devill and his disciples be against thee for God thy protector is stronger than hee or any other and shall by his grace give him and them a fall and so shew unto thee that God is on thy side Consider that it is written in Prov. 6. that amongst many crimes there rehearsed that God hateth chiefly hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren as all we Christians are brethren under our heavenly Father Also it is written in Iohn 8. that those that do stirre men to murther are children of the Devill which was from the beginning a murtherer and brought Adam to sinne and thereby to death as the Jewes his children stirred the peopâ—e to put Christ to death Saint Paul also in Rom. 16. warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them against the Doctrine that he had taught them and biddeth them eschew their company wherein the Holy Ghost wrought in Paul for these many yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of Christendome but the Bishop of Rome either hath beene a stirrer of it or a nourisher of it and seldome any compounder of it unlesse it was for his ambition and profit Whereâ—ore since as S. Paul saith in 1 Cor. 14. that God is not the God of dissention but of peace who commandeth by his Word peace alway to be kept we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene Realmes and to bring them to warre are the children of the devill what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall which cloaking under hypocrisie is double devillishnesse and of Christ most deâ—ested because under his blessed name they do play the Devills part And therefore seeing Christ is on ourside against them let us not feare them at all but putting our confidence in Almighty God cleaving fast to the Kings Majesty our supreme head on earth next under Christ of this Church of England as â—aithfull subjects by Godslaw ought to do though they goe about to stirre Gog Magog and all the ravenners of the world against us we trust in God verily and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by Ezekiel in C. 39. against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God whom the people of God shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of Israel that none of them shall escape but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by kiâ—es and crowes and birds of the aire and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice to make invasion into this Realme then let us wish that their great Captaine Gog I meane the Bishop of Rome may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us that the people of God might surely live in peace Thus Tonstall concerning the Pope and the Cardinall though a Papist It is an Italian proverbe of our English men That an Italianated English man is a devill incarnate such a one was this Cardinall qui Italis pontificiisque adulationibus conâ—iliis atque technis in Regis atque Patriae discrimine sic se 〈…〉 passus â—st â—â— non modo 〈…〉 PRODITOR writes his immediaâ—e successor of himâ— In the 31. yeare of King Henry the 8â— he put the King Kingdome to extraordinary trouble and expence â—or the King being then enformed by his â—rusty and faithfull friends that the cankered and cruell Serpent the Bishop of Rome by that Arch-trâ—ytor Reginald Poole enemy to Gods Words and his naturall country had moved and stirred divers great Princes and Potentates of Christendome to invade the Realme of England and utterly to destroy the whole Nation of the same Wherefore his Majesty in his owne person without any delay tooke very laborious and painâ—ull journeys â—owards the Sea coasts also hee sent divers of his Nobles and Counsellours to view and search all the Ports and dangers of the Coasts where any meeâ—e and convenient landing place might be supposed as well on the borders of England as also of VVales and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many Bulwarkes and â—ortifications to be made And further his Highnesse caused the Lord Admirall Earle of Southhampton to prepare in readinesse ships for the Sea to his great cost and charges And beside this to have all people in a readinesse hee directed his commissions throughout the Realme to have his people mustered and the harnesse and weapons seene and viewed to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this Realme and likewise caused a generall muster to be made of all the Citizens of London betweene the age of 60. and 16. This Arch-traytor after the Pope had imployed him to move the Emperour and King of Spaine to breake their league with King Henry and to proclaime warre against him kept a continuall guard about him lest the King should send some to murther him And retiring to Viterbium where he lived some space neere a Nunnery he begaâ— two bastards a sonne and a daughter on the Abbeâ—se who oft repaired to his lodging which was afterwards objected to him when he was elected Pope by the major part of Cardinals and yet lost that Antichristian See by his owne negligence and delayes King Edward the 6. deceasing and Queene Mary comming to the Crowne she presently sent for this Traytor home the Pope upon this occasion makes him his Legate to reduce England under his vassallage and tyranny The Cardinall hereupon sore longed homeward not doubting but if things stood as hee thought to get a dispensation to lay off the Hat and put on a Crowne But the Emperour mistrusting what the Prelate intended found devises to hold him beyond the seas untill the match was concluded betweene Queene Maâ—y and his sonne Anno 1554. he arrived in England and the same day he landed an Act passed in the Parliament house through the Queenes and VVinchesiers meanes for his restitution in blood and the utter repealing of the Act of atâ—ainder against him in King Henry the 8. his raigne The Cardinall soone after caused Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to be deprived and degraded seating himselfe in his See and making a long Oration in Parliament declaring the offence and schisme of the Kingdome in casting off the Pope and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the Church againe upon their submission he caused the Parliament to make an Act repealing all Statutes Articles and Provisions made against the See of Rome since the 20. yeare of Henry the 8. reviving the Popes supremacie and denying the Queens wherein the whole Realm submitted it selfe to the Pope some parts of which Act pertinent to my purpose I shall crave leave to recite Whereas since the 20. yeare of K. Henry the 8. of famous memory Father unto your Majesty our most naturall Soveraigne
seized on three Mannors or Barronies belonging to his See and retained them during the Arch-Bishops life which was not long hee either out of griefe or Gods just Jâ—dgement being soone taken away It falling out for the most part as Bishop Godwin observes in his life that those Bishops which have presumed most in opposing themselves against their Princes have least time endured and ever quickly beene taken away Anno Dom. 1329. William de Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke successively Treasurer and Chancellour of England upon the Examination of Edmund Earle of Kenâ— whom this Prelate and the Bishop of London had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against King Edward the third was accused of High Treason for reporting that King Edward the second was still alive after his death and that upon the credit of a preaching Fryer of London who had raised up a Devill which certainly informed him thereof as a truth For writing a Letter of Fidelitie to this Earleâ— which hee sent by his owne Chaplaine Acyn for sending him 500. men in Armes and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise and sending Richard de Pomfret to him both to Reusington and Arundle to further the said Rebellion The Poore Earle was found guiltie of high Treason and beheaded The Bishop of London and Arch-Bishop the chiefe plotters of this Treason and Conspiracâ—e were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming and the Fryer who had raised the Spirit to know whether the Kings Father were living or not was onely committed to prison where he dyed An. 1319. this William Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely with the Citizens of Yorke not making them of the Countrey once privie to their designes having in their companie a great company of Priests and men of Religion gave battell unto the Scots neere Melton upon Swale But for as much as most of the English were unexpert in the feates of Warre the Bishops being their Captaines and came not in any orderly way of Battell they were easily put to flight by the Scots who slew about 4000. of them sparing neither Religious person nor other So ill is it for Prelates to turne Warriers and that rashly without taking good advice Alexander Nevell Arch-Bishop of Yorke in great favour with King Richard the second was amongst others conuicted by Parliament for abusing the Kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against the Nobilitie and Lords whom hee falsely accused of Treason to the King to the great prejudice of the King and Realme by whispering tales day and night against them and for anulling Acts of Parliament for which causes hee was condemned in Parliament of high Treason and then adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment in the Castle of Rochesâ—er Hee foreseeing the Tempâ—st that grew toward him fled out of the Realme Vrbane the Fifth for his securitie translated him being both a Traytor and whisperer writes Walsingham from Yorke to Saint Andrewes in Scotland which Kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge Vrbane for Pope yeelding obedience to the Antipope by meanâ—s whereof Vrbanes gift was insufficient to invest him in Saint Andrewes yet good to void him quite from Yorke whereby hee being stript of both Arch-Bishoprickes and enjoying the benefit of neither for very want was forced to become a Parish Priest at Lovaine and so lived three yeares till his death Thomas Arundel his Successour to prejudice the Londoners and benefit those of Yorke removed all the Kings Courts from Westminster to Yorke to the great prejudice and grievance of the Londâ—ners and Subjects in the West and South parts of England and the no little disturbance of the Realme His pretence was that hee did it onely to punish the pride and presumption of the Londoners who were then in great disgrace with the Kingâ— by reason of a fray made upon the Bishop of Salisburyes Manâ— who abused a Baker and brake his head with a Dagger without any just cause for which the Citizens assaulted the Bishops House to have Justice done upon his Man who had done the wrong but the Bishops bolstering him outâ— no Justice could be had and instead thereof their Liberties were seized on and the Terme removed to Yorke to vex them the more The Arch-Bishop not long after was attainted of Treason in Parliament immediately upon his Translatiâ—n from Yorke to Canterbury And good reason for he conspired with the Duke of Gloucester the Abbot of Saint Albanes and the Prior of Westminster both which Religious persons declared to the Duke that they had severall Visions That the Kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of Richard the second by which they animated the Duke to conspire with them and others against their Soveraigne who meeting together at drundel Castle about the 20. yeare of King Richards Raigne they sware each to otherâ— to bee assistant one to another in all such matters as they should determine and therewith received the Sacrament from this Arch-Bishop who celebrated Masse before them the morrow after which done they withdrew themselves into a chamber and concluded to take King Richard the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke and to commit them to Prison and to hang and draw all the other Lords of the Kings Councell all which they intended to accomplish in August following had not their plot been discovered and prevented by Earle Marshall This Prelate after his attainder for this Treason was the chiefe Actor in effecting King Richards involuntary Resignation in the instrument whereof he is first named I shall say no more of this Arundel but what William Harrison hath recorded of him in his Description of England l. 2. â— c. 1. p. 134. And even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our Princes with Thomas Arundel than King Stephen had with his Predecessours and Robert de Sâ—gillo Bishop of London who fled to Rome for feare of his head and caused the Pope to write an ambitious and contumelious Letter unto his Soveraigne about his restitution But when by the Kings Letters yet extant and beginning thus Thomas PRODITIONIS non expers nostrae Regiae Majestati insidias fabricavit the Pope understood the bottome of the matter hee was contented that Thomas should be deprived and another Arch-Bishop chosen in his stead But of this and him you may reade more before pag. 75 76 c. Richard Scroope Arch-Bishop of â—orke Brother to William Scroope Earle of Wilâ—shire Ann. 1403. and 1405. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Earle Marshall the Lord Bardolpâ— and others in a Conspiracie and Rebellion against King Henry the fourth gathering what forces hee could against him The Percies to make their part seeme good devised certaine Articles by the devise of this Arch-Bishop which they shewed to divers Noble-men and other States of the Realme and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes
for sundry great offences by them committed Whereupon Gawin Dowglasse Bishop of Dunkeld hearing of this Proclamation though not named in it conscious to himselfe of great offences fled into England and remained aâ— London in the Savoy where he dyed Anno 1569. There was a great rebellion in the North by the Earles of Westmorland and Northumberland and others Murray then Regent of Scotland informed Queene Elizabeth that the Bishop of Rosse then in England was the Authour of that Rebellion whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of London to remaine his Prisoner As the Archbishops of Canterbury Primates of all England have beene the greatest Traytors and Incendiaries of all other our Prelates so have the Bishops and Archbishops of Saint Andrewes Primates of all Scotland beene the like in that Realme of which I shall give you a taste In the yeare of our Lord 1180. Richard Bishop of Saint Andrews deceasing there arose a great Schisme about the election of a new Bishop for the canons of the Church of S. Andrews elected Iohn Scot for their Bishop and William King of Scots made choyce of Hugh his Chaplaine and caused him to be consecrated by the Bishops of his Kingdome notwithstanding the said Iohns appeale to the Pope Whereupon Pope Alexander sent Alexis a sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome into Scotland to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two competitors Who after a long debate finding that the said Iohn was Canonically elected and that Hugh after the appeale to the Pope was violently intruded by the King into the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes immediately deposed him from his Bishopricke and by his authority imposed perpetuall silence on him confirmed the election of Iohn and caused him to be consecrated Bishop of Saint Andrewes by the Bishops of Scotland the King neither prohibiting nor contradicting it yea permitting it by the Counsell of the Bishops of his Realme But immediately after his consecration the King prohibited him to stay within his kingdome and Hugh carryed himselfe as Bishop no lesse than he did before his deprivation and taking with him the Episcopall Chaplet Staffe and Ring with other things he unlawfully detaining them and beginning his journey towards Rome departed And because he would not restore the things he carryed away Allexis excommunicated him interdicted his Bishopricke and the Pope confirmed that sentence Hereupon the Pope writes three Letters one to the Bishops Abbots and Prelates of all Scotland the Prior of Saint Andrewes and the Clergy and people of that Diocesse honourably to receive Iohn as their Bishop within 8 dayes after the receipt of this Letter and to submit unto him as their Bishop and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of Ecclesiasticall Justice and to endeavour to appease the Kings displeasure But if the King were averse or inclining to the Counsell of wicked men then they ought to obey God and the holy Church of Rome more than men otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which Hugh Bishop of Durham had pronounced against the contumacious and rebellious Another Letter to all the Bishops and Prelates of Scotland to denounce Hugh excommunicated and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate Person till he restored to Iohn the goods of the Church he had taken away and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroyed Moreover the Pope granted to Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke a power Legatine in Scotland and commanded him that he together wiâ—h Hugh Bishop of Durham should denounce a â—entence of excommunication against the King of Scotland and interdict his Kingdome unlesse he would permit the said Iohn to hold his Bishopricke in peace and give security to him to keepe the peace And the same Pope strictly commanded Iohn by vertue of his canonicall obedience that neither act of love nor feare oâ— any man nor through any mans suggestion or will he should rashly presume to relinquish the Church of Saint Andrewes to which he was consecrated and in which he was confirmed by Apostolicall authority nor presume to receive another Bishopricke adding that if he should attempt it he would take away both Bishopricks from him without exception After which Pope Alexander writ a Letter to King William himselfe enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof to give peace and security to the Bishop and to receive him unto his favour so that he ought not to doubt the Kings indignation Alioquin noveritis c. Else he should know that he had commanded Roger Archbishop of Yorke Legate of the Apostolicke See in Scotland to put his Kingdome under interdict and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale And that he should know for certaine that if he persisted in his violence as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty so he would thenceforth doe his endeavour Vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur that it should revert unto its Priestine subjection He meant I take it not to himselfe but to England But the King obeying in nothing his Apostolicall mandates expelled Iohn Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Matthew Bishop of Aberden his Uncle oâ—t of his kingdome Whereupon Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke Hugh Bishop of Durham and Alexis prosecuting the Popes command Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Kings person and a sentence of Interdict against his Kingdome And Iohn on the other side fulminated a sentence of excommunication against Richard de Mâ—rtue Constable of Scotland and other of the Kings familiars who disturbed the peace betweene the King and him And Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham likewise enjoyned the Prior of Saint Andrewes and all Ecclesiasticall persons within the Diocesse to come to Iohn their Bishop and yeeld due subjection to him else they would pronounce a sentence of suspention against them as contumacious and rebellious And when as certaine Ecclesiastickes of the Diocesse for feare of the said suspension came to the said Iohn the King cast them all out of his kingdome with their children and kindred and with their very sucking children yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their Mothers brests Whose miserable proscription and exile the foresaid Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham beholding Reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction Commanding all Bishops Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall persons firmely and unmoveably to observe the same and very warily to shunne the King himselfe as an excommunicate Person Not long after Roger of Yorke fell sicke and dyed which the King of Scotâ— hearing rejoyced exceedingly thereat And taking advise with the Bishops Earles and other wise men of his kingdome he sent Ioceline Bishop of Glascow Arnulfe Abbot of Melros and others to Pope Lucius to absolve him from the foresaid Excommunication and interdict and if they might by any meanes to procure Iohn to be deprived By whose solicitation the Pope released the Excommunication and interdict as appeares by his Letter
follow his Edition as Master Calvin and some few others doe in their Commentaries whereas both he and they are professed Enemies to Episcopacy and disclaime those Postscripts as false and spurious Fiâ—thly Master Beza and the â—etâ—ers forth of the Greeke Bible Printed by the Heires of Andrew Francofurti 1597. passe this sentence upon these Postscripts and this clause Ordained the first Bishops of Ephesus or of the Church of the Ephesians Non extaâ— in quibusdam vetustis Codiâ—ibus sane supposttum fuisse puâ—o And Guilielmus Estius a famous Roman Doctor in his Commentary on 2 Tim. 1.4 writes thus of the Postscript to it Graeâ—a subscriptio post finem Epistolae sic habet Scriptae Roma ad Timotheum secunda cum Paulus iterum sisteretur Caesari Neroni where he omits this addition Ephesiorum Ecclesiae primus Episcopus and then passeth this verdict upon it Sed hujusmodi Graecae subscriptiones ut incerti sunt authoris ITA NON Magnae authoritatis And Thomâ—s de vio Cajetanus Andreas Hyperius Estius with others deâ—â— the subscription to Titus That this Epistle was written from Nicopolis of Macedonia and the Century writers with others that the Second to Timothy was written from Rome aâ— Pauls second appearing before Nero a meere falshood and mistake All which considered I wonder our great learned Prelates Bâ—shop Downeham Bishop White and Bishop Hall and especially our great Antiquary Bishop Vsher should so much insist upon these spurious false postscripts and draw a maine Argument from to prove their Episcopacy of Divine Institution when Bellarmine and those Papists who write most eagerly for the Prelates Hierarchy are ashamed to produce such a false and impotent proofe for their groundlesse Episcopall jurisdiction If these Answers satisfy not this Objection from these Postscripts you may receive more full satisfaction and further Answers to it in my Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 52. to 58. To which I shall remit the Reader From these two Arguments for the pretended Divine right of Episcopacy I shall next proceed to answer the most considerable reasons produced for the continuing of Lordly Prelates in our Church The first for order and moment is the Antiquity of Lordly Bishops in our Church who if we credit Bishop Hall and others are not onely of Divine institution but their Episcopall Government hath continued in this our Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospell without contradiction Therefore it will be neither decent nor expedient but dangerous and inconvenient to remove them now To this I answer first that though Bishops have been very ancient in our Church yet how ancient and what kinde of Bishops these were will be the question Metraphrastes writes that Saint Peter continued long in Britaine constituted Churches and ordained Bishops Presbyters and Deacons and then returned to Rome the 12 yeare of Nero Caesar. But as this Authour is very fabulous in other things so without doubt he is false and singular iâ— this as I could easily manifest did not Bishop Vshers siquidem Symeoni Metaphrastae credimus and Baronius his sicut in aliis multis ibi a se positis errare Metaphrastum certum est ita in his hallucinatum esse constat Iohn Speed his For a dreame we leave it c. and Francis Godwin Bishop of Landaffe in his Discourse of the first conversion of this Island of Britaine unto Christian Religion p. 3 4 5 6. where he largely and professedly proves against this Impostor That Peter was never in Britaine ease me of this Labour and sufficiently refute the vaine confidence of those who have lately produced this branded Authority to derive the Antiquity of our Lordly Prelates from the Apostles themselves as if they had first planted them in our Church That which is likewise alledged out of the Greeke Martyrologe and Dorotheus his Synopsis That Aristobulus was ordained Bishop of the Britaine 's by Paul and by him sent Bishop into England seemes to be of the same stampe with the former in Bishop Godwins judgement who rejects it as fabulous because none of our owne Authors or Histories so much as once mention his so memorable labour and martyrdome among us But grant it true yeâ— since the word Bishop is here used onely for an ordinary Minister or Preacher of the Gospell and Aristobulus sent onely to convert our Nation being Pagans had no Bishopricke or Diocesse here nor any Inferiour Presbyters under him for ought appeares over whom to play the Lord as our Lordly Prelates have this Authority will stand those in small steed who with more confidence then judgement have objected it in defence of our Lordly Bishops which by the common consent of all our Writers began not till King Lucius his raigne about the yeare of Christ 179. So that from the Preaching of the Gospell in our Island by Iacobus Zebedeus Anno Christi 41. of Simon Zelotes Anno 47. of Ioseph of Araâ—atâ—aea Anno 48. of Saint Paul Anno 60. of Philip the Apostle and his twelve associates Anno 63. till Lucius erected Bishops and Bishoprickes to wit for the space of about one hundred and forty yeares after the first Preaching of the Gospell here our Church of Britaine had no Bishops at all to governe it but onely Presbyters for ought appâ—ares by any credible Authour the Christian faith all this while continuing un-extinguished among us at Glastenbury and in some other places as our Antiquaries manifest If then that rule of Tertullian be infallible That is best and truest which is first and that of Hierome most certaine That the Church of God immediately after the Apostles times before the erection of Lord Bishops was governed by a common Councell of Presbyters not by Bishops and our Church as is probable and the Church of Scotland as some Authors write for certaine was governed in this manner by Presbyters for above an hundred yeares together it will rather follow that our Lord Bishops should now be totally suppressed and a Presbyteriall government re-erected in our Church because it is ancienter than that of Bishops and planted among us by the Apostles when our Island first received the Gospell then that the government of our Lordly Prelates should be perpetuaâ—ed among us because ancient onely yet not so old as that of Presbyters by above one hundred yeares Touching the first erection of Arch-bishops Bishops and Bishoprickes among us there is great variance obscurity and incertaineâ—y in Writers yet this is the generall verdict both of our owne and forraigne Authours That in King Lucius his time before the conversion of our Island to Christianity there were in it 28 Flamines and three Arch Flamines to whom the other Iudges of manners and Priests were subject that upon the conversion of King Lucius and his people to the Christian Faith by Fagan and Deâ—wan they by command from Pope Eleutherius with the Kings
publish it First an unfeined desire to dispossesse the seduced and mis-informed judgements of Princes Nobles and others of that over-weaning opinion they have hitherto generally embraced of Lordly Prelats extraordinary fidelity sincerity Piety to Kings Kingdomes in Churâ—h and State affaires and of the necessity of their Supportation continuanâ—e both for the Security Tranquillity and felicity of all Christian Kings States Churches to all which in verity they have beene the greatest Plagues and Opposites This notable mistake proceeding either out of a meere nescience or inadvertency of the Prelates trecherous plots and turbulent Actions in all Climes and times or from the deception of this false Paradox No Bishop no King or from the immoderate panegyricall applauses of their Parasites who almost deifie them in Presse in Pulpit especially in Court Sermons and their owne selfe-commendations which are now most frequent in their writings and discourses or from their owne outward Pompe Splendor and Superficiall shewes of Sanctity and Piety backed with their sordid flattery of and temporizing with the greatest men the better to effect their owne designes will soonest and best bee rectified by this bare Historicall discovery of their Trecheries and villanies in all ages the very knowledge whereof as the Prophet Malachy and Christ informe us will make them contemptible and base before all the people and like unsavory salt fit neither for the Land nor for the Dunghill cause them to be cast out and trodâ—n under foote of men as good for nothing Secondly a sincere indeavour to the uttermost of my power to prevent those blacke imminent stormes of warre sedition schisme oppression with sâ—ndry other miseries which the desperatâ— proceedings practises and counsells of our all-swaying Prelates in my weake apprehension then threatned suddenly to bring downe upon us to the apparent danger if not ruine and desolation to our Religion Lawes Liberties King Kingdomes of which we have since had most visible reall experiments to the insupportable charge and infinite disturbance of his Majesty and the whole Realme who have cause eternally to detest our Lordly Prelacy as the very root of bitternes whence al our ancient and present calamities have issued To anticipate and redresse which sad events then and secure us against the like effects of Prelacie both now and hereafter I could not in my poore Judgement finde out any readier course within the narrow spheare of my Activity than the publication of this History of our Prelates practises and disloyalâ—y Quorum perfidiam exposuisse superaâ—se est as Saint Hierom witnesseth in a like case Thirdly to â—ase our Church State with all conscientious godly Ministers and people from the importable heavie yoakes of our Prelates tyranny under which they have miserably groaned and against which they have lamentably declaimed for many hundred yeares and could never yet bee throughly eased thereof as I have manifested by the Testimonies of our owne writers and Martyrs in the latter part of this Antipathy to accomplish which long desired and now expected worke I presume nothing can be more effectuall than such an Anatomy as this of our Prelates villanies of this nature Fourthly to further the propagation of religion the frequent and sincere preaching of the Gospell the powerfull practise of true piety the salvation of mens soules and tranquillity of our Church and State to all which I dare confidently averre our Lordly Bishops have beene greater enemies and obstacles in all ages â—hen all other professions of men whatsoever Fiftly to sâ—cure our long enjoyed oft confirmed fundamentall Lawes and the hereditary Libertieâ— both of our persons States Lives from small losse and utter subversion to all which our Prelates have commonly shewed themselves Arch-enemies endeavouring eâ—ther secretly to undermine them by treachery or openly to trample them under their poâ—tificall feete by violence of which our present timeâ— have had large experience especially in Canterburyâ— who hath oft times publikely protested in a most insolent manner that he woâ—ld breake both the Necke and back of Prohibitions so of the Common Law or else they should break his which now he findes they are like to doe And to defend our lawes and liberties against Prelaticall incroachments is one principall part of a Lawyers Profession so that in this regard this Antipathy is neither without nor besides my calling Sixtly to vindicate the sinâ—ere professors of Religion for I will be no Patron of Frantike Enthusiasts or dissembling Hypocrites in generall and my selfe in particular from the Calumnies of the Prelates and their Instruments There is nothing more frequent in late Prelaticall Factious discourses Sermons Writings then to accuse the true servants of God and most zealous Christians of Sedition Treason Rebellion Faction and Conspiracie against their Soveraignes and Superiours In this sort have they slandered our Martyrs Latymer Luther and others heretofore and many poore Christians now and this practise hath beene so common that the Century-writers observe Solemne est ut Christianis crimina seditionis laesae Majestatis a persecutoribus affingantur quibus tamen non sunt obnoxii And for my owne particular though conscious to my selfe of no seditious or disloyall Act it hath beene my unhappinesse to be not onely slandered but Censured by our Prelates as a Seditious Person for Bookes authorized by their owne Chaplainâ—s approbations and to be accused to his Majestie and proclaimed both in Print and Pulpit by Canterbury and his Agents for a Malevolent against State and Church a Traytor Rebell Factious Spirit Monster worse than any Priest or Iesuite one deserving to be forfeited to the Gallowes and as â—ad as Corah Dathan and Abiram onely for oppugning their Arminian and Popish Innovations their desperate incroachments upon his Majesties Royall Prerogative the Lawes and Subjects Liberties according to my Oath and Duty I could doe no lesse therefore for the vindication of my owne personall Innocencie which your Honours by your unanimous Votes have now abundantly cleared with the ruines of that Court which censured me the justification of all sincere Professors from these Prelaticall black Calumnies and the perpetual silencing of our Prelates slanderous Tongues Quils in this kinde then present your Honours and the world with an irrefragable Catalogue of their most horrid Treasons Rebellions and Seditions in all ages which alone out-vie all other mens whatsoever both for quality and numerosity and so returne these malicious defamations with infinite disadvantage upon their own guilty Pates Qui ut crimina in silentium mitterent sua vitam infamare conati sunt alienam cum possent ipsi ab innocentibus argui innocentes arguere studuerint mittentes ubique liter as livore dictante conscriptas as some delinquents did of old whose steps our Prelates trace These were the speciall reasons both of my compiling and publishing this Antipathy wherin your Excellencies may clearely discerne that these Exorbitances of
our Prelates are not so much the vices of their Persons as of their Function which though their many late published Pamphlets would prove to be of Divine Right yet the pernicious evill fruits thereof infallibly proclaime to be of meere humane wrong And in my weake judgement there can be no such safe short and infallible way to decide this controversie Whether Episcopacy be of Divine institution or not then to consider the fruits thereof in all ages that of our Saviour being of eternall verity Ye shall know them by their fruites Since then the fruites of our Lordly Prelates in this and in other kindes too as I could abundantly manifest have beene so desperately evill and they generally the greatest Monsters of impiety that ever pestred the world as appeares by the lives of sundry forraine and Domesticke Pontifs I may infallibly conclude their calling not to be Divine but Antichristian or meerely humane at the best and inconsistent with the safety both of our Prince Church State and by this unanswerable reason dissipate into smoake all those specious flourishes and shadowes of arguments made in their defence which I have else-where fully answered There are but two chiefe arguments of moment for the continuance of Episcopacy which sticke with any judicious men The first in point of State Polity No Lord Bishop no King The second in point of Church Polity No Bishops no peace no government and nothing but Schismes in the Church The first I trust I have abundantly cleared by this Antipathy The second God willing I intend to dissipate in an Historicall Treatise of the Schismes of our English Lordly Prelates among themselves enough to make a volume and then by a larger Remonstrance experimentally evidencing out of Ecclesiasticall Histories That Bishops have beene if not the sole yet at least the chiefe Authors of all the Schismes that ever infested and rent the Church of God And if this be made good as it easily may be against all the world the proud Hierarchy of our Lordly Prelates will fall to ground of it self without helpe of hands to pull it downe If any further alleadge If you remove away Bishops you take away government and introduce an Anarchy into the Church The answer is very easie First we shall still bee under the government of our Christian Kings the Supreame governours of our Church upon earth Secondly under the Government of our Parliaments Lawes and inferiour Magistrates who doe and will take speciall care for our Churches good reglement Thirdly under the regiment of our grave and painfull Ministers whom our Lawes stile Rectors of their severall Parishes and Rectories Fourthly under the government of an Ordinary or Extraordinarie Provinciall or Nationall Synode as there is occasion Fifthly under such a religious orderly Government as your Wisedomes upon the abolishing of Episcopacy shall please to erect among us as most consonant to the Law of God and Civill Government of our State And can any then justly complaine of a want of Government in the Church when it is but altered for the better Sixthly the primitive Church in the purest times before Bishops were instituted was governed by a common Councell of Presbyters and the reformed Churches beyond the Seas which want Bishops are so regulated at this day without any dâ—nger of an Anarchy and so may we as well as they There is nothing then remaining to uphold our Lordly Prelacie but two of their owne principall vices ambition and covetousnesse the one arising from their Lordships or Session in Parliament the other from their Lordly Seats and Revenues neither of which are of Divine Institution as themselves acknowledge If your Honourable Assembly then will but take away the Temporall Honours and Lands annexed to their Bishoprickes I dare sweare not one of all our Prelates will plead or write for Episcopacie any more Saint Paul saith He that desireth the office of a Bishop desireth a good worke and the Fathers generally make this observation on the place Episcopatus nomen est operis non honoris non Dominium sed Officium non Honos sed Onus Opus dixit non Honorem non Dignitatem Laborem non Delicias Opus per quod per humilitatem crescat non intumescat fastidio c. If then your Wisdomes will make our Bishoprickes now a Worke not an honour or gaine out lazie Prelates will of their own accords forgoe them without any more dispute To make this most apparent I shall instance only in one particular it is the generall resolution of Councels Fathers and Divines yea of the lewd Conventicle of Trent it selfe that the first and principle part of a Bishops office is diligently to preach Gods Word to the people and therefore this very Councell enjoynes all Bishops to preach the Scripture and Gods Law every Lordsday and Holiday and moreover in the Lent Advent and other Fasts quotidie vel saltem tribus in hebdomade diebus Sacras Scripturas Divinamque legem annuncient to preach every day or at least three times a weeke Now our Lordly Prelates have beene so farre from executing this principle part of their office and worke that some of them as Canterbury Yorkâ— London and Oxford did not so much as preach one Sermon in sundry yeares others of them have preached very rarely yea most of them have by themselves and their instruments written and preached against frequent preaching suppressed all week-day Lectures and Sermons on Lordsday afternoones throughout their Diocesses and Dr Pierce Bishop of Bath and Wells by name in a Letter to Canterbury thanked God that he had not left one Lecture nor afternoone Sermon in his Diocesse and suspended the Minister of Bridgwater onely for preaching a Lecture in his owne parish Church which had continued 50. years when this Bishop after much solicitation upon this Ministers promise never to preachâ— the Lecture more absolved him from his suspension hee then most blasphemously applyed Christs words used to the sicke man to this good Minister Behold thou art made whole Goe away sinne no more that is preach no more lest a worse thing come unto thee hee convented another Minister only for expounding the Catechisme on the Lordsday afternoone saying it was AS BAD as Preaching So that preaching now in this and other our Prelates judgement is both a Sinne and a bad thing carefully to be suppressed And this wee may generally observe that those who were diligent Preachers before they became Bishops being once made such became usually either Non-preaching or rare-preaching Prelates doing so much the lesse worke by how much they receive the greater wages Whence Queene Elizabeth used to say when shee made preaching Ministers Bishops that shee had made a Bishop but mar'd a preacher it being true that the Bishop of Dunkelde once answered Deane Thomas Farret when hee wished him to preach I tell thee wee Bishops were not ordained
with violence branded her in the fore-head with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which shee returning into England Odo apprehends her the second time and cuts off her sinewes at the â—ocke bone The King being therewith much exasperated spoyled all the Monkes of all their goods banished Dunstan the chiefe of the Monkes inâ—o Flanders who together with Cynesius the Bishop on the day of this Kings Coronation entred most audaciously into his Bed-chamber and by violence dragged him both out of his Bed and Bed-chamber where they pretended hee was sporting with his Concubine and threatned Odo with severe punishments who was taken away by death soone after and so delivered from all feare of the Kings displeasure This Odo together with his Monkes wrought so with the Subjects before his death that the Mercians with the Northumbrians did utterly cast off the yoake of obedience to Edwin and by an unanimous consent made choyce of his Brother Edgar for their King Deo dictante populo annuente God himselfe to wit by the mouth of Odo and the other Prelates and Monks dictating it and the people thereunto consenting writes Matthew Westminster Arch-bishop Parker and Bishop Godwin in the life of Dunstan Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after Odo record That during the time of Dunstan his Banishment into France King Edwin by the Rebellion of his Subjects at the instigation as is likely of our Monkes Prelates and their favourers was deprived both of his life and Kingdome Whereupon Edgar that succeeded him warned by his Brothers example was content to curry savour with them and Dunstan creating him first Bishop of Worcester next of London and finally of Canterbury A good reward for this his Treason Dunstan comming to the Arch-Bishopricke in this manner not long after caused King Edward to be slaine by his Souldiers for refusing to ayde the Bishop of Rochester against his Brother Agelredus who besieged that City and the Bishop The Monkes of that time impute thâ—s trecherous Act to Queene Alsdrith his Mother in Law and Gods Divine Judgement to excuse their Patron Dunstan After his Murther as Iohn Capgrave and Speed record this holy Arch-Bishop Dunstan would have advanced Edgith his sister to the Crowne and invested her against Etheldred the lawfull Heire had she not by the late experience of Edwards fall utterly refused that Titleâ— which neither belonged to hâ—â— Right nor was safe for her Person to undertake Whereupon Dunstan and the Monkes perceiving that Queene Elfrida Alferus Duke of Mercia and many Nobles combined for young Etheldred the right Heiâ—e disavowing Prince Edward surnamed the Martyr as illegitimate did with all their might oppose Etheldred holding their states dangerous and their new-gotten footing unsure if in the Nonage of the King Elfrida his Mother and other their Opposites should rule all under him as was probable For Elfrida hated Dunstan because hee desired to hinder King Edgar from maâ—rying her after he was contracted to her rushing impudently into the Kings Bed-Chamber the first Night hee lay with her demanding of the King who it was he had in Bed with him who answering that it was his Queene and Consort Dunstan replyed that he could not marry her without offending God and breaking the institution of the Roman Church because of the spirituall Kindred that was betweene them he being her God-father often warning the King to be divorced from her which he refused Wherefore Dunstan and the Pâ—elates considering that Edward was altogether wrought in their mould they abetted his Title to the Crowne though a Bastard as one lawfully borne and begot in the Nuptiall Bed of Queene Ethelfleda Their Claimes thus banded among the Sâ—atesmen began to be diversly affected among the Commons and had put the Game to the Hazard if the wisedome of Dunstan had not seene â—he Chase For a Councell being assembled to argue their Rights the Arch-bishop came in with his Banner and Crosse and not staying for further debate de Iure did de facto present King Edward for their lawfull King and the Assembly consisting of Clergie men perswading peace drew the approbation of the rest and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their Soveraigne and after Crowned at Kingston by Dunstan and the true Heire put by for the time by this Arch-Traytor Dunstan and his Clergie till about three yeares after Edward was murthered by the procurement of Queene Elfrida and Etheldred Crowned King by Dunstan much against his will This King Dunstan and his Monkes continued to opposeâ— For Etheldred conceiving a just indignation against the Bishop of Rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him thereupon besieged his Citie Whereupon Dunstan commanded the King to desist from his purpose lest hee should provoke Saint Andrew the Patron of that City which the King refusing to doe without the Bishops submission and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred poundsâ— Dunstan wondring thereat sent this Message to the King Because thou hast preferred Silver before God Money before an Apostle and Covetousnesse before me violent mischiefes shall come upon thee which the Lord â—ath spoken Such an Arch-Traytor and proud imperious Prelate was this Arch-Bishop Dunstan And if â—his Saint was such what thinke you may his Successors prove who were not so holy as to be Canonized This Dunstan before hee became Arch bishop of Canterbury caused King Etheldred to pâ—eferre him before all his Nobles and to â—ay up all his richest Royall Household-stuffe Charters Records with all his Wealth and Treasures in his Monasterie and finally to commit his very Kingdome Body and Soule to him so that all things were in Dunstans power the King not daring to doe any thing either in publike Affaires of the Kingdome or in his owne private Negotiations without Dunstans advice so that he alone exercised Royall Authority in every place In and by which he wholly imployed his endeavours how to enrich those Monasteries with Lands and Revenues which himselfe had founded or the Danes wasted wasting the Kings Treasury and appropriating the Crowne Lands to this purpose Which when King Edwyn comming to the Crowne sought to resume Dunstan much displeased herewith sharpely reprehended him then affronted him and at last cauâ—ed him to be murthered as is before remembred And for all this good service he was not onely made an Arch-Prelate but a Saint Siricius his next Successor but one consilio infausto by an unhappie if noâ— perfidious Traytorly advice perswaded King Etheldred in the thirteenth yeare of his Raigne to buy his Peace of the Danes at ten thousand pound annuall Rent to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of â—he whole Kingdome Which evill writes Henry Huntingdon hath continued to this very day and will longer endure unlesse Gods mercy helpe us For now wee pay that to our Kings out of Custome which was payd to the Danes out of unspeakeable feares Yea we aâ— this day have â—ared
forbad Stephen Langhton entrance into the Realme The Pope hearing this sends his Mandates unto William Bishop of London Eustace Bishop of Ely and Mauger Bishop of Worcester wherein hee willed them first to admonish and perswade the King to restore the Monkes their goods and place and to give the Arch-Bishop possession of his Temporalties by a day then if he refused so to doe to interdict the whole Realme They durst not but obey and finding the King resolute in his determination at the time appointed they published the Popes Interdiction interdicting the whole Realme And as well foreseeing the ensuing trouble to come as their present danger got them out of the Land together with Ioceline Bishop of Bath and Giles of Hereford The King immediately seized all their Goods and Temporalties into his hands and moreover banished all the friends and Kinsfolks of these Bishops that were likely to yeeld them any comfort or reliefe During the time of this Interdict all Divine Service ceased throughout the Realme Gods Service giving place to the Popes pride and malice except onely Baptisme of Children Auâ—icular Confession and the Administration of the Sacrament unto such as lay upon the point of death The Pope seeing this Curse prevailed not at the instigation of the Arch Bishop and other Prelates proceeded to a particular Excommunication of the King and not long after deprived him by a Judiciall sentence of his Crowne Kingdome and all Regall authority a thing till that time in no age ever heard of For the better executing which sentence he writes to Philip the French King to expell King Iohn out of his Kingdome promising him remission of all his sinnes and giving the Kingdome of England to him and his successors for this his good service and withall sends â—orth his Bulls to the Nobles Knights and Souldiers in divers Countries that they should signe themselves with the signe of the Crosse to cast the King of England out of his Throne and revenge the injury of the Universall Church by ayding King Philip in this Catholike Warre promising them all as large and ample indulgences in all things as those enjoyed who visited the Lords Sepulcher at Hierusalem whereupon the French King prepared a great Armie both by Sea and Land to expulse King Iohn who made himselfe so strong by Sea and Land in a short time that he had farre more Ships and Land-Souldiers than Philip which Pandolfe the Popes Legate perceiving and doubting of the successe willingly repaires into England tells King Iohn in what danger he and his whole kingdome were how much Christian blood he was like to cause to bee spiltâ— to prevent all which inconveniences hee counsels him to resigne his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope and then to receive it from him againe which he yeelded to at last See now to what extremities this poore King was brought by these rebellious and traytorly Prelates meanes who refused to appeare before him when he sent for them his whole Land was under Interdiction and so remained for 5. whole yeares like an Heathenish Nation without the celebration of Divine Service and Sacraments Iohn himselfe was by Name Excommunicated and had so remained for divers yeares All his Subjects were released freed a Regis fidelitate subjectione from owing either fidelity or subjection to him yea they were forbidden and that under paine of Excommuniâ—ation so much as to company or converse with him either at Table or aâ— Councell or in speech and conference Further yet Iohn was deposed from his Kingdome and that judicially being in the Romane Court deprived of all right to his Kingdome and judicially condemned and that sentence of his deposition and deprivation was solemnly denounced and promulgated before the French King Clergie and people of France Neither onely was Iohn thus deposed but his Kingdome also given away by the Pope and that even to his most mortall enemie for the Pope to bring his sentence to execution writ unto Philip the French King perswading yea enjoyning him to undertake that labouâ— of dethrâ—ning Iohn actually as judicially hee was before and expelling him from the Kingdome promising him not onely remission of all his sinnes but that hee and his Heires â—hould for ever have the Kingdome of England withall the Pope writ Letters to all Nobles Souldiers and Warriors in divers Countries to signe themselves with the â—rosse and to assist Philip for the dejection of Iohn Philip was not a little glad of such an offer bâ—â— hereupon gathered Forces and all things fit for such an expedition expending in that preparation no lesse than 60. thousand pounds all these things being notified to King Iohn did not a little daunt him and though he was too insensible of the impendent calamities yet to strike a greater terrour into his amazed heart and make a more dreadfull impression in his minde of the dangers which now were ready to faâ—l on his head Pandolph was sent from the Pope unto him to negociate about the resigning of his Kingdome to which if hee would consent he should finde favour protection and deliverance at the Popes hands Pandulf by a crafty kinde of Romish Oratory at his comming to the King expressed yea painted out in most lively colours all the difficulties and dangers to which the King was subject the losse of his Crowne the losse of his honour the losse of his life that there was no other way in the world to escape them but by protection under the Popes wings Iohn seeing dangers to hang over him on every side by the French abroad by the Barons at home and being dejected and utterly dismayed and confounded with the ponderation of them resolved for saving his life to lose his liberty and honour and to save his Kingdome from his open Adversary to â—ose it and give it quite away to his secret but worst enemie that hee had and to take an Oath of sealty to the Pope recorded in Holinshed p. 178. doing herein as if one for feare of being slaine in the open field should kill himselfe in his owne chamber It was not piety but extreame misery nor devotion but feare onely and despaire that caused and even â—orced Iohn against his will being then drowned in despaire to resigne his Crowne and to make two severall grants thereof to the Pope The first Charter was made to Pandulph the Popes Legaâ—e on the 15. day of May in the 14. yeare of King Iohns raigne the Copie whereof is set downe in Matthew Paris Matthew Westminster The second Charter was made to Nicholâ—s Bishop of Tusculum the Popes Legaâ—e for the Popes use in Saint Pauls Church in London the 3. of October in the 15. yeare of King Iohn An. Dom. 1213. agreeing verbatim with the former differing onely from it in this that the first was sealed with Wax the second with Gold which severall Grants were so detestable to the whole
a Councell of the Prelates together how hee might relieve the holy Church that was made subject and thrall It was consulted that the King and all other men that were Rebels should be warned and if they would not amend then the wrecke of censures of holy Church should not sleepe The holy man Edmund assented and went to the King with the other Bishops who threatned to Excommunicate him if he would not reforme the things they demanded and put away his evill Councellors The King asked avisement and he abode but all for nought Therefore the King was spared alone and all other that were Rebells were denounced accursed But thereby would they not be amended This Arch-Prelate at last being continually vexed thwarted and disgraced both by the King the Pope his Legates and others with whom he contested taking his leave of the King departed into voluntary exile and there bewailing the misery of his Country spoyled and miserably wasted by the tyranny and strange exactions of the Pope spent the rest of his time in continuall teares and through extreame griefe sorrow and fasting fell into a Consumption and dyed being afterwards canonized for a Saint by Pope Innocent the fourth Arch-Bishop Boniface his immediate successor raised many commotions and stirs both in Church and State hee was the Kings instrument for polling of England and brought him much money he was also a great warrier better skilled in Military than Church affaires Not to mention this Arch-Prelates combat with the Prior and Monkes of Saint Bartholmewes which put the whole City of London into an uproate and made much worke both at the Kings Court and at Rome Or how he procured a Grant from the Pope to receive one whole yeares profit of all Livings and Cures that should fall voyd within his Province for 7. yeares space to the value of 10000. Markesâ— At which the King at first was sore offended I shall only reciâ—e some traytorly and Anti-monarchicall constitutions made by him his fellow Prelates in a Synod held at Westminster 1270. to the great impeachment of the Kings Prerogative and affront of his Nobles Judges and Temporall Courts of Justice First they decreed That no Arch-Bishop Bishop or inferior Prelate and Clergi-man should eiâ—her by the Kings Writ or any other Noblemans or secuâ—ar Officers warrant be called to answer before any secular Court or Judge for any cause which they there determin to be meerely Ecclesiasticall Or for any extravagances and undue proceedings in their Ecclesiasticall Courts And that no Clergie-man should presume to appeare upon such Writ or summons before any temporall Judge or Court under paine of Excommunication because no Lay power hath any authority to judge the Lords Anointed whom they ought of necessity to obey And to take away so great abuses preserve the liberties of the Church we decree and ordaine say they that the sayd Archâ—bishops Bishops and other Prelates shall not appeare though they be called summoned to do it as aforesaid Yet to preserve the Kings â—onour the greatest Prelates shall goe or write to the King and shew that they cannot obey such his Royall Mandates without the perill of their Order and the subversion of their Ecclesiasticall Liberty And if the King desist not the Bp. whom it concernes shal admonish the King the second time that he looke to the salvation of his soule and altogether desist from such Mandates And if he desist not at the denuntiation of the Bishop the Arch-Bishop or else the Bishop of London as tâ—e Deane of the Bishops calling to him two or three Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall goe to the King und admonish him more seriously requiring â—im to supersediate his Mandates And if the King after such exhortations and monitions shal proceed to attachments and destresses by himselfe or others then the Sheriffes and all other Baylifes who prosecute the Bishops to attach them shall by the Diocesans of the places be driven away in forme of Law by the sentence of Excommunication and interdiction The like shall be done if the Sheriffes or Bayliffes proceed to Attachments or Distresses pretending the foresayd monitions to be made to our Lord the King as afore-sayd And if the Sheriffes or Baâ—liffes shall persevere in their obstinacie the places wherein they live and the Lands they have within the Province of Canterbury shall be interdicted by the Diâ—cesans of the places at the denuntiation of the Bishop in whose Diocesse such Distresses shall be taken And if such Attachers be Clerks Beneficed they shall be suspended from their Office and if they persevere in their malice they shall be compelled to desist and give satisfaction by substracting the profits of theâ—r benefices And if they be not Beneficed in case they be presented to any Beneâ—ice they shall not be thâ—reto admitted â—or five yeares space And the Clerkes who shall dictate write or signe such Attachments or distresses or give any counsell or advice therein shall be Canonically punished and if any Clerke be suspected of the premises â—e shall not be admitted to any Ecclesiasticall Benefice untill he shall Canonically purge himselfe thereof And if our Lord the King or any other secular power competently admonished concerning this shall not revoke such distresses or Attachments the Bishop distrained shal put under Ecclesiasticall interdict the Lands Villages Townes and Castles which the King himselfe or other secular person so distrainiâ—g shall have within his Bishopricke And if the King or any other secular power contemning such penalties shall persevere in their obstinacy then the Arch-Bishop or the Bishop of London at the denunciation of the Bishop complaining calling to him two Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall repaire to the King and diligently admonish and require him to supersede from the foresaid Mandates And if our Lord the King having heard these admonitions and exhortations shall proceed to Attachments or distresses by himself or others then the other two Bishops reputing this distresse as a common injury to the Church by the authority of this present Counsell shall put under Ecclesiasticall interdict all the Demisne Lands Burroughes Castles and Townes of the King himselfe or any other great man being within the Precincts of their Diocesse And if the King or other great Man shall not within 20. dayes after revoke the said Distresses or Attacâ—ments but shall for this bandy against the Church being with Pharaoh made more obdurate amidst the strokes of punishments then the Archâ—bishop shall put his whole Diocesse under inâ—erdict The same shall be done to the Castles Lands and Burroughes of great men who have Royalties within the said Province And if any Bishop shall be found negligent or remisse in the exeâ—utions of the said penalties in such cases he shall be sharpely reprehended by the Metropolitan Afâ—er which they in the same Councell decree the like Interdicts Excommunications and Proceedings against all such who shall intrude
protesteth likewise that we neither intend nor desire as by Law we neither can nor ought neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present Parliament whiles such matters are or shall be in debate but we and every of them will in this part wholly absent our selves And we further protest and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend nor will nor doth any of them intend or will that the Processe made or to be made in this present Parliament as the which we neither may nor ought to be present as farre as it concernes us or any of them shall in future times be any way impugned debilitated or infringed Which I recite to shew that Parliaments may be held and decree things without Bishops and to checke the pride of those Prelates who this Parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the Lord Straffords Cause I cannot here pretermit the trecherous and bloudy practice of William Courâ—ney against the true Saints of God and the Kings most loyall Subjects for he being not content solemnely to excommunicate and persecute Iohn Wiclife Iohn Ashton Nicholas Herford and Philip Repingdon both at Pauls-crosse and at Oxford for the true profession of the Gospell did moâ—eover by all meanes possible solicite King Henry the fourth to joyn with all the power of his Temporall Sword for that he well perceived that hitherto as yet the Popisâ— Clergy had not authority sufficient by any publicke Law or Statute of this Land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever in case of Religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the Court of Rome Where note gentle Reader for thy better understanding the practise of the Romish Prelates in seeking the Kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good Saints of God This King being but young and under yeares of ripe judgement partly induced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid Arch-Bishop party also either for feare of the Bishops for Kings cannot alwayes doe in their Realmes what they will or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a Sublidy to be gathered by the Clergy was content to adjoyne his private assent such as it was to the setting downe of an Ordinance which was indeed the very first Law that is to be found made against Religion and the Professors thereof bearing the name of an Act made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Ann. 5. Rich. 2. c. 5. commonly intituled An Act against the Lollards the Contents whereof you may read in the Statutes at large and in Master Fox This Act though it beares the name of a Statute both in written and Printed Bookes yet it was fraudulently and unduly devised by the Prelates onely and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction invade the Subjects liberties tread downe Religion and shed our Martyrs blood with which the Commons were so highly offended as they had just cause so to be that in the Uâ—as of Saint Michael next following at a Parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the 6. yeare of the said King among sundry petitions made to the King by the Commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme against this spurious Act of theirsâ— Item prayen the Commons that whereas an Estatute was made the last Parliament in these words It is ordained in this present Parliament that Commissions from the King be directed to the Sheriffes and other Ministers of the King or to other sufficient persons after and according to the Certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made unto the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such Preachers and their Fautors Maintainers and Abettors and them to detaine in strong Prison untill they will justifie themselves according to reason and Law of holy Church And the King willeâ—h and commandeth that the Chancellor make such Commissions at all times as shall be by the Prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesaid The which was never agreed nor granted by the Commons but whatsoever was moved therein was without their assent That the said Statute be therefore disannulled For it is not in any wise their meaning that either themselves or such as shall succeed them shall be further justified or bound by the Prelates then were their Ancestors in former times whereunto is answered Il plest an Roy. i. e. The King is pleased This supposed Statute thus fraudulently devised by the Prelates onely was in like manner most injuriously and unorderly executed by them for immediately upon the publishing of this Law without further warrant either from the King or his Councell Commissions under the Great Seale of Englâ—nd were made in this forme Richard by the Grace of God c. Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the 6. yeare of our Râ—igne Without more words of Warrant under writâ—en such as in like cases are both usuall and â—equisite viz. Per ipsuâ— Regem per Regem Concilium or Per breve de privato Sigillo Al or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the Kings Records of that time it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said Statute or else without any warrant at all And whereas the said Statute appointed the Commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Ministers of the Kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the arresting of such persons they fraudulently procured the said Commissions to be directed to the Arch-bishop and his Sufâ—ragans being both Judges Accusers Witnesses and Parties in the Case authorizing them further without either the words or reasonable meaning of the said Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where else pleased them Yea such was this Arch-Bishops and the other Pâ—elates Treachery and villany in this particular notwithstanding this unjust and spurious Law was repealed upon the forementioned Petition of the Commons and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered yet such meanes was there made by the Prelates that this Act of repeale was never published nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the Statutes of that Parliament Insomuch as the said repeale being concealed like Commissions and other Processe were made from time to time by vertue of the said Bastard Statute as well during the Raigne of this King as since against the Professours of Religion as Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments both shewes and proves at large Now what is this noâ—orious forgery this unjust and fraudulent execution of this pretended Act of Parliament even after its repeale by this Arch-Bishop and his Brethren but the very heighth of Treachery Villany Schisme and Sedition yea an Inâ—ernall policy to advance Episcopall Jurisdiction erect a bloudy Inquisition and shed our Martyrs blood contrary both to the Lawes of God and the Realme To end with this
Obeysance made to the King made a publicke Oration in Parliament beâ—ore the King and Peeres wherein hee shewed the Kings undoubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law the onely Obstacle to his Title stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same and withall declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spiritualty to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right and true Inheritance had in their Convocation granted to his Highnesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons never was to any Pâ—ince thorough the whole Christian World before those times given or advanced By which device seconded by the Duke of Exeâ—er he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long bloody and costly Warre The King himselfe professing on his death Bed that before the beginning of the same Warres hee was fully perswaded by men both Wise Pious and of great holinesse of life that in prosecuting his just Title he might ought both begin the same Warres and follow them till he brought them to an end justly and rightly and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule Such an incendiary of war was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be Iohn Stafford preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome immediately after Chichelyes death was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury by Pope Eugenius that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions deâ—ended by so many Lawes and Statutes being no whit abated through the Popes industry and the Prelates Treachery and ambition who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes and dis-savour of their Princes then want a far Bishopricke though they paid Popes dearely for it This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie when a Subsidie was demanded of them petitioned that the Statutes of Provisors and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the Lawyers as they â—alsely â—urmised were turned to the destruction of the Clergie and disturbance of Ecclesiasticall Discipline might be either wholly abrogated or their rigour moderatedâ— and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law But this their motion vanishing into smoake and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions and in the danger of Premunire's which did much terrifie them hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Prelates in their next Synod at London An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen than it was by the Lawyers and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibitions to and exercisingâ— any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges But this Petition proved ineffectuall it being provided by Statute that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament And this were not as the Lord Audley Chancellour of England once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Parliament House who thought it strange that Bishops authorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire the Bishops would enter in with the King and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed but wee will provide quoth he that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament After this the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it But the King hearing of this secret fraud commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope and enemie to the King that during all his Archiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision against the Lawes of the Realme Iohn Kemp the next Arch-Bishop elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King but waving his Election received it by Provision from the Pope who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe the second to the Chapter of Canterbury the third to his Provinciall Suffragans the fourth to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury the fifth to the people of the same the sixth to the Vassals of the Arch-Bishop by which Bulls the Pope increased much hiâ— Revenues And â—o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him the Popâ— by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration could doe him but little service Thomas Burgchier immediaâ—ely succeeding him by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth this ingratefull Prelate made a Cardinall by the Pope some â—ew yeeres after An. 1461. crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead during King Henry his life and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth Afterwards in a Synod at London An. 1463. heâ— granted him another Subsidie and obtained a Grant from King Edward under his Seale that the Prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire or of any Prohibition and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained And that if any of the Kings Judges or other secular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-deacon or their Vicars Officialls Commissaries or other Ecclesiasticall Judges That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop Bishop c. so hindered or scared the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint on paine of two hundred pound to answere to the King for this his contempt and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasticall Judge should by Royall Authority bee rescinded and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward the Queene
unto our King and that absolution was blazen and blowne preached and taught throughout all the world and all doores and postes must bee decked with papers and bulls for your discharge But for to helpe your Prince you could never be discharged of your hereticall and trayterous Oath made unto the Pope against your Prince Here neither Peter nor Paul can helpe nor there is no key that can open that locke O Lord God how have we beene blinded thus trayterously to handle our naturall Prince But how this Caterpiller is come to be Lord and hath brought Kings under his feete I will speake God willing after this in a particular treatise It followeth and to his successors lawfully and regularly entring in After what Law I read in your owne Bookes of law after which me thinkes there be very few Bishops made wherein I finde among all other good things that he should be chaste of living meeke gentle to speake to mercifull well learned in the new and old Testament and that he should not forbid marriage nor should blame the eating of flesh and should also beleeve that all manner of sinnes as well actuall as originall be clearely forgiven in Baptisme How many of these things the Popes Holinesse is indowed withall and how many he alloweth his owne bookes and deedes will testifie Wherefore I reckon that your oath doth not meane this Law nor yet the Law that blessed Saint Paul writeth of For then I reckon that by the vertue of your Oath you have not beene bound to one Pope this 400. yeares so that it must follow that you have other Lawes than blessed S. Paul speaketh of or the Councell of Carthaginence to choose your Pope by the which as farre as men can reckon by common experience and practise be these Inprimis He that shall be able to be Pope must be a vengeable tyrant never keeping peace but alwayes warring for the defence as ye call it of S. Peters patrimony To suffer no Prince to dwell in rest by him but to snatch his possessiones to the unholy Church of Rome To set Princes together by the eares till they be both weary and then to take the matter in his hand and never to make an end till both parties hath given some possessions to his Holy Father-head to assoyle the soules that hath been slaine through his packing and he that dare most boldly and with least shame depose Princes without a cause he is best able to be Pope He that can by any traine craft or subtilty bring under him any Bishop or any spirituall person or invent any new clause in their Oath he is to be allowed afore other Moreover he that keepeth fewest women and hath most of them that you woâ— of he is holiest and apt to be head of your Church And he that can most tyrannously burne men for preaching of the Gospell and he himselfe to take no labours therein Item to burne Priests that marry wives and he himself to live in all mischiefe and whoredome yea in such abominablenesse as no man may with honesty speake you know what I meane this man I say hath a testimony afore his spiritualâ—y that he is a lawfull man to that Office Furthermore he that is a whores sonne as our Holy Father is now and can finde the meanes that 12. men will forswear themselves that he is lawfully bornâ— as this holy Clement did This is a fit Fatâ—â—â— for such children Finally he that can give most money and buy the greatest part or Cardinals of his side he is best worthy to be called Pope and to set on Peters stoole For it cannot be unknowne to you how that Thomas VVoulcy an holy pillar of your Church would have been Pope when this Clement was chosen and did offer for it a reasonable penny but Clement dashed him out of conceite with 2000â— pound more than he offered and so he was judged best worthy and entred in lawfully and regularly and unto him our Bishops be sworne and obedient And why because they will have such a head as they be members for how could else their Kingdome stand For if one should be chosen after the rule of blessed S. Paul or else after the living of these new Heretickes which be simple and poorâ— and care not for no dignities nor will never sweare nor fight and would rather marry a wife of their owne then take other mens and are alwayes studying and preaching Gods Word seeking onely the honour of God and the profit of his neighbour and will be subject and obedient in all things desiring none exception to his Prince This man I say should be unlawfull and not elegible for he were able to destroy the whole Kingdome of the Papists and not worthy to receive an Oath of my Lords the Bishops which will not gladly be prejured for such a mans sake For he were able to destroy the whole Church of Rome unto the which our Bishops have beene before sworne It followeth in your Oath I shall noâ— consent in Counsell or in deede that they should lose either life or member or that they should be taken or trapped by any evill meanes What neede you to sweare thus unto the Pope doth not the order of Charity binde you thus to use your selfe toward all men that is to say neither to hurt them nor to harme them neither to intrappe them nor betray them But all men must be betray'd and with craft and subtletie undone for the maintenance of this one person The truth is that never man spake against this Popet but you destroy him and betray'd him but this Popet hath blasphemed and betrayed all Protestants and yet you were never against him And why because you be sworne to him And you will keepe your Oath be it right or wrong But in your last Oath which hath beene newly made is added this clause that no man should lay violent hands upon them in any wise or any wrong should be done unto them by any manner of Colour This part is newly brought in siâ—â—e the flesh of the Pope hath beene so holy that no man might touch it but Harlots Christian men must patiently suffer injuries and wrongs but your head will forsweare that point and maintaine himselfe through your power against all men How neere that this is the Apostles living all Christian men can well judge It followeth in your Oath Their Councell that shall be shewed unto me either by their letters or by their messengers I shall open to no man to their hurt or damage Let Princes beware when the Pope sendeth counsâ—lls unto you for their meaning is to betray them For all the world knoweth that the Pope and you doe little regard what the beggars of the world doth handle But what Emperours Kings and Dukes doth handle â—hat must you let and destroy For that is the Counsell and you may shew it to no man No not to your King and why because you are sworne
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
justified the complaint true taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these Popish and seditious Pamplets both in Pauls Church-yard and the Universities instancing in one then lately set forth and published namely Speculum Tragicum which both his Majesty and the Lord Henry Howard Earle of North-Hampton termed a dangerous booke both for matter and intention Yea Lewis Hughes an ancient Minister writes thus of this Arch-Prelate In the later end of Queene Elizabeths raigne when shee began to be sickly and not like to live long D. Bancroft then Bishop of London knowing that King Iames was to succeed her and fearing that his Majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of God and in the government of the Church did license a booke written by a Jesuite that hee kept in his house wherein was written That it was in the Popes power as a gift appropriate to Saint Peters Chaire to depose the Kings of England and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another Fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed and dispersed and being questioned for it his answer was that hee did set the Jesuites to write one against another that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them It was thought by many hee had no good meaning in licensing and suffering so many dangerous Bookes to be dispersed So hee Which sufficiently discovers this Arch-Prelates traiterly heart to his Soveraigne his affection to the Popes supremacy and disaffection to our Religion he being a great Persecutor and Silencer of hundreds of our most conscionable preaching Ministers and if I may credit other mens reports his life was ill and his death fearfull George Abbot his successor in this See though a man of a better temper and worthy praise for his frequent preaching was yet taxed by some for being over-stately to his fellow brethren and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere which he exercised so long till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow hee kild his keeper instead of the Bucke hee let loose at He incurred his Majesties displeasure so farre by whose means I know nor unlesse by his successors that hee was debarred accâ—sse to the Kings Court yea suspended from his oâ—fice of Arch-Bishop for a season which was executed in the interim by Commissioners He was a means of some good mens troubles in the High Commission where he caused M. Huntly a Kentish Minister to be most unjustly fined and imprisoned for denying to preach a Visitation Sermon when hee was sicke and unable to doe it and therefore sent the Arch-deacon 20s s to procure another which was refused and which is â—arre more injuâ—ious when this poore Minister after many motions was released by the Judges of the Kings Bench by an Habeas Corpus â—rom his unjust imprisonment hee and the other Prelates caused him for this very Act of seeking his just relief in a legall way to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the Judges had bayled him even in the face of the Court and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the High Commission and committed him a fresh and gave his living to his Chaplaine to the great affronâ— of justice for which act he might have smarâ—ed in a high degree had hee beene but questioned I should now descend to the present Archbishop William Laud the last of this See but that I must first ascend to Auâ—tin the first Archbishop of Canterbury whom I have purposely reserved to this place the better to parallell them together The Archbishopricke of Canterbury had its originall creation from Pope Gregory the first a very traytor to his Soveraigne Mauritius and flatterer of the usurper Phocas about the yeare of our Lord. 600. This its unhappy derivation from â—uch a trecherous and rebellious parentage hath tainted the whole line of our Canterburian Arch-Prelates and infused such an occult pernicious quality into this See as hath made it a very chaire of Pestilence which hath infected all or most of those who have sate therein and made them as great Traytors and rebels to their Soveraignes of England as their Holy Fathers of Rome have proved to their liege Lordâ— the Roman Emperours and to plague our â—and with civill dissentions warres and bloodshed almost as much as the Popes have molested Italy and Germany in this kind Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sent from Rome by Gregory the first rather to pervert that convert our Nation to the Christian faith about 600. yeares after Christ was consecrated Bishop of the English Nation for no lesse Diocesse or title would content him by Etherius Archbishop of Arelat electing Canterbury for his Archiepiscopall See After which by the assistance of King Ethelbert in the yeare 602. hee caused the Brittish Bishops and learned men to meete together in a Synode at a place called Augustines Okâ— to dispute with them concerning the observation of Easter day and the Ceremonies of Baptisme wherein they differed from the Church of Rome to whom hee would have them conforme not onely in doctrine but even in rites and ceremonies using both perswasions prayers and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline But the Britains refusing to conform to his demands at this Synode Augustine not long after caused another Synode to be sommoned Whereunto 7. British Bishops and a great number of Monkes especially of the famous Monastery of Bangor repaired who inquired of an holy Anchorite living among them whether they should submit to Austins preaching and ceremonies or no who answered If hee be a man of God then obey him They replying How shall wee know him to be such a one hee subjoyned If hee be meeke and humble it is credible that he beares the yoke of Christ and will offer it to you to beare but if he bee haughty and proud hee is not of God and therefore not to be lisâ—ned to by you But how said â—hey shall wee know this Observe quoth hee how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the Synode and if hee shall rise up to yâ—u know that hee is Christs servant and obey him in all things bnt if hee shall do contrary and whereas you are many shall proudly despise you do ye neglect and contemne him againe Augustine enâ—ers first into the Synode with pride and pompe with the banner of his Apostleship a silver Crosse a Letany Procession Pageants painted Images Reliques Anthems and such like rituall trifles The British Bishops approaching neare him sitting ambitiously in his chaire he did not onely not rise up to salute them but also noâ— so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love or benevolence with his countenance or gesture The Britons observing this arrogancy of the man contradicted what ever he propounded to them and whereas hee commanded them to observe the manners and customes of the Church of Rome in all things they not
merry after but dyed of griefe before they came In his time Vrsus Earle of Worceter had built a Castle at Worceter to some prejudice of the Monkes the Ditch of which Castle trenched somewhat upon the Church-yard and adjoyned too neere to the Monastery Aldred went unto the Earle and having demanded of him whether it were done by his appointment which hâ—e could not deny looking stedfastly on him used these insolent and uncharitable words Hightest thou Vrse Have thou Gods curse adding yea and mine too and the curse of all hollowed heads unlesse thou take away this Castle and know thou assuredly that thy posterity shall not inherit the Lands of Saint Mary which curse the Monkes say was shortly after accomplished Vrsus dying soone after and Roger his sonne flying the Realme Thurstan Arch-Bishop of â—orke about the yeare of our Lord 1100. contrary to the Kings expresse command and his owne faithfull Oath and promise to Henry the first received his Consecration from the Pope at the Councell of Rheemes whereupon the King banished him the Realme neither could he in five yeares space be entreated to restore him At last the Pope by his procurement writ a very sharpe Letter to the King signifying that he would Excommunicate both him and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury also if Thurstan were any longer kept from his See and some say he actually Excommunicated them both and interdicted as well the Province of Yorke as of Canterbury from the use of all manner of Sacraments and from the Baptisme of Infants Upon which the King to be out of trouble contrary to his solemne vow yeelded that he should be called home and soone after he was reconciled unto the King This Arch-Bishop Anno 1148. when as David King of Scots entred our borders and spoiled the Countrey as farre as the River of Teyse gathered together such a power as hee was able to raise on a sudden met them at Alverton slew 1200. of them after which hee cast off his Rochet and turned Monke at Pontfrast where hee dyed Henry Murdac Arch-Bishop of Yorke thrust into that See by the Pope against King Stephens good liking who commended his Kinsman William thereto refused to sweare fealtie to the King who thereupon was so displeased with him that the Townsmen of â—ork by his good liking shut Murdac out of the Citie and refused to receive him Murdac suspended them for this affront Eustace the Kings Sonne commanded Divine Service to be said notwithstanding as at other times hereupon divers tumults and seditions were raised in the Citie wherein an Arch-Deacon a great Friend of the Arch-Bishops was slaine two or three yeares these stirres continued till at last the Arch-Bishop submitted and reconciled himselfe to the King Geffrey Plantagenet Henry the second his base Sonne after the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke had beene tenne yeares void and kept so long in the Kings hands was commended to that See by Richard the first and consecrated by the Arch-Bishop of Towers He tooke an oath to king Richard his Brother then going to the Holy Land not to set foot in England within 3. yeares space yet presently after he hied him over into England but upon his arrivall he was there arrested and imprisoned in a barbarous manner by William Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour of England being drawne by the heeles from the very Altar of Saint Martins Church in Dover All the time of king Richard he had many contests with the Commons of Yorke who oft complained of him both to the king and Pope Richard dying king Iohn and this Bishop had many contentions one with the other Anno 1194. by the kings permission many grievous complaints were exhibited in Parliament against this Arch-Bishop for extortion and unjust vexations hee had practised but he passed so little thereof that he made no answer to their Bills Moreover in the second yeare of his raigne he commanded the Sheriffe of Yorkeshire to seize upon all thâ— Arch-Bishops goods and Lands and to returne them into the Exchequer for hindring the kings Officers in gathering a kinde of taxe throughout his Diocesse and refusing to saile into Noâ—mandy with him to make a marriage for his Neece and to conclude a league with the French king which command the Sheriffe executing the Arch-Bishop thereupon excommunicated not onely the Sheriffe that had done him this violence but all those in generall who were the Authors of the same and that had beene any meanes to stirre up the kings indignation against him The King hereupon suspends him from his Bishoprick to whom at last he was glad to pay 1000. pound for his restitution Holinshâ—â— writes that whereas this Arch-Bishop of Yorke had offended king Richard he pardoned and received him againe into favour Whereupon the Arch-Bishop waxed so proud that using the king reproachfully hee lost his Arch-Bishopricke the rule of Yorkeshire which he had in government as Sheriffe the favour of his Soveraigne and which was the greatest losse of all the love of God Anno 1207. this fire of contention raked up in ashes brake out againe King Iohn being at Winchester required such of the Nobilitie and Clergie as were there present that payment should be made unto him of the third part of all the moveable goods in England this motion no man gaine-saâ—d but Geffrey the Arch-Bishop who openly contradicted it After this whether it were he were guiltie of some greater attempt or that hee understood his Brother was grievously offended with him secretly hee avoided the Realmeâ— excommunicating before his departure such of his Jurisdiction as either had already paid or should hereafter presume to pay the said taxe whereupon hee was banished the Realme and lived five yeares in exile till his death Godfrey de Kinton his Successour though he had no bickerings with the king that I read of yet he fell out with the whole Citie of Yorke interdicting it in the beginning of Lent and not restoring it till the third of May following Iohn Roman Arch-Bishop of Yorke Anno 1294. excommunicated Anthony Beake Bishop of Durham or rather two of the Bishops servants being one of the kings Councell and at that time beyond the Seas in the kings Service Whereat the king being highly displeased the Arch-Bishop thought it best to put himselfe to his Mercie hee did so and was fain to redeeme the kings favour with 4000. Markes being fined so much by the whole Parliament for this his offence the griefe whereof strucke him into an incurable disease whereof he dyed Thomas de Corbridge his Successour Anno 1299. upon the Popes Commendatory Letters bestowed his Canons place of Yorke and Custoseship of the Parish of Saint Sepulcher on one Gilbert Segrave notwithstanding the King had formerly written earnestly to him in the behalfe of one Iohn Bush his Secretary which affront in preferring the Popes Clerke before him and his Secretary the King tooke so hainously that hee
reddy to submit himselfe to any order of Law whereby hee might cleere himselfe herewith they seemed to be satisfied and appointed to meete and conferre of the matter at a place called Goats-head The Bishop for his better safety betooke himselfe to the Church with his company at which time all the people of the province came to demand justice from the Bishop for some wrongs done them The Bishop answered them over roughly that he would doe them justice for no injury or complaint unlesse they would first give him 400l. of good mony Whereupon one of them in the name of all the rest desired leave of the Bishops that hee might conferre with the rest about this exaction that so they might give him an advised answer which granted the people consulted together without the Church concerning this businesse in meane time divers messages passed betweene the friends of Leulfus and the Bishop about this murther but the more the matter was debated being very odious in it selfe the more his friends and the people too were incensed at last it was told them that the Bishop had harboured Leofwyn and Gilbert too in his house and afforded them countenance since this murther which being once heard and â—ound true they all cryed out it was manifest that the Bishop was the Author of this fact While the company stood in a mummering doubting what to doe both concerning this money and murther too one of some speciall regard among them stepped up and used these words Short read good read slay the Bishop Hereupon without more adoe they â—anall unto the Church killed as many of the Bishops retinue as they found without doores and with horrible noyse and outcryes bid him and his company come out unto them The Bishop to make the best of a bad match and to rid himselfe from danger perswaded his kinsman Gilberâ— there present to goe out unto them if happily his death which he well deserved might satisfie their fury and purchase their safety Gilbert was content and issuing our with divers of the Bishops company were all slaine except two Englishmen servants to the Bishop the rest being Normans They not yet pacified the Bishop besought Leofwyn whose liâ—e hee knew was principally sought to goe out likewise but he utterly reâ—used The Bishop therefore going to the Church dore himselfe intreaâ—ed them not to take his life from him protesting himselfe altogetheâ— innocent of Leulfus his blood shewing them at large how inconvenient it would be to themselves and the whole Country to shed his blood an unarmed Priest and sacred consecrate Bishop their Ruler Governour Magistrate Lastly hoping that his very countenance gravity age white comely head and beard and the Majesâ—y of his person might something move them to compassion hee went out among them carrying a green branch in his hands to testifie his desire of peace when hee saw all this availed not the people running furiously upon him hee cast his gowne over his owne head and committing him selfe to their fury with innumerable wounds was pittifully massacred together with all his retinue to the number of one hundred persons only Leofwyn yet râ—mained in the Câ—urch and being often called would not come forth So they set the Church on fire hee not enduring the fire leapt out at a window and was immediately hewne in a thousand pieces This barbarous slaughter was committed May the 4. 1080. as some Historians or 1075. as others record The King hearing of this tumult sent his brother Odo Bishop of Bayon with many of his Nobles and a great army to take punishment of this murther which while they sought to revenge they brought the whole Country to desolation those that were guilty prevented the danger by â—light so as few of them were appreheâ—ded of the rest that stayd at hâ—me some weâ—e unjustly executed and the rest compelled to ransome themselves to their utter impoverishing and undoing This was the life and death of the first Lord Bishop of this See who joyned both the temporall and spirituall Juâ—isdiction and honour together in his owne person being both a Bishop and an Earle Anno 1074. during this Bishops domination Pluâ—es Episcopi Abbates many Bishops and Abbots with 3. Earles and many Souldiers conspired togeâ—her at Noâ—wich to thrust the Conquerour ouâ— of his Kingdome sending messages â—o â—he King of Denmarke for aide and confederating themselves with the Welchmen whereupon â—hey burnt and spoyled many townes and villages belonging to the Conquerour but at last they were defeated by him some of them being banished the Realme others hanged others deprived of their eyes Who these Bishops were in particular that joyned in this conspiracy and rebellion is not expressed but they were many in number whether this Bishop might not be one of the company I know not William Kairlipho Abboâ— of Saint Vincent his next successour who got so farre into the favour of King William Rufus that he made him his houshold Chaplaine and one of his Privie Councell and did what hee list under him in the yeare of our Lord 1088. joyned himselfe with Odo Bishop of Bayon and Eaâ—le of Kent Geffry Bishop of Constantia and other great men in a rebellious conspiracy against King William who much favoured and trusted him to deprive him of his Crowne as an effeminaâ—e perâ—on both in mind and countenance and of a fearefull heart who would do all things rashly both against right and justice which revolt and treachery of his the King tooke very grievously Whereupon they take up armes against the King wasting the Country in sundry parts intending to set up his Brother Robert in his place as King giving out divers words and sending abroad many Letters to incite men to take armes for this purpose The bishop of Durham held out Durham by strong hand against the King who comming thither in person with his army besieged it so as the Bishop was at length forced to surrender the City and yeeld himselfeâ— whereupoâ— hee was exiled the Land with divers of his complices and for his former preâ—â—nded friendship to the King was suffered to goe Scotfree though worthy a thousand quarterings upon â—hiâ— he presently passed over Sea into Normandy there he continued neere three yeares in a voluntary exile untill Septâ—mber 11. 1190. at what time the King comming to Durham received him into his â—ull favour and restored him to his former dignities After which hee sided with the Kinâ— against Anselme to thrust him out of his Bishopricke that himselfe might succeed him bâ—t hee failed in that projecâ— Falling againe into the Kings displeasure he was summoned to appeare before him at Glocester by a certaine day before which timâ— hee fell sicke of griefe as was â—hought when he appeared not and it was told the King heâ— was sicke he swore by S. Lukes face which was his usuall Oath he lied and did but counterfeit and hee would â—ave him fetcht with a vengeance But it appeares his excuse
the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
As Matth. Westminster and others report King Ethelrede beâ—ieged Godwin the 27. Bishop of Rochester in his owne City a long time and being warned by Saint Dunstane he should take heed least he provoked against him Saint Andrew Patron of that Church yet he would not depart thence till he had wrung from the Bishop 100. l. Dunstan wondring thereat sent this message to the King Because thou hast preferred silver before God mony before an Apostle and covetousnesse before me violent mischiefes shall come upon thee which the Lord hath spoken Yet for all this he continued his siege and would not depart thence without the Bishops submission and unlesse he would likewise pay him an hundred pounds Gilbert de Glanuyll was consecrated Bishop of this See Septem 29. 1185. Betweene this man â—nd his Monkes of Roâ—hester was long and continuall debate by occasion whereof he tooke away from them all their moveable goods all the ornaments of their Church their writings and evidences yea and a great part of their Lands Possessions and Priviledges wanting mony to follow their suits against him they were forced to coyne the silver of Saint Paulines shryne into mony These controversies were ended no otherwise then by his death which happened Iune 24. 1214. But their hatred against him was so farre from dying with him as they would afford him no manner of obsequies but buried him most obscurely or rather basely without either ringing singing or any other manner of solemnity Laurentius de Sancto Martino the 41. Bishop of this See got a dispensatâ—on from the Pope to hold all his forâ—er â—iâ—â—ings in â—ommendam with this Bishopricke And yet alledging that his Bishoprickeâ— was the poorest of Eâ—gland much meaner then Carlile and therefore his living yet unable to maintaine the poâ—t of a Bishop he never ceased till he had extorted from the Clergy of his Dioâ—es a grant of a fâ—ft part of all their Spirituall livings for five yeares and appropriated unto his See for ever the Parsonage of â—riendsbury â—oniface the Archbishop of Canterbury used this man hardly invading his possessions and violenâ—ly taking from him without all right divers things of old belonging â—o his Bishopricke Hee complained unto the King â—nto whose Qâ—eene Boniface was Uncle The King answered him in plaine 〈◊〉 â—e â—new â—e should offend his wife much if â—e should become a flickler betweene them wishing him to seeke some other remedy and if by importunity he inforced him to interpose his authority he should doe him more hurt then good which Matth. â—aris thus expresseth Diebus sab â—isdem Aâ—chiâ—piscopus Cantuariensis Boniâ—acius Ecclesiam Roffensem prâ—grâ—vâ—nâ— ejusque invadens possessiones tâ—ntam de facto suo â—oâ—am incurriâ— vitupeâ—i uâ— Ecclesia câ—â—â—â— esse debet defensâ—v per eum dicatur vâ—xari Episâ—opus autem Roffensis cum Domino Regi â—uâ—us â—ltori lachrymabiliâ—â—r super tanta injuria conquerereâ—ur Rex demisso vulturâ— spondit Non possum eum â—â—ectere ad juâ—titiam vel humilitatem â—e ipsum tam generosum genus suum â—à m magnificâ—m praecipue Reginam offenâ—aâ— vel contristem Hereupon he sought unto the Pope but he was so neere a neighboâ—r to the Dâ—ke of Savâ—y the Archbishops Brother as perceiving quickly little good was to be done there he was faine to take patience for an amends and so sit him downe yet at last he obtained a citation from the Pope against the Archbishop which Matthew Paris thus expresseth Interim Episcopus Roffensis qui intâ—llerabilâ—s ab Archiâ—piscopo Cantuarienâ—i injurias sustinuerat querimonias lachâ—yâ—abiles coram tota curia Romana reposuit repositas continuâ—vit Cumque causa sua cond gâ—am expostulâ—ssâ—t ultionem culpa enim gravis extitit post multâ—s admonitiones tandem ad Regem factas qui dicto Archiepiscopo cornua praestitit auâ—aciâ—â— delinquendi merâ—itidem Archiepiscopus citari ut peâ—sonaliter â—ompareret coram Papa de â—ibi â—bâ—iciendis responsurusâ— de illatis injuriis damnis sâ—tisfactâ—râ—s Iohn Fisher the 65. Bishop of Rochester was grievously questioned in Parliament in King Henry 8. his dayes by the house of Commons for saying that all their doings were for lack of faith Of which you may see more in Canterbury Part. 1. p. 12â— 126 after which he gave credit and countenance to the forgâ—d visions and Revelations of â—lizabeth Barton tending to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings person honour fame and dignity for whicsh he with others was afterwards condemned of high treason and executedâ— Not long after this Bishop for denying to acknowledge the Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall matters was arraigned and condemned for high Treason and executed on Tower Hill Iune 22. 1535. being made Cardinall about a month before His head was set on London Bridge and his body buried in Churchyardâ— He was a great perâ—ecutor of Gods faithfull ministers servants Gospell and had this deserved reward of his disloyalty both to God and his Soveraigne Not to mention all the late Bishops of this See many of whom were notorious in their generations Doctor Bols the last but one was a very active talkative man in the high Commission till he wearied most of his Colleagues there who commanded him to his Bishoprick where he was very iâ—dustrious in setting up popish ceremonies Innovations and in promoting the Booke of â—ports in the Lords day breathing out nothing but threats and suspensions against those ministers who out of conscience refused to publish â—t in proper person in their Churches whom he intending to suspend and silence in his visitation it pleased God as he was riding towards it to silence them that himselfe was suddenly surprised with a dead palsie which made him speechles for a long season by means whereof the ministers escaped for that season and he never able to recover his priâ—tine health dyed no â—ong after leaving a successor behind him who followeth his foot-steps had a vote in compiling of the New Canons and Oath which he inforced and hath beene a great fomenter of the late Scotish warres and differences being now one of those Prelates impeached in Parliament by the Commons But of those Prelates enough I must now turne about my rudder and take a short survey of our Wâ—lch Bishops beginning with those of Saint Davids once the Metropoliâ—anes of all that Country and of some of our English Bishops too Saint Davids GVido de Mona the 62 Bishop of Saint Davids appointed Treasurer by Richard the 2. in the 21. yeare of his raigne revolting to Henry the fourth from his old Master was made his Treasurer likewise in the 4. yeare of his raigne but continued fo a very short time This Bishop saith Walsingham while he lived was a cause of much mischiefe to the Realme as others of his successors have beene whom I pretermit Landaffe OVdotius the third Bishop of Landaffe Anno 560. assembled a Synod of
Vortigerne but to King Powes named Beuly whose successors in tâ—at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race Our learned Martyr Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing of the Calfe a lye and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church it must be written in holy Saints lives and he â—ust be a Saint that did it and why because hee deposed a King and set in a Neaâ—esherd Odo Bishop of Bayeux was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour and bare great rule under him till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him he conspired against him who understanding thereof committed him to Prison where he remained till the said Prince then lying on his death bed released and restored him to his former liberty When the King was dead William Rufus took him backe into England supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his affaires But ere long after his comming thither he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude whereof he became culpable in the Conquerours dayes For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King that he could beare no rule and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might and conspired with the rest against his Nephew and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert counselling him to come over with an army in all hâ—ste to take the rule upon him which by his practise should easily be compassed Duke Robert thus animated pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold and therewith returned answer to the said Bishop that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England at a certaâ—ne â—ime appointed Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester and began to make sore warres against â—he Kings friends in Kent and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme And first on the West part of England Geoffrey Bishop of Constans with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland setting forth from Bristow tooke and sacked Bath and Beâ—kley with a great part of Wiltshire and brought the spoile to Bristow where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Counâ—ries abouâ— Leicester And Robert Mountgomery Earle of Shrewâ—bury with William Bishop of Durham and others wasted the Country with fire and sword killing and taking great numbers of people where they came Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City and burnt the Suburbs But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne encouraged the Citizens to resist who by his exhortation sallying out of the City when the enemies waxed negligent they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day Archbishop Lanfranke in the meanâ— time whilst the Realme was thus troubled by Odoes meanes on each side writeth to and admonisheth all the Kings friends to make themselves ready to defend their Prince And when they were assembled with their forces he counselled the King to march into the â—ield speedily with them to represse his enemies The King following his counsell commanding first all unjust Imposts Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should dâ—sire to ingratiate himseâ—fe with hâ—s Subjects marcheth with a mighty army into Kent where the sedition beganâ— takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle and afterward bâ—seigeth Bishop Odo in the Pemseyâ— which the Bâ—shop had strongly fortified Robert landing with a great Army in England during this siege Odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe and promised to cause the Castle of Rochesteâ— to be delivered but at his comming thiâ—her they within the City suffred him to enter and straightwayes laid him fast in Pâ—â—son Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent But the King besieging the City they within were glad â—o deliver iâ— up into his handâ— Thus lost Bâ—shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England and so returned into Norâ—andy where under Duke Robert he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him Anno Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn King Richard the first his Brother with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois made havocke in robbing and spoyling all aâ—ore him Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois a man more given to the Campe then to the Church had knowledge hereof thinking them to be a meeâ—e prize for him with Sir William de Merlow and his Sonne and a great number of other valiant men of warre came forth into the fields and encounâ—ring with the enemies fought very stoutly But yet in the end the Bishop the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken the residue slaine and chased After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Richard earely in the morning lying yet in his bed as those that were knowne to be his great enemies saying to him in French Rise Richard rise we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois and a good Quire man as we take it to answer him in the same note and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion The King seeing them smiled and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop for that he had ever found him his great adversary And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him sith he not regarding his calling practised to molest him with temporall weapons Whereupon he committed him to close Prison all armed as he was It chanced soone after that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained beseeching the King of License to attend upon their Master now in captivity unto whom as it is of some reported the King made this answer I am câ—ntent to make you Iudgeâ— in the cause betwixt me and your Master as for the evills which he hath either done or else gone about to doe unto me let the same be forgotten This is true that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land and delivered into the Emperours hands was in respect of my Kingly state used according thereunto very friendly and honorably till your Master comming thither for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth had long conference with the Emperour After which I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse
might not very easily have borne Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered and so departed their wayes The Bishop being still detained in Prison procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard usage recorded by Hoveden whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe to importune his release But the Pope being truely informed of the matter and wisely considering that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but fighting and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy then as a peaceable Prelate would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance but rather reproved the Bishop In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall and had taken upon him the use of a Speare insteed of a Crosier an Helmet insteed of a Miter an Herbergean instead of a white Rocket a Targeâ— for a Stoale and an iron Sword in lieu of the spirituall Sword and therefore he reâ—used to use any Commandment to King Ricâ—ard for the setting oâ— him at Liberty But yet he promised to doe what he could by way of intreating that he might be released It is reported by some Writers that the Pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance should send to King Richard commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church to deliver his Sonnes the Bishop and Archdeacon out of their captivity To whom the King sent their Armour with this message written in Latine Vide an tunica filii tui siâ— an non that is See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not alluding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coaâ—e to Iacob Which when the Pope saw he said Nay by Saint Peter it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes nor yet of my Brethren but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings became now through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre Such a Schoolemaster is imprisonment and plucker downe of lofty courages But not prevailing he plots how to make an escape When Queene Elionorâ—ing â—ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane she sent for this Bishops keepâ—rs to permi the Bishop to câ—me to her lodging to spâ—ake with her which although it were dangerous yet they unwillâ—ng to resist the Queenes suiâ—e peâ—mitâ—ed him to goe out of the Towe gaâ—es feâ—â—eâ—ed with themselves accompanying him As they passed bâ— a Church the Bishop ran to the doore thâ—ugh 〈◊〉 as well as he couâ—d and laying hold on the Ring of the Churâ—hâ— cryed out with a loud voâ—ce saying I demand the peace of God and the Church At which speech his Keepers much troubled laid hands on him pulâ—ed him from the Church doore and brought him backe agaâ—ne to the Tower where they kept him more stricktly then before Which â—he King hearing of sent him to Chine to be kept close Prisoner After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlargement which he refused But Kâ—ng Iohn comming to the Crown at the Popes request relâ—ased hâ—m â—or 2000. He taking a solemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes that he would never all his life after beare armes against Christians as he had causeâ— now noâ— to doe About the same time Walter Arch bishop of Roven at the instigation of the French King puâ— all the Country of Normandy under senâ—ence of inâ—erdiction because King Richard had begun to sort â—he a Caâ—â—le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop câ—aimâ—d to appertaine unto hiâ— See The Archbishop would â—y no meaneâ— release the interdict So as the bodies â—f dead men lay unbuâ—yed through all the Villages and streetes of tâ—e Câ—ties of Normandy Hereupon the King much troubled at the Aâ—chbâ—shops dealing whom he had advanced and much imployed sâ—nds â—o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause betweene them The matter being brought before the Pope he perceiving the intent of King Richard was not otherwise grounded upon anâ— covetous purpose to defraud the Church oâ— her right but oneâ—y to buâ—ld a fortresse in such place as was moâ—t expedient for defence of the Country about to preserve it from invasion of the enemies counselled the Archbishop noâ— to sâ—and against the King in it but to exchange with him for some other Lands which was done and the interdiction by the Pope released This Archbishop was a great warriour bore great sway in England during King Richards absence and captivity and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem who affronted our King Henry the second to his face in a shamefull manner The story is this Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thirtyeth yeare of King Henry the second and made busy request to him against the Saracens proffering him the keyes of Ierusalem and of our Lords grave with Letters of Pope Lucius the third charging him that he should take upon him the Kingdome of Ierusalem with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made The King deferred his answer and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached and exhorted men to take the Crosse by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey The King at last by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament gave this answer that he might not leave his Land without keeping nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage With this answer Heraâ—lius was discontented and said we seeke a man and not money well neere every Christian Region sendeth to us money but no Land sendeth to us a Prince But the King laid for him such excuses that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse Whereof the King being advertised entending somewhat to recomfort hâ—m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech the more the Patriarch was discontented in so much that at last he said unto him Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest thinke on him what he hath given to thee and what thou hast yeelded to him againe How first thou wert false to
to the King recorded at large by Hoveden After which the Pope sent one Rolland Elect Bishop of Dole into Scotland to make peace betweene the King and Iohn who after long debate made this accord that Hugh should abjure the Bishopricke of Saint Andreweâ— and that Iohn should also release all his claimes thereto and in leiu thereof should have the Bishopricke of Dunkelden and all the rents he had before the election and the Chancery of the King and forty markes rent out of the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes But Hugh when the King required him to renounce his Bishopricke answered That he would rather receive his judgement in the Court of Rome than thus abjure his Bishopricke to which he had beene consecrated And forthwith he reproved the Letters which Iohn had impetrated from Rome against him of falsehood and appealed to the Pope Whereupon Rolland not able to proceed certified the Pope at large of the agreement and proceedings After this Iohn and Hugh appearing before the Pope and Cardinals at Velletris their cause was fully heard and debated in their audience whereupon by the common Counsell of his Brethren he deprived both of them and caused them to resigne the Bishoprick into his hands freely and absolutely And within â—ew dayes after by the advise of all the Cardinalls the Pope restored and confirmed the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes to Hugh and gave the Bishopricke of Dunkelden with what ever the King formerly offered to Iohn Both the Bishops returning home received these severall Bishoprickes but because the King would not restore to Iohn the things taken from him he questioned Hugh againe for the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes For which purpose he went to Rome where he procured Hugh to be deposed though but newly setled there before and brought with him five severall Letters from Pope Clement touching this businesse The first to Iocelin Bishop of Glascow Matthew Bishop of Aberden and others declaring the deposition of Hugh and absolving all within his Diocesse from his subjection and obedience and enjoyning them to elect Iohn and receive him for their Bishop The second to William King of Scots to receive Iohn into favour to remove Hugh and invest Iohn in this Bishopricke The third to Henry the second King of England beseeching admonishing and enjoyning him as he tendred the remission of his sinnes and out of his reverence of Saint Peter and him diligently to admonish and perswade the King of Scots Et si necesse fuerit districtione regali qua ei praemines concessa tuae regiae celsitudini potestate compellas c. And if need were To compell him by his royall distresse whereby he was above him and by the power granted to his royall Highnesse to lay aside all his rancor against this Bishop conceived by the malice of some whisperers and removing all excuses to pardon him and to permit him quietly to enjoy the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes without any further trouble or suite seeing he was ready and prepared to be obedient to the King in all things The fourth to all the Clergy and of the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes enjoyning them humbly and devoutly to receive Iohn as their proper Father and Pastor and fromthenceforth to give all due reverence and obedience to his wholesome admonitions and mandates wiâ—hout any diâ—â—imulation declaring all elections of any other to the Bishopricke voyd and threatning to put all the Diocesse under interdict if they presumed to conspire against Iohn untill they should acknowledge their offence and submit unto him The fifth to three Scottish Bishops and sundry Abbots reciting how great persecutions calamities and pressures the Church of Saint Andrewes had suffered under the shadow of the Kings indignation and what great dangers and labours Iohn had sustained â—or the preservation of the liberties of the Church committed to him confirmed by two Popes his predecessours and requiring them after the receipt of this Letter to meete together like wise and provident men and to goe to the Kings presence and diligently to admonish and induce him to remit the rancor of his indignation against the said Bishop and not to contemne the Church of Rome herein but without delay wholesomely to obey and humbly to submit to her and to their admonitions as it was agreeable to his Kingly glory and salvation and quietly to permit the Bishop to enjoy the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes And that iâ— which God forbid he should resist these Apostolicall monitions to the perill of his owne salvation then they should promulgate an iâ—terdict against his highnesse Kingdome his Person and all his Favorites and Abettors within twenty dayes notwithstanding any appeale by his Apostolicall authority And â—hould strike those with the like sentence who were obedient to Hugh and fomented him in his obstinacy seeing the See Apostolicke had perpetually removed from Saint Andrewes and excommunicated him and should publickely pronounce them to be excommunicated as long as they did thus and should be carefully avoyded by others untill they should returne to the Churches obedience and demaund the benefit of absolution from Iohn as their Bishop Enjoyning them farther to purifie and sanctifie according to the custome of the Church all the Altars and Chalices in which Hugh had celebrated during his excommunication and to suspend all the Clerkes of Saint Andrewes both from their office and benefice and knit them fast in the bond of excommunication who should be contumacious and rebellious against Iohn untill they submitted to him The King hearing these things being at last overcome by the perswasion and intreaty of his friends received Ioâ—n into his favour and granted him peaceably to enjoy the Bâ—shopricke of Dunkelden and all the Rents he formerly had before his consecration upon condition that Iohn should quite claime from all suite the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes which notwithstanding the Popes Letters wherewith he was furnished he was content to doe and to submit to the Kings mercy knowing That a morsell of bread is better with joy than an house full of sacrifice with contention Hugh being degraded from Saint Andrewes and excommunicated goes to Rome and giving caution to stand to the judgement of the Church he was mercifully absolved by the Pope and within few dayes after dyed at Rome of the plague with most of his family Whereupon the King of Scotland gave the Bishoprick of Saint Andrews to Roger the Earle of Leicestors Sonne then his Chancellour Iohn being present and not contradicting it The same yeare 1188. King William sent Messengers to Pope Clement and obtained of him Letters of Protection in this forme touching the exemption of the Churches of his Kingdome Clemens Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Willielmo illustri Scotorum Regi salutem Apostolicam benedictionem Cum universi Christi jugo subjecti ad sedem Apostolicam patrocinium invenire debeant favorem illos tamen specialius convâ—nit munimâ—ne protectionis confoveri quorum fidem ac
devotionem in pluribus est experta ut ad ipsius electionis favorem tanto amplius provocetur ejus reverentiae devotiori affectione subdantur quanto benevolentiae ipsius gratiae pignus se noverint certius assecutos Eâ— propter O charissime in Christo fili reverentiam ac devotionem quam ad Romanam te habuisse a longis retro temporibus Ecclesiam novimus attendentes praesentis scripti pagina duximus statuendum ut Scoticana Ecclesia Apostolicae sedi cujus filia specialis existit nullo mediante debeat subjacere In qua hae sedes Episcopales esse noscuntur Ecclesiae videlicet S. Andreae Glascuensis Dunkeldensis Dumblinensis Brehinensis Aberdonensis Moraviensis Rosensensis Katinensis nemini liceat nisi Romano Pontifici vel legato ab ipsius latere destinato in regnum Scotiae interdicti vel excommunicationis sententiam promulgare si promulgata fuerit decernimus non valere adjicimus ut nulli de caetero qui de regno Scoâ—iae non fuerit nisi quem Apostolica sedes propter hoc de corpore suo specialiter destinaverit licitum sit in eo ligationis officium exercere Prohibemus autem ut controversiae quae fuerint in regno illo de possessionibus ejus exortae ad examen extra regnum positorum judicum non trabantur nisi ad Romanam Ecclesiam fuerit appellatum Si qua vero scripta contra hujus libertatis statuta apparuerint impetrata vel in posterum istius concessionis mentione non habita contigerit impetrari nullum tibi vel ipsi regno circa hujus praerogativae concessionem praejudicium genereturâ— praeterea libertates immunitates tibi vel eidem regno vel Ecclesiis in eo constitutis a praedecessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus indultas hactenus observatas ratas habemus illibatas futuris temporibus statuimus permanere Nulli ergo hominum liceat paginam nostrae constitutionis prohibitionis infringere vel ei aliquatenus contraire Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit indignationem omnipotentis Dei beatorum Petri Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum Datum Laterani tertia Idus Martii pontificatus nostri anno primo Not long after the same King procured the same Letter verbatim from Pope Coelestine in the first yeare of his Papacy But to returne to our Bishops of this See In the yeare of Grace 1306. Robert de Bruse invader of anothers kingdome and a paricide like Adonias caused himselfe to be Crowned King of Scotland in the Abbey of Schone after the manner of his Country by the Bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Abbot of Schone and other conspirators contrary to the Oath they and he had taken to King Edward the first Which was the occasion of a bloody warre as you may read more at large in our Historians Anno 1445. The Earle of Dowglas who ruled wholly about King Iames the second set the Earle of Crawford against the Bishop of Saint Andrewes called Iames Kenedy Sisters sonne to King Iames the first who tooke a great prey out of the Bishops Lands in Fiffe Whereupon the Earle of Crawford on the one part and the Earle of Huntly with the Ogilinde on the other met at Arbroth in set battle where the Earle of Crawford and 600. more on both sides were slaine King Iames the second Anno 1454. by the advise of this Bishop dispatched out of the way such as he any wayes mistrusted of which number was the Dowglasses whose puissance and authority not without cause he evermore suspected he turned the Earle of Angus and divers of the Dowglasses blood that were of their faction from them and made them to revolt from the other confederates so as in the end he had them all at his pleasureâ— Anno 1462. All things at that season were ordered by the advice and Counsell of this Bishop who governed the Realme of Scotland as well during the minority of Iames the third as also in the dayes of his Father King Iames the second And was the occasion of many tumults and warres therein The Scotsâ—eeking â—eeking meanes to rid thâ—mselves from subjection of the Bishop of Yorke who was anciently the Metropolitane of Scotland did in the yeare of Christ 1474. obtaine of the Pope that they might have a Metropolitane See within themselves by reason of the continuall warres which were betweene the two Nations during which they could neither use appellations to their Metropolitane nor have other Bishops consecraâ—ed Whereupon the Pope erected the Church of Saint Andrewes into an Arch-Bishopricke in the time of King Iames the third touching which thus writeth Lesleus li. 8. p. 317. Hoc anno which was the yeare of Christ 1474 Patricius Grahamus sedis Andreapolitanae Ecclesiae Episcopus crebris literis ac nuntiis a Papa efflagitavit ut Metropolitana potestas in divi Andreae civitate figeretur iniquum esse enim contendit ut Scoti ab Eboracensi Episcopo tanquam primate penderent cum propter crebra bella quibus se Scoti Angli mutuo lacessunt Scotis ad illum non pateretur tutus accessus nec liberum jus praesertim in appellationibus Annuit summus Pontifex ut Andreapolitano deinceps Episcopo potestas Metropolitana incumbat dies indulto Pontifici promulgandi mense Septembri dicta est atque maxima populi nobiliumque laetitia celebrata Episcopi reliqui Grahami odio flagrantes illius authoritatem repudiant Regisque animum ingenti pecunia which was as other Authours say eleven thousand Markes occupant ne Grahami partibus studeret Interea praesules Romam mittunt qui sui defensionem contra Grahamum suscipiunt But in the end they did not prevaile Graham was made Arch bishop Patricke Graham being Bishop of Saint Andrewes and the first Archbishop of that See was after his advancement to that title deprived in this sort In the yeare of Christ 1477â— Pope Xistus the fourth of that name sent a Legate called Husman into Scotland which should displace this Patricke the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes condemned by the sentence of the Pope and the Cardinals for an Heretique Schismaticke Simonicke Whereupon he was deprived of all Ecclesiasticall dignity and commanded to perpetuall Prison In whose place was William Schewes chosen to whose custody and disposition this Patricke was committed after which Graham being removed for his safe imprisonment first to Saint Colmes Isle then to Dumfermling and lastly to Lochelevine there in the end he dyed and was buryed in Saint Sarffis or Servimanus Isle in Lochelevine after that he had beene three yeares Arch Bishop William Schewes being created Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ 1478. as some have or 1479â— as others have it in the Holy-Rood House in Edenburgh in the presence of King Iames and many of the Nobility received the Pall as the ensigne of his Metropolitane power being declared Legate and
Primate of Scoâ—land at what time he was not withstood by any of the oâ—her Bishops who being estranged from shewing any favour to Graham did often inâ—ringe his authority and in the end expelled the same Graham from his Archiepiscopall See After which in the yeare of Christ 1482. This Archbishop Schewes fled into his owne Country and after at the request of the King resigned his Archbishopricke contenting himselfe with the Bishopricke of Murry Andrew Steward Uncle to King Iames the third was upon the resignation of William Schews made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes after which in the yeare of Christ 1484. the King sent this Archbishop Embassadour to Rome for the obtaining of certaine priviledges which he brought to effect In the yeare of Christ 1491. in the time of King Iames the fourth about the third yeare of his Raigne was great contention betweene the Archbishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow touching both their Authoritiesâ— Which when it had drawne many of the Nobility into divers factions it was ceased by the King for a certaine time untill all doubt thereof might be taken away by deciding the same by the Canon Law before Ecclesiasticall Judges Then in the yeare of Christ 1507. being about the nineteenth yeare of Iames the fourth the Bishop of Saint Andrewes with the Earle of Arrane were sent Embassadors into France Alexander Steward Bastard Sonne to King Iames the fourth was made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ 1510. About the 22. yeare of the Raigne of the same Iames the fourth This man having long studyed with Erasmus in Germany and in the Low Countries was advanced to this See of the Arch bishopricke when he was yet in Flaunders who having intelligence thereof by his friends came forthwith into Scotland where he was joyfully received by the King the Nobility and his kindred He was slaine together with his Father King Iames the fourth and a Scottish Bishop more at Ploden field in the yeare of Christ 1513. The Cardinall of Scotland promised the Scots Heaven for the destruction of Englandâ— Perhaps they might obtaine it by their deaths but they got no more English earth then would interre their slaine bodies After which Iohn Hepburne Prior of Saint Andrewes strongly besieged the Castle of Saint Andrewes and forced the same to be yeelded unto him the cause of whiâ—h besiege grew that Hepburne being chosen Bishop of Saint Andrewes by his Canons of that Church whereunto the whole Nobility were helpers was hindered to possesse that Archbishopricke by such stipendary people of Gawine Dowglasse as kept the Castle whereupon the Queene and the Earle of Angus after that they understood how the Castle was by force come into the hands of Hepburne did take in evill part that he who was so troublesome unto them should ascend to so high a dignity and that Gâ—wine Dowglasse so deerely to them beloved and to whom they had given that Bishopricke should be helplesse of the recovery thereof Whereupon the Queene and the Duke of Albany diligently laboured by Embassadours sent to Rome that a third person sith Gawin Dowglasse could not obtaine it might be advanced thereunto which third man was Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry further requiring therewithall that he might be Abbot of Dumfermling and Aberbroth which in the end with much intreaty they obtained of the Pope Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry was at Edenburgh by the Popes Bulls on the eighth of the Kalends of Ianuary in the yeare of Christ 1515. being about the second yeare of the Raigne of Iames the fifth declared Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Abbot of Dumfermeling and Aberbroth Whereupon the Prior of Sainâ— Andrewes before named still contending that he was Archbishop both in respect of the election of the Coven and the consent of the Nobility did labour all he could against Forman appealing him to Rome for which cause he with the Lord Hales and other his friends come to Edenburgh to defend the matter at what time the Lord Hume Chamberlaine of Scotland and such others as openly assisted Forman did oppose themselves against the Prior which Nobility because they were great in the Court did the more molest and hinder Hepburne shortly after by publike Edict and Proclamation of the King banishing the Prior and his followers proclaiming them Rebels and putting them to the home Hepburne being stricken with the sharpenesse of that Precept did privily depart the Towne and the Prior went to Rome hoping by the Popes authority to wrest from Forman the Archbishopricke which he could not obtaine by violence But how he sped at Rome I doe not know for I onely finde this that in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1516. about the third yeare of the same Iames the fifth that the Governour perceiving that all these contentions hatreds and divisions of the Nobility did arise by these bralls which were betweene Forman and Hepburne for the See of Saint Andrewes to the great diâ—quieting of the Realme by such part-takings as chanced thereabouts among the Lords desired to cure this grievous wound made in the Common-wealth Wherefore he perswaded Andrew Forman that he should resigne all his Ecclesiasticall Benefices into his hands in an open assembly at Edenburgh for by that meanes the Governour thought that he might pacifie the minds of the Nobility and utterly rout out those branches of dissention Whereupon there was a day appointed to the Nobility to assemble at what time Andrew Forman freely resigned to the Governour the Duke of Albanie all his Ecclesiasticall promotions to be disposed at the Dukes pleasure In consideration thereof the Duke bestowed the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes and the Abbey of Dumfermling upon the same Andrew Forman and gave the Bishopricke of Murry to Iames Hepburne greatly favoured of the Earle Bothwell and the Competitor of Forman being thereunto substitute by Iohn Hepburne Pâ—ior of Saint Andrewes in the place of the said Iohn to whom moreover the Duke appointed a yeerely pension of 1000. markes to be paid by the same Forman out of the Abbey of Dumfermling After which about sixe yeares or somewhat leâ—â—e this Forman departed this Life being in the yeare of Christ 1522. and the ninth yeare of King Iames the fifth to whom succeeded Iames Beton Iames Beton Archbishop of Glascow was Chancellor in the yeare of Christ 1513. being the first yeare of King Iames the fifth This man being of great wisedome was appointed amongst others to assist the Queene in the government of the Realme whereunto she was for a time advanced but the woman not induring to be directed by others taking quarrell against the Bishop did immediately after the marriage performed the sixth of August in the yeare of Christ 1514. betweene her and Archibald Dowglasse Earle of Angus which this Bishop incountred as much as he could take the great Sealâ— from the said Bishop of Glascow at Saint Iohns Towne whereupon the Bishop
got him to Edenburgh and assisted with many Lords kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the Nobility of the Realme But as I gather peace being made betweene them he was againe made Chancellor After this in the yeare of Christ 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane who submitteth himselfe to the Governour Shortly following the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow the Abbey of Arbroth assigning to the Earle of Murrey a large pension out of the same which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour was in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May when the Governour went into France appointed amongst others to have the Rule of the Realme untill his returne Two yeares after which the Nobility being divided about the quarrell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor with other Noblemen of the Realme kept the Towne of Glascow but after that this Chancellour who would not come to Edenburgh the King of England and of France their Embassadors came to Sterling where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility But what can long continue in one stay or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes sith in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1â—20 the Noblemen â—ell againe to factions For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the North locke about the thirteenth day of Aprill But as the events of quarrels be doubtfull now up now downe so this Archbishop not long aâ—ter this disgrace recovered breath and in November following did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh where was a Parliament holden to summon the Earle of Angus to appeare but he refusing it was agreed that the Earle should passe into England there to remaine The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies Andrew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow was advanced to that See and â—urther made Abbot of Dumfermling Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parliament but he not possessing this honour any long time the Earle of Angus who had gotten the King into his usurped government and denyed the delivery of the King being sent for by this Bishop and the other Nobility sent to the Chancellor for the greaâ— Seale which was delivered to the Messengers upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same hastened the sentence of divorce sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus Whereof the Earle to revenge the same did with the King in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses so that they could not be heard of He spoyled the Abbey of Dumfermling and the Castle of Saint Andrewes taking away all that the Archbishop had Notwithstanding which the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene and the young King did in the yeare of Christ 1529 and in the sixteenth yeare oâ— James the fifth Christen James the Kingâ— Sonne boâ—ne at Saint Andrewes and not long after surrendred his Soule to God Anno 1542. Immediately after the death of James the fifâ—h of Scotland David Beton Cardinall and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance thâ—reof â—orged a Will of the late King departed in which amongst other things he established himselfe chiefe Regent The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharpâ— scourge espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him who by the helpe of his owne and â—heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and Authority and therewith was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility not to consent to the Governours desires and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene Which match of Prince Edward with Queene Mary of Scotland though concluded on by a Parliament in Scotland this Archâ—ishop Beton hindred fâ—aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders and reforme Religion as England had begun to doe Whereupon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland and a bloody Warâ—e King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side After this this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes with Warders about him to see him safely kept Anno 1â—44 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scotland he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Prelate and the Bishops of Scotland into the City of Glascow during whose abode there great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate and the Archbishop of Glascow who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour Which in the end came to this issue that both families fell together by the â—ares which of them should goe before with his Crosse borne upright For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Primate of the Kingdome did affirme that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present Which the servants of the Archbishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse and threw it to the ground Whereupon the Governour understanding the whole matter and that it was now come from words to swords made haste to appease the factious commotion and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh accompanyed with the Clergy and so appeased the controversie That done the Patriarch the Popes Legate comming to Rome procured the â—egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall which he long enjoyed not For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobility which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine who corrupting his Keepers whiles he was imprisoned in Saint Andrewes Castle he found meanes to escape thence and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of â—he King of England and wholly to become French At the Coronation the
passed through England and having other learned men in his company did visite the King of England of whom hee was most honourably and courteously received from whence going into Scotland he was made Treasâ—rer which Office hee kept as long as his Brother was Governour whom he did further in all good Counsells at home and save and defend in the warâ—es abroade Anno 1598. In Iuly August and March there was an assembly of the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland held at Edenburgh in which certaine men and women of Edenburgh were accused of Heresie and burned at the towne crosse with â—aggots on their backes whereupon great tumults were raysed there for appeasing whereof the Lord Seton was made Governour of the Towne In this Councell of all the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland the Temporalty proponed divers Articles of reâ—ormation as to have the Prayers and administration of the Sacrament in the Scottish tongue the Election of Bishops and all beneficed men to passe by the voyces of the Temporall Lords and people and Parishes c. All which the Bishops refused to grant where through there arose shortly afâ—er great troubles in Scotland For they perswading the Queene Regent to sommon Master Iohn Knox and others to appeare before them at Striveling for lacke of appearance they were denounced Rebels and put to the home Whereupon they and the Burgesses of Perth with others pulled downe the Images and Altars in all Churches and suppressed the houses of Priors and other Religious places and Abbies both in Perth S. Andrewes Edenburgh and other places whereupon the Queene-Regent with the Arch-bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Bishops of Dulkenden Dublane with many other chiefe of the Clergie came to Perth and raised an Army against the Reformers who thereupon gathered an Army to resist them which being ready to meeâ—e on Couper More in battle by the labour of some Noble men the battle was stayed and Articles of agreement drawne betweene the Regent and the Lords of the reformed Religion the contents whereof you may reade in Lesâ—e Buchanan and Holinshed Anno 1559. A Parliament was holden and a disputation appointed betweene the Protestant Divines and Popish Prelates at what time the Roman Prelates behaved themselves so well that they were commanded not to depart the Towne but to be present at the Sermons of the Ministers In the winter the Lords of the Counsell gave faculties of Benefices to divers of their friends who put forth the Prelates and received the fruites The Earle of Argile disposed Dunkeld and Dublane The Earle of Arran had the ordering of the Bishoprickes of Saint Andrewes and divers Abbies the like was used by other Noblemen through all parts of the Kingdome In the same yeare being the 17. of Queene Mary he was with the Queene beseiged in Leith Anno 1560. superintendents serving for the election of other Ministers were chosen at Edenburgh whereof Iohn Spursword was one chosen by the suffrage of all the people Anno 1562. this Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes because after an Edict made thereof hee did noâ— abstaine from hearing and saying Masse was commitâ—ed prisoner to Edenburgh Castle This Arch-Bishop still following the Queenes part he with others meeteth her in the yeare of Christ 1566. at Muskleburow and so attendeth on her who noâ— long after in the yeare of Christ 1571. being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixth was taken in the Castle of Dunbritaine and sent Prisoner into Sterling where being examined by the Regent Matthew Earle of Lenox about the murâ—her of Henry King of Scotâ— sonne to the sayd Matthew he was there drawne hanged and quarteredâ— being the first Arch-bishop that I have yet heard of writes Thin that suffered so ignominous a death the manner whereof Holinshed and Chytraeus doth thus more largely relate The Regent comming to Striveling caused the Arch-bishop of S. Andrewes to be examined upon certaine Articles as well â—ouching the murther of the laâ—e King Henry as also for the death of the Earle of Murrey the late Regent at what time there came in a Priest without compulsion of any and before the Regent declared that one Iohn Hamilton being in extreame sicknesse under confession told him that the Bishop did send him with three others to the murther of the King and as touching the murther of the Earle of Murrey the Bishops flat answere was He might have letted it if he would Therewith the people that heard him cryed Away with him hang him And so for these and other offences for the which he had been foresalted before that time he was now executed on a Gibbet set up in the Market place of Striveling Patricke Adamson alias Constance next succeeded in the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes in his time Anno 1573. there was a Parliament in Edenburgh wherein divers were made and Articles agreed upon touching Religion and against Popery â—he third whereof was That none of the adversaries and enemies of Gods truth shall enjoy the patrimony of the Kirke Afterwards Anno. 1578. the question touching the Bishops power was disputed in many assemblies and aâ— length Anno. 1580. in an Assembly holden at Duâ—die their office was found to be unlawfull not grounded on Gods Word but introduced by the folly and corruptions of mens inventions and thereupon una voce condemned and abjured Anno 1581. and 1582. there were many contentions betweene the Prelates and Presbyters of Scotland touching the Jurisdiction of Bishops which the assembly condemned and the setling and confirming of Religion to the great disturbance of the Realme which I pretermit for brevity sake The next yeare 1583. the Presbytery as they had many times done before did excommunicate their Metropolitane the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the rest of the Bishops also because they would not in all their actions support and confirme the Doctrine which the Presbytery had established and maintaine the use of their Episcopacy which they had ordered to be simply abjured and relinquished as an office to which they were not called by God which Excommunication the Presbytery did the more boldly pronounce because they were supported by the assistance of Master Lindseie a great enemy to this Patrick Adamson Bishop of Saint Andrews But the King in the beginning did assist him against them and the Arch-bishop did in like sort thunder an Excomunication against them which division writes Thin not being meete to be in the Clergie who ought to be as the Apostles were Of one heart and of one minde will in the end as Christ saith bring that Realme to confusion for Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur At last this Bishop excommunicated by the Assembly at Edenburgh was enforced to renounce his Archiepiscopall jurisdiction and to make this publike recantation which quite subverts the pretended Ius Divinum of the Prelacy in the Synod of Fiffe Aprill the 8. 1591. I confesse with a sincere minde without
to be the maine cause of commotions in Kingdomes and states and are knowne to be the true cause of our present troubles were many and great beside the bookes of Ordination and Homiliâ—s 1. Some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without order and against Law contrary to the forme established in our Kirk 2. A new booke of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall 3. A Liturgie or booke of Commonâ—prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous errours in matteâ—s of Doctrine Of all which we challenge the â—relate of Canterbury as the prime cause on earth And first that this Prelate wes the Author and urger of some particular changes which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifestâ— 1â— by fourteene letters subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two yeares to one of our pretended Bishops Bannatine wherein he often enjoyneth him and other pretended Bishops to appeare in the Chappell in their whiâ—es connary to the custome of our Kirk and to his promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edenburgh at the Coronaâ—â—on that none of them after that time should be pressed to weare these garments thereby moving him against his will to put them on for that time wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the English Service in the Chappell twice a day for his neglect shewing him that he wes disappointed oâ— the Bishopricke oâ— Edenburgh promising him upon the greater care of these novations advancement to a better Bishopricke taxing him for his boldnesse in prâ—aching the sound Doctrine of the reformed Kirkes against Master Mitchell who had taught the errours of Arminius in the point of the extent of the merit of Christ bidding him send up a list of the names of Counsellours and Senatours of the Colledge of Justice who did not communicate in the Chappell in a forme which was not received in our Kirke commending him when he found him obsequious to these his commands telling him that he had moved the King the second time for the punishment of such as had not received in the Chappell and wherein he upbraideth him bitterly that in his first Synod at Aberdein he had onely disputed against our custome of Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lords day and presumptuously censuring our Kirke that in this we were opposite to Christianity it selfe and that amongst us â—here were no Canons at all More of this stuffe may be seene in the letters themselves Secondly by two papers of memoirs and instructions from the pretended Bishop of Saint Androis to the pretended Bishop of Rosse comming to this Prelate for ordering the affaires of the Kirke and Kingdome of Scotland as not onely to obtaine warrants to order the Exchequer the Privy Counsell the great Commission of Surrenders the matter of Balmerino's processe as might please our Prelates but warrants also for sitting of the High Commission Court once a weeke in Edenburgh and to gaine from the Noblemen for the benefit of Prelates and their adherents the Abbacies of Kelso Arbroith S. Androis and Lindors and in the smallest matters to receive his commands as for taking downe Galleries and stone-walls in the Kirkes of Edenburgh and Saint Androis for no other end but to make way for Altars and adoration towards the East which besides other evills made no small noyse and disturbance amongst the people deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for publique worship The second Novation which troubled our peace wes a Book of Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall obtruded upon our Kirke found by our generall Assembly to be devised â—or establishing a tyrannicall power in the persons of our Prelates over the worship of God over the consciences liberties and goods of the people and for abolishing the whole discipline and government of our Kirke by generall and provinciall assemblies Presbyteries and Kirke sessions which was setled by Law and in continuall practise since the time of Reformation that Canterbury wes Master of this Worke is manifest By a Booke of Canons sent to him written upon the one side only with the other side blank for corrections additions putting all in better Order at his pleasure which accordingly wes done as may appeare by interlinings marginalls and filling up of â—he blanke page with directions sent to our Prelates and that it wes done by no other than Canterbury is evident by his Magisteriall way of prescribing and by a new copy of these Canons all written with Saint Androis owne hand precisely to a Letter according to the former castigations sent backe for procuring the Kings warrant unto it which accordingly wes obtained but with an addition of some other Canons and a Paper of some other corrections According to which the Book of Canons â—hus composed wes published in Print the inspection of the Bookes Instructions and his Letters of joy for the successe of the worke and of others Letters of the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibite will put the matter out of all debate Besides this generall there be some things more speciall worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit 1. The fourth Canon of Cap. 8. forasmuch as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church therefore it shall and may be lawfull for the Church of Scotland at any time to make remonstrance to his Majesty or his successors c. Because this Canon holdeth the doore open to more Innovations he writeth to the Prelate of Rosse his privy Agent in all this Worke of his great gladnesse that this Canon did stand behind the Curtaine and his great desire that this Canon may be Printed fully as one that was to be most usefull Secondly the title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the severall Synods of the Kirke of Scotland is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative Thirdly the formidable Canon Cap. 1.3 threatning no lesse than Excommunication agaiâ—st all such persons whosoever shall open their mouthes against any of these Bookes proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in the Copy sent from them but is a thunder-bolt forged in Canterburies owne fire 4. Our Prelates in divers places witnesse their dislike of Papists A Minister sall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists Chap. 18.15 The adoration â—f the bread is a superstition to be condemned Cap. 6.6 They call the absolute necessity of Baptisme an errour of Popery Cap. 6.2 But in Canterburies Edition the name of Papists and Popery is not so much as mentioned 5. Our Prelates have not the boldnesse to trouble us in their Canons with Altars Fonts Chancels reading of a long Liturgy before Sermon c. But Canterbury is
punctuall and peremptory in all these Although the words of the tenth Canon Cap. 3. be faire yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Rosse may be seene in the poynt of justification of a sinner before God by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates and as it wes returned from Canterbury and Printed our Prelates say thus It is manifest that the superstition of former ages hath turned into a great prophanenesse and that people are growne cold for the most part in doing any good thinking there is no place to good workes because they are excluded from justification Therefore shall all Ministers as their Text giveth occasion urge the necessity of good workes as they would be saved and remember that they are Via Regni the way to the kingdome of Heaven though not causa regnandi howbeit they be not the cause of Salvation Here Rosse giveth his judgement That he would have this Canon simply commanding good workes to be â—reached and no mention made what place they have or have not in justification Upon this motion so agreeable to Canterburies mind the Canon is set downe as it standeth without the distinction of via regni or causa regnandi or any word sounding that way urging onely the necessiâ—y of good workes 7. By comparing Can. 9. Cap. 18. As it was sent in writing from our Prelates and as it is Printed at Canterburies command may be also manifest that he went about to establish auricular confession and Popish absolution 8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for afflicting of arbitrary penalties But in Canterburies Booke wheresoever there is no penalty expresly set downe it is provided that it shall be arbitrary as the Ordinary shall thinke fâ—ttest By these and many other the like it is apparent what tyrannicall power he went about to establish in the hands of our Prelates over the worship and the soules and goods of men overturning from the foundation the whole order of our Kirke what seeds of Poperie he did sow in our Kirke and how large an entry he did make for the grossest novations afterward which hath beene a maine cause of all their combustion The third and great novation wes the Booke of Common Prayer Administration of the Sacraments and other parts of Divine Service brought in without warrant from our Kirke to be universally received as the onely forme of divine Service under all highest paines both civill and Ecclesiasticall which is found by our nationall assembly besides the Popish frame formes in divine worship to containe many Popish errors ceremonies and â—he seeds of manifold and grosse superstitions and idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine Discipline and order of our Reformation to the confession of Faith constitutions of generall Assemblies and Acts of Parliament establishing the true Religion that this also wes Canterburies worke we make manifest By the memoirs and instructions sent unto him from our Prelates wherein they gave a speciall account of the diligence they had used to doe all which herein they were enjoyned by thâ— approbation of the Service Booke sent to them and of all the marginall corrections wherein it varyeth from the English Booke shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it which notwithstanding wes not granted This we finde written by Saint Androis owne hand and subscribed by him and nine other of our Prelates By Canterburies owne Letters witnesses of his joy when the Booke wes ready for the presse of his prayers that God would speed the worke of the hope to see that service set up in Scotland of his diligence to send for the Printer and diâ—ecting him to prepare a blacke letter and to send it to his servants aâ— Edenburgh for Printing this booke Of his approbation of his proofes sent from the Presse Of his feare of delay in bringing the worke speedily to an end for the great good not of that Church but of the Church Of his encouraging Rosse who wes entrusted with the Presse to goe on in this peece of Service without feare of enemies All which may be seene in the Autographs and by Letters sent from the Prelate of London to Rosse wherein as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons which although they should make some noyse at the beginning yet they would be more for the good of the Kirke than the Canons of Edenburgh for the good of the Kingdome So concerning the Leiturgy he sheweth that Rosse had sent to him to have an explanation from Canterbury of some passage of the Service Booke and that the Presse behoved to stand till the explanation come to Edenburgh which theâ—efore he had in haste obtained from his Grace and sent the dispatch away by Canterburies owne conveyance But the Booke it selfe as it standeth interlined margined and patcht up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the changeâ— and supplements themselves taken from the Masse Booke and other Romish Ritualls by which he maketh it to vary from the Booke of England are more pregnant testimonies of his Popish spirit and wicked intenâ—ions which he would have put in execution upon us then can be denyed The large declaration professeth that all the variation of our Booke from the Booke of England that ever the King understood wes in such things as the Scottish humour would better comply with than with that which stood in the English service These Popish innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the Kings knowledge and against his purpose Our Scottish Prelates doe petition that something may be abated of the English ceremonies as the Crosse in Baptisme the Ring in marriage and some other things But Canterbury will not onely have these kept but a great many more and worse superadded which wes nothing else but the adding of â—ewell to the fire To expresse and discover all would require a whole booke we sall onely touch some few in the matter of the Communion This Booke inverteth the order of the Communion in the Booke of England as may be seene by the numbers setting downe the orders of this new Communion 1.5.2.6.7.3.4.8.9.10.15 Of the divers secret reasons of this change we mention one onely In joyning the spirituall praise and thanksgiving which is in the Booke of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the name of Memoriall or Oblation for no other end but that the memoriall and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning Bellar. de Missa lib. 2. cap. 21. Not of the spirituall sacrifice but of the oblation of the body of the Lord. It seemeth to be no great matter that without warrand of the Booke of England the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table shall stand during the time of consecration at such a part of the Table where he may with the more ease and decency use
warrant from the Kirke and containing beside the Popish forme thereof diverse Popish errours and Ceremonies and the sâ—eds of manifold grosse superstitions and Idolatry with a Booke of Canons without warrant or direction from the Generall Assembly establishing a Tyrannicall power over the Kirke in the person of Bishops and overthrowing the whole discipline and Acts of our Kirke And with the High-Commion erected without the consent of the Kirke subverting the jurisdiction and Ordinary Judicatories of this Kirke and giving to persons meerely Ecclesiasticall power of both swords and to persons meerely Civill the power of the keyes and Kirke censures A Second cause was the Articles of Perth viz. Observation of festivall dayes kneeling at the Communion Confirmation Administration of the Sacraments in private places which was brought in by a Civill Assembly and are contrary to the confession of Faith as it was meant and subscribed Anno 1580. And diverse times since to the order and constitution of this Kirke Thirdly the change of the government of the Kirke from the Assembly of the Kirke to the persons of some Kirkemen usurping the priority and power over their Brethren by the way and under the name of Episcopall government against the Confession of Faith 1580. Against the Order set downe in the booke of Policy and against the intentions and Constitutions of this Kirke from the beginning Fourthly the Civill places and power of Kirkemen their sitting and voycing in Parliament and their sitting on the Bench as Justices of Peace which according to the constituons of this Kirke are incompatible with their spirituall functions lifting them up above the Brethren in worldly Pompe tending to the hinderance of the Ministery Fifthly the keeping and authorizing of corrupt assemblies at Linlithgrow 1606. and 1608. and at Glascow 1610. at Aberdin 1616 at Saint Andrewes 1617. at Perth â—618 which are null and unlawfull as being called and constituâ—e quite contrary to the Order and constitutions of this kirke received and practized ever since the reformation oâ— Religion and withall labouring to introduce Novation within this Kiâ—ke against the Order and Religion established A sixth cause is the want of the lawfull and free generall Assemblies rightly constitute of Pastors Doctors and Elders yearely or oftner pro re nata according to the liberty of this Kirke expressed in the Booke of Policy and acknowledged in the Act of Parliament 1592. After which his Majesties Commissioner having heard patiently and examined particularly and all objections to the contrary being answered to the full The whole Assembly with expresse consent of his Majesties Commissioner in one heart and voyce did declare that these and such other proceeding from the neglect and breach of the Nationall Covenant of this Kirke and kingdome made in Anno 1588. have beene indeed the true and maine Cause of all our evils and distractions And therefore ordaines according to the Constitutions of generall Aâ—semblies of this Kirke and upon the grounds respective above specified That the foresaid Service Booke Bookes of Canon and Ordâ—nation and the High-Commission be still rejected That the Articles of Perth be no more practised That Episcopall government and the Civill places and power of Kirkemen be holden still as unlawâ—ull in this Kirke That the above named pretended Assemblies at Linlithgrow 1606. and 1608. at Glascow 1610. at Aberdene 1616. at Saint Andrewes 1617 at Perth 1618. be hereafter accounted of as null and of none effect And that for preservation of Religion and prevenâ—â—ng of all such evils in time comming Generall Assemblies rightly Constitute as the perfit and competent Judge of all matters Ecclesiasticall hereafter be kept yearely and oftner as occasion and necessity shall require The necessity being first remonstrate to his Majesty by humble supplication as also of these occasionall Assemblies That Kirke Sessions Presbyteries and Synodall Assemblies be constitute and observed according to the Booke of Policy and Order oâ— this Kirke The Bishop of Dunkell his Recantation BE it knowne to all men me Master Alexander Lindsay Minister of Sinadois for so much as I by my missive Letter sent by me to the Generall Assembly of the Kirke of Scotland holden at Glascow the 21. of November last past did freely submit my selfe demit and lay downe at the foot of the Assembly my pretended Office of Episcopacy as pretended Bishop of Dunkell and by my Letter promised to subscribe what ample forme of Commission there anent the said Assembly should prescribe and now the said reverent Assembly hath found and declared the said office of Episcopacy as it hath beene teâ—med and used within the said Kirke of Scotland to be abjured by the comession of Faith 1580. and 1581 and 1590. And therefore hath decerner the said Office to be removed out of the said Kirke of Scotland as also seeing the said reverent Assembly hath decernet me according to my said Letter to subscribe a more ample forme of demission of the said pretended office in presence of Sir Iohn Montcrieff of that Ilke Knight Baronet Master Robert Murrey Minister at Methuen Master Iohn Roberton Minister at Perth Master Alexander Petrie Minister at Rinde and Thomas Durham Burgesse of Perth Commissioners appointed by them for that effect Therefore and for performance of my said Letter and in obedience to the Ordinance of the said reverent Assembly Wit ye me to have demitted quite claim'd and simpliciter overgeven like as I now in presence of the said Commissioners freely demits quite claimes and simpliciter overgists the â—oresaid pretended Office of Episcopacy of Dunkell with the whole Title stile name and dignity thereof power of Ordination Jurisdiction thereof voyce in Parliament and all usurpation of the same in time comming and faithfully promises and by these presents binds and obliges me never to exercise nor use the said pretended Office in the said kirke of Scotland nor no power of Ordination Jurisdiction voyce in Parliament neither any other power Ecclesiasticall belonging usurped and acclaimed to belong to the said pretended Office like as according to the Act of the said reverent Assembly I acknowledge the said Office of Episcopacy to be abjured in the foresaid confession of Faith and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of this said kirke of Scotland and the whole premises I heartily acknowledge as I will answer to God in testimony hereof I have subscribed these presents with my hand Like as for further security hereof I am content and consent that these presents be insert and Registrate in the generall Bookes of Assembly therein to remaine Ad futuram rei memoriam And to that effect constitute my lawfull procutors promittendo de rato In witnesse whereof written by Robert Readhench serviteur to Patricke Rosse Notaire in Perth I have subscribed the same with my hand as said is at Saint Andrewes the 24. of Ianuary 1639. before these witnesses Master Iohn Paterson Master Alexander Dundie Student in Perth and George
purely â—hat they see no contrary ensample in thee to whatsoever thoâ— teachest them in Christ that thoâ— put no stumbling blocke before them to make them â—aile while they be yet young and weake in the faith But that thou abstaine as Paul teacheth 1 Thes. 5. Ab omni specie mala from all tâ—at might seeme evill or whereof a man might â—urmise amisse and that thou so love them that whatsoever gift of God in them is thou thinke the same theirs and their food and for their sakes given unto thee as the â—ruth is and that all their infirmitâ—es be thine and that thou feele them and that with all thy power to helpe to amend them and cease not to cry to God for them neither day nor night and that thou let nothing be found in thee that any man may rebuke but whatsoever thou teachest them that be thou and that thou be not a Wolfe in a Lambes skin as our Holy Father the Pope is which commeth unto us in a name of hypocrisie and in the Title of cursed Cham oâ— Ham calling himselfe Servâ—s servoâ—um the Servant of all â—ervants and is yet found tyrannus â—yrannorum of all tyrants the most cruell This is to receive young Children in Christs name and to receive young Children in Christs name is to beare rule in the Kingdome of Christ. Thuâ— ye see that Christs Kingdome is altogether spirituall and the bearing of rule in it is cleare contrary unto the bearing of rule temporally Wherefore none that beâ—reth rulâ— in it may have any tempâ—rall jurisdiction or minister any temporall Office that requireth violence to compell withall Thus and â—arre more Mr. Tyndall All whose passages are very remarkable and worthy serious consideration Iohn Friâ—h our learned English Martyr in his Answere to the Prefacâ— of Mr. Moores Book pag. 116 writes thus of Bishops anâ— their great possessions This Canker then began to spread in the Congregation and did full sore annoy the body insomuch that within foure hundred yeares there were very many Sects scattered in every coast Notwithstanding there were faithfull Fathers that diligently subdued them with the sword of Gods Word But surely since Silvester received such possessions hath the Canker so crept in the Church that it hath almost left never a sound member And as Cistercensis writeth in the eighth booke that day that hee received revenues was a voyce heard in the ayre crying over the Court which sayd This day is venome shed into the Church of God Before that time there was no Bishop greedy to take a Cure For it is no honour and profit as it is now but onely a carefull charge which was like to cost him his life at one time or other And therefore no man would take it but he that bare such a love and zeale to God and his â—locke that hee could be content to shed his blood for them But after that it was made so honourable and profitable they that were worst both in learning and living most laboured for it For they that were vertuous would not entangle themselves with the vaine pride of this world and weare three Crownes of gold where Christ did weare one of thorne And in conclusion it came so farreâ— that whosoever would give most money for it or best could flatter the Prince which he knew well all good men to abhorre had the preheminence and got the best Bishopricke and then instead of Gods Word they published their owne Commandements and made Lawes to have all under them and made men beleeve they could not erre whatsoever they did or sayd and even as in the Roomes stead of Moses Aaron Eliazer Iosue Caleb and other Faithful folk came Herod Annas Caiphas Pilate and Iudas which put Christ to deathâ— So now in the stead of Christ Peter Paul Iames and Iohn and the faithfull followers of Christ we have the Pope Cardinalls Arch-Bishops Bishops and proud Prelates with their Proctorsâ— the malicious Ministers of their Master the Devill which notwithstanding transformâ—â— themselves into a likenesse as though they were the Ministers of righteousnesse whose end shall bee according to their workes So that the body is cankered long agone and now are left but certaine small members which God of his puissant power hath reseâ—ved uncorruptedâ— and because they see that they cannot be cankered as their owne â—lesh is for pure anger they buâ—â—e themâ— lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in their owne cankered carkasses by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body Our godly Martyr D. Barnes in his Articles pag. 210 211 212 213. writes thus of Bishops I will never beleeve nor yet I can never beleeve that one man may be by the Law of God a Bishop of two or three Cities yea of an whole Country for it is contrary to Saint Paul which saith I have left thee behind to set in every City a Bishop And if you find in one place of Scripture that they be called Episcopi you shall find in divers other places that they be called Presbyteri I was brought before my Lord Cardinall into his Gallery and there he read all my Articles till he came to this and there he stopped and said that this touched him and therefore he asked mee if I thought it wrong that one Bishop should have so many Citties underneath him unto whom I answered that I could no farther goe than to Saint Pauls text which set in every City a Bishop Then asked hee mee if I thought it now unright seeing the Ordinance of the Church that one Bishop should have so many Cities I answered that I knew none Ordinance of the Church as concerning this thing but Saint Pauls saying onely neverthelesse I did see a contrary custome and practice in the world but I know not the Originall thereof Then said hee that in the Apostles â—ime there were divers Citieâ— some seven miles some sixe mileâ— long and over them was there set but one Bishop and of their Suburbes also So likewise now â— bishop hath but one City to his Cathedrall Church and the country about is as Suburbs unto it Mee thought this was farre fetched but I durst not deny it because it was great Authority and of so holy a Father and of so great a Divine But this date I say thaâ— his Hollinesse could never prove it by Scripture nor yet by any authority of Doctors not yet by any practice of the Apostles and yet it must be trâ—e because a pillar of the Church hath spoken itâ— But let us see what the Doctors say to my Article Athanasius doth declare this text of the Apostle I have left thee behind c. Hee would not commit unto one Bishop a whole Isle but hee did enjoyne thâ—t every Cityâ— should have his proper Pastor supposing that by this meanes they should more diligently oversee
he went sometime on his feete and preached the Gospell all abroad he could play the Apostle but such a poore and lewd person as he was could never have played the royall and Princely Bishop after this fashion Let no man thinke it is to be sayd or done against the heads and governours of Christs Church whatsoever is sayd or done against these sloathfull idle and sluggish beasts given all to the belly For they are not Bishops but plaine Idols and dumbe Images idle Puppets visurs blockes shadowes disguised game players which doe not so much as know what this word Episcopus that is to say Bishop doth signifie so farre off they be from knowing what is the Office or duty of a Bishop Wilt thouâ— that I tell thee at one word what they are Wolves they are tyrants traytors manquellers monsters of the world burdens of the earth the Apostles of Antichrist graven and made to corrupt and destroy the Gospell And to utter at once what I thinke Loe I will here play the Bedell or common Cryer Be it knowne to all men that the Bishops of Rome with their clients Bishops which doe now exercise tyranny upon so many Cities in most ample and large dominion are not Bishops by the Ordination of God but by Errour and by â—he seduction of the Devill and by the traditions of men wherefore without doubt they are the messengers and Vicars of Satan If I doe not shew and prove this by so evident testimonies that mine enemies shall be constrained to confesse this verity and that even themselves so that they doe meanely repent and waxe wise cannot deny it then let them be Bishops then let me be thought to doe injury unto them First Paul writeth unto Titus That he should constitute and ordaine Presbyters in every Towne Here I suppose that no man can deny that all one thing is signified by this word Preshyter and by this word Episcopus in Saint Pauls writings for as much as he doth bid Titus that he should in every City constitute Presbyters And because a Bishop ought to be unreproveable therefore he calleth him Presbyterum It is evident therefore what Paul doth signifie and meane by this word Episcopus Bishop that is to say A man excellently good and vertuous of ripe age which also hath a chaste wife and children obedient in the feare of the Lord. And the Apostle will that he should have the oversight and government of the Congregation in the Ministery of the Word and the Administration of the Sacraments All men whosoever they be which by all honest and lawfull meanes doe spend and bestow their goods honour blood and life to the end that these Bishoprickes so pompous and Courtly so farre unlike and contrary to all the office and duty of an Apostle namely to the ministration of the Word and that all this devillish Kingdome of the Bishop of Rome may be overthrowne and destroyed or if they cannot in very deede destroy itâ— doe cry against it doe dispraise and condemne it and doe avoyde it as abhominationâ— all those persons that so doe are the sonnes of God and true Christian men fighting and helping the Faith of the Gospell in spirituall barraile against the gates of Hell Contrariwise whosoever doe favour the Kingdome of the Popes Bishops so wicked and that so tyrannous and devillish cruelty and doe willingly and gladly submit themselves and obey unto it those persons are the ministers of the Devill fighting as enemies against the Words the Lawes and Ordinances of God This sentence of mine nay rather of Gods Judgement I prove with strong effectuall arguments in this wise The Apostle Paul commandeth Titus That he should Ordaine and constitute a Bishop in every City such one as was the husband of one wife a man vertuous and unreproveable c. This is the Word this is the will and sentence of God Against this sayd Will of God these men doe now strive which have taken quite away all true Bishops ouâ— of all Cities and insteed of true Bishops have constituted shops or worke-houses of most cold Ceremonies Monasteries and Churches Collegiate and have brought in themselves in their steed that by this meanes they might be made Bishops or Over-seers of many Cities and also of many Provinces Now the sentence of Paul or rather the Words of the Holy Ghost doth continue firme stable and not able to be moved or stirred of the gates of hell and doth stand as stiffe as a brasen wall which saith plainely and evidently That in every City there ought to be constituted and Ordained one Bishop and these then shal be every one of them of equal power with the other For Paul speaketh plainly of every City he giveth to every Bishop full power authority in his own City Go to therforenow ye worldly Bishops Why doe ye not here rise Why do ye not boldly manfully resist Why do ye not break forth all of you together Here you have to doe not with me but with the Apostle Paul Here you resist that I may say with the holy Martyr Stephen not me but the Holy Ghost which likewise againe of his part doth mightily resist you â—oe to then what will you say here I beseech you Will you all hold your peace and say nothing at all Loe your sentence is given and pronounced against you you have the matter judged that is to wit that unto all Christian men it belongeth of their part with the Word of God againe to destroy to plucke up by the rootes and utterly to extinct both you and your Kingdome which you doe tyrannously exercise to extinct and destroy the Gospell you have heard now that they be in the indignation of God whosoever favoureth you and on the otherside that they are in the favour of God whosoever overthroweth and destroyeth you But I will not in any wise these words which I doe speake of the destruction and utter subversion of the Kingdome of false Bishops so to be understood or taken as though it ought to be done with the hand or with sword or with violence or bodily invasion of them for with this destruction of the men we shall be nothing further in this so great a matter that is to wit Gods cause or businesse But as Daniel prophecied in the 8. chapter The Kingdome of Antichrist is to be broken all to peeces without any hand of man Saint Peters words you are a regall Priesthood and a Priestly Kingdome are meant of Spirituall Bishops who are all the Preachers of the Word of God in Cities Townes and Villages although they doe neither buy Pall nor Gowne nor yet any other Garment of those bawdes the Romanists the Corporall Bishops are you which bearing â—orked Miters on your heads under the apparell of Aaron doe in very deede play the very Tyrants and are fellowes unto Nero and Caligula riding upon fat and well fed Palâ—ries and sleeke Mules and
afterwards with your rings onely and your Gloves and your silver Sheephooke if God be pleased you doe play the Bishops And here againe I guesse what they will object For all that say they oftentimes many Saints have beene Bishops not onely of one City but of many Cities I make answere As many as have beene â—oly Bishops in very deede and called Pastours by the calling of God all those for the most part were the Bishops of one City alone as Cyprian Hilary Ambrose Augustine Ireneus and these observed the tradition of the Apostles it is found in deede in Hisâ—oriographers that there have beene certaine such was holy Boniface and such also Tite unto Paul which did after their own judgement constitute other Bishops in the Cities as Titus did but yet wâ—re they not therefore the Bishops of many Cities and albeit that such manner of example could be shewed of the Saints shall the examples of holy men be prejudiciall to the Word of God Is not God greater than all Saints how oftentimes doe we finde that holy men have sinned erred God saved Daniel in a Dungeon of Lyons and he saved Ananias Azarias and Misael in the flaming Furnance of Babylon Is the hand or power of God now shortned and minished Is it any doubt but that be might preserve and keepe his elect and chosen persons if it should happen them by any meanes to be seduced and led out of the right way as Christ prophecied even in the middest of mens Ordinations and traditions and of the errours of the Devill we ought not to put confidence in any ensample deed or word of Saints but our Consciences ought to leane and to be grounded onely upon the Word of God which onely is he as Paul saith that cannot lye But let us furthermore heare Paul what he saith of this Ordinance of God for in this wise Luke writeth of him in the 20. Chap. of the Acts And sending messengers from Miletum to Ephesus he sent for Priests of the Church which when they were come to him he sayd unto them Take heede to your selves and to all the flocke in which the holy Ghost hath set or ordained you Bishops to governe the Church of God which he hath purchased and gotten with his owne blood Goe to now is here any new thing Is Paul a foole and doth he not know what he doth Ephesus was but one City alone and Paul calleth openly all the Priests or Elders by one common name Episcopos Bishops But peradventure Paul had not read those bookes and those Apologies wretchedly patched together of Papists nor the holy Decretals For how would he have bin bold else to make many Bishops overseers to one City to call al the Priests of one City Bishops in as much as they were not all Princes neither kept a gard of men and goodly Palfries but were certaine rascall persons and of the most abject and vile sort of men after the worldly estimation For Paul peradventure was ignorant of that which is growne in use now in our time that no man can be a great Bishop in very deed unlesse he doe as the Poet saith keepe an hundred Horses in goodly stables unlesse he have a gorgeous house full of royall Pompe unlesse he have many royall titles of Lordships For this alone is sufficient now in our time to that that Knights and Princes be they never so much unlearned and foolish yea and though their minds other whiles doe stand nothing towards it may by the commendations of their parents and kinsfolkes and otherwhiles by gifts and rewards be suddainely made Bishops But in good sadnesse thou seest plainly that the Apostle Paul doth call these onely Bishops which doe Preach the Gospell unto the people and doe minister unto them the Sacraments as now in our time be the Parish Priests and the Preachers Wherefore I doe not doubt but these although they doe Preach the Gospell but to very little Villages and Granges and if they be the faithfull and true ministers of the Word I doe not doubt I say that they have by good right the Title and name of a Bishop Contrariwise those valiant horsemen aâ—d tyrannous Bishops have no point of the Office of a Bishop saving onely those bare goodly titles and certaine disguised apparell in like manner as those Bishops which are painted on a Wall have indeed the shape and likenesse of Bishops but they are without life and speech For even such dead and idle stockes and blockes are the Popes Bishops in every point albeit that then they are evermore strong and quick when they doe exercise tyrannous cruelty against the very Pastours which doe busily governe Cities in the ministration of the Word of God and by more than devillish tyranny doe forbid them holy Wedlocke and to the open slander of the Church doe winke at the keeping of Whores doe blaspheme the Gospell doe extinct the Word of God and under the pretence and colour of vertue and godlinesse doe with incredible woodnesse exercise continually extreame tyranny upon the silly poore people By the reason whereof we doe see in the Courts and Palaces of some Bishops likewise as in the fountaine of all vice and mischiefe in the Court of Rome not so much as one crum not so much as the least shadow to bee found of Christian manners we see also all the Cities of Priests and namely those Noble â—eates of Priests to be nothing else but schooles of uncleanelinesse and bodily plesures Ware-houses of vices so much that in comparison of their houses the Courts of their secular Princes may be accounted Monasteries and holy schooles of vertue and godlinesse yea and Sodome and Gomorrah in comparison of them may seeme temperate measurable and thrifty For out of their Courts or houses commeth forth neither the Gospell nor any other holy Doctrine but onely Citations Excommunications Exactions Interdictions Citations I say in very deed peremptory that is to say slayers both of goods and of soules For such as the Bishops are themselves such also is their Doctrin And though thou do never so much cloath an Asse with a Lyons skin yet he continueth still an Asse and an Ape is still an Ape although he be clad in purple Besides this S. Paul writeth to the Philippians in this wise Paul and Timothy the Servants of Iesus Christ to all the Saints in Christ Iesu which are in the City of Philippi and to the Bishops also and the Deacons c. Loâ— Philippi was but onely one City and yet S. Paul saluteth all them that beleeveth together with the Bishopsâ— undoubtedly the Bishops whom he meaneth there were the Priests likewise as he was wont to constitute and ordaine in all the other Cities This is now the third place of Paul in which wee doe see what God and the holy Ghost hath constituted and ordained that is to wit that they
strike And so in this place with most manifest words Christ declaâ—eth that hee came not for this purpose to take upon him the office of a Magistrate but rather that hee might raigne in our hearts so that it might be our hap to come to the â—ternall goods whatsoever happened of our temporall goods Therefore when hee was interrupted of a certaine Jew that hee would helpe him in recovering his inheritance hee answered Man who hath made mee a judge or divider over you As though he should say hath not this world Judges that may decide so base controversies it is not appointed unto mee that this or that man should waxe rich by inheritance but that all men should come to the inheritance of life immortall But in these words Christ would be token many things to wit that he which hath an Apostolicall office ought not to be wrapped with prophane and filthy affaires for so the Apostle saith otherwhere No man going warfare under God entangleth himselfe with worldly businesse And the Apostles say all at once It is not meete for us to leave the Word of God and attend on the Tables Christ also by this reproving would declare that this doctrine taketh not away the Magistrates offices but rather confirmeth them Whereupon hee saith also elsewhere Render to Cesar that that is Cesars And when his Disciples strived for preheminencie he said The Kings of the Nations governe them and so forth Whereby he declared that neither hee himselfe nor his ought as they call them to be secular Judges neither did hee by this refusing abolish the order of the Magistrate but much more as we have said confirme it Thus farre your owne Doctor Hofmeister against you that the intent of Christ refusing to be a Judge herein was chiefely against such usurpation of worldly Magistracie as the Pope and his Prelates too exercise Pag. 1095. he concludes that a Bishop may in some cases lawfully excommunicate a wicked Prince But who denieth this M. Sanders that a godly Bishop may upon great and urgent occasion if it shall be necessary to edifie Gods Church and there be no other remedy to flee to this last censure of excommunication against a wicked King The Bishops need not therefore calumniate Presbyteries upon pretence that they hold it lawfull to excommunicate Kings since they themselves averre that Bishops may lawfully doe it and de facto have sundry times put it in practise both at home and abroad So Bishop Bridges Our laborious Historian M. Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monuments highly applauded by the whole Convocation in their Canons 1571. and enjoyned to be had in every Cathedrall and Collegiate Church and in every Archbishops Bishops Deanes Arch-Deacons and Canons residentiaries house for their servants and strangers to read in doth every where discoâ—er condemne the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Warres Wealth pride calling and secular imployments of our Bishops of which hee writes thus in particular p. 1381. This hath bin one great abuse in England these many yeares that such offices as beene of most importance and weight have commonly beene committed to Bishops and other spirituall men whereby three devilliâ—h mischiefes and inconveniences have hapned in this Realme to the great dishonour of God and utter neglecting of the flocke of Christ the which three be these First they have had small leasure to attend to their pastorall cures which hereby have beene utterly neglected and left undone Secondly it hath also puft up many Bishops and other spirituall persons into such haughtinesse and pride that they have thought no Noble man of the Realme worthy to be their equall or fellow Thirdly where they by this meanes knew the very secrets of Princes they being in such high offices have caused the same to be knowne in Rome afore the King could accomplish and bring his intents to passe in England By â—his meanes hath the Papacy bâ—ene so maintained and things ordered after theiâ— wills and pleasures that much mischiefe haâ—h happened in this Realme and others sometimes to the destruction of Princes and sometimes to the utter undoing of many Common-wealths So he Who page 216.358.359.360.414.430.432.434.439.517 518.599.625.961.972.1009.1016.1463.1856 of the said Acts and Monuments London 1610. writes often in the magent That Bishops and Presbyters are all one and the same and that there was no difference betweene them in the Primitive times which was the common received opinion of our Martyrs yea of our learned D. Humfrey Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford Puritanopap Confut. ad Rat. 3. p. 262.265 and of D. William Fulke against Bristow Motive 40. against Gregory Martyn p 172. and confuration of the Rhemish Testament Notes on Titus 1. sect 2. and on Philip. I. sect 1. Iohn Iuell the incomparable Bishop of Salisbury in his defence of the Apology of the Church of England Part. 2. cap. 3. disp 5. p. 98 99 100 101. writes thus of the equality of Bishops and Ministers Saint Ierome saith All Bishops wheresoever they be be they at Rome be they at Eugubiuâ— be they at Constantinople be they at Rhegium be all of like preheminence and of like Priesthood And as Cyprian saith There is but one Bishopricke and a peece thereof is perfectly wholly holden of every particular Bishop What Saint Ierome meant hereby Erasmus a man of great learning and judgement expoundeth thus Ierome seemeth to match all Bishops together as if they were all equally the Apostles successors and hee thinketh not any Bishop to be lesse than other for that hee is poorer or greater than other for that hee is richer for hee makes the Bishop of Eugubium a poore towne equall with the Bishop of Rome And farther hee thinketh that a Bishop is no better than any Priest saving that the Bishop hath authority to order Ministers Hereto M. Harding answereth thus Erasmus saith within five lines following that the Meâ—ropolitan hath a certaine dignity and jurisdiction above other Bishops take the one saith hee with the other I am contented M. Harding Erasmus saith The Metropolitan had a dignity above other Bishops but hee saith noâ— the Bishop of Rome had jurisdiction over all Bishops throughout the World In Saint Hieromes time there were Meâ—ropolitans Archbishops Archdeacons and others But Christ appointed not these distinctions of orders from the beginning These names are not found in all the Scriptures This is the thing that we deâ—end S. Ierome saith Let Bishops understand whereunto wee adde further Let the Bishops of Rome themselves undestand that they are in authority over Priests more by custome than by order of Gods truth These be Hieromes words truly translated what he meant thereby I leave to the judgement of the Reader Erasmus likewise saith in the selfe same place above alleaged Whereas Saint Ierome yeeldeth lesse dignity and authority unto Bishops than nowadayes they seeme to have wee must understand he spake of that time wherein he lived
If hee had seene our Bishops that now bee hee would have said otherwise For now the Pope claimeth a power above all the powers in heaven and earth as it is written in the Councell of Lateran Againe â—rasmus in another place speaking hereof saith thus This holy man Saint Ierome saith plainly and freely and as hee thinketh that the Bishop of Rome is above other Bishops not by Bishoprickeâ— but onely by riches By riches onely M. Harding Erasmus saith the Pope is above other Bishops By riches onely hee saith not by right of Gods word not by vertue not by learning not by diligence in preaching but onely by riches Now it may please you to follow your owne rule and to lay the one saying to the other But Saint Ieromes words are plaine of themselves and have no need of other expositor Thus he writeth What doth a Bishop saving onely the ordering of Ministers but a Priest may do the same Neither may wee thinke that the Chuâ—ch of Rome is oneâ— and the Church of all the world beside is another France England Affrica Persia Levante India and all barbarous Nations worship one Christ and keepe one rule of the truth If wee seeke for Authority the whole world is greater than the City of Rome Wheresoever there be a Bishop be it at Euguâ—ium be it at Rome be it at Constantinople be it at Rhegium Be it at Alexandria be it at Tanais they are all of one worthinesse they are all of one Bishopricke The power of riches and the basenesse of poverty maketh not a Bishop either higher or lower for they are all the Apostles successors What bring you mee the custome of Rome being but one City Here M. Harding findeth great fault for that I have translated these words Of one Bishopricke and not as hee would have it Of one Priesthood God woâ— a very simple quarrell Let him take whether he liketh best if either other of these words shall serve his turne Erasmus saith Bishop Pâ—iest and Presbyter at that time were all tâ—ree all one But Mâ— Harding saith The Primates had Authority over other inâ—eriour Bishops I graunt they had so Howbeit they had it by agreement and custome but neither by Christ nor by Peter nor Paul nor by any right of Gods Word Saintâ— Ierome saith Let Bishops understand that they are above Priests rather of Custome than of any truth or right of Christs institution and that they ought to rule the Church altogether And againe Therefore a Priest and a Bishop are both one thing and before that by the inflaming of the Devill parts were taken in Religion and these words were uttered among the people I hold of Paul I hold of Apollo I hold of Peter the Churches were governed by the common advice of the Priests Saint Augustine saith The office of a Biâ—hop is above the office of a Priest not by the authority of the Scripâ—ures but after the names of honour which the custome of the Church hath now obtained So part 2. cap. 9. Divis. 1. p. 196 He brings in M. Harding the Papist writing thus Even so they which denyed the distinction of a Bishop and a Priest were condemned of heresie as we find in Saint Augustine in the Booke and Chapter aforesaid And in Epiphanius Lib. 3. cap. 75. In the Councell of Constance the same is to be found To whom he answers in the Margent Vntâ—uth for hereby both Saint Paul and Saint Ierome and other good men are condemned of Heresie And p. 202. He gives this further answer But what meant M. Harding here to come in with the difference betweene Priests and Bishops thinkes hee that Priests and Bishops hold onely by Tradition or is it so horrible an heresie as hee maketh it to say that by the Scriptures of God a Bishop and a Priest are all one or knoweth hee how farre and unto whom he reacheth the name of an Hereticke Verily Chrysostome saith Betweene a Bishop and a Priest in a manner there is no difference Saint Hierome saith somewhat in rougher sort I heare say there is one become so peevish that hee setteth Deacons before Priests that is to say before Bishops Whereas the Apostle plainly teacheth us that Priests and Bishops he all one Saint Augustine saith What is a Bishop but the first Priest that is to say the highest Priest So saith Saint Ambrose There is but one consâ—cration of a Priest and Bishop for both of them are Priests but the Bishop is the first In his Sermon upon Haggai 1 p. 176. he writes thus against the temporall possessions and secular Offices of Clergy men When Constantinus the Emperour endowed the Church with lands and possessions they say there was a voyce of Angels heard in the ayre saying This day poyson is powred into the Church If there were poyson powred into Church then I doubt there was nover Treacle powred into it since This wee see that from that time shee hath done worse and worse Augustine findeth fault with the multitude of Ceremonies and saith the Church in â—his time was in worse case by mans devises than was the Church of the Iewes Bernard said There is no part sound in the Clergie And againe They which chuse tâ—e first places in the Church are chiefest in persecuting Christ. And againe they be not Teachers but deceivers they are not feeders but beguilers they be not Prelates but Pilates Which hee thus further prosecutes in his Sermon on Matthew 9. p. 198. And what shall I speake of Bishops Their cloven Miter signifieth perfect knowledge of the new Testament and the old their Crosiers Staffe signifieth diligence in attending the flocke of Christ their purple Bootes and Sandals signifie that they should ever be booted and ready to goe abroad through thicke and thinne to teach the Gospell and thereto they applyed the words of the Prophet How beautifull are the feete of them which bring glad tydings of peace which bring glad tydings of good things But alas in what kind of things do they beare themselves for Bishops These mysticall titles and shewes are not enough to â—eâ—ch in the Lords Harvest they are garments more meete â—or Players than for good Labourers Saint Bernard writes thus to Eugenius the Bishop of Rome who sometime had beene his Scholler Thou which art the shepheard â—ettest up and downe shining in gold and gorgeously attired but what get thy sheepe If I durst speake it these things are not the fodder for Christs sheepe but for devils Whatsoever apparell they have upon them unlesse they will fall to worke Christ will not know them for labourers How then can the Bishop of Rome be taken for the chiefe Pastor of Christ which these 900. yeares hath not opened his mouth to feed the flocke These 900. yeares I say since Gregory the first of that name it can hardly be found that ever any Bishop of Rome was seene in a Pulpit One of
themselves Adrianus the fourth a Bishop of Rome was wont to say Wee succeed not Peter in teaching but Romulus in murthering And in the Canon of â—he Apostles it is decreed That the Bishop that teacheth not his flocke shâ—uld be deposed To which purpose they alleage Saint Augustine A Bishops office iâ— a name of labour not a name of honour that hee which coveteth the place of preeminence and hath not a desire to do good may know hee is not a Bishop Thus saith Origen Thus saith Chrysostome thus say divers others of the old Fathers whom it were long and needlesse to rehearse There be many Priests and few Priests saith Chrysostome Many that beare the name but few that be Priests indeed Thus the Harvest is great and plentious but the Labourers are but few The labourers are but few but the destroyers and wasters are exceeding many Yea such as should be the harvest men most of all destroy the corne I will not here report that I am well able that your eyes have seene and that many of you have felt the state of our time hath beene such Saint Bernard saw it in his time and therefore saith All are â—riends and all are enemies all are helpers and all are adversaries and hinderers Againe Alas alas O Lord God they are the chiefest in persecuting thee that seeme to love the highest roomes and to beare rule in thy Church he cites their Latin which I omiâ— And in his Defence of the Apologie â—f the Church of England part 6. c. 9. Div. 3. p. 667 568. hee writes thus of Bishops intanglement in worldly affaires and bravery in apparell Our Princes never tooke upon them the office of Bishops but your Bishops have taken upon them the office of Princes Of your Bishops it is written in your owne Councels Behold there is now in a manner no worldly affaire but Priests and Bishops have it in hand Such Bishops be they of whom Saint Chrysostome writeth thus They that neither beleeve nor feare the judgement of God abusing their Ecclesiasticall dignity in secular sort turne the same into secular dignity Such Bishops they be of whom Saint Hierome saith thus They themselves be to themselves both Laymen and Bishops too And againe They worship the Lord and Melchom both together thinking that they may serve both the World and the Lord and satisfie two masters at once God Mammon who fighting under Christ bend themselves to worldly affaires and offer up one image Both to God and Cesar. And therefore Cardinall Cuâ—amâ—â— saith Hereof groweth a great deformity that Bishops are bent only to worldly cares Marke these words M. Harding hee saith Your Bishops are bent onely to worldly cares If yee will beleeve none of these yet your Popes owne Legates in your late Chapter at Trident speaking of your Priestlike apparell say thus Our Priests differ nothing from Laymen saving only in apparel nay indeed they differ not so much from them as in apparell Yee say your Bishops be gay and gallant attended and guarded with Princelike routs both behind and before And therefore yee make no small account specially in respect of our estate which you call beggerly In such disdaine the Heathen sometimes said That Christ was the beggerliest and poorest of all the Gods that were in heaven Howbeit our Bishoprickes saving that certaine of your Fathers have shamefully spoyled them are now even as they were beforeâ— Certainly the poorest Bishopricke in England as it is reported is better in revenues than three of your Popes Italian Bishoprickes in the Kingdome of Naples Howbeit the Gospell of Christ standeth not by riches but by truth in comparison of the one wee make small reckoning of the other Neverthelesse the wise and godly have evermore sound fault with the Ecclesiasticall bravery of your Roman Clergy Saint Bernard saith Therehence commeth their whorelike finenesse their players weed their Princely apparell therehence commeth their gold in their bridles in their Saddles and in their spurres Againe hee saith They goe trimly and finely in their colours as if a spouse should come from her chamber if thou shouldst suddenly see one of them jetting a farre off wouldst thou not rather thinke it were a spouse than the keeper of the spouse Laurentius Valla although bitterly yet not unpleasantly thus expresseth your Lordly bravey I thinke if the Devill in the ayre have any games among them to make sport withall they are most busily occupied in counterfeiting the apparell and tire and pride and riot of Priests and have greatest pastime Pope Bonefacius the 8. in a great Iubilee and in a solemne procession went apparelled in the Empeâ—ours Robes and had the Crowne Imperiall on his head and the sword of majestie borne before him as an Emperour This spirituall jolity M. Harding liketh you well Notwithstanding Saint Bernard saith These be pastures for Devils not for sheepe no doubt even thus did Peter Euen such pastime plaid Saint Paul Yee tell us further though they teach not though they say noâ— though they do not though they live not as becommeth Bishops nor as becommeth a Christian man yet be they Bishops notwithstanding Hereat wee will not greatly strive for so the Wolfe if hee once get a sheep-hooke and a cloke may be a shepheard and a blind man if hee get once into the watch-tower may be a spie But miserable are the poore sheepe that so are fed miserable is that poore Castle that so is watched Saint Augustine saith A Bishops office is a name of labour and not of honour that who so loveth to rule and not to profit may understand himseâ—fe to be no Bishop Againe hee saith of such a one Hee ought rather to be called a shamelesse dogge than a Bâ—shop As for that yee say Your Bishops be duly ordinated and consecrated Saint Augustine replieth Touching the outward consecration of a Bishop many give it to wolves and be wolves themselves Saint Bernard speaking of your Priests and Bishops saith In their apparell they are Souldiers in their gaines they are Priests and Bishops But in effect and in deed they are neither of both for neither do they fight in the field as do Souldiers nor do they preach as Priests and Bishops Of whether order therefore be they Whereas they would be of both Orders they forsake both and confound both Saint Paul saith every man shall rise againe in his owne order but in what order shall these rise whether forasmuch as they have sinned without order shall they perish without order I feare me they shall be ordered none otherwhere but whereas is no Order but disorder and horror everlasting Againe in his Defence of the Apologie of the Church of England Par. 6. chap. 2. Divis. 1. he writes thus concerning Bishops voting and authority in Parliament in settling matters in Religion Where yee would seeme to say that the
Private men their Episcopacy making none of them to preach or write more than otherwise they would have done but lesse as experience manifests So that their Bishoprickes made them not to doe more good but rather hindred them to doe so much good as they would have done had they still continued private Ministers onely For the second that they are one of the greatest States of the Land setled by many Acts of Parliament and necessary members of the Parliament which cannot well be held without them I answere first that our Lord Abbots and Priors might and did pleade this as well as Bishops yet this was held no Plea at all no not in times of Popery and shall we allow it now in times of clearer light Secondly the wohle body of Popery it selfe together with the Pope his Popish Clergie Orders and Ceremonies were all setled among us by sundry Acts of Parliament and the Statutes of Magna Charta c. 1. with all other Acts of Parliament since enacting that holy Church or the Church of England Bishops and Churchmen shall enjoyâ— all their â—ranchises Rights Liberties Priviledges câ— are meant onely of our Popish Prelates Abbots Priors Monks Nunnes Masse-Priests and of exemption from secular Jurisdiction Sanctuaries with other Anti-Monarchicall priviledges granted to them by Kings Popes or Parliaments in times of Popery shall then our Popish Recusants or any other argue thence therefore it is fit that Popery with all Popish orders Bishops Sanctuaries and exemptions should be now revived and perpetuated among us because established by so many Lawes If this be no argument for the continuance of Popery or Popish Prelates who were principally established by these objected Lawes then certainely it can be no good Plea for the continuance of such of our Prelates who are true Protestants whom most of these Acts never established nor intended to continue Thirdly It is a rule in Philosophy and Law Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur Since therefore our Lordly Bishops were first erected and constituted such Bishops and States of the Land by Acts of Parliament onely not by any divine institution which prohibits them all such secular Lordly Soveraignty and dominion as I have largely manifested in the premises They may lawfully without any injury or inconvenience by an Act of Parliament be unbishopped unlorded againe and thrust out of our Church as well as the Pope Abbots Priors Monkes and Masse-Priests were upon the reformation of Religion both at home and in forraine parts As for our Prelates necessity of sitting in Parliament I answer First that though they have beene anciently admitted to â—it in Parliament yet there is no necessity of their sitting there seeing it hath beene long since resolved and Bishop Iuell with Bishop Bilson confesse and prove at large that a Parliament may be and some Parliaments have beene kept without Bishops as I have formerly demonstrated Secondly many â—imes all some or a great part of our Bishops have beene secluded the Parliament and yet this hath beene no impeachment to the proceedings there In the Parliament 〈◊〉 Saint Edmonds-bury Anno 1296. all the Bishops were brought in a Premunire and secluded the House In King Edward the sixt his time Stephen Gardner Bishop of Winchester and Bonner Bishop of London were sequestred and kept out of the House In the first yeare of Qâ—eene Mary all the Married Protestant Bishops and in the first of Queene Elizabeth many of the Popish Prelates were secluded and thrust out of the Parliament yea many Parliaments have beene held when one or both the Arch-Bishoprickes with many other Biâ—hoprickes have beene voyd and no Proxies admitted to supply their places All which proves that there is no necessity of their Session there and that all of them may be excluded thence at all times as well as all of them at sotimes and most of them at others Thirdly our Bishops sit not in the Parliament Bishopsâ— but as they aâ—e Barons and hold by Barony as is cleere both by our Histories Law Bookes and their owne confessions Now most of them at this day are no Barons nor hold of the King by Barony therefore they have no legall Right to sit there being no Peers of the Realme nor yet to be tryed by their Peers in case of Treason or Felony but onely by an Ordinary Jury as hath been adjudged in our Law Bookes practised in point of experience Fourthly Abbots and Priors who were spirituall Lords of Parliament as well as Bishops and more than treble in number to them have beene long since suppressed and cast out of the house without any prejudice Therefore Bishops by the same reason may be suppressed and put out of Parliament without any inconvenience being sewer in number â—han they Fifthly In cases of Felony and Treason the Bishops by their owne Lawes and practise neither are nor ought to be present in the House nor to give any vote at all but onely the Temporall Lords And in cases of Lands and possessions or in passing of Lawes for the Civill Government of the Realme they have no judiciary nor Legislative power at all as Bishop Bilson and others forecited prove at large therefore their Session in Parliament is not necessary nor expedient by way of vote Sixthly the Temporall Lords and Prelates make but one house and if all the Bishops be dead or absent or if present if all the Temporall Lords vote one way and the Bishops the lesser number another the vote is good Therefore their presence and votes in Parliament are nor simply necessary and may be spared withouâ— any mischiefe or inconvenience Seventhly if reason might determine this conâ—roversie I suppose every man will grant that it is farre more necessary reasonable and expedient that the Judges Sergeants and Kings Councell learned in the Lawes of the Realme and best able to descide all legall controversies and to make good Lawes to redresse all mischiefes should have votes in Parliament than Bishops yet we know they have no votes at all by way of descition because no Barons nor Peers of the Realm but onely by way of direction and advice when their Judgements are demanded Why then our Bishops especially those who are no Barons as few or none of them are should not now be ranked in equipage with the Judges and have no other but a directive not voting descitive or Legislative voyce in Parliament I thinke no reason can be given and indeede many thinke there is little reason why they should have any votes at all since ancient that I say not present experience manifests that they crosse or oppose all or most good Bills and motions for the advancement of religion and reformation of Ecclesiasticall abuses and for the most part vote with the Popish Lords or worser side against the better and so by Pope Gregory his owne rule approved by Bishop Iewel ought to lose their priviledge of voting Quia
verdict upon an Indictment for the Kingâ— against Innovating Clergie men as they were bound to doe both in Law and Conscience Witnesse the Case of Master Aske late Recorder of Colchester Mr. Burroughs and the grand Jury of that Towne who were thus vexed for finding an Indictment against Parâ—on Newcoman for refusing to deliver the Sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile And no doubt the Bishops secret Commands and Instructions were the Originall cause that moved Sir Robert Berkely Knight one of the Judges of the Kings Bench at the Generall Sessions at Harâ—ford in Ianuary 7. 1638. to fine Mr. Henry Browne one of the grand Jury men at that Sessions and lay him in Irons one night onely for finding an Indictment for rayling in the Communion Table at Hartford Altar-wise which indictment he caused the said Brown openly to teare trample under his feete and one thaâ— stayed other indictments of this nature in high affront boâ—h oâ— Law and Justice onely to please the Prelaâ—es whose commands threates and persecutions have beene the Originall causes of most of the Judges irregular proceedings Fourteenthly They have not onely cited but censured some of his Majesties Officers in the High-Commission for executing his Lawes according to their Oath and duty as the Major of Arundell for punishing a drumken Minister and likewise ciâ—ed Mr. Staple a Justice of peace in Sussex into the High-Coâ—mission for giving in charge at the quarter Sessions his 〈…〉 against Innovations and deaucht Clergie men Fiftâ—â—nâ—hlyâ—â—hey have most unjustly caused some Posters to be â—â—opped afâ—â—r â—â—â—dicts â—ound for the plaintiffes and dammages given by â—he Jury upon â—ulâ— hearing for Actions justly broâ—ght agaiâ—s◠〈◊〉 of â—hâ—ir Officers for dafamations and other 〈…〉 so that the Plaintiffes could never get judgementâ— wâ—â—nesse â—he case of Master Bayton against Doctor Martyn Comâ—â—ssary of Tomes and others Sixteeâ—â—hly they haue caused some Solliciters Atturnies and Plaâ—nâ—iffes to be imprisoned untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their Officeâ—s for Extortions Opressions and unjust Excommuniâ—ations witnesse the case of Ferdinando Adams whose Atturny Master Letchford was committed to the Kings Bench by Judge Iones and some other Judges only for bringing an Action of the Case against Dade the the Bishop of Norwich Commissary at Ipswich for Excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly because he reâ—used to blot out this Text of Scripture written over the Commissaries Court in Saint Maries Church in Ipswich It is written My house shall be called an house of Prayer of all Nations but ye have made it a den of theeves detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite sundry others having since beene served in this kinde by the Prelates sollicitation Seventeenthly They have beene the Originall occasions of the late unhappy warre and differences betweene Scotland and England which they stiled Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre to which they liberally contributed themselves and enforced others to do the like when these differences were comprimised and this warre happily concluded in peace they were the chiefe Authors of the breach of the pacificaâ—ion formerly made and of a second warre to the great danger trouble and unsupportable charge oâ— his Majesties three kingdomes Eighteenthly they have beene the prime causes of all or most of the grievances pressures distractions Schismes in our Church and Common-weale and chiefe instruments of the unhappy breaches of our former Parliaments to the infinite prejudice both of King and Subject Ninteenthly when as they had caused the last Parliament but this to be dissolved to manifest their omnipotency disloyalty and tyranny they caused a new Convocation to be immediately assembled without a Parliament wherein they compiled and prescribed New Canons with an c. Oath tending highly to the derogation of his Majesties prerogative royall in Ecclesiasticall matters the subversion of the â—undamentall Lawes of the Realme and Liberties of the Subject the affront of Parliaments the suppression of all faithfull ministers and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne Episcopall Lordly power and Popish Innovations And as if this were not sufficient they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a Parliament for the maintenance of a new war against the Scots and enjoyned all Ministers to pay these Subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them under paine of present deprivation for the first default Omni Appellatione semota without any benefit of appeale one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice that ever I have met with For which Canons Oath and Subsidies they now stand impeached by the whole house of Commons as delinquents in a high nature and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment Twentiethly it is very suspicious that they or some of them had a hand in the late dangerous Treason and Conspiracie since the first clause of the Oath of Seâ—recy administred to the Conspirators was To maintaine the Bishops in their functions and votes in Parliament and the Clergie would at their owne charge as Serjant Major Wallis confesseth in his examination maintaine a thousand horse to promote this Trayterous designe and have now as some report an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service In the twentieth one place they have oppressed and ruined divers of his Majesties Loyall Subjects Ministers and others both in their bodies estates credits families caused many thousands of them to forsake the Realme and to transport their families into forraine parts to the great decay of trade and impoverishing of the Realme In which they have done his Majestie great dis-service whose Honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people and his destruction in want of people In the twenty second ranke they have most undutifully and disloyally cast the odium of all their late Innovations in Religion their new Canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings on his Majestie proclaiming it openly to the people that all they did was onely by his Majesties speciall direction and command of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his Majestie as much as in them lay In the twenty third place they and their Officers have sorely fleeced and impoverished his Majesties Subjects in such sort by exacted Fees and vexatioâ—s suites in their Visitations High-Commissions and other Ecclesiasticall Courts and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in Commâ—nion Tables and new adorning their Churches that they are unable to supply his Majesties and the Kingdomes necessities in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done the late Subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe as they did in former times Finally in their last High-Commission Paâ—ent they obtained this strange Non-obstante which robs the King of his Supremacy and the Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties namely That their Lordships in all Ecclesiasticall causes specified in that Commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner as
they list themselves Notwithstanding any Appellation provocation priviledge or exemption in that behalfe to be had made pretended or alleadged by ANY PERSON OR PERSONS therefore by Lords and Peeres as well as others resident or dwelling in any place or places exempt or not exempt within the Realmes of England and Ireland and Principality of Wales for no lesâ—er circuite would content them and all Lawes Statutes Proclamations or other grants Priviledges or Ordinances which be or may seeme contrary to the premises notwithstanding What Matthew Paris writes of the Popes Non-obstantees in his Bulls which first begar them Per illud verbum adjectionem detestabilem Non Obstante omnem â—xtinguit justitiam praehabitam I may more truely affirme of this that it extinguisheth all Iustice yea his Majesties Supremacy our fundamentall Lawes Statutes and the Subjects Liberties since it robs the King of the Regall right of receiving appeales as supreame head of the Church of England for releese of his oppressed Subjects and of the honour of his Royall Lawes Proclamations grants exemptions which must all stoope to the Prelates pleasures and strips the Subjects naked of the benefit and protection of all Lawes Statutes Proclamations and other grants priviledges Ordinances or exemptions whatsoever which might shelter them from the Prelates tyranny and oppressions So that you have here the very height of Treason Conspiracy and Contumacy against his Majestie the Lawes of the Realme and hereditary liberties of the people In all these respects to omit other particulars our Prelates if they be not direct Traytors to his Majestie and the Realme so farre as to incurre a Capitall Censure as is more than probable or at least a Praemunire of which there is no question yet I dare averre they are the most notorious Rebels the obstinatest contemners enemies and oppugners of his Majesties Royall Prerogative the Fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and just Liberties of the Subject this day breathing inferiour to none of their predecessors in contumacy and disobedience to their Soveraigne and our Lawes what ever they preteâ—d and exceeding them in many particulars Having thus I hope sufficiently answered all our Prelates Arguments for the supportation and continuance of their Lordly Prelacy in our Church and their Evasions to shift off this Antipathy as no way pertinent unto them give me leave onely to observe these sixe remarkeable Circumstances in our Prelats premised Treason Conspiracies and Rebellions which highly aggravate their offences and make them farre more execrable Traytors Rebels and delinquents than all other rankes of men and then I shall conclude First they have presumed to justifie their Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraignes as pious religious holy and commendable actions and to Canonize these Episcopall Arch-Traytors and Rebells not onely for chiefe pillars patriots and defenders of the Churches Liberties but even for holy Saints and Martyrs as appeares by the examples of Dunstan Anselme Becket Edmund of Canterbury Hugh of Lincolne S. Germain 〈◊〉 Richard Scroope of Yorke with others no Laymen having yet beene so happy as for their Treasons and Rebellions onelâ— or especially to bee Sainted and adored as many Bishops and Clergie men have beene Hence Doctor Barnes in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 190. writes thus I would not speake how damnable it is to institute Masses for a willing Traytor and murtherer there was never no learning that could allow this But there is no remedy he that dyes against his King and for the maintaining of your Treason must needes be a Saint if Masses blessings and miracles will helpe for all these bee at your Commandment to give where your list So that we poore men must be accused of insurrection and Treason and we must beare all the blame we must be driven out of the Realme we must be burned for it when as God knowes there is no people under heaven that more abhorreth and with earnester â—eart resisteth and more diligently doth preach against disobedience than we doe yea I dare say boldly let all your bookes be searched thaâ— were written this 500. yeares and all they shall not declare the authority of a Prince and the true obedience toward him as one of our little bookes shall doe that be condemned by you for heresie and all this will not helpe us But as for you you may preach you may write you may doe you may sweare against your Princes and also assoile all other men of their obedience towards their Princes you may compell Princes to be sworne to you and yet are you children of obedience and good Christian men And if ye dye for this doctrine then is there no remedy but you must be Saints and rather than faile ye shall doe miracles which he proves by the example of Thomas Becket of Germane formerly cited who was made a Saint for deposing King Vortiger and making his Neat-heard King in his steed These shamefull and abominable things doe ye prayse and allow and in the meane time condemne us for heretickes and Traytors Secondly in interceding for saving rescuing protecting rewarding Trayterous and Rebellious Bishops after their Treasons and Rebellions committed and warding off the sword of Justice from their Mitred Pates though worthy of ten thousand deaths when as all others Peeres or Commons whom they have drawne into their Treasons Rebellions and Conspiracies have beene sure to suffer the rigor of Justice without any mitigation or pardon this most of the premised instances witnesse especially that of Adam de Tarlton Part. 1. p 54.55.56.57.265.266 Thirdly in mincing extenuating excusing and patronizing the Treasons Conspiracies and Rebellions of Prelates and referring them to the Pope or their owne Ecclesiastical-Tribunalls that so they might scape unpunishedâ— a priviledge and tricke of Episcopall Leger-de-maine that no Layman was capable of but onely Bishops and Clerkes Fourthly in slandering reviling censuring excommunicating their Princes together with â—heir Judges and Officers for the execution of Justice on Bishops who have beene Arch-Rebells Traytors and Conspirators as appeares by the examples of Richard Scroope and others which story of Scroope Doctor Barnes thus descants on in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 188.189 Doe you not remember how that in the dayes of Henry the fourth a captaine of your Church called Richard Scroope Archbishop of York did gather an Host of men and waged battle against his King but God the Defendor of his Ruler gave the King the victory which caused the Traytor to be beheaded And then your fore-fathers with their devillish craâ—t made the people beleeve by their false Chronicle that at every stroke that was given at the Bishops necke the King received another of God in his necke And whereas the King was afterward stricken with a sickenesse you made him and all his Subjects beleeve that it was Gods punishment because he had killed the Bishop and not thus content but you fained after his death that he did miracles Is not
sent an Ambassador to the Pope together with the Archbishop to grow to some reasonable conclusion â—aseâ—all the second who then was Pope would not yeeld one jot unto the King animated no doubt by Anselme a man so resolute in his quarrell insomuch that when the Kings Ambassadour William Wartlewast sayd he knew the King would rather lose his Crowne than this priviledge he answered Yea let him lose his head also if he will whilst I live hee shall never appoint Bishop but I will resist him what I may So without doing any good homeward they came The King understanding before-hand how the world went sent a Messenger to forbid Anselme to enter into the Realme presently seized all his goods movables and immovables into his hands After three yeares Exile Anselme at the importunate mediation of Adila Countesse of Bloys the Kings Sister was restored upon these conditions that hee should be content to consecrate the Bishops already nominated by the King and that the King should renounce all right to such nominations and investitures for time to come No sooner returned he againe but hee kindled a fresh combustion by enforcing all married Priests to forsake their wives depriving them of their goods Benefices and adjudging their wives Adulteresses The King upon their complaint pittying their case halfe of the Priests of England being then married mediates for them and protected them a while from Anselmes severity granting them Licenses to retaine their wives but hee a man alwayes most peremptory in his resolution would not be perswaded to yeeld one jot in this or any other thing hee intended so that notwithstanding the Kings inclination to succour them many of them were miserably vexed which ingendred a new quarrell betweene him and the King In a word this rebellious traytorly Prelate did so good service for the Pope against these two Kings whom hee caused to be in a manner excommunicated by the Pope and subjugate to his pleasure that in favour of him he afforded to his See this honour That whereas the Arch-bishop of Canterbury was wont to sit next the Bishop of Ruffine in Generall Counsels hereafter his place should be at the Popes right Foote and withall used these words Includamus hunc in Orbe nostro tanquam Papa alterius orbis Let us include this man in our world as the Pope of another world In a word King William Rufus was so vexed with Anselme William Bishop of Durham and other rebellious Prelates that William of Milmesbury records of him That he animated the Iewes at London to enter into a Dispute against our Bishops telling them in merriment as this Historian conceived that if they overcame the Christians by manifest Arguments that he would be of their Sect. Therefore this thing was acted with great feare of the Bishops and Clergie-men affected with a pious solicitude of the Christian Faith But in this Combate the Iewes obtained nothing but confusion although they often boasted that they were not overcome by Argumentation but by the Faction of the Prelates This fire-brand of Contention departing this life Ralph of Canterbury his immediate Successor an insolent cholerick proud Prelate offered two such notable affronts to King Henry the first his Soveraigne who advanced him to this Sea as no Age I thinke can parallell For King Henry having assembled all his Nobles to Windsor Castle to consult with them about his Marriage with Adelicia his second Wife Daughter to the Duke of Loraine the Bishop of Salisbury being requested both by the King and Queene to solemnize the Marriage betweene them and clad in his holy Vestments ready to performe this service this decrepit resty proud Arch-Prelate commanded him to desist contrary to the King and Queenes Precept and desire and committed that service to the Bishop of Winchester who performed it After which Adelicia being solemnly to bee Crowned Queene at London on the Feast of Pentecost in the presence of the King and Nobles this Arch-Prelate as hee was chaunting Masse at the High Altar in his Pontificalibus to grace this Solemnity espyed the King sitting on his Royall Throne with his Crowne upon his head Whereupon he grew into such choler that intermitting his begun Masse he goes to the King thus sitting in the Church on his Throne amidst his Nobles and demands of him in bigge words Who it was that had set the Crowne upon his head hee being Crowned by Thomas Arch-Bishop of Yorke in the absence of Anselme of Canterbury To which the King replyed It is no great matter to me who did it and it was done so long since that I remember not who it was But the Arch-Bishop enraged with choler auswered That whoever had done it did it wrongfully and unjustly therefore thou shalt either cease to weare thy Crowne or else I will desist from saying Masse The King nothing moved herewith answered with a pleasant and mild countenance If this Crowne as thou sayest be not lawfully set on my head you may doe that which you conceive to bee agreeable to Law I will not gaine-say it At which words the Arch-Bishop approached neerer him and lifting up his hands to pull the Kings Crowne from off his head whiles the King was untying the Button under his Chinne by which his Crowne was tyed on his head the Nobles admiring the Kings modestie and the Arch-Bishops anger and arrogancie cryed out with one voyce against the Arch-Prelate and earnestly entâ—eated him That in the solemne Coronation of the Queene he would not uncrowne the King himselfe With whoâ—e clamours Ralph being overcome desisted fâ—om this his insolent attempt and standing by the King began the Song Glory be to God on high and then proceeded in his Masse Higden and Speede out of him records That this testie old man could hardly be entreated by the Nobles to with-hold his hands from striking the Crowne off the Kings head and that even in the Church in the presence of all his Lords his Queene and God himselfe of such an high spirit then was this devout Arch-Prelate From hence writes Matthew Parker it may be discerned how unseasonably and impudently these kind of men abused the lenity of this Prince who thought themselves more worthy in holinesse than others and deemed they had an imperiall command over Princes This furious proud Prelate being dead William Corbell his next Successor was so good and trusty a subject to King Henry the first who advanced him that upon the Kings death hee was content to betray and dis-inherite of the Crowne his Daughter Maud the Empresse and contrary to his Oath to joyne with Stephen Earle of Bloys whom he Crowned with his owne hands but with such feare and terrour of Conscience that the consecrated Host fell out of his hands in the midst of Masse by reason of his trembling and fearefull amazednesse Raphael Holinshed his relation of this Fact is worthy observation Stephen writes hee was Crowned at Westminster
on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the most part of the Nobility being present and swearing Fealty unto him as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne Howbeit there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates which regarding their former Oath to bee true unto the Empresse Maude could have beene contented that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age notwithstanding they held their peace as yet and consented unto Stephen But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward insomuch that as well the Bishops as the other Nobles either dyed an evill death or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances and that even here in this life Yet there were some of them namely the Bishop of Salisbury which protested that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land she was marryed out of the Realme Whereas they tooke their Oath to receive her for Queene upon that condition That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme Moreover as some writers thinke the Bishops tooke it they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the Realme and the advancement of the Church by their Perjurie For whereas the late deceased King Henry the first used himselfe not altogether for their purpose they thought That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority he would follow their counsell better and refoâ—me such things as they judged to be amisse So He. But this trecherous Act of them in dis-inheriting Maude wherein the Bishop of Wiâ—â—hester was a chiefe Actor yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season and then fell off againe what Civill Warres Tumults Battailes evill effects and blood-shed it occasioned here in England to the prejudice of the whole Realme 〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians in the life of King Stephen testifie at large Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his immediate Successour being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes the King at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite prohibited him to passe beyond Sea to stay him at home But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope resolved to goe and though all the Ports were stopped and layd for him yet over the Seas hee got The King thereupon seized all his goods and Temporalties and banished him the Realme he like a tall fellow thereupon interdicted the King with the whole Realme and taking advantage of the time which was very troublesome came home and lived in Norfolke till by the intercession of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke After which growing into great favour with the King in a Convocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne King which they refusing and delaying to doe having a command from the Pope to the contrary pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper and perjured Intruder the King and his sonne cauâ—ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie where they were assembled thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto before they departed The greater number seemed to yeeld but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place tooke his Barge and rowing downe the Thames got beyond Sea so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire Sword and bloody Warres causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land whose Title the Pope favoured of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France who had highly offended his Holinesse by casting his Bulls whereby he requireâ— the Fruites of Vacancies of Cathedrall Churches in France into the fire saying Hee had râ—ther the Popes Bulls should râ—st in the fire than his owne Soule shoâ—ld fry in Hell Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour though against the Canons he being both a souldier a Courtier and skilled onely in â—ecular affaires to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour he first resigned his Bishopricke which hee had received from the Kings hands into the Popes in a secret manner receiving it backe againe as from him and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See having great authority and some skill in the Law That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church hee tooke violently from every man what he listed and practising Treason secretly he required of the King the keeping of Rochester Castle and the custody of the Tower of London and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge which the Earle denyed through the setting on of the King so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King betweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion The Clergie by their flattery policy and Canons having exempâ—ed themselves from secular Jurisdiction and presuming upon Beckets power grew strangely impudent and disorderly insomuch that the Chiefe Justice declared in the Kings presence how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne wherewith the King highly offended he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof For whereas sacred Canons ordaine that Clerkes found guilty not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes but also of lesser should be degraded and thousands of such were then in the Church of England like inâ—umerable chaffe among a little good Corne yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived The Prelates forsooth while they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes than to chastise and cut off their vices thought they did God and his Church good service in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure whereby they thrâ—ugh their impunity having liberty to doe what they listed had neither feare of God whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off neither of men in authority sith on the one side their Prelates neglected to reforme them and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Jurisdiction This being the state of the Church and Realme where in some were so injured without remedy and others so injurious without coertion as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline and the rigour of ancient â—awes which thus lay
detaine me in it a little longer Not to mention the forwardnesse and activity of Laurentius the second Arch-Bishop of this See to settle the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome among us to obtrude theÌ„ on the Britaines who withstood them or his contests with King Eadbaldus from whose tyranny and displeasure he purposed to flee into forraine parts had noâ— S. Peter in a dreame reproved and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly if it be true that all his body was gore blood Theodorus the seventh Prelate who possessed this Chaire by birth a Greeke was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the Church of Rome that he over-contentiously propugned her Authority and Ceremonies depriving some Bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely that they were consecrated after a different manner from the Romans and compelling them to be canonically ordained He exercised the right and authority oâ— his See in such sort that he seemed not so much to governe by judgement and Counsell as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde so that he did not a little obscure those other vertues which were not vulgar with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity His unjust deprivation of Bishops without cause whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure as his late successors have deprived silenced and suspended our best preaching Ministers detracted much from his glory especially his unjust dealing with Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke whom he most unworthily expelled from his See though every way equall if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life learning and industry by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly mulium nâ—â—uit Ecclesiae paci male consuluit famae suae he much prejudiced the Churches peaceâ— and his owne reputation he stirred up King Egfrid against Wilfrid and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his Bishopricke And when as Wilfrid appearing before the Kings tribunall expostulated the cause of his injuries Theodor answered We lay no guilt to your charge sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified Than which speech what can be more absurd as if he should say So I will have it so I command my will shall stand for a reason Such a wilfull and headstrong Prelate was he to the great disturbance both of Church and state for which some sayâ— he repented on his death-bed though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors Birhtubaldus an English man his next successor not onely assisted but caused Alfricke King of Northumberland to thrust Wilfrid out of his See at Yorke 5. yeares after his restitution to it and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods and banish him the Kingdome And then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation though unjust in a Councell which he summoned for this purpose which when he could not effect he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade Wilfrid to renounce his Bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the Church but he refusing appealed to Rome whereupon his complaint to the Pope Birhtuald is sent for Wilfrid acquitted and this turbulent malicious Arch-Prelate overthrowne and forced to restore Wilfrid to Yorke againe after a long contestation betweene them to the great Disturbance of Church and State Tatwin the 9. Archbishop of Canterbury two yeares after his consecration â—ad a great controversie with the Archbishop of Yorke concerning primacy for which cause hee posted to Rome and tâ—ere received his pall and confirmation from the Pope but these controversies for primacie I shall reserve for another Treatise Cutbert his successor as Thomas Sprot describes him was a deceitfull man full of foxâ—like craft a viper eating out the bowels of his owne mother In his dayes both Prince and people Priests Nunnes and Monkes were extremely addicted to uncleannesse whoredome adultery and costly apparell the Bishops themselves being as bad reproved them not for these sinnes lived wickedly rixas arma inter se gerebant brawled and warred among themselves addicted not themselves to read the Scriptures but to luxury and preached notâ— or very rarely by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the Articles of the Creed or the Lords prayer in their mother tongue To reforme these abuses a Synode was called but these sinnes still raigning the Kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody Danes Lambert the 13. Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of Christ 76â— so highly offended Offa King of Mercia that out of his enmity against him and the Kentish men hee obtained a Bull from Pope Adrian to erect a new Archbishopricke at Lichfield obtaining an Archbishops Pall for Eadulphus Bishop of that See to whom the Diocesses of Worcester Leicester Legecester Hereford Helenham and Duâ—wich were annexed and subjected so as Canterbury had left unto him for his Province onely the Bishoprickes of London Winchester Rochester and Sherburne which much abated his pride Athelardus his next successor and Eanbaldus Archbishop of Yorke about the yeare 79â— procuring letters from Kenulph King of Mercia written in his and his Bishops Dukes and peoples names to Pope Leo for the reuniting of the former disjoyned Bishoprickes to the See of Canterbury poasted with them to Rome where after they had solicited and bribed the Pope they obtained their suit without much difficulty and so these Bishoprickes were reannexed to Canterbury lest the seamelesse coate of Christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two Archbishâ—prickes and withall Ethelard obtained such a large grant from the Pope that if any of his Diocesse as well Kings and Princes as ordinary people should transgresse his Lordly Mandates he should excommunicate them till they repented and if they continued impenitent all should esteeme them as Ethnickes and publicans In his time the English grew such Apostates from vertue ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent that they exceeded all Nations in treason and trechery No doubt they learned it from their traiterous Prelates and Priests whom the Danes in his dayes â—lew together with Monkes Nunnes and Levites without any commiseration Et fudeâ—unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam IN CIRCUITU ALTARIS as Alcuinus writes by which it appeares that altars in those dayes stood not close against the East wall of the Chancell as now some place them but in such sort thas they might be COMPASSED ROUND the Alter of Augustine in his collegiate Church at Canterbury standing before those dayes in ejus Porticus MEDIO in the MIDST of the Porch there and the Altar of the old Church in Saint Edmonds Bury built ovall standing likewise AS IT WERE IN THE MIDST of the Church as Camden out of Everden a Monke of that house relates but of this in the by
Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of our Lord 1036. against his Alleagiance and Oath crowned Harold a bastard having no right to the Crowne King of England Hardi-Canute the right heire being put by his right At first this Prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service for it is reported that hee having the Regall Scepter and Crowne in his custodie with an oath refused to consecrate any other for King so long as the Queenes Children were living for said he Canutus committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crowne therefore I here lay downe upon this Altar neither do I deny or deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolique authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither therewith that they consecrate you for King as for your selfe if you dare you may usurpe that which I have committed to God on this his Table Notwithstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the showers of golden promises of his just and religious Government intendâ—d though present experience manifested the contrarie and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper King And now having thus long sayled in this troublesome See of Canterbury I shall onely trouble you with a passage out of William Harrison touching the Archbishops of Canterbury in generall and Robert the Norman in particular and then hoise up my sailes and steare my course into the Northernâ— See of Yorke The Archbishop of Canterbury writes hee is commonly called Primate of all England and in the Coronations of the Kings of this Land and all other times wherein it shall please the Prince to weare and put on his Crowne his office is to set it upon their heads They beare also the name of their high Chaplins continually although not a few of them have presumed in time past to be their equals and void of subjection unto them That this is true it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record besides their Epistles and Answers written or in Print wherein they have sought not onely to match but also to maâ—e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely as they do many other things apparent though not without shamelesse impudencie or at leastwise deâ—end it as just and not swerving from common equity because they imagine every Archbishop to be the Kings equall in his owne Province But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter and examples of the Primitive Church it may easily appeare some examples also of their demeanour I will not let to remember lest they should say I speake of malice and without all ground of likelihood of their practices with meane persons I speake nor neither will I beginne at Dunâ—tane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England but for so much as the dealing of Robert the Norman against Earle Goodwine is a rare History and deserveâ—h to be remembred I will touch it in this place protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the Norman Writers or French English who offer purpose have so defaced Earle Goodwine that were it noâ— for the testimony of one or two meere English men living in those dayes it should be impossible for mee or any other at this present to declare the truâ—h of that matter according to the circumstances marke therefore what I say for the truth is that such Normanâ— as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred and Canutus and the Confessor did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those Princes that the Gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the Court and their Clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the Land Hereupon therefore one Robert a jolly ambitious Priest got first to be Bishop of London and after the death of Eadsius to be Archbishop of Canterbury by the gift of King Edward leaving his former See to VVilliam his Countriman Vlfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne and other to other places as the King did thinke convenient These Norman Clerkes and their friends being thus exalted it was not long ere they began to mocke abuse and despise the English and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in â—avour with King Edward who also called divers of them to be of his secret Councell which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them A â—â—ay also was made at Dover betweene the servants of Earle Goodwine and the French whose Masters came over to see and salute the King which so inflamed the minds of the French Clergie and Courtiers against the English Nobility that each part sought for opportunity of revenge which ere long tooke hold betweene them for the said Robert being called to be Arcâ—bishop of Canterbury was no sooner in possession of his See than hee began to quarrell with Earle Goodwine the Kings Father in Law by the marriage of his daughter who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice and so the mischiefe began Hereupon therefore the Archbishop charged the Earle with the murther of Alfred the Kings brother whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruelly made away for Alfred and his brother comming into the Land with five and twenty â—aile upon the death of Canutus being landed the Normans that arrived with them giving out how they came to recover their right to wit the Crowne of England and thereunto the unskilfull young Gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the â—umor that was spread in this behalfeâ— the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to Harald who caused a company â—orthwith of Danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rodâ— toward Gilford where Alfred was slaine and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships and so returned into Normandy But this affirmation of the Archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance for he was learned confirmed by his French friends for they had all conspired against the Earle and thereunto the King being desirous to revenge the death of his Brother bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine that he banished him and his Sonnes cleane out of the Landâ— hee sent also his wife the Earles daughter prisoner to Wilton with one onely maiden attending upon her where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released in the meane season the rest of the Peeres as Siward Earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or â—ortis Leofrick Earle of Chester and other went to the King before the departure of Goodwine endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by Order of Law But the King incensed by the Archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side