all forraine fashions and kindes of life which long since had filled ours with bastardy sith it is much easier to know a fault in nature then any vnlikelines betweene the Prince and the subiect as saide Theodorike king of the Gothes in his writing to the Senate of Rome But because the enemies of this Realme and among others our selues do reiect this so holy sacred and hitherto inuiolable a law as some shadow dreame or bugbeare I pray you cast your view vppon custome time out of mind practised in Fraunce and that which hath no lesse force then all the lawes in the world euen by the saying of the Lawyers Thinges brought in by auncient custome doo seeme more iust then those that are commaunded by lawes Childebert left two daughters Cherebert three Gentran nine Lewis Hutin one who succeeded in the Realme of Nauarre but not of France Philip the long three who neuer quarrelled for the crowne to the which in processe of time succeeded Lewis the 12. who excluded Lady Anne Lady Ione the daughters of king Lewis the 11. and sisters to Charles the 8. king Francis the 9. set it vpon his head but not in the right of his wife Queene Claude daughter to king Lewis the 12. Hereto adde that the whole doth ordinarily retaine the nature of his country so that the crowne cannot fall to the distaffe sith that the propertie of the prouisions of the yongers of the house of France dooth euer in default in heires males returne to the crowne and with that condition did Lewis the 8. in February 1223. indue his brother king Philip of Fraunce Earle of Bologne and by his will dated in Iune 1525. left Artois to his second sonne Aniow and Maine to the third Poictou and Auuergne to the fourth with condition for default of heyres males to returne to the crowne The like did S. Lewis in March 1268. with the Countie of Valois to his fifth sonne Iohn of France also Philip the faire in December 1311. to Philip the long his second sonne after whose decease without heires male his daughter Ione of France wife to Eudo the 4. D. of Burgondy instantly challenging the possessory endowment of her father against Charles the 4. was ouerthrowne by decree of Parliament dated the 2â— of February 1322. This custome beeing of it selfe strong inough is accompanied with a decision of the law If the Intruders successors doo for the space of one hundred yeares holde the souereigntie in such case the prescription of so long yeares may serue for a title namely if there be no opposition or protestation of the subiects to the contrary as that of the tribune Aquila who tooke away the crowne that had beene set vpon Caesars image so as the successors of Hugh Capet hauing bin maisters of this crowne euer since the yeare 997. haue too important an exception against these Carlingues But vtterly to shut vp their mouthes we doo in truth say that our kinges are of the bloud of Charlemaine whose race hauing fayled in seuen geuerations after Capet was renued in the person of king Lewis the 8. For Philip August or Giuen of God in the yeare 1180. at Bapaulines marryed Isabell the daughter of Baldwin the 4. of that name Earle of Henault who was descended of Hermengarde Countesse of Namure daughter to Charles the simple from whose successors Hugh Capet tooke the right of the crowne of which marriage of king Philip and Lady Isabell was borne the 6. of September 1587. king Lewis the 8. father to S. Lewis out of whom as out of a nursery of plants are issued the noble families of Valois and Bourbon Yea I will say more namely that the Guyses cannot be of the branches of Charles of Lorraine the brother of Lothair the 33. king of France vnckle to Lewis the 5. neither consequently of Charlemaine for it is but 120. yeares since the race of VaudemoÌ„t tooke lande in the house of Lorraine which in lesse then 460. yeares hath fallen in seuen seuerall families namely from the house of Charlemaine into the house of Ardenne 1005. froÌ„ the house of Arden into the house of Bologne 1089. froÌ„ the house of Bologne into the house of Lembourg from the house of Lembourg into the house of Louuain 1106. TheÌ„ in tract of time René K. of Sicile sonne to Lewis of Aniou maryed the heire of Lorraine by whom he left a son named Iohn a daughter named Yolande who was wife to Fredericke of Vaudemont afterward in 1464. inherited the duchie of Lorraine through the decease of her nephew Nicholas her brother Iohns onely son hereby we plainly may see that these men are like Esops crow who disguised her selfe with many other fowles feathers supposing that processe of time might serue for a vaile to cloke their falshood but it falleth out clean contrary for truth is the daughter of time Then persuading theÌ„selues that their Iesuit a fit embassador for such potentates had remoued both heauen earth as well in Italy as in Spaine and that the brute of their false discent had brought such effects correspondent to their desires that the nobilitie had liked to lend them a shoulder and the people had bene wholy bent to their passions they brake the impostume and to the end to free themfelues from quietnesse which was nâ—â—some vnto them and to stiffle vp all peace which could no whit delight them eueÌ„ as an infected stomacke that can rellish no good food they did of late put in practise that game which their predecessors had kept close and sealed vp and so began to play at thrust out with the king True it is that for feare of going barefoot in so thorny a way they haue disguised their ambition with many faire pretences and to colour their warres they haue propounded 1. The rooting our of heresie 2. The nomination of a Catholike successour to the crowne 3. The reestablishing of the church in her aâ—ncient liberties 4. The reintegration of the nobility into their former dignity 5. The abasing of certaine persons whom the king hath exalted 6. The disburdening of the third estate Propositions which in outward apparance are good but bad in effect sweet to heare of but of bitter tast wholesome without but heauy within For the two first are forged against the king of Nauarre and the Prince of Condé the rest haue no other end but to yeeld the king odious to the clergie hated of the nobilitie and to pull vpon him the malice of the people This is the rediest way that they can finde to preuent the greatnesse of the king and of the two chiefâ— princes of the lillie and to make that agreement with vs wherof Demosthenes warneth the Athenians by the sheepe and the wolues that willed the sheepe if they would haue any peace with them to deliuer into their hands all the mastifes that kept them Of the rest of the Princes they weene to haue a great peny-worth which all
the bodie or rather to slay and not to heale to vexe not to comfort by darkenesse to shewe light and by crueltie to teach courtesie If thou wilt not destroy thou must vse instruction to instruct thou must subuert to subuert thou must conuince and to conuince reason is necessarie Is it reason to passe to condemnation before proofe to commit the stewes to the reformation of harlots and the execution of sentence to the partie adiudged To the generall reasons of this discourse the king of Nau. and prince of Conde do adde particulat exceptions As that by decree of Charles the 6. published anno 1369. it was forbidden to excommunicate any towne communaltie bodie or colledge of this realme besides that by the priuiledges of the lilly the Pope can not excommunicate either the kâ— or his subiectes so that Clement the 5. by his bull made voide the interdiction of Boniface the 8. against Philip the faire declared this realme exeÌ„pt froÌ„ the Popes power so was accounted adiudged by Alexander the 4. Grogory the 8. 9. 10. 11. Clement the 4. Vrban the 5. Benedict the 12. Also in the yeare 1488. the kings proctor appealed as of abuse from the excommunication that the Pope had cast vpon the inhabitantes of Gaunt vassals to the crowne of France And the court of Parliament by a decree of the 27. of Iune 1526. and an other of the last of Ianuary 1552. declared the clause by the Apostolike authoritie inserted into the Popes rescriptes and sent into France to be voide and abusiue Againe when in March 1563. the Romish inquisition had cited the Queene of Nauarre personally to appeare before the Pope within 6. months vnder paine of confiscation of goods king Charles the 9. thinking that this adiournment touched his honor and the priuiledges of his realme tolde the Popes Nuntio that hee would chastise the authors of that enterprise As in the like case did Lewes the young 1143. deale with Tibault Earle of Champagne who had procured Raoul Earle of Vermandois to be censured Hereunto do I adde with Du Du Tillet cap. of the Peere Tillet bishop of Meaux that wee ought not to suffer a peere to be excommunicate because we are to be conuersant with him about the kinges counsels who in case hee had not whereof to liue ought to finde him Vpon such reasons examples and priuiledges do the king of Nauar prince of Conde depende and as true Frenchmen make a shield against the enimies of France who for preparing the way to their ambition with the price of the poore people do studie to corrupt those goodly priuiledges vsing the priest of Rome as the minister of their furie who being filled with rashnosse haue hatched The Guizians second pretence all the tragedies at this day played in France yea euen so farre as to seeke to make the king to nominate a successor to the Crowne In olde time the Dictator Fabius Buteo endeuouring to bring into order that which time and necessitie had disordered sayde that he would not depose out of the Senate anie of those whome the Censors C. Flaminius Liuius li. 3. dec 3. and L. Aemilius had established Who can then beleeue that the king woulde depriue from the right of the realme those that are called not by the Censors but by the lawe which is the â—â—le of Censure I meane that grounded lawe of France by vertue whereof the successor is seised in a manner during his predecessors life and without other inuestiture is halfe possessioner wherof groweth this prouerbe In France the king neuer dieth Besides to corrupt those lawes whereby hee reigneth after his predecessors euen since the beginning of this Monarchie were as much as to hate himselfe for although we liue vnder a soueraigne whose handes can not be bound yet must we say with L. Valerius against the Oppian law There be lawes that Liuius li. 4. dec 4. be inuiolable in respect of the perpetuall profite of the common wealth and there be others necessarie for a time only those do neuer die but these are mortall according to the diuersitie of occurrences So that these thinges thus by nature distinguished we place first the laws Royall and such as concerne the state of the realm because they be annexed and vnited to the crowne as is this lawe of succession to the preiudice wherof the king can not elect any other successor then whom the same doth appoint him and in this case we may say that which Pacatius saide to the Emperour Theodosius That onely is lawfull for thee to doo Bartol in li. prohibere Plane f. quod fiant clam that the lawes do permit and no otherwise for diuerse considerations First that that is obserued in part must take place in all But the kings do holde it for a generall rule that the publike demaynes are by nature holy sacred and inalienable For that cause was the towne of Zikeleg that Achis gaue to Dauid neuer alienated And the kinges of Englande France Spaine and Polande do sweare neuer to dismember their demaynes yea the king of Englande in his treatie with the Pope and Potentates of Italy added this clause That they should giue no part of the demaynes of Fraunce for the deliuerie of king Frances The reason is because the demaines of the Crowne is a publike valuation in respect of the prosperitie thereof the profite whereof is made priuate and particular to the king that reigneth only so long as he liueth This caused the Emperour Pertinax to raze his name that was grauen in demainiall inheritances that Antonine the pitifull would not dwell but vpon his owne inheritance and that Lewes the 8. chose rather to sell his owne moueables iewels for the satisfying of his legacies then to touch the demains which considering the other rights of the common wealth can be tearmed but a part thereof so that if the king can not alienate much lesse may he passe away his kingdome and subiectes from one stocke to an other The second consideration shall be taken of the example of tutors who as witnesseth Aulus Gellius lib. 5. cap. 9. could not passe away their pupils into other mens power neither kinges their subiectes considering that they are onely tutors to the people to whose generall benefite their eyes ought to be more open then to their owne particular commodities and by the saying of an auncient man Euen as tutorshippe so the charge of Cicer. lib. 1 Offic. the common wealth hath more regarde to the profite of the Gouernors then of the gouerned So that if the king being ledde by euill counsell transferreth his realme the fittest to succeed may frustrate whatsoeuer hath beene done to his preiudice which was put in practise by Charles the 7. against Henry the 5 king of France and England who in respect of his marriage with Lady Katherin of France daughter to Charles the 6. was inuested in this realme as appeareth by the
agreement made the 21. of May 1420 Moreouer although in certaine cases our lawes do permit the father to disinherite his sonne yet doth this permission take no place in our kinges as being heyres not to them but to the crowne for by lawe the heyre is bound to all hereditarie actions whether actiue or passiue because as saith the lawyer L. Non minus ff de haered Instit Caius the inheritance representeth the person of the deceased And yet we holde that the king is not bound to the priuate agreementes and othes of his predecessors for when Philip the faire for the cōcluding of the marriage of his eldest sonne Lewes Hutin with Margaret of Burgūdy in February 1299 agreed that in case Lewes Hutin deceased before he came to the crowne of France leauing any heyres male euery younger brother should haue 20000. frankes of rent the sayde agreement bound not his successor Likewise when Charles the fift in October 1374. decreed that his seconde sonne Lewes of Fraunce should haue for his maintenance 12000. frankes of rent with the title of Earle and 40000. payd him at one payment this decree bound none but himself Also king Lewes the 12. answered those that demanded the artilerie that had beene lent to his predecessor Charles the 8. that he was not his heire to pay his debtes And king Frances the 2. in the yeare 1559. Ianuarie 19. writ thus to the Lords of the league Although we be not bound to the payment of our most honorable late lorde and fathers debtes for that we take not this crowne in title of his heyre but by the lawe and custome generally obserued in this realme euer since the first institution thereof yet wishing to discharge our sayde Lorde and fathers conscience wee are determined to pay so manie as we shall finde iustly to be dewe c. Thus sith the crowne commeth not by fatherly succession but by the lawe of the realme the king can not take it from him to whom the lawe giueth it Furthermore we are in farre better condition then the franchized Romaines who by the constitution of the Emperors Dioclesian and Maximian might chose to inherite where it pleased thē and the heyre as sayth Pomponius that was charged to set them free might not without their owne consent discharge themselues by an other much lesse then should any against our willes make vs to bow our neckes vnder the power of others then those that are appointed vs by succession which is of greater force then the last will of a testator And to say that the king of Nauarre by reason of his religion can not be sacred or receiue the oyle obserued according to custom by the Guizians saying euer since Clouis the 1. so consequently may not be k. of France is to go about to make the accessarie principall of the accident the essence for the sacring of a king is no part of the essence or else they might serue for a difference in the definition of a king euē as the definition thing defined ought to haue relatiō so should it follow that he that were annoynted and sacred shoulde be king and euerie king should be annoynted and sacred Which notwithstanding throughout the whole line of the Merouing ans the Chronicles make no mention of sacring or oyle Clouis the first by the testimonie of Gregorie of Tours after his baptisme was crowned and carryed about the campe vpon a Target likewise Sigebert in steede of Chilpericke that was besieged at Tournay And according to Aimoinus certaine Dukes hauing conspired against the kinges Gontran and Childebert did at Briue la galliard make Gondeuault their king with like ceremonies which were common to other Nations For Brinion was made Duke by the Kennemer landes as saith Tacitus Valentinian the first and Pliocas by the Romaine army as sayth Nicephorus and Hipatius as saith Cassiodore Who then seeth not that the enemies pretended reasons are but folly accompanied with deceipt Hereto I will adde that at the request of these Guizians this realme should be made electiue also besides the law reasons aforesaide the custome should be violated sith that by the testimony of Agathius a greeke writer who liued in the yeare 400. and of Cedrenius who liued in the time of Philip the first king of France the Frankes hauing chosen the best forme of common wealth had no king but by successiue lawe But what stone do those men let ly still that yaune after principalities The house of Bourbon say these firebrands are at this day passed the tenth degree of agnation from the Royall house and therefore by the ciuill lawe excluded from succession Marke here you French men how this young Alexander this beautifull branch of S. Lewes Henrie K. of Nauar is not alone the marke that the wretched purposes of these strangers aime at but also all the Princes of the house of Bourbon generallie are barked at But in what sort with some breach still in the realme which holdeth of none but God the sword They heere oppose against vs the lawes of the Romaines and we say they are a-bodie without a soule sauing so farre as they take life at the authoritie of our kings as appeareth by the priuiledges granted to the vniuersitie of Orleance in the yeare Du Tillet in his collection of the kings of France cap. titres grand 1312. by Philip the faire and the decree dated the 15. of Iuly 1351. wherein it was saide that the king might derogate from the Ciuill law which also Philip of Valois put in practise in the two wils that hee made anno 1347. and in his donation to the Queen anno 1330. the 21. of Nouember To cut thē therefore off short this realme is not hereditarie but in the family and the succession of our kings is not ruled by a written law but by custome her grounded lawes which doo transport the crowne to the next of the blood royall descending from the male yea were he in the thousand degree And yet notwithstanding al these reasons and nothing considering Liui. lib. 2 Dec. 3. the saying of Fabius Max. we may oftentimes make right sicke but kill it we cannot the Guisians meane to pluck away the crowne from those whom nature hath made kings yea euen to bring the king to such passe that he must be forced to nominate to them a successor Although as saith the wise man The height of the heauens the depth of the earth and the harts of kings ought not to be sounded The Coūcel also Prou. 25. of Tolete excommunicateth all those that enquire who shall raigne ouer them after him that ruleth the scepter for besides a vitious curiositie we may still suspect some practise against the king And in deede when in the yeare 1566. in the Parliament of England the estates solicited the Queene to nominate to them a successor to her crowne shee answered them that they digged her graue before shee were