read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
now we feel and see the most bitter consequences And as for the Prelatical party the high Royalists as our Author cals them they conceive the Reformation was not so perfected in the time of that prudent Queen but that there was somewhat left to do for her two Successors that is to say the altering of some Rubricks in the Book of Common-prayer the adding of some Collects at the end of the Letany the enlargement of the common Catechism a more exact translation of the Bible then had been before the setling of the Church upon the Canons of 603. and finally a stricter and more hopeful course for suppressing Popery and for the maintenance both of conformity and uniformity by the Canons of 640. Fol. 187. And now I cannot call King Henry a Batchelor because once marryed nor a marryed man because having no wife nor properly a Widower because his wife was not dead Our Author speaks this of Henry the eighth immediately after his divorce but is much mistaken in the matter King Henry was so averse from living without a Wife that he thought it more agreeable to his constitution to have two Wives together then none at all To that end while the business of the Divorce remained undecided he was marryed privately to the Lady Anne Bollen on the 14 of November Stow puts it off till the 25 of Ianuary then next following by Dr. Rowland Lee his Chaplain promoted not long after to the Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfield the Divorce not being sentenced till the Aprill following And whereas our Author tels us in the following words that soon after he was solemnly marryed to the Lady Anna Bollen he is in that mistaken also King Henry though he was often marryed yet would not be twice marâ—yed to the same Woman that being a kinde of Bigamy or Anabaptistry in marriage to be hardly met with All that he did in order to our Authors meaning is that he avowed the marriage openly which before he had contracted in private the Lady Anne Bollen being publickly shewed as Queen on Easter Eve and solemnly crowned on Whitsunday being Iune the second Assuredly unlesse our Author makes no difference between a Coronation and a Marriage or between a marriage solemnly made and a publique owning of a Marriage before contracted King Harry cannot be affirmed to have marryed Anne Bollen solemnly after the Divorce as our Author telleth us Fol. 208. Though many wilde and distempered Expressions be found therein yet they contain the Protestant Religion in Oare which since by Gods blessing is happily refined Our Author speaks this of a paper containing many erroneous Doctrines presented by the Prolocutor to the Convocation some few of which as being part of Wickliffs Gospel and chief ingredients in the Composition of the new Protestant Religion lately taken up I shall here subjoyn 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of bread or a little predie round Robin 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then the Lay-men have 3. That all Ceremonies accuestomd in the Church which are not clearly expressed in Scripture must be taken away because they are Mens inventions 4. That the Church commonly so called is the old Synagogue and that the Church is the Congregation of good men only 5. That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great Estate or rich man and that they in no wise follow the same 6. That all things ought to be common 7. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home or in a Dirch by the way as in a Font-stone in the Church 8. That it is no sin or offence to eat White-meats Egges Butter Cheese or flesh in Lent or other Fasting dayes commanded by the Church and received by consent of Christian people 9. That it is as lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday as upon Easter day or other times in the year 10. That the Ghostly Father cannot give or enjoyn any penance at all 11. That it is sufficient for a Man or Woman to make their confession to God alone 12. That it is as lawfull at all times to confesse to a Lay-man as to a Pâ—iest 13. That it is sufficient that the sinner do say I know my self a sinner 14. That Bishops Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Iudges have no Authority to give any sentence of Excommunication or censure ne yet to absolve or loose any man from the same 15. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in or to do any divine service in 16. That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofitable and vain 17. That the rich and costly Oâ—naments in the Church are rather high displeasure then pleasure or honour to God 18. That our Lady was no better then another Woman and like a bag of Pepper or Saffron when the spice is out 19. That Prayers Suffrages Fasting or Alms-deeds do not help to take away sin 20. That Holy-dayes ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence in as much as all dayes and times be alike 21. That Plowing and Caâ—ting and such servile work may be done in the same as on other without any offence at all as on other dayes 22. That it is sufficient and enough to believe though a man do no good works at all 23. That seeing Christ hath shed his bloud for us and Redeemed us we need not to do any thing at all but to believe and repent if we have offended 24. That no humane Câ—nstitutions or Laws do binde 〈◊〉 Christian man but such as be in the Gospels Pauls Epistles or the New Testament and that a man may break them without any offence at all 25. That the singing or saying of Mass Mattens or Even song is but a roring howling whistling mumming tomring and jugling and the playing on the Organs a foolish vanity This is our Authors golden Oare out of which his new Protestant Religion was to be extracted So happily refin'd that there is nothing of the Old Christian Religion to be found therein Which though our Author doth defend as Expressions rather then Opinions the Careers of the Soul and Extravagancies of humane infirmity as he doth the rest yet he that looks upon these points and sees not in them the rude draught and lineaments of the Puritan Plat-form which they have been hammering since the time of Cartwright and his Associates must either have better eyes then mine or no eyes at all I see our Author looks for thanks for this discovery for publishing the paper which contain'd these new Protestant truâ—hs and I give him mine Fol. 239. At this time also were the Stews suppressed by the Kings command And I could wish that some command had been laid upon our Author by the Parliament to suppress them also and not to have given them any place in the present History especially not to
Altar as it either was or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down superstitious Pictures and Images had they been so minded Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church unto a Army Acies Castrorum ordinaâ—a as the Vulgar hath it an Army terrible with Banners as our English reads it A powerful Body out of doubt able which way soever it moves to waste and destroy the Countrey to burn and sack the Villages through which it passeth And questionless too many of the Souldiers knowing their own power world be apt to do it if not restrained by the Authority of their Commanders and the Laws of war Ita se Ducum Authoritas sic Rigor Disciplinae habet as we finde in Tacitus And if those be not kept as they ought to be Confusi Equites Peditesque in exitium ruunt the whole runs on to a swift destruction Thus is it also in the Church with the Camp of God If there be no subordination in it if every one might do what he list himself and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into into his hands what a confusion would ensue how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it Courage and zeal do never shew more amiably in inferior powers then when they are subordinate to good directions especially when they take directions from the right hand from the Supreme Magistrate not from the interests and passion of their fellow subjects It is the Princes office to command and theirs to execute With which wise caution the Emperor Otho once represt the too great forwardness of his Souldiers when he found them apt enough to make use of their power in a matter not commanded by him Vobis Arma Animus mihi Consilium virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquites as his words there are He understood their duty and his own authority allows them to have power and will but regulates and restrains them both to his own command So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition proceeding by the warrant and examples of holy Scripture or in resemblance to an Army as compared by Solomon there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reformation or Execution till they be vested and intrusted with 〈◊〉 lawful power deriv'd from him whom God hath plac'd in Authority over them And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroy'd and to be destroyed by all which have power to do it yet must all those be furnisht with 〈◊〉 lawful power or otherwise stand guilty of as high a crime as that which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others 3. But our Author is not of this minde and therefore adds That if the Soveraign do forget the Subjects should remember their duty A lesson which he never learn'd in the Book of God For besides the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazen Serpent and the Altar of Bethel not acted by the power of the people but the command of the Prince I would 〈◊〉 know where we shall finde in the whole courâ—e and current of the holy Scriptures that the common people in and by their own authority removed the high places and destroyed the Images or cut down the Gâ—oves those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry or that they did attempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers Where shall we finde that any of the seven thousand person which had not bowed the knee to Baal did ever go about to destroy that Idol Or that Eliah or Elisha two men as extraordinary for their calling as their zeal and courage did excite them to it Where shall we finde the Primitive Christians when living under the command of Heathenish Emperors busied in destroying Idols or defacing the Temples of those Gods whom the Pagans worshipped thoâ—gh grown in those times to such infinite multitudes that they filled all places of the Empire Vestra omnia implevimâ—â— Cities Illes Castles Burroughs your places of Assembly Camps Tribes Palaces yea the very Senate and common Forum as Tertullian pleads it No other Doctrine 〈◊〉 â—eard of till either the new Gospel of Wickliffe or the new Lights shining from Geneva gave beginning to it when the Genevians were resolv'd on a Reformation and could not get the consent of their Bishop who was also their immediate Prince they resolv'd to take the work into their own hands and proceed without him And that the presence of their Bishop might not be a hinderance unto their designs they rais'd a tumult put themselves in to a posture of war and thereby force him and his Clergy to forsake the City And this being done they did not only order matters of Religion as they pleas'd themselves but took the Soveraignty of the City into their own hands changing the Government thereof to the form of a Common-wealth Eo ejecto Genevates Monarchiam in popularem Statum commutarunt as Calvin hath it in his Epistle unto Cardinal Sadolet The practice of these men drawn afterwards into example by Knox and others became at last to be the standing Rule and Measure of all Reformations For when the King and Queen of Scots refus'd to ratifie two Acts which were sent unto them concerning the abolishing of the Mass and the Popes supremacy Knox Winram and the rest of that gang without more ado devised and set up a new form of Discipline ingrossing that power unto the Kirk which formerly had been usurped by the Popes of Rome Afterwards when the Queen was return'd into Scotland and that some of their importunate Petitions were neglected by her it was concluded by the Ministers in as plain terms as might be that if the Queen will not then we must ibid. fol. 33. According to this Rule the Netherlands proceeded also not only driving on the design which they had in hand as the French Hugonots also did without the Kings Authority but against it also Finally from a matter practical it came at last to be delivered for a point of Doctrine that if the Prince or Supreme Magistrate did not reform the Church then the people might For this I finde in Clesselius one of the Contra-Remonstrants of Roterdam If saith he the Prince and Clergy do neglect their duties in the Reforming of the Church Necesse est tumid facere plebeios Israelitas that then it doth belong to the common people And it is with a Necesse too if you mark it well they might not only do it but they must be doing Not in the way of Mediation or Petition by which the dignity of the Magistrate might be preserv'd but by force and violence Licet ad sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent even to the shedding of their own bloud and their brethrens too Our Author preacheth the same Doctrine whether by way of Application or Instruction it comes all to one for Qui Parentes laudat filios provocat as
yeeld to 〈◊〉 Scots and Picts not being to be nam'd amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island That they did many times harass and depopulate the South part of it I shall easily grâ—nt but to the subduing of a Coâ—ntrey there is more reqâ—ired then to waste and spoil it that is to say to fix their dwelling and abode for some time at least in the Countâ—ey conquered to change the Laws alter the language or new mould the Government or finally to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island as our Author out of love perhaps to the Scots would perswade the Reader ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Third and Fourth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN From the time of the Norman Conquest to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come unto the times of the Nâ—rman Government when the â—hurch begâ—n to settle on a surer bottom both fo◠〈◊〉 and polity the Bishops lesse obnoxious to the Kiâ—â—â— then foâ—merly because elected by the Monks and Câ—nons of their own Cathedrals their Conâ—istories free 〈◊〉 the intermixture of Lay-assistance and their Synâ—â—s mâ—nag'd by themselves Wherein thoâ—gh the 〈◊〉 power of making such Synodicall Consâ—iâ—â—tions 〈…〉 facto binde all paâ—ties yet our Author is resolv'd to have â—â—otherwise Fol. 19. The Prâ—ceedings saith he of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals to Secular Lawes and National Customs And the Laity at 〈◊〉 limited Canons in this behalf How false this is â—ow contrary to the power and practice of the Church beâ—ore the â—ubmission of the Clergy to King Henry the eiâ—â—â— and â—inally how dangerous a gâ—ound is hereby 〈◊〉 to weaken the Authority of Convocations will 〈◊〉 appear by â—â—ying down the sum of a Petition preâ—â—â—â—ed by the House of Commons to the same King Hâ—nry together with the Answer of the Pâ—elates and inferior Clergy then being Synodically assembled to the said Petition The substance of the Petition was as followeth viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm being you Highness Subâ—ects in their Convocation by thâ—m holden within this your Realm have made and dayly make divers Sanctions or Laws conceâ—ning Temporal things and some of them be â—epâ—gnant to the Lawes and Statuâ—eâ— of your Realm not having 〈◊〉 requirinâ— your most Royall assent to the same Lawes so by them made nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects is had to the same noâ—heâ— to them published and known in their Mother tongre alâ—â—it diveâ—s and sundry of the said Lawes extend in certain causes to your excellent Peâ—son your liberty and Preâ—ogative Royall and to the inteâ—diction 〈◊〉 your Lawes and Possessions and so likewise to the Goodâ— and Possessions of your Lay Subâ—ects declaâ—inâ— the inâ—ringers of the same Lawes so by them maâ—e not only to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication but also to the detestable crime and sin of Herâ—â—e by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity whether they may do and execute your Laws according to your Jurisdiction Royal of this Realm for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Lawes so by them made in their Convocations to the gâ—eat trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay subâ—ects c. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this TO this we say that forasmuch as we 〈◊〉 and take our Authority of making Lawes to be grounded upon the Scripture of God and the determination of holy Church which must also be 〈◊〉 rule and squier to try the justice and righteousness of all Lawes as well Spiritual as Temporal we verily trust that considering the Lawes of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian religious and devout Princes and People how both these Lawes proceeding from one fountain the same being sincerely interpreted and after the good meaning of the makers there shall be found no repugnancy nor contrariety but that the one shall be found as aiding maintaining and supporting the other And if it shall otherwise appear as it is our duty whereunto we shall alwayes most diligently 〈◊〉 ourselves to reform our Oâ—dinance to Gods Commission and to conform our Statutes and Lawes and those of our predecessors to the determination of Scripture and holy Church so we hope in 〈◊〉 and shall dayly pray for the same that your Highness will 〈…〉 came why with the assent of your 〈…〉 temper your Graces Lawes accordingly 〈…〉 shall 〈◊〉 a most happy and perfect 〈◊〉 and agreement as God being Lapis angulaâ—â— to agree and conâ—oyn the same And as concerning 〈…〉 of your Highness Royall assent to the 〈◊〉 of such Lawes as have been by our 〈◊〉 or shall be made by us in such points and 〈◊〉 as we have by God authority to rule and 〈◊〉 by such Provisions and Lawes we knowing your Highness wisdom and vertue and learning nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty And that we your most humble Subjects may not 〈◊〉 the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God to youâ— Highness assent although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble Princely and excellent vertues not only to give yoâ—â— Royall assent but also to deviâ—e and commâ—nd what we should foâ— good order and 〈…〉 Statutes and Lawe provide in the Church nevertheless consideâ—ing we may not so ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the â—eeâ—ing and ruling of 〈◊〉 people your Graces Subjects we most humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore so from hence forth to shew your Graces 〈◊〉 and opinion unto us what your high Wisdom shall think convenient which we shall most gladly hear and follow iâ— it shall please God to inâ—â—â— is so to do with all submission and humility beâ—â—ech the same following the stepâ— of your most Noble Progenitors and conformably to your our own Acts do maintain and defend such Lawes and Ordinanceâ— as we according to our calling and by Authority of God shall for his honour make to the â—diâ—ication of vertue and maintaining Christs faith of which your Highness is named Defender and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person your Liberty and Prerogative Royal and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions To this your said Orators say that having submitted the tryal and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors to the just and straight Rule of Gods Laws which giveth measure of Power
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
a Presbyter or Minister of the Gospel but before two or three Witnesses but if they be convicted then to rebuke them before all that others also may fear 1 Tim. 5. 19 20. And on the other side he invests him with the like Authority upon those of the Laâ—ty of what age or sex soever they were old men to be handled gently not openly to be rebuked but entreated as Fathers 1 Tim. 5. 1. the like fair usage to be had towards the Elder Women also v. 2. The younger men and Women to be dealt withall more freely but as Brethren and Sisters v. 1 2. A more ample jurisdiction then this as the Bishops of England did neither exercise nor challenge so for all this they had Authority in holy Scripture those points of jurisdiction not being given to Timothy and Titus only but to all Bishops in their persons as generally is agreed by the ancient Writers So then Episcopall Iurisdiction fell not by this concession though somewhat more might fall by it then his Majesty meant That the Dignity of Archbishops was to fall by it is confest on all sides and that the King made the like concession for the abolishing of Deans and Chapters though not here mentioned by our Authour is acknowledged also And thereupon it must needs follow which I marvell the Learned Lawyers then about the King did not apprehend that the Episcopal Function was to die with the Bishops which were then alive no new ones to be made or consecrated after those concessions For by the Laws of this Land after the death of any Bishop his Majesty is to send out his Writ of Congâ— d'Eslier to the Dean and Chapter of that place to elect another Which election being made signified under the Chapters Seal and confirmed by the Royall assent the King is to send out his mandat to the Arch-Bishop of the Province to proceed to Consecration or Confirmation as the case may vary And thereupon it must needs be that when the Church comes unto such a condition that there is no Dean and Chapter to elect and no Arch-Bishop to consecrate and confirm the person elected there can be legally and regularly no succession of Bishops I speak not this with reference to unavoidable Necessities when a Church is not in a capacity of acting according to the ancient Canons an establisht Laws but of the failing of Episâ—opall Succession according to the Laws of this Land if those concessions had once passed into Acts of Parliament Fol. 1099. The Head-Quarters were at Windsor where the Army conclude the large Remonstrance commended by the Generals Latter and brought up to the Parliament by half a dozen Officers But by the heads of that Remonstrance as they stand collected in our Authour it will appear that he is mistaken in the place though not in the Pamphlet That terrible Remonstrance terrible in the consequents and effect thereof came not from Windsor but S. Albans as appears by the printed Title of it viz. A Remonstrance of his Excellency Thomas Lord Fairfax Lord Generall of the Parliaments Forces and of the General Councel of Officers held at S. Albans the 16. of November 1648. Presented to the Commons assembled in Parliament the 20. instant and tendred to the consideration of the whole Kingdom Which Remonstrance was no sooner shewed unto his Majesty then being in the Isle of Wighâ— but presently he saw what he was to trust unto and did accordingly prepare himself with all Christian confidence For that he had those apprehensions both of his own near approaching dangers and of their designes appeareth by the â—ad farewell which he took of the Lords at Newport when they came to take their leaves of him at the end of this Treaty whom he thus bespake viz. My Lords You are come to take your leave of me and I beleeve we shall scarce ever see each other again but Gods will be done I thank God I have made my peace with him and shall without fear undergoe what he shall be pleased to suffer men to do unto me My Lords you cannot but know that in my fall and ruâ—ne you see your own and that also near to you I pray God 〈◊〉 you better Friends then I have found I am fully informâ—d of the whole carriage of the Plot against me and mine and nothing so much afflicts me as the sense and sâ—elâ—â—g I have of the sufferings of my Subjects and the miseries that hâ—ng over my three Kingdoms drawn upon them by those whâ— upon pretences of good violently pursue thâ—ir own Interests and ends And so accordingly it proved the honour oâ— the peers and the prosperity of the people suffâ—ring a very great if not a totall Ecclipse for want of that light wherewith he shined upon them both in the time of his glories But before the day of this sad parting the Treaty going forwards in the Isle of Wight his Majesties Concessions were esteemed so fair and favourable to the publike Interesse that it was voted by a 〈◊〉 or party in the House of Commons that they were 〈…〉 of the Kingdom 12â— Voting in the affirmative and 84. only in the Negative Which Voteâ— gave sâ—ch offâ—nce to those who had composed this Remonstrance that within two daies after viz. Wednesday the 6. of Dâ—cemâ—â—r But first I would fain know why those imprisoned Members are said to be all of the old stâ—mp considering 〈…〉 those who were kept under custody in the Queens 〈…〉 and the Court of Wards there was not one man who eâ—ther had not served in the War against the King or otherwise declare his disaffection to the authoâ—ized Liturgy and Government of the Church of England as appears by the Catalogue of their names in 〈…〉 Nâ—m 36. 37. And sâ—condly I would fain know why he restrains the number to 40 or 50 when the imprisoned and secluded Members were three times as many The imprisoning or secluding of so small a number would not serve the turn Non gaudet tenuisanguine tanta sitis as the Poet hath it For first the Officers of the Army no sooner understood how the Votes had passed for the Kings concessions but they sent a Paper to the Commons requiring that the Members impeached in the Year 1647. and Major General Brown who they say invited in the Scots might be secured and brought to justice and that the 90 odd Members who refused to vote against the late Scottish Engagement and all those that voted the recalling the Votes of Non-addresses and voted â—or the Treaty and concurred in yesterdaies Votes c. may be suspended the House And such a general purge as this must either work upon more then 40 or 50. or elâ—eit had done nothing in order to the end intended Secondly â—t appears by these words of the protestation of the imprisoned Members bearing date the 12. of Deâ—ember that they were then above an hundred in number vâ—z We the Knights Citizens â—nd Burgesses of the Commonâ—â—◠〈◊〉 of Parliament