Flatib all that incommodes Man but this is too general He thought that the blood in good condition nourished and that it was the fountain of the vital heat that it caus'd a fresh colour and good health That the yellow Bile preserv'd the body in its natural state hindering the small Vessels and secret Passages from being stopp'd and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements He thought it actuated the Senses and help'd to the concoction of the Aliment The black Bile was a sort of Ground which serv'd as a support and foundation for other humours The Flegm servâ—d to supple and facilitate the motion of the Nerves Membranes Cartilages Joints and Tongue and other Parts Besides the four first qualities which Hippocrates attributed to the Humours as moisture driness heat and cold it is apparent that he believed they had or might have abundance of others which all had their use and were never hurtful but when one prevailed over the rest or was separated from them Take his own words (e) De prisâ— Med. lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon The Ancients says he did not believe that the dry the cold the hot or the moist nor any other like quality incommoded a Man but that whatever exceeded or prevailed of any of these qualities and which Nature cou'd not overcome was that which incommoded the Man and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct so of the sweet the most sweet was the strongest as of the bitter or sowre that which was most bitter and most sowre in short the highest degree of every thing These are says Hippocrates the latest discoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man and which were hurtful There are really in our bodies bitter sweet sowre salt rough and insipid and abundance of others which have different faculties according to their quantity or quality These different qualities are insensible and do not hurt so long as they are in due mixture but if these humours separate and lodge apart then their qualities become at once both sensible and inconvenient From what Hippocrates has here said we may gather that he did not suppose the Matters we have spoken of to act only by what the Philosophers callâ—d first qualities so far from that that he says a little after That 't is not the hot that is of any mighty power but the sowre the insipid c. whether within a Man or without a Man whether in regard of what he cats or what he drinks or what he applies outwardly in what manner soever concluding that of all the faculties there are none less active than heat and cold What we have said of the separation of the humours from one another relate to what Hippocrates says in divers places that the humours move This motion which is the cause of several distempers expresses sometimes by a term it signifies (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impeâ—◠〈◊〉 â—â—â—dine incenli a Fury like that of some Animals that grow Lustful at certain times There are other passages by which Hippocrates seems to impute Diseases (g) Lib. de affectâ— nib lib 〈◊〉 de Morb. to two of these humours only the Bile and Pituita as they offer'd either in quantity or quality or place But as he speaks elsewhere of two sorts of Bile these two humours may be split into three and with the blood make four (h) Lib. 4. de Morb. In some other passages he adds a fifth which is Water of which he supposes the Spleen to be the Spring as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood the Bile and the Pituita Some of his Commentators make this Water the same with the Melancholy to which Hippocrates seems to substitute it I cannot see how to reconcile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour he look'd upon 't as we have said before as a sort of Lee of the rest of the humours which will by no means agree with water Nor are they nearer their point for making two sorts of Melancholy one of which we have been speaking and another which ought rather to be call'd black Bile which is only the yellow Bile turn'd black as he supposed by being over-heated and burnt this having nothing in common with water The only support of the opinion in question is that he says in the same passage that this water is the heaviest of all the humours I see no reason why we shou'd not object that this is another System (i) It is ascrib'd to Polyblus his Son-iâ—-â—aw See Book 4. Ch. 1. since it has been always suspected that Hippocrates was not the Author of that Book This water might be something like what Hippocrates elsewhere calls Ichor by which he meant any sort of clear thin Liquor form'd in the body of a Man whether sound or unsound So he calls by this name what runs from a malignant Vlcer and speaks in several places of sharp and bilious Ichors and burning Ichors (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We find yet a third System of the Causes of Diseases in another book Intituled Of Winds or Spirits which is mixâ—d with the Works of Hippocrates but most suppose it not to be his The Author of this book uses sometimes the word Wind sometimes Spirit with this difference That the latter signifies the Spirits or Air and Wind inclosed in the body but the former the Wind without from whence nevertheless he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by respiration and the Air contain'd in the Food we take This book upon reading seems to be one of the most rational and coherent of all Hippocrates's Works He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Causes of health and of diseases even in preference to the humours which here are only collateral Causes as the Spirits mix with ' em But this later opinion may be reconcil'd with that which we have before allow'd to be Hippocrates's concerning the effects of the humours only alledging that all that has been attributed to them in relation to health or sickness supposes an impulse of the Spirits as the first movers and that therefore Hippocrates nam'd them as we have said before that which gives the motion There is according to Hippocrates as great a variety of external Causes of health and diseases as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him as there is of diversity in his Conduct and of accidents in the course of his Life From this Hypothesis it is plain that Health and Sickness in general depend upon the following Causes On the Air which surrounds us what we eat and drink sleep watching exercise what goes out of our bodies and what is kept in and upon the Passions In this number likewise are rank'd those foreign bodies which occur and are sometimes useful yet may often dissolve cut or break the union of the Parts of ours Poisons and venemous
a distemper of the skin that becomes white in some places Lips Ulcers of the Lips v. Apthae Lichon v. Tetter (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lientery a disease when you void by Excrement your Food the same you took it in or but a little chang'd (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Loins pain in the Back or Loins (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luxations or distortions Lungs inflam'd v. Peripneumony (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lobes of the Lungs convuls'd Dropsie of the Lungs v. Dropsie Little swellings or knobs of the Lungs v. Wart Swellings of the veins in the Lungs v. Varix M. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MOuth the ill smell of the mouth (aa) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wry mouths Ulcers of the mouth v. Apthae (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Madness v. Folly (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Raving madness (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Melancholy or melancholy distempers (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months in too great a quantity (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months in too small a quantity (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months without colour (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months without mixture (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months stopp'd (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Months purulent like pieces of Membrances or Spiders Web consisting of phlegm matter black grumous acrid bilious salt c. Months that ascend towards the breasts c. v Flux and Purgations (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mola a lump of flesh growing in the Womb. N. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are so nam'd that have their necks awry NEck awry (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nauseating of Victuals common to Women with Child and accompanied with an inclination to vomit (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nephritis a disease of the Kidnies accompanied with pains suppression of Urine and other symptoms v. Stone Nose more than ordinary moistness of the Nose a sort of defluxion v. Coryza (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Navil inflam'd ulcerated and open from the birth (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is so they are call'd by Hippocrates that have this distemper which he gives no name to as such Nyctalopy a distemper of those that see better in the night than in the day O. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OIdema swellings and tumors in general v. Tumor Omentum or the Caul the falling down of it into the Groin v. Tumor (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Opthalmy or inflarnation of the eyes moist and dry (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Opisthotonos a sort of Convulsion where the body bends backward (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orthopny a sort of difficulty of breathing that the Patient canâ—t lie down in his Bed v. Dispnea Asthma P. (a) We find this case at the beginning of the fourth and sixth Pooâ— of the â—p demieâ—s PAlate Imposthumations and Ulcers corroding the Palate The falling or separation of the bone of the Palate and the Teeth from whence follows the sinking of the Nose (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Palpitation of the Heart Palpitation of the flesh in all parts of the body Palpitation between the Navel and the Cartilage thatâ—s towards the stomach (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this name in common in Hippocrates both to Apoplexy and Palsie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some part of the body that 's become Paralytiâ—n or that has lost its sense and motion You find there also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to relax in speaking of the Parts that are Paralytick become they are reâ—axâ—d and loose without sâ—ren thâ—â—â—â—upâ—â—rt thâ—â— T is from this Verb that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—derâ—v'd Palsie but I do not find it in Hippocrates He means in another place by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a species of this distemper Palsie a privation of sense and motion universal and particular (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paronychia or Panaris a Whitlow or sore under the nails that 's very painful (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he speaks also of a distemper of little Children that he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seems to be the same and he explains this word in another place by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 swellings that rise behind the Ears as the Satyrs have or rather which makes 'em resemble Satyrs which are painted with ears standing up â—s those have that are troubled with swellings behind ' em He also calls the same swellings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because the Satyrs were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Ionians You 'll see in another place another signification of the word Satyriasmus Parotides swellings of the Glands behind the Ears (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pudenda excrescence of flesh at the entrance of the secret parts of Women the rotting and falling off of the hairs of those parts v. Eresypelas (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peripneumony inflamation of the Lungs (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perirrhaea a great discharge of humours particularly by Urine (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plague and Pestilential distempers Phagedaena v Ulcer White phlegm v. Leucophlegmaty Phlegmon v. Inflamation (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phlyctenae a sort of pimples and risings on the skin like those that come after a burn (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This word comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the name the Ancients gave to the Diaphragm and signifies also the Soul or Mind because they believ'd the Soul had its seat in the Diaphragm Phrenesis an acute Fever with a strong delirium (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to consume and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to melt Phthisis a disease when the body consumes away (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis of the back (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis nephritick or that comes from the Reins (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis from the Hips (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis from the general habit of body that is from the flesh (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Prickings all over the body and in particular at the end of the tongue (rr) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pityriasis a disease when the hairs fall off and Scurf or Scales rise on the skin of the head Pleurisie a pain in the side with a continual Fever (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleurisie moist when the Patient expectorates (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleurisie dry when he does not spit at all (w) For this reason those that were in this oondition were callâ—d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say struck as well as those that fell into an Apoplexy See before Apoplexy Pleurisie in which after death the sides are black and blue like those that
What that is may be seen in the third Book I shall only add that if any man objects that I have not exhausted this rich Fund but have left much unsaid I acknowledge it But this I assure him that to the best of my Judgment I have made Hippocrates say nothing but what he really did say and that I have omitted nothing that I thought very material either in his reasonings or his method I have one word more more to add concerning the Language in which I write If I had written in Latin I might perhaps have had more Readers and the faults have been less visible at least I might have hoped for as easy pardon as abundance of other Authors that have written lately in it tho but indifferent Masters of it 'T is pure humour that made me write in French If my Book be worth the while 't will find Translators enough to make it of use to Strangers And for the French 't is sufficient if they understand me without being solicitous about the purity or politeness of the Stile which seldom falls to the share of those that are but borderers upon the Country THE HISTORY OF Physick PART I. BOOK I. The Rise and Progress of Physick from the beginning of the World to the time of the Trojan War inclusive CHAP. I. The Reasons that first put Men upon the Search after Medicine and their earliest proceedings therein COULD the Bodies of Men and other Animals persist always in their natural state without any alteration and every Part whereof they are compos'd do its duty we should enjoy a perpetual course of that which we call Health or Life But this admirable piece of Workman-ship like all the rest is submitted at length to Dissolution Not a moment paâ—â—es which makes not some change sensible or insensible The Springs which move our Bodies are fram'd of Matter so tender and so susceptible of all Foreign impressions that no long time is requir'd to wear em out and being extreamly subtil and â—ine must needs be very brittle and therefore frequently out of order nor can it possibly last long in comparison with more solid Bodies and consequently Death which finally dissolves us and the Distempers which lead to it are unavoidable Nor are we to be surprizâ—d at Dying since we have more reasonable cause of wonder that Diseases come not oftner and Death sooner which were inevitable if among the numberless Springs that actuate our Machine some were not less necessary others less nice Some like the main Spring of a VVatch give the motion and set all the rest a going Others less essential may receive great damages and stand still without stopping the motion of the whole The Errors we commit in the use of those things that are necessary for the maintenance of this Engine as Meat Drink Exercise and Rest c. which are those that usually produce the greatest alterations in the principal Parts nor even the violent impulses of other Bodies tend not always to its entire destruction nay often scarce cause a sensible disorder But if it so falls out such is the wonderful contrivance of this Machine that it can frequently shake off unassisted the Clogs that impede its motion and recover its former state or very near it for we must confess that these frequent shocks wear and destroy the Springs by insensible degrees But when this disorder rises so high that it cannot be surmounted by all the force of the Machine in its ordinary course that there is a necessity of Foreign Aid as there are about it some Bodies hurtful to and entirely destructive of it so there are others helpful and beneficial in its extremest need The Beasts under the direction of their Senses only know how to refrain and guard themselves from those and to take the benefit of these I shall not here take into consideration what is commonly reported of the Instinct of Brutes of that hereafter 'T is sufficient to take notice that Men who have Reason have not fail'd to make use of it on these occasions The kindness they have for their own Bodies has taught 'em ever since the beginning of the World to distinguish carefully between what was useful for the preservation of Life and Health and what was destructive of ' em They used their utmost endeavour to avoid the latter but finding all their caution insufficient and that it was not always in their power to avoid the Causes of Diseases their refuge was to observe nicely the conduct of those that were fallen sick Finding therefore that in their opinion such or such an Error had hasten'd the death of some and such and such Conduct the recovery of others and that then they made use of things not used in time of health to which they attributed their recovery they for the future avoided what they thought hurtful to the former and tryâ—d upon other persons in like cases those things which they thought so beneficial to the latter and being confirm'd by repeated Successes continued the use of ' em CHAP. II. Whether Med'cine came immediately from God And how the first Remedies were found out WE have seen what first induc'd Men to have recourse to Med'cine and what in general their management must needs have been on that occasion If it be ask'd Who taught Men to have recourse in their Sickness to things of which in Health they made no use Most believe that Men owe their first knowledge of this kind to Divine Inspiration immediately and by way of Revelation or Instruction The Jewish and many Christian Doctors have inferrâ—d from Genesis where t is said That God causâ—d all the Creatures to pass before Adam that he might give em Names That he at the same time receiv'd a perfect knowledge of all their qualities and of the rest of the Creation and consequently that he was not ignorant of their Medical Vertues Many yet are of another opinion Of this first Man we shall say somewhat more when we treat of the Inventors of Medicine A second Argument to prove the coelestial Origine of this Art is drawn from those passages of Ecclesiasticus * Cap. 38. Verse 1 2 c. where he says That God created the Physician and the Physick and that he hath given Science to Men and that 't is he that healeth Man c. All the ancient Pagans held their Gods to be the Authors of Medâ—cine The Art of Physick says (a) Deorum immortalium inveâ—tiâ—nâ— consecrata est Ars Medica Qâ—â—â— Tusc 3. CICERO is Sacred to the Invention of the Immortal Gods that is to say This Art was look'd on as Sacred because invented by the Gods The Author of a Piece among the Works of Galen Entituled The Physician or the Introduction tells us That the Greeks ascribâ—d the invention of Arts to the Sons of the Gods or others of their nearest Kindred who were instructed 〈◊〉 HIPPOCRATES makes God the Invenâ—â—r (b) De prise Med. They says
they became thereby so numerous that the care of distinguishing and selecting must necessarily devolve upon some particular Person whose whole and sole business and employment it became In our enquiry into the birth and beginning of Physick we must distinguish between Physick in (b) Illud satis â—â—t admoâ—cre omnia quâ—â—â—is consummarit à Natura initia duxisse aâ—t tâ—llatar Medicina quâ—â—x observatione â—â—lubrium atque 〈◊〉 contâ—arioâ—â—â—n reperta 〈◊〉 atque ut 〈◊〉 ousdam â—â—â—â—et tota â—â—â—stat experimentis Namque vuinus deligavit aliquis anâ—â—quam haec Ars esset sebrem quiete abstinentiâ non quia rationem videbat sed quia â—â—â—aletudo ipsa coeâ—erat Quintilian lib. 2. cap. 8. the Natural State as we suppose it to have been among the first Men and as it was among the Babylonians and Physick after it became an Art The first is as â—id as Mankind and has been in use in all times and all Nations that we may say wâ—â—h Pâ—â—â—â— That if some Nations have made shift without Physicians yet none ever did without Physick All the difficulty lies in assigning the time when the latter commenc'd that is when they had gather'd a sufficient collection of Observations whereon to sound Rules to know and distinguish Diseases by and Precepts for the choice and administration of Remedies and for the regulation of Living c. Whether these Rules were true or false the Precepts just or unreasonable is not the question For if it be ask'd when this Art was brought to perfection the true and ready answer is That t is yet a great way short of that The question here is When those Rules and Precepts were first laid down by which Physick became an Art When we read in history or Fable that (a) See the Chapâ—er of Esculapius the Invention of Physick is ascrib'd to this or that particular person we are not to imagine him the first that ever gave a Med'cine what has been observ'd concerning Natural Physick refutes that conceit 'T is more probable that those to whom the Ancients gave the honour of the Invention of this Aâ—â— were Men that apply'd themselves more peâ—â—â—â—â—ly to it and distinguish'd themselves by it whether they were really the first that engagâ—d in it or that excelling in their Art their greater lustre â—â—scur'd the dim Lights of those that preceded 'em in it and seemâ—d to have made some progress in the establishment of that Art of which these compleated the System or that examining more narrowly the Subject of it that is the Body and enquiring more â—â—â—ely into the Causes of Distempers and of the Eâ—â—ects of Remedies they first began to give the Reasons of the Precepts of their Art Experience alone was sufficient for the Inventors of the first 〈◊〉 they had no need of more refin'd reasoning than common sense furnish'd every Man with The second were oblig'd to carry their speculations a little farther grounding still upon Experience only The third were oblig'd not only to Reason but to join the study of Natural Philosophy to that of Physick CHAP. IV. That Prometheus by some reputed the first Inventor of Physick is a feign'd Person The first Man the first Physician OF all those that were accounted the Inventors of Physick by the Ancients Prometheus only seems to have been an Inventor of the first sort Aeschylus introduces him speaking thus of himself You wou'd be surprizâ—d if I shouâ—d tell you all the Artisices and Subtilties that I have invented This is the principal If any one fell sick and there was no relief for him nothing that he couâ—d eat nothing that he couâ—d drink nothing to anoint him with he must perish for want of Remedies before I taught Men the use of sweetning Med'cines with which they might cure all Discases He had said before That he stole Fire from Heaven which is the infuser of all Arts that he might communicate â—em to Men That he had made them Vnderstanding and Wise That he had taught 'em to build Housek that they miâ—ht dwell no longer in Caves as they had done before To distinguish the Seasons and observe the rising and setting of the Stars To compose Letters and form Words To yoak Beasts and six 'em to the Chariot To break Horses To build Ships and make Sails He adds That he taught 'em to Divine to explain Dreams and Oracles to foretel things by the flying of Birds and the entrails of Beasts and by the Signs that appear in Heaven to dig out of the Earth Brass Iron Silver and Gold In short that all Arts came from Prometheus PROMETHEVS has been taken for the same with MAGOG from whom the Scythians derive themselves But 't is easie to shew that the Prometheus of Aeschylus and the other Poets is only an Emblem or a Prosopopeia of the Wit and Industry of Man or of his Prudence which assisted him to discover all that was useful for Life and Society I shall persue this Subject no farther I shall only take notice that if any one wou'd know who was the first Physician or Patient he shall find 'em both in the person of the first Man The same Law that subjected him to Death submitting him likewise to Diseases at least to divers infirmities inseparable from humane Nature there is no doubt to be made but that he did all he cou'd to secure himself against or free himself from ' em Sacred Writ assures us that he livâ—d long enough to have gather'd abundance of Experience but as the manner of living then was simple and uniform such at least we usually suppose it and the constitution of those primitive Men so robust and hearty that Distempers might be very rare so that 't is not likely he shou'd have had opportunity to carry Physick to any great heighth or reduce it to an Art But since the Scripture is silent in the point I shall proceed to what Pagan Antiquity has handed down to us CHAP. V. HERMES or MERCURY or THOTH the Inventor of Physick by some confounded with MOSES THE most ancient of those that have had the honour of the Invention in the second sense that is to have reduc'd it to an Art is HERMES or MERCVRY Surnam'd TRISME GASTVS suppos'd to be the same with (a) Borrich de ortu progressu Chymiae P. 63. CANAAN Son of CHAM as some learned Men think Tho' their conjecture were so far ill grounded that HERMES and CANAAN should appear to have been different persons yet they liv'd at least at the same time and HERMES must have been the elder One of the ablest (b) Monsieur Eochart in his Phaleg Criticks of this Age has provâ—d that CHRONOS or SATVRN was the same with NOAH Sancbhoniathon informs us that HERMES THOTH or TAAVTVS as the Phaenicians and Aegyptians call him was one of the Counsellors of SATVRN Diodorus Siculus says that HERMES was Secretary to OSYRIS and ISIS the most ancient King and Queen of Aegypt
may be understood the power of Musick which in many cases affords great relief Apollo the Father of Esculapius being God of Musick and Chiron his Tutor no less a Musician than a Physician he cou'd not but be a great Master of both Arts. There is a passage in Galen which may serve as a Comment upon this of Pindar (f) De sanitat tuend lib. 1 cap. 8. I have cur'd says he several persons whose passions of mind have render'd their Bodies diseas'd by calming the disorderly motions and reducing their minds to their natural state of composure If authority were requirâ—d to establish this method I cou'd cite a very considerable one which is that of Esculapius the God of my Country who usâ—d to relieve those whose violent agitations of mind rais'd an intemperate heat in their Bodies with Songs Farces and Musick CHAP. XIII Of CHARMS and the manner how they were introduc'd into Physick ESCULAPIUS us'd 'em as did all the rest of the Ancients THat this way of curing Diseases is very ancient is past doubt and that it was in use at this time we have the testimony of (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odyss 19. Homer who tells us That they stopp'd the bleeding of Ulysses by means of Incantations or Charms Esculapius join'd this superstitious method of treating the Sick to that was usually practic'd which according to Pindar consisted of Potions external Remedies and manual Operations 'T is very probable that at first they had recourse to these three ways only as the most simple and natural But finding them frequently ineffectual they betook themselves to superstitious Means perhaps out of a consideration * It is more probable that they were first introduc'd by their Priests who were the first practicers of Physick among the Ancients and who being in other matters us'd to practice upon the credulity of the people made use of the same artifice to maintain their reputation for Physick a branch of their craft that procur'd 'em not the least veneration Accordingly we find abundance of supposititious Books of this kind father'd by 'em upon their Gods a cheat not impracticable to 'em considering the manner of transmitting all knowledge of this kind among the ancient Aegyptians that if they did no good they did at least no harm And tho' they might be as many now think 'em vain and ridiculous yet 't was sufficient to establish the use of 'em that several fancied themselves reliev'd by ' em And as the Imagination is not only contagious but also very powerful in subjects where t is strong and lively things in themselves of no force or effect might by the mediation of Fancy produce very sensible effects which those that saw 'em expected from 'em again indifferently upon all occasions * The seeming efficacy of 'em in cases determining of themselves by a natural Crisis might contribute more than all the rest For in matters of Superstition among the ignorant one shadow of success prevails against a hundred manifest contradictions and encourages 'em against every days experience as our Astrologers caâ— witness Besides this sort of Remedies being neither nauseous nor painful they were submitted to with less reluctance but if all these reasons were insufficient to establish the credit of Superstitious Medâ—cines the power Religion has over the minds of Men which is very great was abusively employâ—d to that purpose and finish'd their submission to em These are the arguments of those that reject all charms as trifles but the more numerous are those that believe the fact not impossible tho' the manner be inconceiveable They bring the Holy Scripture to back their opinion From thence at least they gather that there were Enchanters in the time of Moses and of the Apostles It is said likewise in (b) Vid Hierozoicon Bochart lib. 3. cap. 6. Psalm 58. That the Adder stoppeth her ears and refuseth to hear the voice of the Charmer And the Prophet Jeremy threatens the Jews with the coming of certain Serpents upon whom Enchantments shou'd have no power I shall not enlarge upon this subject tho' I thought my self obligâ—d to take notice of it in my way However it were Charms or Enchantments made their way so well in Physick that they have been practic'd in all Nations of the World time out of mind Nor is it among the simple and illiterate only that they have gained ground for the wisest have paid no less deference to 'em as shall be shewn CHAP. XIV Of AMULETS and other sorts of CHARMS DIseases were sometimes charm'd by simple Words or Magick Sentences or Verses pronounc'd in the Ear of the Patient or at a distance with an intention of curing which was accompany'd with certain gestures or motions of the Body * Of these there are manâ— yet in request wâ—th many peâ—â—â—â— one I met with in an old 〈◊〉 is muâ—h cried up by those that deal in 'em the words and form are these Inscribas chartae quod sâ—rib tâ—r Abracadabra abracadabra abracadabr abracadab abracada abracad abraca abrac abra abr ab a Some reverse this way of writing Sometimes they wrote these Sentences upon certain things and hung 'em about the Body of the Patient These are what the Latins call'd Amulets Amuleta from the Verb amovere to take away or remove They call'd 'em also Proebia or Proebra from prohibere to forbid or keep off The Gâ—â—ek in the same sense call'd 'em Apotropeaa Phylacteria Amynteria Alexiteria Alexipharmaca because they believ'd that these things did not only preserve and defend 'em against all Incantations or Charms to which they ascrib'd as much power to cause Diseases as the Counter-Charms had to cure 'em but that they also reliev'd 'em from Maladies arising from natural Causes The matter of these Amulets was taken from Stones Metals Simples Animals and in general from any thing in the World They engrav'd upon Stones or Metals either Characters Figures or Words which often signified nothing or were unintelligible to those that wrote 'em and those that made use of ' em They wrote likewise these words upon Paper or other matter whatsoever Or if they neither wrote nor mark'd any thing upon matter proper for Amulets they us'd abundance of superstitious ceremonies in their preparation and application not to take notice of the pains they were at to watch a favourable disposition of the Stars The Arabians nam'd this last sort of Amulets which deriv'd their virtue chiefly from the influence of the Stars Talismans that is Images These Amulets were of all forms and fasten'd to all parts of the Body whence they were call'd also Periapta and Periammata from a Verb which signifies to put round about any thing Some resembled a piece of Money with a hole punch'd in 'em to hang by a * Of this sort was the Gold given by our Kings and the Kings of France to those whom they touch'd for Scrophulous Cases vulgarly call'd from
Guts the Liver the Spleen the Kidneys the Bladder the Matrix the Diaphragm the Heart the Lungs the Brain as well as the most sensible humours such as the Blood Cholar Melancholy Flegm the Serosities or Waters and all the different sort of excrements that proceed from several parts of our body It appears at first Sight that the Asclepiadae cou'd not know all this without being Anatomists or at least without having dissected Animals but 't is easy to demonstrate that they might attain to the knowledge of these things without it The first and most familiar instruction they had came from their Butchers and their Sacrifices and as for what relates to to a human body in particular they were glad of any opportunity to instruct themselves when they found any bones in the Fields that were stript of the Flesh either by Beasts or the length of time that these bodies had been expos'd to the air or when they found in some by places the carcass of some unfortunate Traveller that had been murder'd by Robbers or the bodies of Soldiers that died of the great wounds of they receivâ—d in Battel They consider'd them without giving themselves the trouble to make any other Preparation besides what they found ready made to their hands and took no notice of that scruple which forbad them to touch any dead body which they found by accident This was so great a scruple among the Ancients that it appears from a passage in Aristotle which we shall cite hereafter that in his time there was no dissection of human bodies Now this Philosopher liv'd above fourscore years after Hippocrates T is true indeed that the Egyptians as we have already taken notice having been accustomed of old to embalm dead bodies were furnishâ—d by this means with an opportunity to know the true disposition of some parts of the body which they must needs lay open when they separated them from others to preserve the rest and it might so happen that the Asclepiadae reapt some advantage by these discoveries of the Egyptians but as the chief intention of the latter was the preserving of Bodies so they scarce proceeded much farther than it was necessary for them to go on with their design I have thus recounted the several means by which these ancient Physicians discover'd the structure of bodies after the Death of the animal but the best School they had and indeed that which instructed them better than any of the rest was the Practice of their Professioâ— which daily gave them an opportunity to see in living bodies what they were not able to discover in the dead when they dressâ—d Wounds Vlcers Tumours Fractures Dislocations and perform'd other Chyrurgical operations And as Physick was preserv'd in the Family of the Asclepiadae for several Ages where it passâ—d from Father to Son so the traditions and observations of their Fathers and Ancestors supply'd the want of experience in each particular man This last opportunity joyn'd with the former has made several Physicians who livâ—d a long while after them and of whom we shall make mention hereafter to call it an easie and natural tho a long way to gain the knowledge of the humane Body maintaining that this way alone was sufficient for practice We shall find in the Fifth Book what were the reasons that induc'd them to this as likewise what other Physicians had to say upon this occasion CHAP. VI. Of those Physicians that were Philosophers and first of Pythagoras and Xamolxis his Slave HItherto as we have observ'd it does not appear that Reason had been very much consulted in Physick the whole knowledge of which Art seems to have totally consisted in discerning and knowing Diseases rather by their signs than by their causes and using a few simple Medicaments that were almost all taken from Herbs or the practice of some magical or superstitious Remedies The Philosophers were the first that interloping in this Art at the same time introduc'd the fashion of reasoning into it These Gentlemen added to it that part which is call'd Physiology and considers a humane body which is the subject of Physick such as it is in its natural state and endeavours to assign reasons for its functions and operations in examining the parts thereof and all that belongs to it by Anatomy and the principles of Physick Not that it appears by any of their writings or by the Titles of their Books that they had ever been what we call Practitioners Empedocles of whom we shall talk hereafter is the only man among them who is reported to have perform'd a cure All the rest appear to have devoted themselves rather to the Theory than Practice of Physick Pythagoras who liv'd about the lx Olympiad and founded the Italick School is the most ancient we know of those that began to take this Art into their consideration This Pihlosopher neglected no means nor opportunity to render his knowledge universal With this design he travell'd into Egypt which was the Country of Arts and Sciences and learnt all their curiosities 'T is very probable he borrow'd all the knowledge he had in Physick from thence of which we have nothing remaining but a few small fragments which however sufficiently discover a Spirit of superstition so remarkable in the preceeding Physicians as we have already observ'd that which relates to Physiology being very inconsiderable (a) Diogen Laert. Hist Philos Galen He believ'd that at the time of Conception a certain substance descended from the Brain which contain'd a warm vapour from whence the Soul and all the Senses derived their original while the Flesh the Nerves or Tendons the Bones the Hair and all the Body in general was made of the Blood and other Humours that meet in the Matrix He added that the Body of the Infant was formed and became solid in forty days but that eleven or nine or more generally ten months according to the rules of harmony were requisite to make him intirely compleat that all that happen'd to him during the whole course of his life was then regulated and that he carry'd it along with him in a Series or Chain proportion'd to the Laws of the same harmony above-mention'd every thing falling out afterwards necessarily in its own time At the end of this Chapter we shall examine what he meant by this He likewise asserted that the Veins the Arteries the Nerves are the cords of the Soul According to him the Soul spreads itself from the Heart to the Brain and that part of it which is in the Heart is the same from whence the passions proceed whereas Reason and the Understanding reside in the Brain This opinion which belongs in common to him and the sacred Writers perhaps came first from the Caldeans with whom he had convers'd As for the causes of Distempers he had learnt without question all that was believ'd concerning them in the same School and in that of the Magicians whom he had likewise consulted The Air said
he is all fill'd with Souls or Demons and Heroes that send dreams and signs and diseases to men and even to beasts and 't is for these Demons or Spirits for whom (b) Seâ— the Chapt. of Melamâ—as and Polyidus lustrations and expiations are perform'd and in short all that the Southsayers and men of the like profession do upon these occasions From the same place he has borrow'd all that he has written concerning the Magical virtues of Plants of which he compos'd a Book which some ascribe to a Physician whose name was Cleemporus As for what regards their natural qualities Pliny only informs us that Pythagoras had a particular esteem for Cabbage We shall see hereafter that he was not the only man among the Ancients that set a value upon this Herb and looked upon it as a good remedy in case of several distempers There are still remaining some precepts which he gave relating to a man's managing of himself to preserve his health He said that a man ought to accustom himself to the most simple diet and that which may be had in all places â—or this reason he wou'd eat no flesh and liv'd only upon Herbs and Water He likewise prohibited the eating of Beans either because they make the blood gross or for some other mysterious reasons mentionâ—d by the Ancients Living after this manner it was an easie matter for him to follow the advice which he gave viz. not to have any thing to do with women but when we have a mind to become weak Lastly it was a saying of his that a man ought never to be immoderate in any thing that relates either to business or nourishment He makes health to consist in a sort of harmony but does not descend into the particulars of it He said the same thing of virtue of all that is Good in whatsoever respect and of God himself so by this harmony he meant the relation or just proportion which all parts ought to have together or the natural order of all things But what has been said already of this same harmony which Pythagoras observ'd in order of things that happen to every individual man in his life time makes it credible that there was some greater mystery concealâ—d within This mystery perhaps might be much of the same nature with that which this Philosopher found out in numbers each of which according to him have somewhat remarkable in them some of them being a great deal more perfect than others The odd numbers for instance were more considerable and had more force in them than the even numbers the first representing the Male and the second the Female But the number of seven was the most perfect of all The Reader may find in (c) â—ib Cap. 6. Macrobius and (d) 〈…〉 Aulus Gellius wherein this perfection consists To this opinion chiefly is owing the Doctrine of Climacteric years the discovery whereof is attributed to the Caldeans from whom Pythagoras perhaps borrowâ—d them Each seventh year of a man's life is call'd by this name and 't is the receivâ—d opinion that at this time a man runs the greatest risque in relation to his life or health or what they call the goods of fortune by reason of the alterations and changes that happen at these years (c) Lib. 3 C. 4. Upon the same opinion according to Celsus is founded the belief of some Physicians about the force of the seventh number in diseases and the difference they made between odd and even days as we shall see hereafter Those that have said that Pythagoras left nothing behind him in writing and that all we know of his opinions is only taken out of the Books of his disciples may perhaps deny that this Philosopher maintain'd such assertions (f) De dieb decretor lib 3. cap. 8. c. Galen who is of opinion for other reasons than those that are drawn from the force of numbers consider'd in themselves that a due regard ought to be had of the numerus Septenarius and even and odd days seems to question whether Pythagoras held that opinion 'T is so easy says he to discover the absurdity and vanity of what is pretended concerning the virtue of numbers that it is strange how Pythagoras so discreet and wise a man couâ—d attribute so much power to numbers This Philosopher had time to examine them and to admire the result of their combinations since History reports him to have been well vers'd in Arithmetick and Geometry but these Sciences ought rather to have given him an aversion for such wretched trifles Zamolxis whom the Getae ador'd as a God is generally said to have been a Slave of Pythagoras altho others suppose him to have been much more antient He passes for one that had great skill in Physick but all the particulars we know of him are that he us'd to say that a man cou'd not heal the eyes without healing the head nor the head without the rest of the body nor the body without the soul and he pretended the that Greek Philosophers being ignorant of this Maxim for that very reason fail'd in the cure of most diseases The remedy that he us'd to heal or cure the Soul was that of Enchantments not such as Esculapius us'd if we may take Plato's word for it The Enchantments which Xamolxis meant says this Philosopher were nothing else but virtuous discourses and conversations which as he adds produce wisdom in the Soul and that being once acquir'd 't is an easy matter to procure health to the head and to the rest of the body But by what some (g) Herodotus and Strabo others have written concerning the means which Xamolxiâ— us'd to make himself pass for a God we may find that he was capable of using Enchantments even in the proper and common sense CHAP VII Empedocles Alcmaeon Epicharmus and Eudoxus the Disciples or Followers of Pythagoras Empedocles was one of the most celebrated disciples of Pythagoras T is believ'd that like his Master he joyn'd Magic to Physick or that his Physick was Magical But in some places he lets us see that sometimes at least he applies himself to natural agents where he tells us that the Pestilence and Famine that ravag'd Sicily his native Country so often are occasion'd by a South wind which finding a passage through certain holes in the mountains made great destruction in the plains So he advis'd them to stop up these holes after which the Country was free from these two cruel persecutors He gave another testimony of his great knowledge in remedying the stench of a river that infected the air in a certain Province which he brought about by digging Canals by which he brought two other rivers into the bed of the first If this Philosopher got so much reputation by these Contrivances he was no less famouâ— for the extraordinary cures he perform'd Diogenes Laertius tells us that he was particularly admir'd for healing a woman who was look'd upon to be dead finding
(w) De Loc. in Hom. All the Veins communicate and run one into another for some are joyn'd immediately together others communicate by small veins which run from the Trunk of one to another and which serve to nourish the flesh (x) De Natur. hom There are a great number of different veins which come from (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So read all the MSS. says Foesius Yet Galen reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Vena Cava the Ventricle or Belly by which the nourishment is conveyed into all the parts of the body The same nourishment passes also from the great veins as well internal as external to the belly and the rest of the body These veins supply one another reciprocally with nourishment those without to those within and those within to those without (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epidem lib 6. sect 6. The flesh draws from the belly and likewise from without and our senses discover to us that all the body is transpirable from within to without and from without to within Hippocrates speaks in another place of the (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Diet. acut See the whole passage at length in the Chapter of Blood letting rest of the blood and spirits in the Vessels which supposes a precedent motion We have both related and render'd as exactly as possible the foregoing passages concerning the motion of the blood spirits and nourishments in the body because they seem to point at the most considerable Anatomical discoveries of our Age. Hippocrates did unquestionably acknowledge a sort of circulation of the blood and humours the aforecited passages are in express words He uses also in another place a term by which the Greeks used to signifie (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. de humor in prin the reflux of the Sea to express the return of the humours from the skin to the centre of the body It is necessary here to avoid a fallacy in giving to Hippocrates the honour of a discovery reserved to our Age to make the following Remarks It is apparent that this ancient Physician held this flux and reflux or this circulation to be made thro' the same Vessels which carry'd and brought back indifferently from the Centre to the Circumference and from the Circumference to the Centre again As for what escaped the known Vessels it pass'd according to him (c) De morb lib. 4. thro insensible channels and ways undiscoverable which yet were open as long as the Animal liv'd according to the principles laid down by him and related by us that all consents conspires and agrees together in the body or that all is transpirable from within to without and from without to within If these Principles served his turn in this case the attraction spoken of before and the faculties subservient to Nature brought him off easily for the rest that is that the motions of the blood and humours were usually determined by necessity and attraction (d) De Nat. â—uer The blood says he which by the order of nature descends but once a month to the Womb flows thither every day while the (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seed or Faetus therein contained draws what is necessary for it according to its strength and has its respiration greater or less at first the respiration of the Faetus being very small little blood comes from the Womb but as by this respiration increases the Faetus draws more blood and it descends in greater quantities into the Womb. Nor does the Faetus only draw but all the parts likewise (f) De Morb. lib. 4. The Ventricle or Stomach says Hipporates elsewhere is a fountain which furnishes all the body when it is full but when it is empty it draws in its turn from the body which exhausted it The Heart the Spleen the Liver and the Head are the fountains which supply the other parts and in their turns draw from them There are in Hippocrates a hundred passages like these some of which we shall take notice of in the sequel The Office of Nature or the Faculties is according to him to regulate the attraction and provide for all the necessities of the Animal Nature as we have observed or its Faculties nourish and make every thing to grow and increase We shall add but a word or two more upon the subject of the motion of the blood in the Veins and Arteries by which we may judge of the Idea Hippocratet has had of it There are says he (g) De loc in Hom. This Book is by universal consent agreed to be genuine two other (h) By this name Hippocrates understands as well the Arteries as Veins veins which beat continually these veins are the only ones in the body that contain no blood for the blood turns from ' em Now that which turns away or returns is a contrary motion to that which comes forward on that side so that the first retiring or withdrawing from these veins and that which comes from above endeavouring to descend they do not agree but push one another by turns and mix and circulate one with another which produces the pulsation or beating of these veins We say nothing at present of the extraordinary motions of the blood and humours we reserve them for the next Chapter I know that some of the greatest (i) Riolan and several others Anatomists and Physicians of the Age Men very learned in the Languages and all sorts of Literature have done and yet do believe that the aforecited passages go abundance further We shall have occasion to examine their Opinion in the Second Part of this History Of the BRAIN (k) Lib. de Gland Galen supposes this Book to be spurious The Brain is reckoned by Hippocrates among the Glands because it appeared to him of the same nature being white fryalble and spungy as they were And he believed that the Brain sucked up the superfluous humours of the body like the other Glands which being all of a spungy nature imbibe says he moisture easily But there is this further of the Brain That the Head being hollow and round draws incessantly like a sort of Cupping-glass the moisture from the rest of the body which rises in the form of a vapour after which it being over-charged it sends it down to the lower parts especially the Glands from whence come Defluxions and Catarrhs Hippocrates in some other places makes the Brain (l) Lib. de Morb. sacro the Seat of Wisdom and Vnderstanding altho' as we have seen before he lodges the (m) Lib. de Corde Soul which is the same thing with the (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vnderstanding in the Left Ventricle of the Heart Hippocrates takes notice elsewhere that the Brain was (o) De loc in hom cloathed with two Membranes the one thick and the other thin We shall have further occasion to speak of the Brain and its Membranes when we
speak of the Senses and their Organs Of the NERVES If Hippocrates's Anatomy of the Brain be very scanty he has yet less of the Nerves To understand rightly the following Remarks we must take notice that the Greek Anatomists that came after Hippocrates distinguished three sorts of parts which were before confounded the Nerves called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are the passages of the Animal Spirits which communicates sense and motion to all the parts of the Body the Tendons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which come from the Muscles and serve to contract or extend the Members and the Ligaments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which serve peculiarly to strengthen the Articulations of the Bones Hippocrates has given the first of these names indifferently to all the three parts so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nerve did as well and as often signifie in him a Tendon and a Ligament He seems sometimes to mean by it a Nerve tho' according to Galen Hippocrates uses generally the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that signification There is a passage in the pre-notions of Cos where he speaks of (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 internal Nerves and slender Nerves by which may be understood the Nerves properly so call'd There is likewise another passage wherein those names seem to be given to the true Nerves (b) Lib. de Oss Nat. The Rise or Origin of these Nerves says Hippocrates is from the back part of the Head continuing along the Spine of the Back to the Ischium whence come the Nerves which go to the Privities to the Thighs the Legs the Feet and the Hands and distribute themselves even to the Arms one part going into the Flesh the other along the Bone (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perone to the Thumb while it traverses the flesh to the rest of the Fingers It goes also to the Blades of the Shoulders to the Breast and to the Belly through the Bones and through the Ligaments There come also others from the Privities which taking their course by the Anus tend toward the cavity of the Hips proceeding afterwards part upon the upper part of the Thigh and part under the Knees they continue to the Tendon and Bone of the Heel to the Feet and some to the Perone and some others to the Reins Hippocrates seems here to speak of real Nerves yet when he comes in the same Book to assign the use of the Nerves which he designs by the same name he confounds them with the Tendons The Nerves says he serve to bend to contract and extend the Members In this later place the word (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nerve may perhaps signifie a Tendon whereas in the former it signifies a Nerve But if Hippocrates knew the Nerves he seems to have been a stranger to their use for in the same passage he gives there the proper Office to the veins By the whole passage we may see what he thought of the uses of some other parts The Bones says he give the form to the Body and support it The Nerves bind contract and extend the Members The flesh and the skin unite all the parts together The veins which are spread thro' the whole body carry (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Spirit the flood or facility of flowing and the motion By these veins which carry the Spirit c. we are to understand the Arteries by what has been before observ'd of the Office Hippocrates allots them There is yet another passage in the fourth Book of Diet where he speaks of the passage of the spirits through the veins and through the blood and observes that 't is their natural way Convulsions the Palsie sudden Speechlesness and Vertigoes are there taken notice of as effects of the interception of the spirits in the veins and the Apoplexy seems to be intended by the name of (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Interception of the veins See anon the passage at length in the Chapter of Blood-letting As for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which as we have said generally signify'd a Nerve we must examine the principal passages wherein it is found that we may give the truer judgment of it The following are the most considerable passages We shall first propose one wherein Hippocrates after having laid down some of the Symptoms that accompany a dislocation of the Thigh bone forward adds (g) Lib. de Artic. That in such a dislocation they feel abundance of pain and that there is a suppression of Vrine because the head of that bone presses upon very considerable Nerves so that it causes a Tumour in the Groin Galen upon this passage says (h) In Lib. de Artic. Comment 3. That by these considerable Nerves Hippocrates meant the Nerves which go along with the Vein and Artery thro' the Groin which are call d (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 considerable or of great power because they are near the spinal Marrow and come out at the same place with those that go to the bladder Hence it is that the head of the Thigh-bone being displaced this way the bladder it self suffers and such an inflamation arises that no Vrine can pass It sometimes also happens as Galen says That the Vrine is stoppâ—d with the greatness of the inflamation which reaches to the neck of the bladder and the sphincter Muscle and stops by that means the passage If the suppression of Urine spoken of arises from the compression of the Nerves design'd by Galen we should rather attribute this symptom to a Stupifaction or a sort of Palsie of the bladder than to an inflamation of it an inflamation being not so natural a consequence of the compression of the Nerves as numbness but Hippocrates himself seems to acknowledge that this inflamation is the effect of the pain preceding and this makes me suspect that by these Nerves he meant no more than the Fibrous and Tendinous parts of the Muscles of the bladder or near it We find in the same Book another passage wherein Hippocrates seems to design the Nerves by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If you would says he cauterize or burn the skin under the Arm-pits you must take care of going too forward or taking too much for fear of hurting some considerable Nerves which are near the Glands of that part Galen wou'd have it that Hippocrates here points at the Nerves that come from the spinal Marrow to the Arms and indeed it seems as if he cou'd mean nothing else Nevertheless what Hippocrates adds presently after perswades me that he designs nothing but the Tendons of the Muscles which draw the Arm downwards You must know says he that when you have lifted up the Arm very high you cannot lay hold on the skin of the Arm-pit at least not so as to extend it the Arm being lifted up the skin which was under the Arm-pit disappears or can't be pinch'd And you must further take care of the Nerves which in this posture
advance and are extended very much which must in no manner be hurt He uses also in this place the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same Book likewise furnishes us with a third passage wherein we meet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 repeated several times it is in speaking of the Articulations of the Vertebrae but all that he says there seems better explicable of the Ligaments than of the Nerves properly so call'd We find likewise in another (k) De Morb. vulgar lib. 2. sect 4. Book of Hippocrates the following passage There are two Nerves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which come from the Brain which passing behind the great Vertebrae draw sidewards from above towards the Gullet or Oesophagus and touching the Artery on both sides join again as if there were but one and terminate where the Vertebrae and the Diaphragma take their Origin or are join'd Some have supposed that these Nerves parting in this place tended towards the Liver and towards the Spleen There is another Nerve which proceeds from each side the Vertebrae along the Spine and passing obliquely over the Vertebrae disperses it self into the sides And these Nerves as well as the Veins of which I spoke before seem to traverse the Diaphragm and terminate in the Mesentery These Nerves re-joining again at the place where the Diaphragm takes its Origin and passing through the middle below the Artery return to the Vertebrae and at last lose themselves in the Os Sacrum It is impossible to translate this passage well by reason of its obscurity it is taken from a fragment of Anatomy in the Book before cited which appears to be out of its place having no coherence with any thing either antecedent or consequent yet Galen has commented upon this Book of Hippocrates (l) Comment in lib. de artiâ— for he relates some of the first words of the passage we have translated which proves that the fragment from whence it was taken was inserted even in his time in the place where we now find it Galen contents himself to insinuate in two words that this passage treats of real Nerves without giving himself the trouble to explain it entire and perceiving that this passage was little for the honour of Hippocrates he goes about to excuse him saying What he writ was only for a (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Memorandum for himself and not to treat exactly to the bottom of this matter And to give the more credit to it he adds That the first and third Books of his Epidemicks were the only Books which Hippocrates finished or that he wrote with any design of publishing The passage here meant being taken out of the second which according to Galen was but a sort of Meddly which the Author had not digested this may be so but he ought to have shewn that Hippocrates had elsewhere spoken better or more clearer on this head It is to no purpose to perplex our selves to find in an Author what he has not if we shou'd allow that this ancient Physician and the Asclepiades his predecessors knew or had seen some considerable Trunk of Nerves as it was hard if the practice of Chirurgery gave them no occasion they appear not to have distinguish'd them well from Tendons or Ligaments nor to have known the true use of them (n) See the Chapter of Blood-letting The forecited passage in which Hippocrates assigns to the Veins and Arteries the Office of the Nerves is a convincing proof of his Ignorance on that subject but there cannot be a better proof than we find in the Writings of this Physician and the manner of his reasoning with (o) Vid. lib. â— Alcmaeon and other Philosophers of his time about Hearing Smelling and the rest of the Senses therein we do not see that either one oâ—t other so much as suspected the share the Nerves have in Sensation Of the Organs of SENSE We have seen before Alcmaeon's Opinion The following descriptions of the Organs of Sense are taken from Hippocrates (a) Lib. de Carn The Ears sa's he have a hole which butts upon a bone as hard and dry as a stone to which is join'd a Fistulous cavity or a sort of passage oblique and narrow at the entry of which there is a Membrane extreamly fine and dry whose driness as well as that of the bone produces the sound the Air being reflected by this bone and by this membrane After which without mentioning the Nerves he endeavours to prove that whatever is dry sounds most In another place he says (b) De Loc. in Hom. That the cavities which are about the Ears are made only for the better hearing of noises and sounds And he adds That whatever comes to the Brain by the Membrane which encompasses it is distinctly heard that for that reason there is but one passage which pierces in this place to the Membrane which is spread over the Brain As for the Smelling he says The brain being moist has the faculty of scenting or smelling by drawing in the odour of dry things with the air which runs a-thwart (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. de Carnib 4. certain dry bodies The Brain adds he reaches even into the cavity of the Nose in this place there is no bone between them but only a soft cartilage like a Spunge which can neither be call'd bone nor flesh He describes the Eye after this manner There are says he some small veins extreamly slender which go (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the sight or eye Lib. de loc in hom into the eye thro' the Membrane which incloses the Brain These veins nourish the sight of the eye with a Liquor extreamly pure which comes from the brain in which the Images of things appear to the eyes the same veins if they dry up extinguish the sight There are also three Membranes which encompass the eye of which the first is the thickest the second is thinner the third is extreamly fine which preserves the liquor or humour of the eye The first being hurt the eye is out of order The second being broken puts it in great danger that it puffs outward like a bladder But the third which preserves the humour is that whose breaking is of worst consequence What follows we find in another (c) Lib. de Carn Book We see for this reason or after this manner vision is made There is a vein which runs from the Membrane of the Brain which passing thro' the bone enters into each eye By these two veins the most subtil part of the viscid humour of the brain distils as it were thro' a Streiner and forms round about it a Membrane like to that which is transparent in the eye which is exposed to the air and winds which is form'd much after the same manner that other Membranes are but there are several Membranes about the eye which are like to that which is transparent within In this
transparent the light and luminous bodies are (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reflected and by this reflection vision is made Vision is not made by what is not Diaphanous and does not reflect The rest of the white about the eye is a sort of flesh and what we call the sight appears black because it is deep The Tunicles which are about it are black for the same reason We call says he a Membrane or Tunicle that which is like a skin which is no way black of it self but white and transparent As for the moisture which is in the eyes it is something viscid for we have sometimes seen after the breaking of the eye that there came out a thick humour which is liquid while it is warm but solid as Incense when it is cold Those that think that Hippocrates knew as much as we do now may say that he called the Optick Nerves veins 'T is true this name signifies variety of things in this Author for he gave it not only to the Arteries but likewise to the Vessels which contained no blood such as the Ureters because they are round long hollow and white like veins He does indeed sometimes distinguish certain veins by the Epithet of (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veins that hold blood but 't is not in opposition to the Nerves but to certain Vessels which he calls (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib de Ossium Nat. veins that are very slender and contain but little blood He talks also of a Nerve full of blood which according to Erotian shou'd be a vein tho' others understand by it the Panniculus Carnosus A learned Interpreter of Hippocrates pretends that he gave to some veins the Epithet of hollow to distinguish them from veins that were (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vid. Foesii Oâ—comom Hippâ—c invoce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solid but I find not this later word in Hippocrates tho the hollow veins there cited might be meant of the veins and arteries in general which are both hollow Vessels The same Interpreter says elsewhere (k) Id. in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Hippocrates in one place comprehends under the name of Veins Nerves Tendons and Ligaments which he appears not to me to prove Rusus Ephesius tells us That the most ancient Greeks call the Arteries Nerves if it be true that Hippocrates called the Optick Nerves veins he ought to have said that the Ancients reciprocally called the Nerves by the names of Arteries and Veins All that we can gather from all this is that the inaccurateness of Hippocrates and other Authors of those Times in distinguishing different Vessels by different names shews that they had but a very superficial knowledge of them Perhaps the word (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vein was a term as general amongst them as (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that of Vessel amongst the Anatomists since which signifies indifferently a Vein Artery or Nerve or even the Vreters or any other parts that serve for the conveyance of Liquors or Spirits If it were so the Ancients run no risque when they call all the Vessels veins without distinction Of the FIBRES Before we quit the Nerves we must examine the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose plural makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which it is pretended that Hippocrates signify'd equally a Fibre and a Nerve Some says Erotian will have this word to signifie a Nerve others explain it only of the Fibres whereof the Nerves are composed The Greek Authors that have written of Plants have call'd by this name the Nerves or Strings which appear on the back of Leaves and the strings at the end of Roots The Anatomists have given the same name to the small strings which are in the flesh and other parts and the Latins have translated it Fibrae Hippocrates has undeniably used the word in that sense as when he observes that the Spleen is full of strings or fibres He takes notice also of the Fibres in the blood but it is pretended likewise that he signified the Nerves by it To prove it a passage is cited where he says (a) De Ossiâ—m Natur. That the heart has Nerves or Fibres which come from all the Body He uses there the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we find no where else but Foesius reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This latter word may as well be rendred Fibre as Nerve that which inclines us to the later signification is what he adds as a proof That the Seat of Thought is rather about the Thorax than any other place of the body because this agrees with the opinion of those who bring the Nerves from the Heart as we shall see hereafter But perhaps neither the common reading nor that of Foesius are true And we ought to read with Cornarius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habenas the Reins changing one letter it alters not the pronunciation This Author translates this passage thus The Heart is situated as in the Streights of a passage that it may hold the Reins for the guidance of the whole Body For this reason Thought has its Seat about the Thorax or Breast rather than any other part The changes of colour also are produced by the opening and shutting of the veins by the Heart when it opens them it looks fresh and lively when it shuts them we become pale and wan Of the MUSCLES There is little more to be found in Hippocrates concerning their Muscles than their name The following passage is the first that takes notice of them (a) Lib. de Arte. The parts whose flesh is turn'd round which is what we call a (b) MuÌ„s Muscle have all a belly or a cavity (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For all that is not composed of parts of a different nature whether it be covered with a Membrane or whether the flesh covers it all that is hollow and while it is well it is full of spirit but when it is diseased it is fillâ—d with a sort of water or corrupted blood The Arms have flesh of this sort the Thighs and the Legs the same as well as the most meagre and fleshless parts We find in another place the word (d) De Off. Nat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which can be nothing but an Adjective to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is understood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculi adductores or adstrictores The Muscles which serve to draw back or gather together He speaks there of the Anus I know not whether there be any other particular wherein the action of the Muscle is touch'd As for the names the succeeding Anatomists distinguish'd the Muscles he has spoken in one place of the Muscle call'd (e) Lib de Artic Psoas Of the Oesophagus of the Stomach or Ventricle and of the Guts (a) Lib. de Anatom The Oesophagus according to Hippocrates is a Tunnel which reaches from the Tongue to the Stomach which is the
place where the Meat it putrified or is concocted We find both these expressions in Hippocrates He calls the Stomach in the passage we have cited the putrifying Belly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Lib. de Aliment He uses elsewhere the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is which begins to putrifie speaking of the nourishment or food in the stomach But we find much oftner the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coction and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Concoct This digestion according to him is made by the heat of the Stomach which he calls a part all Nervous which joins to the Liver on the Concave-side We must further take notice that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the same thing in our Author The latter signifies often in Hippocrates the Orifice or mouth of any Vessel or part whatsoever as of the Bladder of Gall the Matrix c. (c) Lib. de Anatom Hippocrates seems not to distinguish more than two Guts one which is straight about the length of a dozen Cubits being afterwards full of folds some says he call it Colon. And he observes in another place (d) De Morb. Epidem This Gut in a Man is like that of a Dog but that in a Man it is bigger This Gut is suspended by or fasten'd to a part which he calls Mesocolon that is the middle of the Colon and that part it self is fasten'd to the Nerves which come from the spine of the back and pass under the belly The second named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is furnished with abundance of flesh all round and ends in the Anus Elsewhere he says This latter Gut is Porous and adds some particulars concerning the Intestines which shall be remembred when we come to the Reins Of the LIVER Hippocrates says of the Liver that it abounds more with blood than the rest of the Bowels and that there are in it two eminencies which they call Ports He says further That the Liver has five Lobes or is divided into five Parts We have seen before that he has made in another place the Origin of the Veins He observes that several Bronchiae pass from the Heart to the Liver and with these Bronchiae the great vein by which the whole body is nourished He elsewhere calls this vein (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Liver-vein he assigns to the Liver the Office of separating the Bile which it does by the means of its veins which draw whatever is Bilious or proper to make Bile in the Aliment Of the SPLEEN The Spleen beginning from the last of the short Ribs on the Left-side stretches its self out like the print of a Manâ—s foot it receives one vein that divides it self into an infinite number of strings like the threads of a Spiders web which are full of blood and diffused through its whole substance It is fasten'd or hangs to the Omentum which it furnishes with blood by divers small veins Hippocrates says in one place that the Spleen is (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fibrous He says also that it is soft and spungy and by that means draws from the Ventricle which it is near to part of the moisture which comes from the drink the rest being afterwards suckâ—d up by the Bladder of Urine Of the LUNGS The Lungs have according to Hippocrates five Lobes like the Liver they are cavernous rare and pierced with divers holes like Spunges (a) De prise Med. For this reason it draws from the neighbouring parts the moistures they contain Of the Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast The name which Hippocrates gives to this Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast is the same by which the Greeks signify'd (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mind or Vnderstanding The most ancient Physicians called it so out of a perswasion that it was the Seat of the Understanding making it to divide the function attributed as we have seen before to the Heart which is near it Not that this was the generally received opinion it was believed false even in the time of Hippocrates If the book of the Falling Sickness be his the Author of this book expresses himself thus The Part which is called Phrenes is falsly so callâ—d and at random This name is grounded upon an b opinion and not upon any thing real for I sce not how this part contributes to Prudence or Understanding All that it does is that when any one is surprized with any great and sudden joy or grief it beats and causes thereby a sort of uneasiness or pain for it is sine and more strongly upon the stretch than any other part of the body having no belly or cavity to receive what is good or what is bad but being alike encumbred with one or t'other This part says he perceives or has sense but it is not the Seat of Wisdom no more than the Heart wherefore the name of this is as improper as that of the Ears of the Heart which have no hearing In another place Hippocrates says of this Membrane That it has its Origin near the Back-bone behind the Liver and in one that it is nervous and strong He says yet in another place That this Membrane causes madness and folly when the blood stagnates there or moves too slowly Of the Reins the Ureters and Bladder of Urine Our Author speaking of (a) De Off. Nat. the Reins numbers them amongst the Glands or at least he seems to think that they have Glands and those more gross than the rest of the body but it seems more probable that he meant the Glands near them whatever they were than those of this part He had said a little before to the same purpose That the Intestines had the biggest of all which drew the moisture therein contained He believed That the Reins drew likewise the moisture from the nearest Glands and sent it to the Bladder He supposed in another place That this moisture came from the drink and that the Reins by a faculty peculiar to themselves having suck'd a part from the veins near which they are situated it filtred or run through the substance of â—em like water and descended into the bladder by the veins which lead thither while the rest of the drink soak'd immediately thro' the Intestines into the same bladder the Intestines or Intestine being very spungy and porous in the part contiguous to it Of the Organs and manner of Generation We find in Hippocrates the names of the principal parts distinguishing the bâ—xes but he says nothing of their structure He has this only concerning the Vesiculae Seminales That there are on either side the Bladder little bodies like â—oney combs in which the seed is contained He believed that it came from all parts of the body but particularly from the Head descending by the veins behind the Ears down the spinal Marrow and into the Reins As for the manner