to depose The Kings Party heard of an Army marching up towards London against them and rather then venture to throw themselves upon the hazard of a battail withouâ— better assurance of the Citys Love and affection they consented to set at Liberty the Head of the oppositâ— Party then in their Hands a Prisoner and permiâ— him to go whither he pleas'd notwithstanding they had so much reason to fear and dread his Designs And possibly they esteem'd it greater wisdom to Temporise for a Season till they had made their Party visibly stronger in London and more able to copâ— with that secret reserve of favourers which they might fear the Duke of York had still in the City as concluding him and his party a litle better advised than to break out into open Arms againsâ— the present established Government without somâ— probability of help and assistance thence or at leasâ— some suggestions thereof before they put on theiâ— Armour This seeming not an irrational supposal appears to me to carry the face of another argument of the Citys Power For t is undeniably plain that the Yorkists carryed the day when she afterwards within a few years declared her self openly for them as I shall come by and by to shew when I have produc'd two or three passages more as further evincing proofs of this Honourable Citys Strength and Influence One is noted in Fabian in the Thirtyfifth year upon occasion of dissention and unkindness hapning between the young Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Salisbury's Son both at that time lodg'd within the City For the Mayor having notice hereof is expresly said to have ordain'd such Watches and Provisions in the City that if either had stir'd he was able to have subdued both Partyes and kept them in duress till he had known the Kings further Pleasure And the Event was answerable to his Intent For the Friends on both sides being well aware of the strict Watch and Ward and the Consequents thereof labour'd so effectually for an Accommodation that they concluded an Agreement between them for that time without any further disturbance for the present that we read of So well able were the Citizens to keep and preserve the Kings peace whether they would or no. They durst not provoke each other to open Hostilityes in that City whose Power and Armes they had most
receive him with Demonstrations of great Joy and Gladness for his safe and happy arrival there The Habit of the Mayor Aldermen and Citizens were either Scarlet or Violet and his Reception was in great State and Pomp they meeting him in orderly Array without the City and so conveying him through it to St. Pauls Neither may we think him insensible of their Favours if Baker records the truth as indeed I am not able on any good grounds to contradict him when he says that the City of London was this King's Paradice nor provably consute the Reasons he gives for his Assertion viz. That what good Fortune soever befel him he thought he enjoy'd it not till he acquainted them with it And can we fancy he had not good Grounds and Inducements for this honourable Acknowledgment of their Kindness and Goodness shewn him by them besides the first Expressions thereof in the beginning of his Reign when he was so far from being well warm'd in his Seat that he was not yet enter'd upon the Throne by the Solemnity of a Coronation nor had taken possession of the Government with the usual Ceremonies and Customary Formalities Certain it is that I read in Fabian Shâ—riff of London in his days that he had considerable Sums of Money of the City more than once twice or thrice an Assistance as requisite often times as Men in Arms and not seldom more difficult for Princes to obtain There being idle men enough generally at all times ready to come in at the Sound of Trumpet or Drum if there be but an Assurance or Probability of good Pay which to compass is commonly a difficulty not so easily surmounted even by great Kings and Princes so scarce a Commodity is Gold and Silver Coin Neither do I find the City at any time complaining or opposing or joyning with his Enemies For notwithstanding his settlement on the Throne and his uniting the two Families into one by marrying Edward the Fourth's eldest Daughter he had a Lambert and a Perkin to disturb his Quiet and Repose about Title A Favour therefore doubtless this was not inconsiderable in those days For the City of London is known to have been able to do much had she been so inclined Whereof we may well believe the King was very sensible and so were the opposers of his peaceable tranquility were it only from this consideration that when in the Second of his Reign it was bleer'd about by his Enemies that the Earl of Warwick George Duke of Clarences Son was escap'd out of the Tower and a counterfeited Earl was provided to act the part of the true one to draw People to their Assistance which might have created no little trouble to the King and greatly endanger'd his Person and Dignity to disappoint and frustrate their Designs and fully lay open the Cheat of all Parties and Places of his Kingdom he chose London to shew therein the right Earl of Warwick to the People though the principal Scene of those Affairs were then laid in Ireland And the other side appear'd so fearful of the Effect thereof upon the Londoners and their Influence doubtless upon the rest of the Nation even Ireland it self though so far distant that to buoy up the Spirits of their own Party they thought it most effectual to report about the Island that that was a Counterfeit purposely train'd and taught by King Henry and shew'd by him in London to blind the Eyes of the Simple and Ignorant So sollicitous were both to encrease the number of their Adherents and draw the People of the Land to a belief of the honesty and sincerity of their Intentions and Equity of their Actions among whom the City of London is certainly the greatest Body fitly joyn'd together by good Laws and Constitutions greatly confirm'd by an orderly succession of her Magistrates and much strengthned by a long and large train of continual Successes But the City continued fix to the King's Interest and therefore the others Devices and Pretences work'd little or nothing upon the Citizens They were rather ready to rejoyce on all occasions for his victorious Success than pronâ— to take part with his Enemies against him whereof they gave him sufficient Testimonies at several times and seasons when they had opportunity to express their Affections in a more free and open way at such glorious Solemnities as Coronations Installations publick Receptions and Royal and Princely Marriages 'T is confess'd that towards the latter end of this King's Reign some of her principal Officers her Mayors and Sheriffs were sore troubled and vext in the King's Courts and large Sums of Money demanded of them for things pretended to be done by them illegally in their Offices and such of them imprison'd as refus'd to pay those Arbitrary Fines as may be seen in Stow's Annals but these were Troubles only of particular Men and common also to many others of the King's Subjects when Empson and Dudley were got into Authority and to humour the old King 's covetous itch after Riches a Vice incident mostly to Old Age reviv'd old forgotten Laws and rais'd large Sums of Money upon Offences against Penal Statutes wherein they acted so exorbitantly and took such arbitrary illegal and unjust Ways many whereof Baker reckons up in his Chronicle to compass their Ends that they themselves at length were become the principal Grievances of the Nation and suffered accordingly in the beginning of the next King's Reign both of them by the hands of Justice being made to pay their Heads for satisfaction to the People and their Promoters most shamefully Pillory'd and Imprison'd So little did it avail them to pretend they put the Laws in Execution or to call themselves the King's Promoters or Informers King Henry the Eighth as soon as he came to the Crown more regarding the Commons Crys and the Complaints of his People than he valued the pretended Loyalty of such profligate Villains as had no other way to pick up a Livelihood than by raking it out of other Mens Miseries and Troubles This Prince in his youth was so much addicted to Pleasures and Pastimes fine Sights and Shews Masks Justs and Tournaments and in his elder years to Cruelty and Tyrannical Oppression that one might be apt to expect and perhaps with some colour of reason that little was to be found in London in the beginning of this King's Reign but Jollity Joy and Rejoycing gaudy Shews and pleasing Objects delightful to the Eye and grateful to Sense a King's Example commonly drawing along with it his Subjects Imitation and that in the latter end scarce any durst presume to make opposition to a Man of so domineering a Spirit as by his own death-bed Confession never spar'd Woman in his Lust nor Man in his Anger And yet notwithstanding we meet with under this Prince Instances of the City's Power Boldness and undaunted Resolution and of the King's Favour to the Citizens The last may haply be concluded even from the Effects of
its present Greatness through a long Tract of Time and the Concurrence of many considerable Circumstances to make it Famous The Original of this City is sufficiently acknowledg'd to be Antient but where to fix the true and certain Bounds of its Antiquity is not so easily agreed upon by Writers What one sets down for a Truth another many times esteems to be Fabulous Scarce any thing being more common amongst the Learned than to have different Sentiments about the Original of Things and be at variance amongst themselves about the first Beginnings of Times and Places True indeed we can deduce the very first Origine of the World from the Sacred Leaves of Holy Writ but They who have not had the Benefit of those Heavenly Oracles or do not with Us believe their Divine Verity are compell'd to grope in the Mists of Darkness and Confusion while they search after the First Existence of all Things in the Writings of Prophane Authors The prime Pieces of Antiquity that we meet with amongst the Heathens are the Theban and the Trojan Wars and those too sullied with the Fabulous Narrations of their Poetical Writers Besides which we scarce find amongst them any thing deserving Credence and Belief except the mention of the Argonaut's Voyage and a few Passages more All the rest are hudled up in such a confused Mass of Fables and Fictions And yet these so celebrated Pieces bear Date some hundreds of Years after the Flood So short do the Prophane Writings fall of the Divine even in Time as well as Truth unless we account the Dynastyes of the Aegyptian Kings mentioned by some Writers worthily esteem'd Fabulous for true History and make any Reckoning of some Men's Relations who tell us of Chronologies amongst the Chineses of Thousands of Years before the Creation according to our Account The whole Tranfactions whereof they would do well to produce in our European World that we might be able to judge what Credit ought to be given to their Words and not any longer suspect that they shield themselves under the Protection of the Priviledge antiently allow'd to Poets and Travellers Seeing then in these Humane Writings we are left so much in the Dark in what concerns the First Being of the Universe we have little Reason to wonder at the variety of Men's Opinions about the Settling of Nations and first Inhabiting of Countries Much less are we to admire that the Foundations of Antient Cities are involv'd in so much Obscurity that we can scarce trace them up to their Original without being often put to the stand in our Searches as finding but little certain Truth mix't with a great deal of apparent Falshood Therefore I hope the Courteous Reader will the more readily pardon what he meets with of Humane Infirmity and Frailty in this Attempt and pass over the Errata's he finds in this Historical Relation as Venial Faults SHOULD I lay the Foundation of this Honourable City in the Days of Brute I might to some seem a Relater of Fables Should I not trace its Original so high others might be apt to think I slighted its Antiquity So difficult a thing it is to please all so in a manner impossible to displease none Let me do the utmost of my Endeavours to avoid the Imputation of seeming Fabulous I should nevertheless be in doubt where safely to fix by reason of the different Esteem Men have of different Ages One preferring This Another That and a Third perhaps valuing Neither as thinking the Relation of Things done in Times so far distant from Ours not worth our Regard Wherefore rather chusing the Part of a Faithful Historian than courting Men's Favour and Applause I shall deliver some of the most material Passages which I find of this Antient City upon Record Only with this Request unto the Reader That as he sees Cause he would judge of me as an Impartial Relater without thinking me over ready to give Credit to all that Authors have said of those Elderly Times The Trojan War hath been so Celebrated by Homer's Pen that the Fall of Troy may deservedly be judg'd to have rais'd it higher upon the Wings of Fame than if it had still continued in its antient Grandeur For I find it to have been the Ambition of many Writers in some Ages past to draw the Original of their own Nations from some War-like Hero of the Trojan Race The Romans Glory in the Trojan Blood as drawing their Pedigree from Aeneas and the Trojans that he brought with him into Italy Padua is deriv'd from Antenor another Trojan Leader And not to mention any more Brute descended of Aeneas with his Trojans is said by some to have given Original to the British Nation That this hath been the Endeavours of some Authors is plain enough as being Matter of Fact but the Reason of this Design is not so obvious unless it may be lawful to conjecture That in the grosser Times of Popery the Scriptures being kept from the Eyes of the Vulgar by being lock't up in unknown Languages and the Monkish Writers lacking either Will or Ability to peruse them and so becoming ignorant of Divine History thought it the readiest way to ennoble their own Nations by deriving them from some of the Antientest Hero's that they meet with in 〈◊〉 Story Or else depending upon Rome as their Mâ—â—â—er-Church they were desirous to vye with her in their Original as well as accord with her in Religion Whether Brute Descended from Aeneas by a Son of his Eldest Son Ascanius or by his Younger Son born of Lavina is a Point not fully decided among Historians This Brute Exil'd his Country according to some for having accidentally slain his Father with his Trojans after many Chances and Dangers past is said to have directed his Course towards this Western Island by the Advice of Diana which he receiv'd in his Sleep in an Old Temple of hers standing in a Part of Affrica In his Sailing hitherward he met with it seems a small Navy of Trojan Ships under the Conduct of his Nephew Corineus and joyning together at length after other Dangers over-past he Landed in Cornwal at a Place since known by the Name of Totness This was in the Year since the Worlds Creation 4063. according to Fabian who professes to follow the Account of the LXX about the Time of Ely's being High-Priest in Israel Forty Years after the Destruction of Troy which is held by some to have fall'n out in the Time of Abdon's being Judge in Israel before the Building of Rome Four Hundred and twenty Years before our Saviour Christ's Incarnation One Thousand One Hundred and Thirty Six But in this Point Chronologers differ Stow places it Anno Mund. 2855. before Christ's Nativity 1108. After Brute's Landing in his Searching the Country he is said to have destroy'd I know not how many great and mighty Gyants one whereof named Gogmagog wrestled forsooth with Corineus and having of him caught a Fall down Dover-Clifts left
nor league with them from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadours put upon theâ— by their lying words and from the murmuring of thâ— whole Congregation against them Notwithstanding all this we find they let them live lest Wrath shoulâ— have been upon them because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them And that they did well in keepinâ— this so solemn a league and Covenant though obtainâ—â— by Fraud and hastily made we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days foâ— Saul and his bloody House because in his Zeal to thâ— Children of Israel and Judah he sought to slay the Gibeonites and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Fathers hundreds of years before We cannot with out the greatest breach of Charity suppose that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David one after Gods own Heaâ— made use of this only as a pretence to ruine and exâ—â—pate Saul's Family and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head and to fix it the surer to his posterity aâ—ter him If any of us were so Atheistical as from thâ—â— instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woulâ— be soon answered from David's own manner of actiâ—â— in this particular who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan Saul's eldest Son and that too upâ—â— account of the Lord's Oath that was sworn betweeâ— them many Years before As the Scriptures plainâ—â— shew us that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath they had sworn though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit so in them we find 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah the last King in Jerusalâ—â— after he had broken the Oath which Nebuchadnezzâ— had made him swear by God We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto for the benefit of his present occasions but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath by whatsoever force at first gained of him even to the destruction of the chief City solitary desolation of the Land for many Years and utter ruine of the Monarchy for ever after For afâ—er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Common-Wealth under Rulers and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures that I remember Governours the high Priests the Maccabees the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Princes Irreligion There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged High and Low Rich and Poor Noble and Ignoble Kings Princes and People as sure as the Scripture which we esteem the word of the great God is infallibly true But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me To go back again therefore into the way from whence I have so far deviated In this same 44th year of King Henry wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords The occasion is related to be for that the Barons with consent of the Peers discharged one and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King The displeaâ—ure hence arising and encreasing more and more was â—owever a little appeased for a while by the Policy of the Kings Brother and some Prelates of the Land â—n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark â—o make mention of the variance that fell out between â—he Londoners and the men of Northampton at a Fair â—here held for a man of that Town there slain which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better That City that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King 's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town In the 45th shortly after Alhallontide the Baroâ— admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires namiâ—â— them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shiâ—â— and discharged such as the King had before admittâ—â— Neither would they suffer the Justices but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉 The Law allowed them power and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it The King as any may easily suppose was grievously discontented therewith insomucâ— as saith the Chronicle that after that Season he â—â—boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinanâ—â— and Statutes and cause them to be broken To thâ— end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by thâ— King's Command at Paul's Cross a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th as a Confirmation of another Bull before pâ—â—chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th to absolâ—â— the King and all others that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford and afterwaâ—â— the said Absolution was shewed throughout Englâ—â—â— Wales and Ireland streight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution And if any were found disobediâ—â— to this Commandment that he should be put in Prisâ—â— without Ransom or Deliverance till the Kings Plâ—â—sure were further known The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side if he were well paid 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be suppos'd to avail without sâ—â—able Power to compel their Observance Yet hitheâ—â—â— the Commons of the City held their Power formeâ— granted them For we read of another License â—â—ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow followâ—ng from London Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor Phiâ—â—â— Walbrook Richard Taylor Sheriffs about Martintide â—he Jews felt the Peoples Fury to some of their costs â—o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of â—he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion which had been formerly the darling of Heaven that it must have been a very small mattâ—â— that would not easily have â—â—rred up the common People of the Land where they lived against them In this Year is unkindness â—oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower for that contrary to the Ciâ—ies Liberties he took certain Ships passing by with Wheat and other Victuals into the Tower and made â—he Price at his Pleasure Hence might great harm have ensued had not by the Policy of wise men the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others by direction of the Kings Council to set an order and Rule between the said Parties The effect whereof was that after Evidences and Priviledges produced to â—he advantage of both it was firmly adjudged that â—f the Constable or any other Officer of the Tower would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals to the â—â—se of the King or the Tower he should come into
For the Londoners being enraged at the Dukes threats and their fury increased against him for that in the Parliament the Duke being President a motion had been made in the Kings name over whom at that time 't is well known how great an ascendant the Duke had that there should be no more Major of London according to the Ancient Custom but a Captain appointed over it and the Marshal of England might therein arrest Offenders as in other places so that 't was in the Military Officers that the Duke seems to have plac'd most of his Trust and Confidence as doubtless his Creatures and Favourites in esse aut posse with many other things manifestly contrary to the City's Liberties at the encouragement of the Lord Fitzwalter who claim'd to be their Standard Bearer by inheritance they put themselves in Arms and acted with such an excess of rage and violence that had it not been for their own Bishop who pacified them for the time the Duke and his great favourite Piercy had that day saith the book lost their lives But they having timely notice fled from the people and applied themselves for safety to the young Prince and his Mother who undertook the business and sent to the Londoners to make peace with the Duke so kind and gracious was the good Princess as to mediate in his behalf who desir'd in his heart to dispossess her own Son of his right To her Messenger Answer was return'd by the Citizens that for her honour they would perform her Commands but as to what concern'd the Duke injunctions were laid on them to will him that he should suffer the Bishop of Winchester to come to his answer and to be try'd by his Peers and also permit Peter de la More Speaker of the last Parliament then by the Duke's means imprison'd to answer for himself after the Custom of the Law and as for the third they said they would account a Traitor wheresoever he should be found So run the words in Stow which being to the Duke reported he became not a little troubled and not without reason in my opinion at the Citizen's Answer and their indignation conceiv'd against him since that he interpreted what they had spoken of a Traytor to be meant by them of himself though as to that particular he denied himself to be one He had been mad I should have thought or foolish if he had presently confess'd and own'd the imputation However from the Citizens message and the Dukes interpretation thereof 't is easie to conclude how little they lov'd him and he soon found it to his trouble and vexation Jealousies and suspicions generally go a great way among the common people and are almost as prevalent as proofs especially when there is a great man in the Case whom they dare not openly accuse and impeach and cannot try for lack of safety and a good opportunity and he himself is not very willing to put himself upon a fair trial and thereby wipe-off all aspersions in the common legal way of his Country All his Tergiversations do foment rather than diminish the Heats of the people who have but the more opportunity and occasion to think and will commonly too think scurvily the less they have to act The rough Message the Londoners sent the Duke we have heard but that was not all They would away to the King too and acquaint him with the late proceedings And so accordingly upon a Councel held thereabouts they sent some of their chief Citizens either to justifie saith the Annalist or excuse what had hapned Long were these a suing to come to the Kings prescnce the Duke keeps them back For they might be apt to â—o tell Tales or at least remove the prepossessions wherewith the Duke and his party doubt-less had fill'd the credulous King's Head The Duke would fain have stopt their entrance and put them off but they would not be so serv'd The Duke tells them that the King was very ill at ease and his sickness might be encreast if he were mov'd to anger by their Speech A fine excuse but 't would not pass The Londoners were resolved on 't They were not come to encrease but mitigate his grief and their Commission from their fellow Citizens they sayd was not to be Communicated to any but to their Liege Lord the King himself They were for no Proxies Advocates nor Attorney-Generals of the Dukes providing They would be their own Spokesmen Well then at last after much ado they gain access and shew the King what had been published in Parliament as his Will against their Liberties and priviledges They excus'd likewise themselves of some of the Commonalties behaviour in the late Commotion as being the effect of some ill men among the rabble whereto they were neither privy nor consenting whereupon the King a little cheer'd up with their coming answer'd that he would not the diminishing of their Liberties No he was rather ready if need were to augment them neither did any such Resolutions ever come out of his Mouth and therefore willed them not to fear but to return and appease the Citizens and to keep them in Peace The Dukes faction would have made use of the Kings Name and Authority to deprive the City of her Charter of Liberties and endeavour'd to perswade the Parliament Men that it was the Kings good Will and pleasure to have it so but upon the Citizens application to the King they hear an other tale the King own'd no such thing never any such thing came out of his Mouth he tells them expresly Set a mark here Observe likewise the conseqâ—ence of the Citizens coming to the King he was alittle cheer'd somewhat better in mind possibly when he heard the truth of the matter Before perhaps he had heard strange tales of seditious meetings Insurrections Riots Tumults and the like as if none were for keeping the Kings Peace but the good Dukes good party such stories had they buz'd iâ— the ears of this weak old infirm sickly King and he as ready to believe all till disproved by the different Relations of as Credible witnesses To hear one side only and stop ones ears to the others defence is not only a manifest sign of extream partiality but also the ready way to be impos'd â—pon by the deceit of lying Tongues and to be kept always from the knowledge of the truth where those near us think it their interest to have â—t so About the time of the late uproar it 's said that â—he Duke's arms were hang'd up revers'd in sign â—f Treason in the principal streets of the City â—â—ch was the hatred the Londoners had conceived â—gainst him but 't was in those days as unknown â—ho did it as 't is at this time uncertain who cut â—e Picture of his Royal Highness the Duke of 〈◊〉 the other day at Guild-hal Whether there â—ere any Proclamations with promises of reâ—ard emitted to find out the Author and Actor â—f that deed I
Money and the good will of the Citizens by lying with their wives as looking at first appearance too Comical and Jocular to be sound when sifted to the bottom Why else did this Experiment never succeed before nor since I don't think but there have been other Princes besides this Amorous Yorkist sitting upon the English Throne whose Consciences would never have boggled at borrowing Money and then Cornuting their Creditors if this Recipe could have shewn its Probatum est But whatever Reasons History or Phancy suggests this is most undeniably certain as being matter of fact that the City was visibly ingag'd in the Yorkists Interest before ever that Family could attain to the height of their desires From whence I doubt not to conclude that had the Citizens been otherwise inclin'd and continued firm and fixt to the House of Lancaster the Duke of York might indeed have laid his Claim and pleaded Title with many other fair-spun pretences as the Prerogative of Birth Priviledge of Law the impossibility of altering a Native Right by previous Contracts Vows Oaths or Prescription and the Injustice of breaking the Thread of an Orderly Succession but all this notwithstanding he might still have remained for ought we can be sure of far enough off from compassing his Ambitious Desires or from the possibility of coming within view of his Journeys End the City standing between him and the wished for Haven The Observation is obvious from several passages aforegoing The City in it self is too great to be over-aw'd and her influence over the Country consequently too powerful to have it long quietly over-rul'd by any Party whatsoever with whom she refuses to concur Another Observation give me leave to make en passant and that shall be upon the time and season not of the Citizens manifesting their Affections but of their actual appearance in behalf of the Duke and his Party This I observe to have been not presently and immediately in the fore-front and the very first beginning but upon the coming up of the Yorkists to London with Swords by their sides and resolution in their minds So that they seem first to have been approvers and then Seconds to the Dukes Party in their designs upon their open Declaration Before that the Commonalty so openly and resolutely refused to let Provisions pass to the Lancastrians Camp at St. Albans the Duke of York had declared himself in the midst of his Friends and Adherents at London ready to assist him and though he was then dead having been slain in Battle and the Lancastrians so near the City at that very same time yet his Eldest Son being in the Head of an Army in the Country was soon come to London received Elected approved and set up for King by their approbation consent and good liking This likewise may be observed to have been the common custom and usage of the City as an ordinary English Reader may easily find in several places of this Relation upon a review or careful recollection of what hath been before set down or else to satisfie his Curiosity without trusting to this Transcription he may search after the passages himself in such Authentick Authors as Fabian Stow Speed Baker or the like Chronicles of the English Affairs which being easier met with than the Original Writers of these times he will be put to the less trouble upon any doubt occurring in any things here delivered for matter of Fact in that I have chose to draw up this Treatise for the most part out of these laborious Collectors Where it is observable that the Cities inclinations being by some one or other overt act as manifestly declared or else plainly perceived or shrewdly guessed at by the industry and vigilence of the discrning Spirits of the Age the discontented Nobles were quickly encouraged thereupon and inclined to withdraw into the Marches of Wales or the Borders of Scotland and there gathering together their Party and Raising as great Forces as time and opportunity would permit away they come in all hast as fast as they can up to London where being joyfully and gladly received with great applause and approbation the Courtiers were often compelled to fly for their safety and the Governing Party desperse elsewhere to try it out by dint of Sword at which they were commonly worsted or else quietly yield to such conditions as would be approved in the City and were acceptable to the Party the result whereof generally was the calling of a Parliament as the desire of the Subject though the dread and fear of the Court But for the better illustration of this remark I shall produce modern experience and instance in what hath hapned within the memory of thousands yet living That under the late Usurpation the City was very desirous of a Free-Parliament is not to be doubted of And yet we find she sate still quiet and pretty well contented to outward appearance amidst the various changes from an Old Protector to a New one from that to the Rump and thence to the Committee of Safety as if over ridden or like a wearied Beast silently couching down under her heavy burthens almost wholly insensible and as one unconcerned But as soon as General Monk out of Scotland had openly declared his dislike of the Armies extravagancies and was come up from Coldstream amidst the Visits of the Gentry and Acclamations of the people so near the City as Harbrow we hear presently of Commissioners come thither to him from the City and their proposing a re-admission of the Secluded Members that the Parliament might be made full and free This was the first Publick Address I meet with looking that way but after this we read of many from various parts of the Land and almost all Counties of the same Nature with that from the Capital City of the Nation as if all had been animated by the influential Rays of her Inclinations and her Results were the superior faculties of the Soul ove-ruling the inferior Members of the Body But the City staid not here for as she addressed so she was resolved for a full house before she would pay any publick Taxes And tho' Monk upon stricter declar'd Resolutions put her into a great Consternation for a time by pretending to over-aw her with his Soldiers which was not in any wise expected at his hands yet upon his application to her Common-Council when he return'd the next day with his Army to regain their almost lost favour and what then might not they have done of themselves when their amazement sprung from the suddenness of the unexpected surprise was abated they approv'd of his Intentions to have the House of Commons fill'd up demonstrated it with Bells and Bonfires persuaded and procured his continuance amongst them whereby his own Security was consulted and those Designs most successfully carried on which laid the way open to his present Majesties Peaceable Restauration For this Concurrence of the City with General Monk's Resolutions brought about the Restitution
City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome both in the Courage of the Women and valour of her men as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit nor come behind her in the Heroick Acts of either of the Sexes while one continues as potent in the Brittish World by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe Asia and Africa And who knows whitherto she may come in time as how far the Fates or rather Providence have decreed to advance her Was she so powerful so many Ages since what is she now since that she 's very much encreased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants and her private Buildings are reform'd from Wood and Earth into Brick and publick into Stone low humble Cottages into stately Edifices and who dares be so positive to aver that they may not in time be chang'd into Marble Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently I hope demonstrative of the Repute Fame Honour Glory and Renown Magnificence Grandeur Strength Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City whose Approbation and Assistance hath setled Kings upon their Thrones and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruine of Princes In the Examples and Instances whereof the Concurrence of her Citizens was for the most part general and universal at least so far as concern'd the Majority But now I shall produce an Instance and not easie perhaps to be parallell'd from either Divine or prophane Writings to shew how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs and how contributary to the transforming of a Subject into a King without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory that I rather look upon it as here circumstantiated to be an Argument of the City's great Power Reputation and Esteem under this Consideration That if that aspiring Protector the bloody Duke of Gloucester better known by the Name of Crook-back'd Richard the Third could do so much by the shadow what might he not have done could he have but enjoyed the substance As in Divinity Circumstances make many an Action good or bad so in History the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprize 'T is not so much the bare Act or thing done in this particular that is to make good my Assertion as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof whether real or designed which come now to be related in this manner following When that ambitious Crook-back'd Duke upon his Brother's Death had got his eldest Son and Heir and the rightful King into his hands and by treacherous Plots devis'd Crimes and false Calumniations taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle and thereby remov'd many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspir'd greatness His next Care was to get the Peoples Consent to the turning of his Ducal Corronet into a Regal Crown and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King whereas before he was but Protector But how should this be done A Pretence must be found to cajole them seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him The City of London was known to be powerful and populous and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation to make them if not approve at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition and his own Exaltation therefore the Citizens were to be Caress'd and their Approbation to be sought Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn that to honour his ambitious Desires stuck not openly to turn Renegado's to Truth Honesty and Loyalty so that they migh◠get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby Among whom none of the less noted nor least useful are reckon'd the present Lord Mayor of London a Man of a proud Heart and highly desirous of Advancement how little soever he deserv'd it and two brazen-fac'd Sons of the Church both great Preachers of more Learning than Virtue of more Fame than Learning So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intreagues in the State The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guild-hall to accomplish which and bring his purpose to perfection the Duke cared not so his dead Father were thought or call'd a Cuckold his Mother a Whore his Brethren Bastards and his Nephew illegitimate to the shame of the whole House of York such Fires of Ambition rul'd and rag'd in his Heart The flattering Clergy-men readily did their Parts in the Pulpit as far as they were able but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause and their own Reputation that he was wholly disappointed of the desir'd Acclamations and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after One lost his Life after his Sermon the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching and so was forc'd to leave off and come down From Paul's Cross away go we the Tuesday following the Doctor 's Sermon to Guild-hall and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings and all the Aldermen assembled about him and the Commons of the City gather'd before them To whom the Duke of Buckingham newly come thither attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King his many unnecessary Taxations great Severities and the looseness of his Life to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government was thought then it seems an effectual Means to make way for this Popish Successor 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor 's Sermon and desires them to joyn with him and others in a Petition to the Duke to take upon him the Name and Office of a King hoping by his many Arguments and Perswasions with the volubility of his Tongue to obtain the Citizens Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard King Richard But they were it seems by the story very deaf of hearing on that Ear to his no little wonder and amazement Wherefore upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design Buckingham resumes his Discourse and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice as if the Citizens had not all heard or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech But neither did this move their Affections nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors Then Mr. Recorder by the Mayor's Advice was pitch'd upon to second
held at London within a short space though my Author writes that this never came to purpose So it seems that in those elder times a Parliament was the Subjects desire and as it were the last Refuge and means of Reconciliation to establish Peace and quietness in the Land Tuesday before Ascension-Day is the time named whereon the acceptable news of Peace were proclaimed between the King and his Barons in London and next day thither they came with the King his Brother and Son and the Two Princely Pledges were sent into safe Custody first to the Tower afterwards to Dover Castle In the time of these civil Distractions and before the Battle we find that the Wardens of the Cinqueports kept the Sea with Ships that no Stranger might enter the Land to the Kings aid against the Barons Sometime after the Battel we hear of Souldiers coming in great numbers unto Dover there to land But King Henry was induced to ride thither with a great power and force those Strangers to go back again and the Kings Brother sent Prisoner to Berkhamstead Castle till those Aliens were returned It stands upon Record in my Author that he and the Queen had sent over the Sea for them So that hence it had been manifest though the Relation of King John's Reign had not been extant that it is no late Device nor new Practice for Persons of Arbitrary Pretences to call in outlandish Souldiers when they fear they cannot raise assistance enough at home in their own Native Country to support and bring to effect their ill intended designs The Barons side stood firm for the Observation of the Parliament Acts The Kings party desired to have infringed them The Barons grew powerful and formidable the other side seem fearful that they should not be able to compass strength enough at home suitable to their Designs and desires and therefore sent abroad There being idle men enough to be had for mony in most places Soldiers were waged but there was a Sea to pass which required much time and a suitable Sail of Ships to waft them over and a considerable strength lay in the way to intercept them if they came not well provided for an attaque So that it was a day as it were after the Fair before they came and that was many hours too late whereupon they were compelled to return again without and against their first Intent This is the inconvenience some may think the great advantage others may conclude of an Island 's scituation that it cannot easily be over-run with forreign Forces as Lands upon the continent often are and with more facility If the shooing of themselves and their Horses with Cork would do the feat then they might happen more easily to pass the Sea but as things go in this Age of the World much time as well as a great Navy is requisite to transport an Army though little or no oppositioâ— be made Yet how difficult would it be to prevaâ—â— where among One Million Two Hundred Thousand One Million One Hundred and Fifty Thousand are on one side and Fifty Thousand on the other i. e. In Twenty four Twenty three parts against one part What could it avail if on some other fine neat pretence a good store of Forreigners might possibly happen to be introduced suppose Fisty Thousand Above Eleven to One would still be great odds If we should grant One Hundred Thousand could silently be let in under another Notion into how many little small Parcels must they be minutely divided at how many several Portâ— must they arrive what charge to keep and maintain them unless put upon present service And yet there 's still hazard enough in the World and to spare One Million one Hundred and Fifty Thousand against One Hundred and Fifty Thousands to every man an opposite and Ten-over Odds sufficiently at Foot-Ball if in a lesser number Were it not for the Law of the Land in how many places d'ye think the 9 Lay Sheaves would not devour the Parsons Tenth Sheaf England stands firm upon its old bottom of Freedom but France hath had Experience more than enough of the aforesaid truths 'T is well known the present French King keeps his poor enslaved Subjects under with a strong Force composed most of other Country Souldiers and by their assistance with some otherâ— connivance and the help of French Money is become the Terrour of Europe I doubt not but much of this his present greatness sprung at first from a successful attempt made in his younger days to introduce forreign forces upon his less wary Nobility and Gentry in hehalf and by the Guidance of a great Minister of State whom some of them had desired to be discarded from sitting at the Helm of Government Whereof his present Majesty I believe had no very pleasing nor desirable Experience 'T was in the time when Providence permitted our King to be injuriously kept out of his right by an Usurper that the French Nobles were urgent to have their King exile Mazarine and the better to effect it were ready to have appeared in Arms But their King in shew granting their desires and it may be through the mediation of our Gracious Prince who had too sad an Instance of his own to urge from his Fathers unfortunate Fate the Princes grew secure and laid aside their combined strength whereupon the exil'd Mazarine comes out of Germany so have I heard with a strong Army of many Thousands up to Paris and then order'd things at his own Pleasure and the Kings The deceiv'd Princes could never vindicate themselves since and our then almost friendless King shortly after thought good to leave the Country though the Place of his Mothers Original lest he should have been bid to depart and that disgusted States-man as may be suspected causes the K. to close with England's usurping Power and desert a poor distressed over-power'd Prince with no more regard to him or his till his Protestant what if I had also added Presbyterian Subjects recall'd him to possess his Fathers Throne wherein long may he live and flourish to the Nations good and his own continued Wellfare An. 48. Thomas Fiz Thomas Mayor Osbert Wynter Phil Taylor being Sheriffs The Lords of the Marches about Christmas assembled and did much harm â— the Manours of the Earls of Leicester and Glocestâ—â— the two noted Chiefs of the Barons Party thereabouts which occasioned the King to ride shortly after to Glocester where by a Council there called â—â— was enacted that such of the Lords that did not come in and yield to the King by the Octaves of Hilary should be exil'd Let the question here be whether these Lords known to have been of the K'â— Party both before and after this Transaction were guilty of Treason or Disloyalty in not coming in 〈◊〉 the King's Call yielding as the Barons party doubâ—less cordially desired with whom the K. was theâ— personally present Had they straightways obeyed and come in all