her usuall residence there That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her by the King of Great Britain as a marriage favour which should remain to her and hers as well as those which she then had as also such as she should have in future That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices in those lands which should be given her in Dower and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie or an Earldome that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood to return into France whether she had children or not that in case she should return the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality That her house should be furnished with such dignity and should be filled with as many Officers as any Princess yet had or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain upon the late Treaty which had been proposed Briefly that for the assurance of these conditions he of the two Kings who should be deficient to accomplish what belongeth on his part to do should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other as a penalty for breach of them This was as much security as could be had for the present but one thing is not to be forgotten which was that all the Treaty all the promises given and taken and all the Acts which were concluded on passed in the Kings name as the Person to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain and which he might do according to his own pleasure and upon such conditions as he should think fit whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on Custome may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed The Popes have found by the Canon Law that they have this Power Particularly Alexander the third who when a Bishop asked him the Question whether Marriage between the Children of two Gossips were allowable answered him yes in case the custome of the Country did permit it But I shall say moreover that the same Pope hath declared that there might be such Customes in France which might annull marriages though on the other side those of Rome may license them According to that answer which was made to the Bishop of Amiers who desiring to know if a marriage made with a Eunuch were good was answered that the general custome of the French Church was to dissolve it and he was contented so to permit it though the Roman Church used the contrary It is the Custome of France that no Princesses or Ladies of great quality whose marriages may be of concern to the State may marry but by and with the Kings order and consent The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld with Bauldwin grand Forrestier and afterwards first Earl of Flanders he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates Clergy of France assembled at Senlis though she were at her own disposal by her first marriage and royalty though Pope Nicholas the first would have pickt a quarrel at it and have confirmed it Some one perchance not well informed may suppose that this Pope wanted courage but there is no reason for it seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife leaving his first though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife and to receive his first as also to dispossess two Bishops who had Abetted the disorder the true reason is he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Judith to re-marry without the Kings consent The third Race affords us another proof reported by a Historian who deserves so much the rather to be credited he being generally known for one of the enemies of France It was the marriage contracted by Proxy between Maximilian and Anne of Brittain It 's true it was not consummated as that of Judith was but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings His Majesty making use of his Power declared it Null by reason of that default In fine it was allowed for naught and both parties remained Free Maximilian afterwards marrying Margaret of Milan and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages If these examples evince to us the Antiquity of this Custome and how the Church hath allowed of it we cannot suspect or doubt but that they are grounded upon just reasons seeing the marriages of persons of such quality are of great importance to the State and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War and serve for a Stair-Case to such who aspiring higher then they ought raise enterprizes against the Soveraignty as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent So that neither men or women who have had them in their possession did never make a difficulty to promise either by Oath or any other assurance that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and approbation Philippes Auguste took security of Mahaut Countess of Flanders that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn should separate she should not re-marry without permission Philip Earl of Namur promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders his Neeces whose Guardian he was without his consent Jane Countess of Flanders promised by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort but with his allowance Jane daughter to Philip of Burgogn being delivered to King John by the Treaty between him and the Earl of Savoy amongst other things it was then concluded that she should be married where his Majesty should think fitâ—â— provided it were not to the Daupâ—ine his eldest son And Francis Duke of Brittain ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight not to marry either of his two daughters without his advise under the penal forfeiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold and for the greater security he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee The Deputation of Father Berule to his Holiness to obtain a Dispensation for the above-mentioned Marriage THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty That in
the more oblige them to do it for the entreaty of him who may enforce is a greater tye then his command And is it not very reasonable that as all the parts of the Body even the most noble do contribute to its conservation so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it and to establish the glory of it The Emperour Gratian ordained That every one should serve on publique occasions and first of all addressed himself to execute it not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity and Plato saith No man but ought to obey necessities seeing the Gods themselves submit to them And admit that Ecclesiastiques should deny or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions might they not with reason be reproached as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people Thy request quoth the Emperour to him is contrary to thy Profession for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in doest however suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ who recommendended no one thing more then Poverty and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver would do an act much contrary to their profession if they should pretend to be exempted from those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France that I may not let them slip Henry Duke of Lorrain a little before he dyed finding himself without Sons did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont his younger Brother giving her to understand that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it did really appertain to her and that Charles her Husband had no right to it but onely in consideration of her However the Count de Vaudmont desirous to preserve it to his Son in case he should outlive his Wife pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee by virtue of the Will of Reynard King of Sicily and Duke of Lorrain his Great Grandfather dated the twenty fifth of May in the year one thousand five hundred and six which untill then he had never heard of by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which usually happeneth to great Houses by subdividing those possessions which once belonged to them had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar the Marquisate of Ponta-Mouson and the Earldom of Vaudmont and constituted his eldest Son Anthony late Duke of Lorrain sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lordships willing and ordaining that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male gradually and one after another and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son the possession of Guise Elbauf Aumalle Mayenne Joinville and several others which he had in France substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them and excluding all Daughters The original of the Will was very authentique and Copies of it in divers places to be had There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose after the decease of the said King upon the thirteenth of February in the year fifteen hundred and eight before Madam Philip of Gueldres Queen of Sicilie Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar who declared they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will. Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed that upon consequence of this substitution and order thus established by Will and confirm'd by the States himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities At last he declared by a publick Instrument that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole his late Brothers Daughter he was content to dispossess himself into the hands of his said Son and that he did invest him with it requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States which he renounced to him in his behalf and that after his decease they should descend to his next Heirs Males excluding all Females and still preferring the eldest who were to give the youngest Pensions and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House The King though somwhat concerned in this agreement did not oppose it but esteemed it as frivolous it being free for him not to take any notice of it because it was not presented to him for a ratification though the curious spirits of the time who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States not at all concern'd in them but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection did talk diversly of it Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions was absolutely voyd as also the Contract of disseisure They alledged for their chief reason that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far removed and secondly that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty and at Moulin in one thousand five hundred sixty and six which prohibit such substitutions for ever but restrain them to the second degreeâ— Besides the institution which was passed if it should so stand it would follow of consequence that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever could not be vallid especially in relation to Barr and that which depends on the Crown of France where his Majesty ought to be considered not onely as common Soveraign but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid as also service with and against all others it being not allowed to a Vassal to alter without the Kings authority who is chief Lord the nature of the Fee against the Order established by Custome Thirdly they added for the confirmation of their opinions an example very considerable which was this It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four between John the valiant Count de Montfort afterwards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain son of John Count of Montfort of the one party and Jane Dutchess
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâ—ns and the Marshal of Boucicaâ—d to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râ—ynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
That History records above twenty Alliances between France England and Scotland That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion considering what had been granted to the Spaniard That great Princesses are in this particular in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth so that having once lost their opportunities they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years without ever marrying whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made this result was signified to the Earl of Holland who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty Who upon the receiving of that news dispatched with all diligence the Earl of Carlisle with full power to conclude the Match The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him that they might confer together what they had to do and afterwards being come near to Campeign the King hearing of it commanded the Duke of Cheuruse to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility and withall to entertain them magnificently and defray their charges during their abode at Court The day after their arrival they had Audience given them and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved appointed Commissioners to treat with them The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration but he made it apparent that he was not a Novice in the management of it for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business that he could not enough admire his Prudence Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match hee represented to him that England once leagued with France by this Alliance there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France to re-establish them which being so their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria but overpoize them too with never so little assistance from those Princes That the happy successe which would follow would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State as discredit and confusion to his enemies Moreover that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots this marriage would be of great use as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain from assisting them as also because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel in short That there was great hopes to beleeve the Princess might much advance the Catholick Religion in England if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse judging it requisite to use addresse and prudence for the speedy effecting of it The King did very wel relish the Consideration and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs and quickneth expeditions did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion and that which I finde in it most to be admired is That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture England also did forthwith joyn with France to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine and the year following the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess and without the death of King James For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court that the King had gained more upon him then any of his Predecessors and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives but his own too in defence of his interests and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated for the Passion which he had already in her behalf though he had never seen her was so sensible that he was heard say with a great deal of tenderness which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter nor that of the Prince his son without leave from the Queen her Mother but withall that he was much bound to her because after she had read them she laid his under her Pillow but his sons in her Bosome to shew that she did rely upon him and lodge his son in her heart Politick Observation ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome By them it is that we oâ—ten see those great fires of War which consumed them extinguished and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people Thus Hugh the Earl of Câ—aâ—lins son by his Marriage with Alice Inheritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn restored peace to both who had along time groaned under the miseries of War Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orlâ—ance were allayed for some time by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus second son to the Duke of Orleance who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn with Katharine of Burgogn And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei whereby to obliterate the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages For how often have Princes inlarged theiâ— bounds by that means Who knows not that the House of Austria had not been thus Potent but by Alliances and that the marriage of Hetiâ—gis Inheritrix of Vltrich Burg Longravat and Alsace with Albertus sirnamed the Sage of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria Carintia Tyrol and Goricie with the Emperour Albertus the first of Jane Inheritrix of Castile Arragon Sâ—ciliâ— and Naples with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia with the Emperour Ferdinand the first brother to Charles the Fifth have been the true Rise of its Grandure which was inconsiderable
Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them They likewise answered in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande that that example could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the succession for that a single example createth no Law as the Lawyers say because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it for that no Testator whatever contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest Besides that the Ratification made by the States two years after did sufficiently evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony and that it might safely be said he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males but because it might happen in time that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions and in that case it would be needfull that their Father were naturalized to bring them into Possession That the same thing might be said in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle and the Principallities of Joinville as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve that the Messieurs de Guise who drew on the said Treaty would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain by excluding of the daughters seeing it had not as yet been contradicted there not having hitherto been any daughters who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain in exclusion of the Males but onely Madam Nicole and Claudius of Lorrain who were then in competition That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne daughter to Duke Anthony and Christian daughter to Duke Charls they could not null the Will for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them which thing did not however give them any right at all These answers seemed plausible enough whence it followed that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements they presently concluded that the Will ought to be in its full force and put in execution and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties but the King could onely judge of them as to what related to his Crown for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests and he hath no power but God above which can Arbitrate concerning it Politique Observation THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men seemeth to be so much the more lawfull in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence who hath created women onely to obey who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession but in default of sons And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin still observing this Order The Male should be preferred before the Female and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir Solâ—n one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters if the sons should present themselves to accept of it as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia when he saith the Male children are the Pillars of houses that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People that the Sacrifices are made in their names that it belongeth to them to transact Publick affairs and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them and carrying them into other places And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet It is true that Liege Lords being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it because it is very advantagious for them especially if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince whose power he will never have any reason to fear which is no small advantage to him whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes they may become their Masters and may not onely not render that service which is due by Liege men but on the contrary may bring such troubles to them as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies who may make a War upon him It seemeth likewise to be without any ground that he should pretend a power to hinder them seeing his right extend onely to the investiture to the Homage to the Tribute to the Service of War and fidelity in which he cannot be damaged if they are preserved to him Of what importance is it then whether it be a son or a daughter which payeth him his Homage Tribute and other duties as a token of submission In that case it ought to be indifferent for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince whence it comes that every one being in a capacity to dispose his rights as shal best please himself especially when no one is prejudiced by it there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made in fundamental Customes of Countries and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law which excludeth the daughters from the Crown so it is very doubtfull whether it be in the
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government are only known to himself and his Ministers every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects And true it is his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection Politique Observation KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders They owe this protection unto them in remembrance of their Fidelity and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought and not to discontent the chief of the State for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power in detriment to that of the Soveraign and then all the envie falls on him as if the whole Government were in his hands and unto his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed Which being so what Reason or Justice can a King have to abandon unto the mercy of envie a loyalty which if not cherished will soon languish Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service as the discountenancing of him The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service is blind in his neerest Interests and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers by permitting his ruine who was the greatest Supporter of his glory which once admitted he becomes like a City whose Fortifications are razed and laid level with the ground For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles who came and cast himself into his Arms said he wish'd his enemies no greater evil then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service upon the score of Report so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts and for their fidelity unto their services Who knoweth not that an ancient Common-wealth would not admit of a good Law if propos'd by a suspitious person unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity They who were the Contrivers of this Designe were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Masters Interest by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters that all things run into disorder where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute Prosecution of the Subâ—ect THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and States-men how they ought to govern themselves for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal wherein there was an appearance of objection though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge one of the chiefest was that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom and that other some he had procured for his friends Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns Havre and Brouage and that these places were the more to be regarded they being in his keeping at such a time when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times wherein they might have learn'd how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France by two several Declarations of Henry the third Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea without having some chief Sea-Port Which being so What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him As for those which his Majesty entrusted with his Relations I shall only say that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Constable of France Grand Maistre and Grand Chamberlain and Governour of Languedoc whose eldest son was Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc his second Colonel of Horse Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc by Survivorship and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal another Admiral of France and a third Colonel of Foot and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France viz. that of Thurenne de la Trimonille de Candale and de Vautadour and whose power was such that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine afterwards King to obey him in the Armies which he governed I could likewise add that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise who flourished under Louis the eleventh Charles the eighth and Louis the twelveth Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne and afterwards of Burgogne under Louis the eleventh and six other Brothers which he had with many others of this Nephews were all advanced by him By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes Jean was made Bishop of Langres Louis was made Bishop d' Alby and Lievtenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont and Abbot of Cluny Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi and Governour of Normandy the three sons of his eldest Brother Louis Bishop of Alby Arch-bishop of Rouen and Cardinal Grand Maistre Admiral and Mareschal of France Governour of Milan and Lievetenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy Guy Siegnieur de Revel Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes which was then a high preferment Francis de Clermont his Nephew son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise Cardinal and Râ—nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise Bishop of Bayeâ—x Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with
Publike Registers where in one of the chapters of Royal Râ—ghts it is expresly so recorded But this Register being but of four hundred â—eats standing at most whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self I would fain ask them where the Salique Law is to be found which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom above twelve Ages together Thus it was established by the Custom to which oftentimes there must be recourse had and which must be admitted for a Law carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy and then established for the Kingdoms good Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have been constantly punished by their Kings The example of Merouee son to Chilperic ninth King of France will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy who assuming the boldness of marrying with Brunehâ—ut without his Fathers consent became the object of hiâ— Iustice and was punished according to his desert and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage was impeachel in a Council held at Paris of that very thing as a great Crime he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular and accordingly was he chastised for it Saint Bâ—ruâ—ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte 〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent alledged it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire Thus Philip Conâ—te de Namur broâ—her to Baudouin Conâ—te de Flandres being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces daughters to the said Baudouin engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right which our Kings have over such persons whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels disobedient or enemies of the State One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dutchesse of York an English Prince's daughter without approbation from Charles the Seventh The same Charles the Seventh would not look upon his Son Lewis the Eleventh though of Age for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy without his knowledge though it remained unconsummated until his permission first had and obtained Doth not an English Historian though an enemy to France say that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken in regard the King had not consented thereunto Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne who having married Ausgarde without her fathers consent was in conclusion forced to quit her though he had children by her and though he was his eldest Son and to marry Adelaide and his son by her was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown by name Charles the Simple I shall add this one more of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld who having though a Widdow to the King of England married Comte Baudouin against her fathers Will saw her marriage disanulled by Pope Nicholas the first together with the Bishops of France and was compelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married as she was at Auxerre Monsieur 's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage yet Princes Families being often divided into factions the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd but on the contrary took occasion in the t'others absence whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts He was not to learn that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince when she is once passionately beloved by him Besides he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg who would in fine rule all lastly he doubted there was no way left to break off this match which would be imputed as his fault by reason of the place he held with Monsieur so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse and the good of his affairs He one day took the boldnesse to tell him that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour which this marriage would assuredly hazard nay utterly destroy he layed before him how that though Princes are sometimes excusable for doing such acts in their heat and passion which are displeasing unto their Soveraign yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage to run out into discontents as the increasing of their stipends or the obtaining of some other gratification but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach All the lustre which Princes have and which rendreth them venerable is the effect of their Soveraigns favour just as the light of the Stars is derived from the Sun their Fountain But these Councels of Coigneâ—x being known drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon Mâ—nsieur seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lauâ—eâ—s prevented it who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours This new Favourite had gotten so great an