that since that time all persons from the hyest to the lowest both rich poore haue bene glad to send seek to Rome yea Kinges Emperors Queens Dukes haue bene glad to kisse the Bishops feete and to lead hys horse by the bridle So that the Maiesty of Rome in the old heatheÌ„ Emperors days was neuer more terrible nor glorious nor neuer had more power to persecute ouercome gods Saintes theÌ„ these lambelyke Byshops of Rome haue had and haue exercised these 500. yeares in Christendome And therefore who els in all the world hath so much power to do the workes of the first beast before hys face as he or who but he alone which forceth both high and low rich and poore free and bond to receaue the seale and to become loyall to the Citie and sea of Rome so that whoseuer hath not the marke whereby to be knowne to holde of the Churche of Rome shall haue no place to buy and sell nor to occupy in all Christendome Now if any Papist whatsoeuer in answering to this my questioÌ„ can apply this propheticall mistery of these 2. beasts otherwise then thus I would hartely desire him to take so much paynes to satisfie this doubt at his good pleasure laysure In the meane season let this stand for a Corolarium that the bishop of Rome by this description must be that second beast prophesied to come in the latter time of the Church vnder a false pretensed lambe to restore agayn the old persecutions of Rome and to disturbe the whole Church of Christ as this day to truely is come to passe ¶ The fourth Question AS touching my fourth question although I could vrge you with an other like propheticall place of scripture no lesse euident agaynst the bishop of Rome taken out of the second Epistle of S. Paule to the Theâ—la where mention is made of the sonne of perdition sitting in the Temple of God as god aduauÌ„cing himselfe aboue al that is called god c. which place ye can by no reasonable euasioÌ„ auoyd yet notwithstanding to let this passe I turne my questioÌ„ to aske this of you whether the religion of Christ be mere spiritual or els corporall If ye affirme it to be corporall as was the old religioÌ„ of the Iewes coÌ„sisting in outward rites sacrifices ceremonies of the law theÌ„ shew if ye can what any one outward actioÌ„ or obseruatioÌ„ is required in christian religioÌ„ by the scripture as necessary in a christen man for remissioÌ„ of sinnes saluation saue onely the two Sacramentall ceremonies of outward Baptisme of the Lordes Supper Howbeit neither these also as they are corporall that is to say neither the outward action of the one nor of the other coÌ„ferreth remissioÌ„ of sinnes nor saluation but onely are visible shewes of inuisible spirituall benefits And furthermore if our god whoÌ„ we serue be spirituall how can his religioÌ„ seruice be corporall as we are taught by the mouth of our sauior saying God is a spirit and therfore they that worship him must worship in spirit verity c. Ioan. 4. Now if ye graunt as ye must needes this our christen religion to be spirituall not a corporall religioÌ„ theÌ„ shew if ye can any one poynt of all these thinges which ye striue for so much with vs to be spirituall but altogether corporall externe matters ceremoniall obseruations nothing coÌ„ducing to any spirituall purpose as your outward successioÌ„ of bishops garmentes vestures gestures coâ—lors choise of meates differeÌ„ce of dayes times places hearing seing saying touching tasting numbring of beades gilding worshipping Images building monasteries rising at midnight silence in cloysters absteining from flesh white meat fasting in Lent keeping Imberdayes hearing masse diuine seruice seing adoring the body in forme of bread receiuing holy water holy bread creeping to the crosse carying palmes taking ashes bearing candles pilgrimage going sensing kneeling knocking aultars superaltars candlestickes pardons In orders crossing annoynting shauing forswering mariage In baptisme crossing salting spatling exorcising washing of handes At Easter earâ— confession penaunce doing satisfaction And in receiuing with beardes new shauen to imagine a body where they see no body though he were there present to be sene yet the outward seing touching of him of it selfe without fayth conduceth no more theÌ„ it did to the Iewes At RogatioÌ„ daies to cary banners to follow the crosse to walke about the fieldes After Pentecost to go about with Corpus Christi play At halowmas to watch in the church to say a dirige commendations to ring for all soules to pay tithes truely to geue to the high aultar And if a man will be a Priest to say Masse Mattens to serue the Saynt of that day and to lift well ouer his head c. In sicknes to be aneled to take his rites after his death to haue funerals obites sayd for him and to be rong for at his funerall moneth mind and yearemind c. Adde moreouer to these the outward sacrifiâ—â— of the Masse with opus operatum sine bono motu vtentis c. All which thinges aboue recited as they conteine the whole summary effect of all the popes catholicke religion so are they all corporall exercises consisting in the externe operation of man Which if they can make a perfect right catholicke christian then it may be said that men may be made perfect christians by flesh and bloud without any inward working of faith or of the holy ghost For what is in all these but the flesh bloud of his strength is able to accoÌ„plish though no inward strength or motion of the holy Ghost did worke But now the order of our religion way of saluation consisteth not in such corporall or outward things as these but in other more higher more spirituall gifts which farre exceed the capacity of flesh bloud of the which giftes the chiefest onely meane cause that saueth man remitteth sinnes is his fayth in Christ. Which fayth I thus define for a man to beleue by the bloudshedding of Iesus the sonne of god his sinnes to be forgeuen Gods wrath to be pacified himselfe to be iustified perfectly from all accusations that can be layd vnto him c. And though the Papistes make a light matter of this to beleue in Christ and when they heare vs say that fayth onely iustifieth they obiect to vs again and make it a small matter to be saued if fayth onely iustifie vs. Yet notwithstanding this fayth if it be well examined is such a thing that flesh and bloud is not able to attayne therto vnles Gods holy spirite froÌ„ aboue do draw him Moreouer besides this fayth many other thinges are incident also to the doctrine of our saluation Albeit as no causes therof but either as Sacramentes and seales of fayth or as declarations thereof or els as fruites effects
First that they which began to erect these monasteries and celles of Monkes and Nunnes to lyue soly and singlely by themselues out of the holy state of matrimony had forseene what daunger what absurd enormities might and also did thereof ensue both publikely to the Church of Christ priuately to their own soules Secondly that vnto this their zeale deuotion had bene ioyned like knowledge doctrine in Christes gospell especially in the article of our free iustification by the faith of Iesu Christ. Because of the lacke wherof as wel the builders founders therof as they that were professed in the same seeme both to haue run the wrong way to haue bene deceiued For albeit in them there was a deuotion zeale of mynd that thought well in this their doyng which I wil not here reprehend yet the end and cause of their deedes buildings cannot be excused beyng contrary to the rule of Christes Gospel for so much as they did these things seeking thereby merites with God and for remedy of theyr soules and remission of their sinnes as may appeare testified in their owne recordes wherof one here I thought to set forth for probation of the same Read this Charte if it please thee gentle Reader of king Ethelbald his donation charter giuen to churches and religious persons which Ethelbald was the builder as is sayd of Peterborough the wordes of his record and instrument be those * The donations and priuiledges granted and geuen by King Ethelbald to religious men of the Church PLerumque contingere soleâ—it pro incerta temporum vicissitudine vt ea quae multarum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuerint fraudulenter per contumaciaÌ„ plurimorum machinamenta simulationis sine vlla consideratione rationis periculose dissipentur nisi autoritate literarum testamento Chyrographorum aeternae memoriae comittantur Quapropter ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum pro amore caelestis patriae remedio animae meae studendum esse praeuidi vt eam per bona opera liberam efficerem in omni vinculo delictorum Quoniam enim mihi omnipotens Deus per misericordiam clementiae suae absque vllo antecedente merito sceptra regiminis largitus est ideo libenter ei ex eo quod dedit retribuo Huius rei gratia hanc donationem me viuente concedo vt omnia monasteria Ecclesiae regni mei à publicis vectigalibus operibus oneribus absoluantur nisi instructionibus arcium vel pontium quae nulli vnquam prosunt Praeterea habeant famuli Dei propriam libertatem in fructibus siluarum agrorum in captura piscium ne munuscula praebeant vel regi vel principibus nisi voluntaria Sed liberi Deo seruiant c. By the contentes hereof may well be vnderstand as where he sayth pro amore caelestis patriae pro remedio animae pro liberatione animae absolutione delictorum c how great the ignoraunce and blindenesse of these men was who lacking no zeale onely lacked knowledge to rule it withall seeking their saluation not by Christ onely but by their owne deseruings and meritorious deedes Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehensioÌ„ of them but rather to put vs in minde and memory how much we at this present are bound to God for the true sincerity of his truth hidden so long before to our foreauncetors and opened now to vs by the good will of our God in his sonne Christ Iesu. This onely lameÌ„ting by the way to see them to haue such works and to lacke our fayth and vs to haue the right fayth and to lacke their workes And this blinde ignorauÌ„ce of that age thus aboue prenoted was the cause not onely why these kinges builded so many Monasteries vpon zealous superstition but also why so many of them forsaking their orderly vocation of Princely regiment gaue themselues ouer to Monasticall profession or rather wilfull superstition Concerning the names and number of which kings that were professed Monkes is sufficiently in the storye before declared the names of whome wee shewed to be seuen or eight within the space of these two hundreth yeres Such was then the superstitious deuotioÌ„ of kings Princes in that age and no lesse also to bee noted in Queenes and kings daughters with other noble women of the same age and time The names of whom it were to long here to recite As Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwine king of Northumberland Abbesse of the house of Ely Erchengoda with her sister Ermenilda daughters of Ercombertus king of Kent whiche Erchengoda was professed in Saint Brigets order in Fraunce Item Edelberga wyfe and Queene to Kyng Edwyne of Northumberland and daughter of kyng Anna which was also in the same house of S. Brigit made a Nunne Item Etheldreda whoÌ„ we terme S. Eldride wife to king Ekfride of Northumberland who beyng maried to two husbands could not be obtained to geue her consent to either of them during the space of 12. yeares but would needes liue a Uirgin and was professed Nunne at Helings Werburga was the daughter of Vlferus king of Mercians made Nunne at Ely Kinreda sister of king Vlferus and Kinswida her sister were both Nunnes professed Sexburga daughter of kyng Anna king of Mercians and wyfe of Ercombert kyng of Kent was Abbesse at Ely Elfrida daughter of Oswy kyng of Northumberland was Abbesse of Whitney Mildreda Milburga and Milguida all three daughters of Merwaldus king of West Mercians entred the profession and vow of NuÌ„nish virginitie Kineburga wife of Alfride king of Northumberland and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians and daughter of king Penda was professed Abbesse of the Monastery in Glocester Elfleda daughter of Oswy king and wyfe of Peda sonne of king Penda likewise inclosed her self in the same profession and vow of Romish chastitie Likewise Alfritha wyfe to king Edgar And Editha daughter to the sayd Edgar with Wolfrith her mother c. All which holy Nunnes with diuers mo the Romish catholikes haue canonised for Saintes and put the most part of theÌ„ in their Calender and onely because of the vowe of chastitie solemnly professed Concerning the which chastitie whether they kept or no little I haue to say against them and lesse to sweare for them But whether they so kept it or not if this gift of chastitie which they professed were geuen them of God small prayse worthy was it in them to keepe it If it were not geuen them I will not say here of them so much as hath bene sayd of some other which sufficiently haue painted out to the world the demeanour of these holy votaries But this will I say that although they kept it neuer so perfectly yet it is not that which maketh saints before God but only the bloud of Christ Iesus and a true fayth in him Likewise remayneth that as we haue declared the deuotion
and Antoninus who in playne termes likewyse report the same Nowe hauing sayd the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter let vs come to examine how truely our latter writers do say which write that Editha and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enioined to the king 7. yeares penaunce and also how truely they report Edward to be a lawfull heyre and Elflede to bee a lawfull wyfe to king Edgar For first touching Editha this is confessed by the sayd writers themselues that she was of good yeares at what tyme Edgar her father was enioyned his penaunce After the which seuen yeares of his penaunce expyred he lyued at the most but in yeares and a halfe Which seuen yeares and 3. yeares and a halfe make in all but x. yeres a halfe But now the said authors themselues do graunt that she was made Abbas by her father he beyng then alyue And how can this then stand with her Legend which sayth that she was not lesse then 15. yeares of age By which account it must needes fall out that she could not be so little as v. yeres old before the birth of that chyld for whom the kyng did penaunce And thus much touching Editha Now in like maner to consider of the tyme of Edward First this by all writers is graunted that he was slayne in the 15. yeare of his age Which yeares do well agree to that chyld which king Edgar begate in bastardy for the which he did hys penance For the more euidence whereof let vs come to the supputation of yeares in this sort First the penaunce of the king after the byrth of this child lasted 7. yeres Then the king after the same lyued 3. yeres a halfe After whose death Edward raigned other 3. yeres and a half which in all make the full summe of 14. yeres About the count of which age the said Edward goyng on his 15. yeres by their owne reckoning was slaine And thus haue ye by manifest demonstration prooued by the right casting of the yeres after their owne graunt rekoning that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward for whom the king was enioyned penance but that Edward rather was borne after Editha and was the childe for whom the penance was enioined contrary to the opinion commōly receiued in the church which for ignorance of the story hath hetherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr and right heyre vnto the crowne Which error and opinion how it first sprang and by whom albeit it pertaine not to my story to discusse yet were it no hard matter to coniecture First after that Dunstane and Oswolde wyth other Bishops Abbots and certayne Lordes Dukes of that faction for the maintenaunce of Monkery had aduaunced Edward to be king against Queene Alfrith mother of Ethelred Alferus duke of Mercia and certaine other Nobles which held with the contrary side of the Priestes agaynst the Monkes In processe of tyme the monkes that came after to write stories perceiuing Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint and the sayd king Edward for an holy Martyr and partly also to bolster vp their owne religion of Monkery so muche as they could to the intent therfore they would saue the credite both of Dunstane and of the kyng and especially bearing fauour to their owne religion and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening the truth of this matter either did not see or would not confesse herein what they knew but rather thought best to blanch the story and colourably to hide the simple truth therof making the people falsly beleue that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar and Edward to be lawfully borne and also that Editha was born after Edward to be the child for which the king was enioyned penance All which is false and cōtrary both to the order of tyme aboue declared and also to the plaine words of Malmesbury which speaking of king Edgars last concubine sayth in plaine wordes Dilexit vnicè integram lecto vni deferens sidem quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride filiam Ordgari That is he had a concubine whom he loued entirely keping true faith of his bed to her alone vntil the tyme he maried for his lawfull wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare c. Wherby we haue to vnderstand that whatsoeuer concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off certaine it is that Edgar liued in whoredome till tyme he maried his lawfull wyfe Furthermore and finally to conclude beside these arguments and allegations aboue recited let this also be perpended how the said Dunstan with his complices after the killing of king Edward leauing the right heyre of the crowne which was Ethelred went about as Capgraue and their owne Legend cōfesseth to set vp Editha the other bastarde to possesse the crowne but that she more wise then her brother Edward refused the same Wherby what is to be thought of the doyngs of Dunstane and what should be the cause why hee preferred both Edward and Editha to the crowne rather then the lawfull heyre I leaue to all indifferent Readers therof to iudge After that Dunstane and his fellowes had thus set vp Edward for their king they were now where they would be supposing all to be sure on their side and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for euer through the helpe of the young king and the Duke of Eastangles and certaine other nobles whom they had drawn to their part Howbeit this matter passed not so wel with them as they hoped For shortly after the coronation of this yong king Alferus duke of Mercia who folowed much the deedes of the Queene with other great men stoutly standing on the contrary side droue out the Monkes from the Cathedrall churches which king Edgar before had set in and restored agayne the Priests as Ranulphus sayth with their concubines but in the historie of the Librarie of Iornall I find it plainly expressed with their wiues The wordes of the very author be these Alferus princeps Merciorum caeterique plures eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt That is Alterus duke of Mercia with other great men mo droue out the Monkes from the great monasteries whom king Edgar had there set in before restored againe the priests with their wyues Wherby it doth euidently appeare that priests in those dayes were maried and had their lawfull wiues The like before that in king Inas tyme is plaine that Bishops then had wiues and children as appeareth by the words of the lawe then set forth extant in the history of the said Iornalensis which be these Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum sit simile cognationi
see how they shuld see to go to heauen but to winning of worldly things they see manie wayes lyke to owles and nightcrowes that seene better by night than by day The gobbet of lead is the syn of obstination The woman that sat in the pot is vnpittie as the Angell sayd that foloweth vnrighteousnes and auarice For through auarice a man leeseth the pitie that he shuld haue of the mischiefe of his soule For oft tyme men leese the lyfe of theyr soule by deadlie sinne that they doo to haue worldly winning and also they leese the pitie that they should haue of their bodie putting them selfes to manie great bodelye trauayls and perils both by sea and land and all maketh couetise This pot is stopped with the gobbet of leade when vnpitie is thus by synne of obstination closed in couetise that he may not goe out of the chinches harte by penaunce For as Iob sayth when he is fulfylled he shall bee stopped The two women that bare vp this pot are pride and lust of flesh that be cleped in holie writ the twey daughtren of the water Lethe crying bring bring And they had wings the fyrst wing is grace spirituall as cunning wisedome and counsell with such other manie For which gifts manie men wexe proud The second wing is bodely grace as strength fairehood gentrie and manie other such whereof men wexe proud The winges of the second woman that is fleshlie desire both glotony and slouth Of glotonie speaketh S. Gregorie when the wombe is fulfilled the prickes of leacherie beth meued And of slouth S. Austine sayth Lot the whyle he dwelled in busines among shrewes in Sodome he was a good man But when he was in the hyll slowe for sykkernes he in his dronkennes lay by hys daughtren And these women had wynges lyke Kytes that with a crieng voyce seecheth theyr meate as Bartholomeus sayth And thus fareth couetise of men Witnessing Sainct Austine what is the greedynes of fleshlye desire In as much as the rauenous fyshes haue sometime measure yet when they hunger they rapin and when they fulfill they spare But onely couetise of men may not bee fulfilled For euer he taketh and neuer hath inough Neither hee dreadeth God neither shame of men He ne spareth hys father ne knoweth his mother ne accordeth with his brethren neyther keepeth truth with hys frende He ouerpresseth widowes and fatherles children Freemen he maketh bond and bringeth foorth false witnes and occupieth dead mens things as he shoulden neuer dye What manhoode is this sayth this doctour thus to leese lyfe and grace and get death of soule Win gold and leese heauen And herefore sayth the Prophet haue trauaile in the midst and leaue vnrighteousnes Also Innocent speaking of the harmes that come of couetoise sayth thus O how manie men hath couetise deceiued and spilt When couetise Balaam would for giftes that the kinge profered him haue cursed Gods people his owne Asse reproued hym and hurt his foote agaynst a wall Achor was stoned to death for couetise made him steale gold and clothes against the commaundement of God Giesy was smit with mesilrie for he sold Naamans heale that came of Gods grace Iudas for couetise sold Christ and afterward hoong himselfe An any and Zaphira his wife were dead sodainlie for they forsoken to giue Peter theyr money that they had And couetise maketh also that rich men eate the poore as beastes done their lesous holding them lowe This may we see all daye in deede I dread For if a ritche man haue a field and a poore man haue in the middest or in the side thereof one acre and a riche man haue all a streete saueth O house that some poore brother of hys oweth he ceaseth neuer till he get it out of the poore mans hand eyther by prayer or by bying or by pursuing of disceit Thus fared it by kyng Achab that throughe his false Queenes ginne slowe the poore man Naboth for that he woulde not sell hym hys vyneyard that was nye to the Kings palace Vpon which proces thus sayth Sainct Ambrose How far wyll yee ritche men stretche your couetise Wyll yee dwell alone vppon the earth and haue no poore man wyth you Why put yee out your felow by kynde and chalenge to your selfe the possession comen by kynde In commune to all ritch and poore the earth was made Why will yee ritche chalenge proper right heerein Kynde knoweth no riches that bringeth foorth all men poore For wee bee not got with rich clothes ne borne wyth golde ne wyth syluer Naked hee bringeth them to this world needie of meate and of drinke and clothing Naked the earth taketh vs as she naked brought vs hyther She can not close with vs our possession in sepulchre for kynde maketh no difference beâ—weene poore and rich in comming hyther ne in goyng hence All in o manner hee bringeth foorth all in o manner he closeth in graue Who so wyll make difference of poore and rytch abyde tyll they haue a little whyle leyne in the graue Than open and looke among dead bones who was rych and who was poore but if it be thus that mo clothes rotteth with the ritche then wyth the poore and that harmeth to them that beth on lyue and profytte not to them that beene deade Thus sayth the Doctour of suche extortion as it is writ Other mens fields they repeth and fro the vyne of hym that the harme oppressed they plucke awaye the grapes they leueth men naked and taketh awaye her clothis that hath nought wherewith to helle them in cold and liften vp this pot bytwene heauen and earth For couetous men nother haueth charite to ther brethren vpon earth neyther to God in heauen and they bare this pot into the lond of Sennaar that is to say into the lond of Stenche that is hell for there shall be stench in stede of sweete smelling as I say sayth Beware I rede that yee nought haue to do with this pot no with the woman therein and on all maner that ye be nought wed did to her for than yee must be both one This is thilke foule lecherous woman the kynges and marchauntis of the earth haue done leachery and of her vertue they haueth bee made riche whose dampnation is writen in the booke of priuities in these wordes In o day shall come all this vengeaunces of her death weping and hunger and fire shall brenne her for stronge is God that shall venge hym on her and than shulleth weepe and howle vp on her the kyngeâ— of the earth that haueth done lechery with her and haueth liuâ—â—â— delices when they shull see the smoke of her brenning stonding aferre weping and weyling and saying Alas alas thilke great citie that was clothed with bis and purpre and brasile and ouergilte with gold and precious stones and pearle For in one houre all these great riches shall be destroyed than shall they sey that shall
Purtas mar 2 1557 17 b 21 Thomas Bennold martyr 2 1557 6 c 22 Agnes Siluerside aliâs Smith mar 2 1557  d 23 Bartholomew Apostle   14 e 24 Ellin Ewring mar 2 1557 3 f 25 Elizabeth Folkes mayd Martyr 2 1557  g 26 William Munt Martyr 2 1557 11 A 27 Alice Munt mar 2 1557 19 b 28 Rose Allin maide Martyr 2 1557  c 29 Iohn Iohnson mar George Egles mar 2 1557 8 d 30 One Frier and the sayde George Egles sister Martyrs 2 1557  e 31   September hath 30. dais The Moone xxix Dayes of their death Yeare of our Lord. 16 f 1 Father Abraham Marsor  1428 5â— g 2 WilliaÌ„ Wright Priest Martyr  1428  A 3 Iohn Waddon Priest Martyr  1428 1â— b 4 WilliaÌ„ Gardiner Martyr  1552    W. Allen Mar. Tho. Cob Martyr  1556 2 c 5 Tho. Coo. Mar.    d 6 Will. Androw confessor  1555 â—â— e 7 Thomas King confessor  ibid.  f 8 Thomas Leis confessor 5 ibid.    George Catmer Martyr 6 ibid. â—â— g 9 Robert Sâ—rcateâ— Martyr   ◠A 10 Anthony Burward martyr  ibid.  b 11 George Bradbrige martyr Iames Tutty Mar. 6 ibid. 15 c 12 Thom. Hayward Martyr  ibid. 4 d 13 I. Goreway Mar. Rob. Glouer Mar. 20 ibid.  e 14 Cornelius Bungay martyr   12 f 15 Edw. Sharpe mar Iohn Hart mar 8 1556 â— g 16 Tho. Rauensdale a shoâ—maker or a Currier mar 24 1556  A 17 Iohn Horne and another woman mar 25 1556 â— b 18 Iohn Kurd mar Cicelie Ormes mar 20 1556   Ioyce Lewys mar 23 1557  c 19 Rafe Allerton mar 10 1557 17 d 20 Richard Roth mar 17 1557    Mathew Apostle   6 e 21 Iames Ansco and Margery his wyfe mar 17 1557  f 22 Agnes Bongeor Martyr 17 1557 â— g 23 Mar. Thurstone Martyr  1557 â— â— 24 Iohn Warren mar    b 25 Christi Grouer Martyr    c 26 Thomas Athoth Martyr  1557  d 27 Iohn Ashdone Martyr Thomas Spurdaunce Mar.  1557  e 28    8 f 29 Michaell Archangel    g 30 Iohn Fortune Martyr  1557 October hath 31. dayes The Moone xxx their death Dayes of 6 A 1 Bartholer Miâ—â—on martyr  1534  b 2 Iohn de Burge a riche merchant Mar.  1534 3â— c 3 The receiuer of Naunts Mar.  1534 â— d 4 Henry Poile Mar. Catelle a schoolemaistres Martyr  1534     15â—4  e 5 Stephen de la Foarge a merchant Mar.  1134 10 f 6   1536  g 7 William Tyndall Marâ—tyr   18 A 8 William Leyton Martyr  1537    Puttedew Mar.  1537 7 b 9 Ioh. Lambert aliâs Nicolson Mar.  1538  c 10 Collins Mar. Cowbrige Mar.  1538    Peter a Germane Martyr  1539 15 d 11  1539 4 e 12 Launcellot Mar. Iohn a Painter Mar.  1539  f 13 Giles Germaine Martyr  1539    Robert Barnes Mar.  1539 12 g 14 Thomas Garrard martyr  1541  A 15 William Hierome martyr    b 16 William Wolsey Martyr 4 1555 9 c 17 Rob. Pigot Mar. 4 1555  d 18 Luke Euangelist   17 e 19 Nicholas Ridley Bishop Martyr 6 1555 6 f 20 Hugh Latymer Bishop Martyr    g 21 I. Web gent. mar George Roper mar 31 1555 14 A 22 Gregory Parke Martyr   3 b 23 Adam Walles mar Marke Burges mar 2 1551  c 24 William Hooker Martyr  1560 11 d 25 SimsoÌ„ Priest Beuerech Frier Keyler blacke Frier Dauy StrattoÌ„ gentleman Norman Gorley Uicar of Dolor a blacke Canon with 4. other martyrs   19 e 26    f 27   8 g 28 Simon and Iude.    A 29 Three died in prison at Cicester confes 18 1556 16 b 30 Mother Seaman confessor  1556 5 c 31 Mother Bennet confessor  1556 Nouember hath 30. dais The Moone xxix Dayes of their death Yeare of our Lord.  d 1 The feast of all Saints   ◠e 2 Richard Mekings martyr  1541 2 f 3 Richard Spenser Martyr  1541  g 4 Andrew Hewet Martyr  1541 10 A 5 Iohn Porter confes  1542  b 6 Thomas Bernard martyr  1542 18 c 7 Iames Morton Martyr  1542 7 d 8 George Wizard Gentleman Mar.  1146  e 9 Iohn Kirby Mar.  1546 â—5 f 10 Roger Clarke Mar.  1546 4 g 11 Richard Barfield aliâs Somersam Mar. 20 1531  A 12 Iohn Clarke confes  1556 12 b 13 Dimstane Chittenden confes  1556  c 14 William Foster Martyr  1556  d 15 Alice Potkins confessor  1556 9 e 16 Iohn Archer confes  1556  f 17 Hooke Mar.  1556 17 g 18 Iohn Hallingdale Martyr 18 1557 6 A 19 William Sparow martyr 18 1557  b 20 Richard Gybson Gentleman Mar. 18 1557 14 c 21 Saunder Gouch Martyr 4 1558 3 d 22 Elizabeth Driuer martyr 4 1558    Phillip Humfrey Martyr 5 1558  e 23 Iohn Dauy Mar. 5 1558 11 f 24 Henry Dauy Mar. 5 1558 19 g 25 Iohn Corneforth Martyr 10 1558  A 26 Christopher Browne Martyr 10 1558 8 b 27 Iohn Herst Mar. 10 1558  c 28 Alice Snoth Mar. 10 1558 16 d 29 Katharme knight Martyr   5 e 30 Andrew Apostle   December hath 31. daies The Moone xxx Daies of their death Yeare of our Lord.  f 1 WilliaÌ„ Tracy Esquier confes  1534 13 g 2 Peter Sapience Martyr  1545 28 A 3 George Buckeâ— alias Adam Damlip Martyr  1531 10 b 4 An old man of Buckingham shire Mar.  1381  c 5 Two gray Friers Martyrs  1513 18 d 6 Iohn Hilton confessor Iohn Coignes confessor  1517 7 e 7 Robert Warde confessor  1517  f 8 A scholer of Abbeuile Martyr  1522     1528 15 g 9 A Iew Martyr Richard Hunne Martyr 4 1515 4 A 10      Iohn Tewkesbery martyr 20 1531  b 11 Iames Gore confes 7 1555 12 c 12 William Wiseman confessor 13 1555 1 d 13 Iohn Philpot Preacher Martyr â—8 1557  e 14 Iohn Rough Preacher Martyr 22 1557 9 f 15 Margaret Mering martyr 22 1558  g 16 Thomas Tyler confessor  1558 17 A 17 Mathew Withers confessor Dale confes  1558 6 b 18 Thomas Apostle  1550  c 19 Wil. Plaine   14 d 20 Elizabeth Lawson confessor  1550    Ioh. Glouer confes   3 e 21 Nicholas Burton martyr 22 1562  f 22 Nat of our Lord. Stephen Mar.  Â
we may well argue his proceedings not to be of God and that he shal be brought low c. Luke 18. ¶ The third Question MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the booke of Reuelation Which booke as it conteineth a Propheticall history of the Church so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened In this chapter mention is made first of a certayne beast comming out of the Sea hauing vij heads x. hornes with x. diademes of blasphemy Unto the which beast the dragon the deuill gaue his strength and great power to fight agaynst the Sayntes to ouercome them to make xlij monethes of the which beast one of his heades was wounded at length to death c. After this immediatly in the same chap. mentioÌ„ foloweth of an other beast rising out of the land hauing 2. hornes like a lambe spake like a dragon did all the power of the former beast before his face and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast whose head was wounded and liued Who also had power to geue spirit life to the sayd former beast to make the Image of the beast to speak to cause al men froÌ„ the highest to the lowest to take the marke of the beast in theyr handes and foreheades whosoeuer worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed c. Upon this description of these two beastes riseth my question wherin I desire all papistes from the highest to the lowest either to answere or to consider with theÌ„selues what the spirit of the prophesy meaneth by the sayd 2. beastes Neither is the mistery of this prophesy so obscure but being historicall by histories it may be explaned easely expouÌ„ded Writing therfore to the Papistes as men expert in histories my question is this that seing the prophesy of these 2. beastes must needes prefigure some people or dominioÌ„ in the world of some high estate power they will now declare vnto vs what people or domination this should be Which if they will do playnely and truely according to the markes propertyes of the sayd ij beastes here set forth they must needes be driuen of force ineuitable to graunt and confesse the same only to agree to the City Empyre of Rome to no other Which by these reasons folowing of necessity must needes be concluded First the beast wich came out of the sea hauing the strength the seat and power of the great Dragon the Deuill called the Prince of this world committed to him who also had power geueÌ„ ouer all tribes nations languages people and countryes in the earth must needes be an Empyre or Monarchy of great force passing all other Monarchies in the world besides and this must needes argue the Empyre of Rome and none other Secondly in that the best had vij heads x. hornes with x. diademes full of blasphemy vpoÌ„ theÌ„ those vij heades being expounded in the sayd booke cap. 17. for vii hilles notoriously importeth the Citie of Rome wherein were 7. hilles conteyned The like also may be thought of the x. hornes being there expounded for x. kinges signifying belike the x. Prouincies or Kingdomes of the worlde subdued to the Romayne Empyre with x. crownes of blasphemy vppon their heades all which conueniently agree to the Cittie of Rome Thirdly where the sayd beast had power to make 42. monthes and to fight against the Saintes and to ouercome them c. therby most manifestly is declared the Empyre of Rome with the heathen persecuting Emperours whiche had power geueÌ„ the space of so many monthes that is from Tiberius to Licinius 294. yeares to persecute Christs Church as in the Table of the primitiue Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large Fourthly where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heades of the beast to be wounded to the death the wouÌ„d afterward to be cured agayne by that ye haue to vnderstand the decay and subuersion of the Citie of Rome of Italy which being one of the heades of the Romayne Monarchie was subdued by the Gottes Uandals Lombards and the Cittie of Rome thrise sackt and taken betweene the reigne of Honorius Emperour of Rome and the tyme of Iustinian Emperor of Constantinople so remayned this head of Rome wounded a long time vnder the dominion of the Lombards till at length this wound was cured agayne as the sequele of this prophesie declareth For so it followeth in the foresayd chap. of the Reuelation And after this I saw sayth he an other beast rising out of the land hauing two hornes like the lamb and spake like the Dragon Who practiâ—ed all the power of the first beast before his face and caused all the inhabitantes of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured agayne c. And to him it was geuen to geue life to the Image of the beast and to make it speake and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast to bee slayne and caused all from the most to the least both rich and poore free men and bondmen to take the marke of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheades so that none should buy and sell vnles he had the beastes marke about him c. The description of this second beast being well viewed it cannot be auoided but needes must be applyed to the byshop of Rome and to none other as by the history and order of times is euident to be proued For who els representeth the hornes of the lambe of God which taketh away the sinnes of the world but only he who speaketh with the voyce of the Dragon so proudly as he The voice of the Dragon spake once to Christ That all the glory of the world was his to geue to whom he would that he would geue it c. And doth not thys falâ—e horned lambe speaking in the same voyce of the Dragon say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdomes of the earth were hys and that hee had power in earth to loose and take away Empyres Kingdomes Dukedomes and what els soeuer mortall menne may haue and to geue them where he would c. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij 7. Furthermore at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay and Italy was brought vnder subiection of the Lombardes then the Pope stirred vp Pipinus and Carolâ—s Magnus to take his part agaynst the Lombardes and to restore agayne the old glory of the Monarchie to hys former state And therfore who cured the wounded head of this beast agayne but onely he who gaue life and speach to the Image of the beast but he who after that by helpe of the French kings had subdued those Lombardes with other aliens and had gotten the possession of Rome into hys own handes he so repared aduaunsed the fame and name of Rome
Paruus This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry then through the meanes of Wolferus King of Mercia were reduced at last Sebby became a Monke  Sebbi Sonne of Sewardus which was made a Monke  Sigehardus and Suefridus brethren 8   Offa. 5 Offa after hee had raigned a while became a Monke at Rome  Selredus or Colredus slaine 38  Swithredus  Thys Swithredus was subdued vnto Egbert King of Westsaxons Albeit London remained vnder the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons This kingdom began An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward sonne of Aluredus about the cōming of the Danes and contained vnder it the Lordship of Midlesex and London The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Essex was London where the famous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent and Sigebert king of Essex whō Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christes faith wherof the first bishop was Mellitus the ij byshop was Ceddus the third came in by Simonie whose name was Wine Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus of whom writeth Bede that he being diseased in hys legges that he could neither go nor ride yet would be caried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces c. Although W. Malmesb wryting of the Byshoppes of London in his booke De vitis Ponti sayth that Mauritius first the kings Chauncelor then Byshop there did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London Which worke after him Richardus his successour did prosecute bestowing al the rents of his Bishopricke vpon the same and yet was scarsely seene yet herein may be answered peraduenture that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert and king Sigebert myght be ouerthrowen by the Danes and afterward was reedified by these Bishops aboue mentioned 561 ¶ The kinges of the Eastangles with the yeares of their raigne Eastangles Vffa or Vlfa 30 Of thys Vffa the people of Northfolke were then called Vfkyns  Titulus or Titila 13 Redwaldus first was conuerted in Kent afterwarde through the wicked perswasion of his wife and other ioyned Idolatry with Christianitie  Redwaldus 12  Erpwaldus or Corpwaldus slaine 38 Notwythstanding his sonne Erpwaldus through the meanes of Edwyn king of Northūberland was brought to the perfect faith of Christ therein faithfully did continue  Sigebertus or Sibrect first a mōke slaine 3 Thys Sigebert made hym selfe a Monke and afterwarde brought out to fighte agaynst Penda wyth a white sticke in hys hande was slayne in the field The kings of the Eastangles Egnicus or Egricus slaine 3 Anna slaine 3 The daughters of Anna were Sexburga Ethelberta and Saint Etheldreda Adelhere or Adelredus slaine 2  Adelwoldus or Ethelbaldus 9   Adulphus 25   Elkwoldus 12 This Ethelredus for hys holinesse godly vertues is counted for a Saint he innocently comming to Offa kyng of Mercia to marrie wyth Althrid hys Daughter by the sinister suspicion of Offa and wicked counsaile of Kineswina his wife was cruelly put to death in the house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome where he made him selfe a Monke  Beorna 26  Ethelredus slaine 52  Ethelbritus slaine 5 ¶ After this sinfull murther of Ethelbert the kingdome of Eastangles during the time of certaine yeares was in great trouble and desolation vnder diuers kings and tyrants sometime the king of Westsaxe somtimes of Kent or of Mercia hauing dominion ouer them till the comming of S. Edmund whych was the last King there ruling vnder the Westsaxons S. Edmund Martyred 16. ¶ After the death of S. Edmund being slaine of the Infidel Danes the kingdom remained with the Danes .50 yeares till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons expulsed the Danes and ioyned it to hys kingdome It began about the yere of our Lord .561 and continued neare about 377. yeares Fabian numbreth but 12. kinges but in other I finde moe The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Eastangles which was first at a towne called Dunmoke or or Dūwich which in time past hath bene a famous populous towne with a maior 4. bailifs also diuers Parish Churches hospitals whereunto great priuiledges by diuers kings haue bene graunted whych towne is nowe fallen into ruine and decay and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea as also greatly impouerished by losse of the Hauen which heretofore hath flourished wyth diuers tall shippes belonging to the same the inhabitantes therof being not able of them selues to repaire it wythout the helpe of other good people where the first bishop was Felix a Burgundian who sate there 14. yeres After this vnto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe thys prouince was euer ruled by two Bishops wherof the one had hys sea at Dunmoke now called Dunwich The other at Demaham where 12. sate one after an other From thence it was translated to Thetford where sate three Bishops At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was remooued to Norwich where he erected a Monasterie of Monkes And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kinges raigning together wyth the Britaines in thys Realme Nowe foloweth the description of the Britayne kings raigning with the Saxons in like maner Although the miserable Britaines thus were beriued of their land by the cruel subtilty of the Saxons yet were they not so driuē out or expulsed but that a certaine kingdom remained amōg them in some part of the lād namely about Cornewall and the partes of Cambria which is deuided in two partes Southwales called Demetia and Northwales called Venedocia The sayd Britaines moreouer through the valiant actes of their kings sometimes raigned also in other countreis displacing the Saxons recouering againe their owne somtimes more somtimes lesse till the time of Carecius when as the Britaines being deposed by Godmundus whose help they themselues sent for out of Irelande agaynst Carecius theyr wicked King vtterly lost their land and kingdome being thence driuen vtterly into Wales and Cornewale the yere of our Lorde 570. What the order of these kings was what were theyr actes their names and times when they raigned in this briefe table vnder wrytten is expressed Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three childrē to wit Constans whych was made a Monke in Winchester and after made a king the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius the thirde was Vter Pendragon This being premised we wil now enter the description of our Table beginning with Vortigernus ¶ A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne which raigned together with the Saxones after their comming into this land Kinges of Britaine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones Vortigernus Vortimerius Vortigernus againe Aurelius Ambrosius Vter Pendragon Arthurus Constantinus 3. Aurelius Conanus
the nūber of xl But by the waye howe it happened I cannot saye As Austen with his company were passing in theyr iourney such a sodaine feare entred in their harts that as Antonius saith they returned all Other write that Austen was sent backe to Gregory againe to release them of that viage so daungerous and vncertaine amongst such a barberous people whose language neither they knewe nor whose rudenes they were able to resist Thē Gregory with pithy perswasions confirming and comforting him sent him againe with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis willing him to helpe and aide the said Austen and his company in all whatsoeuer his neede required Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lords work as by the tenour of the said Epistle here followyng maye appeare Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei seruis Domini nostri Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire c. In Englishe Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande then after they be begon to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot deare children but with all feruent study and labor must needes go forward in that good busines which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne Neither let the labor of your iourney nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande knowing that your great trauell shal be recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you yet I may be found pertaker of your retribution for that my will is good to labour in the same felowship with you together The Lord God keepe you safe most deare and welbeloued children Dated the x before the Calendes of August in the raigne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour the .xiiij. of his Empire Thus they emboldened comforted through the good wordes of Gregory sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the I le of Thene◠lying vpon the East side of Kent Neare to the which landing place was then the Manory or palace of the king not farre from Sandwiche Eastward from Caunterbury which the inhabitauntes of the Isle then called Richbourgh whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene The king then raigning in Kent was Ethelbert as aboue appeareth the fifte King of that prouince who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened named Berda whom he had receiued of her parents vpon this conditiō that he shoulde permitte her with her Bishop committed vnto her called Lebardus to enioye the freedome of her fayth and Religion by the meanes whereof he was more flexible and sooner induced to embrace the preachyng and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen beyng arryued sent foorth certayne messengers and interpreters to the Kyng sygnifying that such a one was come from Rome brynging with hym glad tydinges to him and all his people of lyfe and saluation eternally to reygne in heauen with the onely true and lyuing God for euer if he would so willingly harken to the same as he was gladly come to preache and teach it vnto him The King who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him but that shoulde be without the house after the maner of his lawe Austen against his cōming as stories affirme erected vp a banner of the crucifixe such was then the grosenes of that tyme and preached to him the word of God The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth the words be very faire that you preach and promise Neuerthelesse because it is to me vncoth and new I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you Albeit yet notwithstanding for the ye are come as ye saye so farre for my sake ye shall not be molested by me but shall be rightwell intreated hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō Besydes this neither doe we debarre you but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert whō ye may to the faith of your Religion When they had receaued this comfort of the king they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia or Caunterbury singyng Alleluya with the Letanie which then by Gregory had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome mentioned in old histories The wordes of the Letany were these Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua vt auferatur furor tuus ira tua a ciuitate ista de domo sancta tua quoniam peccauimus Alleluya That is We beseech thee O Lorde in all thy mercyes that thy fury and anger maye cease from this Citie from thy holy house for we haue sinned Alleluya Thus they entryng in the Citie of Dorobernia the head Citie of all that dominion at that time where the king had gyuen them a mansion for there abode there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had conuerted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martine where the Queene was woont to resorte vnto the time that the kyng was conuerted himselfe to Christ. At length when the king had wel cōsidered the honest conuersation of their life and moued with the myracles wrought through gods hand by thē he heard them more gladly and lastly by their wholsome exhortations and example of godly life he was by them conuerted and christened in the yeare aboue specified 586. and the 36. yeare of his reigne After the King was thus conuerted innumerable other daily came in were adioyned to the Church of Christ whom the King did specially embrace but cōpelled none for so he had learned that the faith and seruice of Christ ought to be voluntary and not coacted Then he gaue to Austen a place for hys Byshops sea at Christes Church in Dorobernia builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paule in the East side of the sayde Citie where after Austen and all the Kinges of Kent were buried and that place is now called S. Austen In this
by the occasions therof of the sacrifices of the old Egiptians permitted of God vnto the Israelits the ende 〈…〉 thereof being altered c. He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen wherein he warneth him not to be proude or puft vp for the myracles wrought of God by him in conuertyng the people of Englande but rather to feare and tremble least so much as he were puft vp by the outward work of miracles so much he shoulde fall inwardly through the vayne glory of his hart and therfore wisely exhorteth him to represse the swelling glory of hart with the remembraunce of his sinnes rather against God whereby he rather hath cause to lament then to reioyce for the other Not all the elect of God saith he worketh miracles and yet haue they their names written in the booke of life And therefore he shoulde not count so much of those miracles done but reioyse rather with the Disciples of Christ labor to haue his name written in the booke of life where al the electe of God be contained neither is there any ende of that reioycing And whatsoeuer miracles it hath pleased god by him to haue beene done he shoulde remember they were not done for him but for their conuersion whose saluation god sought thereby c. Item he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton Lib. 3. in the which Epistle first he praised God then commendeth the goodnes of the king by whom it pleased god so to worke such goodnes of the people Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christes faith and to be feruent and zealous in the same in conuerting the multitude in destroying the temples and works of idolatry in ruling and gouerning the people in all holines godly conuersation after the godly example of the Emperour Constantinus the great Lastly cōforting him with the promises of lyfe and reward to come wyth the Lord that raigneth and liueth for euer premonishyng him besides of the terrours distresses that shall happen though not in his dayes yet before the terrible daye of Gods iudgement wherfore he willeth him alwaies to be sollicitous for his soule and suspectfull of the houre of hys death and watchfull of the iudgement that he may be alwaies prepared for the same when that iudgement shall come In the ende he desireth him to accept such presentes as giftes which he thought good to sende vnto him from Rome c. Austen thus receyuing his palle from Gregory as is aboue said and now of a Monke beyng made an Archbyshop after he had baptised a great part of Kent hee after made two Archbyshops or Metropolitanes by the commaundement of Gregory as witnesseth Polychronicon the one at London the other at Yorke Mellitus of whō mention is made before was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the prouince of Essex where after he was made Bishop of London vnder Sigebert kyng of Essex which Sigebert together with his vncle Ethelbert first built the church and minster of saint Paule in Londō and appointed it to Mellitus for the byshops sea Austē associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert assembled and gathered togither the Byshops Doctours of Britaine in a place which taking the name of the sayd Austen was called Austens Oke In this assēbly he charged the sayd Byshops that they should preach with him the word of God to the Englishmen also that they should among themselues reforme certayne rytes and vsages in their church specially for keping of their Eastertyde baptising after the maner of Rome and such other lyke To these the Scotes and Brytons woulde not agree refusing to leaue the custome which they so long time had contynued wythout the assent of them all which vsed the same Here the stories both of Bede Cestrensis in Polychron Huntyngtonensis Iornalensis Fabianus and other moe write of a certaine miracle wrought vpon a blinde Englishe man whom when the Britons could not helpe Austen kneeling downe and praying restored the blynde man to sight before them all for a confirmation as these authours saye of hys opinion in keeping of Easter But concerning the credite of this miracle that I leaue to the authours of whom I had it Then Austen gathered an other Synode to the which came seauen Byshops of Brytons with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor But first they tooke counsell of a certayne wyse and holye man amongest them what to doe and whether they shoulde be obedient to Austen or not And he saide if he be the seruaunt of god agree vnto him But howe shall wee knowe that sayde they To whom he aunswered againe If he be meeke and humble of hart by that know that he is the seruant of god To this they said againe how shal we know him to bee hūble meeke of hart By this quoth 〈◊〉 seing you are the greater number if he at your comming 〈◊〉 your Synode rise vp courteously receaue you 〈…〉 him to bee an humble and a meke man But if he shall contemne and despise you being as ye are the greater part despise you him agayne Thus the Brytaine Byshops entring into the Counsell Austen after the Romishe maner keeping hys chaire would not remoue Whereat they being not a little offended after some heate of words in disdain great displeasure departed thence To whō then Austen spake and said that if they would not take peace with their brethren they should receaue war with their enimies And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation they should suffer by their handes the reuenge of deth Which not lōg after so came to passe by the meanes of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande who being yet a Pagan and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester where Brocmayl the Consull of that Citie a fryend and helper of the Britaines side was readye with his force to receaue him There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceding great Monastery wherin was such a number of Monkes as Galfridus with other authors doe testifie that if the whole company were deuided into seuen parts in euery of the seuen parts were conteined not so few as 300. Mōkes which al did liue with the sweat of their browes and labor of their owne hands hauing one for their ruler named Dinoe Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl fighting for them against the Saxons Thre daies they cōtinued in fasting and praier When Ethelfride the foresaide king seing them so intent to their praiers demaunded the cause of their comming thether in such a cōpany When he perceaued it was to pray for their Consull then saith he although they beare no weapon yet they fight against
come in with you or els if you tary out I will likewise tary out together with you c. As touching the actes and deedes of Gregory aboue mentioned how he withstood the ambitious pryd of Iohn Patriarche of Constantinople which woulde be the vnyuersall Priest and onely chiefe Byshop of all other declaring him to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist that woulde take that name vppon him howe and wyth what reasons he aunswered againe the letters of the Emperor Mauritius in that behalfe sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this booke This Gregory among manye other thinges induced into the Churche the specialties whereof hereafter shall followe Christ willing more at large fyrst beganne and brought in thys title among the Romaine Bishoppes to be called Seruus seruorum Dei putting them in remembraunce therby both of their humblenes and also of their duetie in the Churche of Chryst. Moreouer as concerning his acte for the sole lyfe of Pryestes fyrst begonne and then broken againe Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Masse boke to be receaued in all churches hereof who so lifteth to read more shall fynde the same in other places hereafter namelye when wee come to the tyme of Pope Adrian the first After the death of Gregory aboue mentioned first came Sabinianus who as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory of his works so he continued not long scarse the space of two yeares After whom succeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one yeare yet in the one yeare he did more hurt then Gregory with so great labours and in so many yeres could do good before for that which Gregorye kept out he brought in obtaining of Phocas the wicked Emperour for him and his successours after him that the sea of Rome aboue al other churches should haue the preeminence and that the Bishop of Rome should be the vniuersall head through all Churches of Christ in Christedome alleadging for him this friuolous reason that S Peter had and left to his successours in Rome the keyes of byndyng and loosing c. And thus began first Rome to take an head aboue all other Churches by the meanes of Boniface the 3. who as he lacked no boldnes nor ambitioÌ„ to seeke it so neither lacked he an Emperour fit and meete to gyue such a gift Thys Emperours name was Phocas a man of such wickednes and ambitioÌ„ most like to his owne Bishop Boniface that to aspire to the Empire he murthered his owne maister and Emperour Mauritius his children Thus Phocas coming vp to be Emperour after this detestable vilanie done thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and fauour of his people especially with the byshop of Rome quickly condescended to al hys petitions so graunted him as it is sayd to be that he would the vniuersall and heade Bishop ouer all Christen Churches But as bloud commonly requireth bloud againe so it came to passe on the said Phocas For as he had crueltye slayne the Lorde and Emperour Mauritius before so he in lyke maner of Heraclius the Emperour succeedyng hym had his hands and seete cut of so was cast into the Sea And this wicked Phocas which gaue the first supremacy to Rome lost his owne But Rome would not so soone loose his supremacy once giuen as the gyner lost his life for euer since froÌ„ that day it hath holden defended and maintained the same still and yet doth to this present day by al force policy possible And thus much concerning Boniface whoÌ„ by the words of Gregory we may well call the runner before Antichryst For as Gregory brought into their stile Seruus seruorum Dei so this Boniface brought into theyr heades first Volumus ac mandamus Statuimus ac praecipimus That is We will and commaunde we enioyne and charg you c. Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert kyng of Kent and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Northumbria This Ethelbert hauing vnder his subiection al the other Saxon kinges vnto Number after he had fyrst receaued himselfe and caused to be receaued of other the Christian faith by the preaching of Austen being coÌ„firmed afterward in the same faith amoÌ„g other costly dedes with the helpe of Sigebert kyng of Essex his nephew then reigning vnder him began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London ordained it for the Bishops sea of LondoÌ„ For the Archbishops sea which before tyme had bene at London was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the praier of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said Citie MalmesberieÌ„sis Lib. de pontific Wherfore such authors as say that Paules was diuided by Sigebert say not amisse which Sigebert was the king oâ— Essex â—n which prouince standeth the Citie of London This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrewe in the Citie of Dorubres in Kent nowe called Rochester of one Rot distaunt from Dorobernia 24. miles Of this citie Iustus was bishop ordained before by Austen Moreouer the â—orenamed Ethelbert styrred vp a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chappell or church of Saint Peter in the west end of LoÌ„don then called Thorny nowe the Towne of Westminster which Church or Chappell was after by Edward the confessour inlarged or newe builded lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly agayne reedified and made as it is nowe a large Monasterye c. After these Christian and worthye actes this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of lvj yeares chaunged thys mortall life about the yeare of our Lorde 616. whome some stories say to be slaine in a fyghte betweene him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons In the meane time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Northumberland after the cruell murther of the Monkes of Bangor escaped not long vnpaied his hire for after he had raigned 24. yeares he was slaine in the fielde of Edwine who succeded in Northumberland after him This Edwyne being the sonne not of Ethelfride as Galfridus Monumetensis saith but rather of Alla as Giraldus Gambrensis 〈◊〉 to witnes more truely was first a Panim or 〈◊〉 afterward by Paulinus was Christned and the first 〈◊〉 king in NorthoÌ„berland The occasion of which his calling or conuersion as is in sundry stories contained was this Edwine being yet a Pagane maryed the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent called Edelburge a Christian womaÌ„ otherwise called Tace But before this mariage Edwyne beyng yet young Ethelfride the king conceyuing enuy agaynst him persecuted him so sore that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles as in the table of the kings is expressed The which Redwaldus what for feare what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride at length priuily had inteÌ„ded to haue betrayed Edwyne But as gods will was Edwyne hauing warning thereof by a secrete frynde of his was mooued to flee and
Britaine 's before That was in ioyning with the Normans in mariage For the king this yere abouesaid for the more strēgth as he thought both of him and the realm maried Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy Which Richard was the third Duke of the Normains and the first of that name By reason of which mariage king Egelred was not a little enhaunsed in his owne mynd and by prosumption thereof sent secret straight commissions to the rulers of euery towne in England that vpon S. Brices day at a certayne houre appointed the Danes should bee sodenly slayne And so it was performed which turned after to more trouble After that tidings came into Denmarke of the murder of those Danes Anone after Suanus king of Denmarke with a great host and nauy landed in Cornewall where by treason of a Normand named Hugh which by fauour of Queene Emma was made Erle of Deuonshire The sayd Suanus tooke Exceter after beat downe the wals From thence proceding further into the land they came to Wilton and Shireborne where they cruelly spoyled the countrey and slew the people But anone Suanus hearing that the king was comming to him with the power of his land tooke his ships set about to Norfolke where after much wasting of that countrey and spoyling the citie of Norwich and burning the towne of Thetford and destroying the countrey thereabout at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him slew many of the Danes Wherfore Swanus for that yeare returned to Denmarke and there made great prouision to reenter the land againe the next yeare following And so did landing at Sandwich about the 25. yere of the raign of king Egelred there spoiled that countrey And as soone as he heard of any hoste of englishmen comming toward him then he tooke shipping againe So that when the kings army sought to meet him in one coast then would he sodainly land in an other And when the king prouided to meete with them vpon the sea either they would fain to flee or els they would with gifts blynd the Admirall of the kings nauy And thus wearied they the englishmen in conclusion brought them in extreme and vnspeakable misery In so much that the King was fayne to take peace with them gaue to king Suanus 30000. pound After which peace thus made Suanus returned agayne to Denmarke But this peace continued not long For the yeare next following king Egelred made Edricus aboue mētioned Duke of Mercia which was subtile of witte glosing and eloquent of speach vntrusty and false to the king and the Realme And soone after one Turkillus a Prince of the Danes landed in Kent with much people and there dyd such harme that the Kentishmē were faine to make peace with great gifts and so thence departed But this persecution of the Danes in one country or other in England neuer ceased nor the king did euer geue to them any notable battaile For when he was disposed to geue them battail this Edricus would euer counsaile him to the contrary so that the Danes euer spoyled and robbed and waxed rich and the english men euer poore and bare After this Suanus beyng in Denmarke and hearing of the increase of hys people in England brake hys couenaunts before made and with a great army and nauie in most defensable wyse appoynted landed in Northumberland proclaimyng himselfe to be king of this land Where after much vexation when he had subdued the people and caused the Erle with the rulers of the countrey to sweare to him feaultie he passed by the riuer of Trent to Ganisburgh and to Northwatlyng streete and subduyng the people there forced them to geue hym pledges whiche pledges he committed with his nauy vnto Canutus hys sonne to keepe whyle he went further into the lande And so with a great hoste came to Mercia killing and slaying Then he tooke by strength Winchester and Oxford dyd there what him liked That done he came toward London and hearing the king was there passed by the Riuer Thamis and came into Kent and there besieged Canterbury where he was resisted the space of 20. dayes At lēgth by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus whom the Bishop had preserued from death before wanne it and tooke the goods of the people and fired the Citie and tythed the Monkes of S. Augustines Abbey that is to meane they slew ix by cruell torment and the tenth they kept aliue as for their slaues So they slew there of religious men to the number of 900. persons of other men women childrē they slew aboue 8000. And finally whē they had kept the Bishop Elphegus in straight prison the space of 7. monethes because he would not cōdescend to geue vnto thē 3000. pound After many villanies vnto hym done they brought him to Greenewich there stoned him to death Kyng Egelred in the meane tyme fearing the ende of this persecution sent his wyfe Emma with his ij sonnes Alphred and Edward to the Duke of Normandy with whom also he sent the bishop of Londō The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie they returned againe to London Whereof hearing the Londiners sent vnto them certayne great giftes and pledges At last the king about the 35. yeare of his raigne was chased vnto the I le of Wight with a secret company he spent there a great part of the Winter And finally without cattaile or comfort sailed into Normandy to his wyfe Swanus beyng ascertayned thereof inflamed with pride reared exceeding impositions vpon the people And amōg other he required a great summe of mony of S. Edmunds lands which the people there clanning to bee free from kings tributes denied to pay For this Suanus entred the territory of S. Edmūd and wasted and spoyled the countrey despising the holy Martyr manacing also the place of his sepulture Wherfore the men of that countrey fearing his tiranny fell to prayer and fasting so that shortly after Suanus dyed sodenly crying and yelling among his knightes Some say that he was striken with the sword of S. Edmund wherof he dyed the 3. day after In feare whereof Canutus his sonne which ruled as king after his father graunted them the freedome of all their liberty and moreouer ditched the land of the sayde Martyr with a deepe ditche and graunted to the inhabitaunts thereof great freedomes quityng them from all talke or tribute And after builded a Church ouer the place of his sepulture and ordained there an house of Monkes and endued them with rich possessions And after the tyme it was vsed that kings of England when they were crouned sent their crownes for an offring to Saint Edmūds shrine and redeemed the same agayne afterwardes with a condigne price When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus he made prouision
permanere deberent Francorum reges solo regio nomine contenti A quo responsum est illos decet vocare reges qui vigilanter defendunt regunt Ecclesiam Dei populum eius c. In English thus The king because he is the vicar of the hiest king is appointed for this purpose to rule the earthly kingdom and the lords people and aboue al things to reuerence his holy church to gouerne it and to defende it from iniuries to plucke away wicked doers and vtterly to destroye them Which vnlesse he doe the name of a king agreeth not vnto him but he loseth the name of a King as witnesseth Pope Iohn to the which Pope Pipinus Carolus his sonne being not yet kings but princes vnder the French King being not very wise did write demanding this question whither the kings of France ought so to continue hauing but onely the name of a king Unto whome Pope Iohn answereth againe that it was conuenient to cal thē kings which vigilāly do defend and gouerne the church of God and his people following the saying of King Dauid the Psalmograph He shal not dwel in my house which worketh pride c. Moreouer the king by right by his office ought to defend conserue fully wholly in all amplenesse wtout diminution all the lands honors dignities rights and liberties of the crowne of his kingdome And further to reduce into their pristine state all suche thinges as haue bene dispersed wasted and lost which appertaine to hys kingdome Also the whole and vniuersall lande wyth all Ilelands about the same vnto Norwey and Denmarke be appertaining to the crowne of his kingdome and be of the appurtenances and dignitie of the King making one monarchie and one kingdome which somtime was called the kingdom of Britains and now the kingdom of England such bonds and limites as is abouesaid be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdome Moreouer in the foresaid lawes of this king Edward it followeth in the same booke where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King addeth in these wordes A king sayth he ought aboue al things to feare God to loue and to obserue his commaundements and cause them to be obserued through his whole kingdome He ought also to kepe chearish maintaine gouerne the holy church wtin his kingdome with al integritie and liberty according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors and to defend the same against all enemies so that God aboue all things be honored euer be before his eies He ought also to set vp good lawes and customes such as be wholesome and approued such as be otherwise to repeale them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to do iudgement and iustice in his kingdome by the counsell of the nobles of his realme All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his othe vpon the Euangelist and the blessed reliques of saintes swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realme as well of the temporaltie as of the spiritualtie before he be crowned of the Archbyshops Bishops Three seruants the king ought to haue vnder him as vassals fleshly lust auarice and greedie desire Whom if he kepe vnder as his seruants and slaues he shal reigne wel and honorably in his kingdom Al things are to be done with good aduisement and premeditation and that properly belongeth to a king For hastie rashnes bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of the Gospell Euery kingdome deuided in it selfe shall be desolate c. After the duetie and office of Princes thus described consequently followeth the institution of subiects declared in many good necessary ordinaunces very requisite and cōuenient for publique gouernment Of the which lawes William Conquerour was cōpelled thorough the clamor of the people to take some but the most parte he omitted contrary to his owne oth at his coronation inserting and placing the moste of his owne lawes in his language to serue hys purpose and whych as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remaine Nowe the Lorde willing let vs proceede in the storie as in order followeth * King Harold HArolde the seconde sonne of Earle Godwine and laste king of the Saxons notwithstanding that diuers of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling the next heire after Edmund Ironside yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar and forgetting also his promise made to duke William toke vpon him to be king of England An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager sonne of Canutus king of Norway Dēmark heard of the death of king Edward he came into England with 300. shippes or mo who then ioyning with Tostius brother to the sayde Harold king of England entred into the North partes claimed the land after the death of Edwarde But the Lords of the countrey arose and gaue them battail notwithstanding the Danes had the victory And therfore Harold king of Englād prepared toward them in all hast gaue them an other strōg battel and there had the victory where also Harold the Dane was slaine by the hand of Harold king of Englande And Tostius was also slaine in the battell After this victorie Harold waxed proude couetous and would not deuide the praies to his Knightes that had deserued it but kept it to himselfe whereby he lost the fauour of many of his knights and people In this meane time William Duke of Normādy sent Ambassades to Harolde king of Englande admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed betweene them which was to haue kept the land to his vse after the death of Edwarde But because that the daughter of Duke William that was promised to Harolde was dead Harolde thought him thereby discharged and sayd that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden concerning an others land without the consent of the Lordes of the same and especially for that hee was thereunto for neede or for dread compelled Upon these answeres receaued Duke William in the while that the messengers went and came gathered his knightes and prepared his name and had the assent of the Lordes of his lande to aide and assist him in his iourney And ouer that sending vnto Rome to pope Alexander cōcerning his title viage into england the pope cōfirmeth him in the same and sent vnto him a banner willing him to heare it in the ship wherein himselfe should saile Thus Duke William being purueied of al things cōcerning his iourney sped him to the sea side and tooke shipping at the hauen off Ualery where he taried a lōg time or he might haue a conuenient winde For the which his souldiours murmured saying it was a woodnesse a thing displeasing God to desire to haue an others mans kingdome by strength and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind c. At
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee don◠euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the earthe◠Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and cōtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops cōgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commādeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias cōtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. Hēry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accōpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
maūdy thursday wherefore the Iewes were burned he coūted a Saint an 1177. Ireland subdued to the crowne of England by thys king an 1177. Ex varijs Chron. Under the raigne of the sayd king Henry about the 25 yeare of his raigne Ludouicus the frenchking by the vision of Thomas Becket appearing to him in his dreame promising to him the recouery of his sonne if he would resort to him at Canterbury made his iourney into England to visite S. Thomas at Caunterbury with Phillip Earle of Flaunders where he offered a rich cup of golde with other pretious iewels a 100. vessels of wine yearely to be geuen to the Couent of the church of Caūterbury notwithstanding the sayd Phillip in his return from England taking his iourney to Paris to visite S. Deuis in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such colde that he fell into a palsey and was benumbed of the right side of his body an 1178. Iornalensis alij Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis was wont to make many rimes and gaudish prose to delite the eares of the multitude to whom a litle before his death this verse was founded in his care Desine ludere temerè nitere properè surgere de puluere an 1178. Nic. Triuet Albingenses denyed transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christes body and bloud about the city of Tholouse also that matrimony was not a Sacrament c. an 1178 ibidem King Henry separated himselfe from his wife Alionor and held her many yeares in prison as some think for the loue of Rosamūde Which semeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred all his sonnes vp to warre agaynst him and to worke him much sorrow an 1179. Nic. Triuet Notwithstanding the sayd Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him S. Frideswide was translated vnto Oxford an 1179. An. 1180. There came to the councell of Pope Alexander one Pisanus Burgundio a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin which brought and presented to the counsell the Homelyes of Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Iohn translated out of Greeke into Latin and sayd that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition vpon Genesis saying moreouer that the sayd Chrisostome had made expositions in Greeke vpon the whole olde testament and also the new an 1180. The Monkes of Charterhouse first entred into this land an 1180. An. 1181. Richard Pech Byshopp of Couentry before his death renounced his bishoprick and became a Chanō in the Church of S. Thomas by Stafford Ex Chronico peruetusto cui initium In diebus sanctis Regis c. About the latter time of this king Henry one Hugo whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincolne borne in Burgundy and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse was preferred by the king to the Bishopricke of Lincoln who after his death is said to do great miracles and therfore was counted a Saynt an 1186. Flores Hist. Baldwinns Archbyshop of Caunterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof an 1187. Triuet I do finde likewise in the foresaid written Chronicle remaining in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lōdō that this forenamed king Henry the 2. gaue to the court and church of Rome for the death of Becket 40. thousand markes of siluer And 5. thousand marks of gold an 1187. Mention was made a little aboue of Amalrike king of Ierusalē which destroyed Babylon so that it was neuer after to this day restored but lyeth wast and desolate wherein was fulfilled that which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before This Amalrike had a sonne named Baldwin a daughter called Sibilla Baldwine from the beginning of his raigne was a Leoper and had the falling sickenesse being not able for feeblenesse of body although valiaunt in hart and stomacke to satisfy that function Sibilla his sister was first maried to one Willermus Marques of Moūt Ferrat by whom she had a sonne called also Balwinus After him she was maried to another husband named Guido de Liziniaco Earle of Ioppe and of Ascalon Upon this befell that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper sonne of Amalricus being thus feeble infirme as is sayd called his nobles together with his mother the Patriarche declaring to thē his inability and by the consentes of them committed the vnder gouernement of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister But he being found insufficiēt or els not lucky in the gouerning thereof the office was translated to another named Raimundus Earle of Tripolis In the meane time the Soldan with his Sarasins mightely preuayled agaynst the Christiās ouerran the countrey of Palestina In which meane time Baldwine the king departed Whereby the kingdome fell next to Baldwinus the sonne of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus The which Baldwinus being but fiue yeares olde was put to custody of Raimundus aforesayd Who also in his minority before he came to his crowne dyed whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla the wife of Guido aboue mentioned To whom the pieres and nobles ioyning together in coūsell offred to the sayde Sibilla as to the lawfull heyre to the crowne to be theyr Queene with this condition that she should sequester from her by solemne deuorsement the foresayd Guido her husband But she refused the kingdōe offered to her on that condition till at last the Magistrats with the nobles ingenerall graunted vnto her by theyr othes confirmed the same that whomesoeuer she woulde choose to be her husband all they would take and obey as theyr king Also Guido her husband with like petition among the rest humbly requested her that the kingdom not for his sake or for his priuate losse might be destitute of gouernement At length she with teares consenting to theyr entreaty was contented and solemnely was crowned theyr Queene who after the maner agayne receiued theyr fidelity by theyr othe Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdome departed home quietly to his owne This done the Queene assembling her states and prelates together entred talke with thē about the choosing of the king according to that which they had promised and sworne vnto her and to obey him as theyr king whom she would name to be her husbande Thus while they were all in great expectation wayting euery man whome she would nominate The Queene with a loud voyce sayd to Guido that stood amongst them Guido my Lord I choose thee for my husbād and yelding my selfe and my kingdome vnto you openly I protest you to be the king At these words al the assembly being amased wondred that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singuler vertue
them And thus much concerning Fulco Not long after this it befell that a certaine noble personage Lord of Lemonice in litle Britaine Widomarus by name found a great substance of treasure both of golde and siluer hid in the ground wherof a great part he sent to king Richard as chiefe Lorde and Prince ouer the whole countrey Which the king refused saying he would either haue all or none for that he was the principall chiefetaine ouer the land But the finder woulde not condescende to that Wherefore the king laide siege to a Castell of hys called Galuz thinking the treasure to lie there But the keepers and warders of the Castel seeing themselues not sufficient to withstand the king offered to him the castell desiring to depart with life and armour To this the king woulde in no wise graunt but bid them to reenter the castell againe and to defende it in all the forceable wise they coulde It so befell that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel vewing the places therof a souldiour wythin named Bertandus Cordoun stroke the king with an arrow in the arme whereupon the yron remaining and festering in the wound the king within 9. daies after died who because he was not content with the halfe of the treasure that another man founde lost all his own treasure that he had The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him to be brought vnto him and asked the cause of him why he so wounded him Who answered againe as the storie sayeth that he thought to kill rather then to be killed And what punishment soeuer he should susteine he was cōtent so that he might kil him which had before killed his father and brethren The king hearing his words frely forgaue him and caused an hundreth shillings to be geuē him Albeit as the story addeth after the death of the king the duke of Brabāce after great torments caused hym to be hāged Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium De patre istius Bruti c. The storie of Gisburne sayeth that the killer of king Richarde comming to the French king thinking to haue a great rewarde was commanded to be drawen a sonder with horse and his quarters to be hanged vp An other story affirmeth and Gisburn partly doth testifie the same that a litle before the death of K. Richarde 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him to whome he was confessed And when he sawe them somewhat stay at his absolution had these wordes that he did willingly commit his body to the earth to be eaten of wormes and his soule to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the iudgement in the hope of God his mercy Ex Iornalens Gisburn alijs About the raigne of this king the sayd Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish of Yorke which put out of his Churche the Monkes and placed for them seculare Priests saying that he woulde rather with Ecclesiasticall benefices to be geuen to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monkes that Thurstinus did sinne neuer worse in al his life then in building that house for monks c. Another story I haue which sayth that this was the Byshop not of Yorke but of Couentrie The king not long after departed without issue and Iohn his brother reigned after him in whome although some vices may worthely be reprehēded especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life yet was he farre from that deseruing for the which he hath bene so il reported of diuers wryters who being led more with affection of Poperie then with true iudgement and due consideration depraued his doings more then the sincere trueth of the historie will beare them Concerning which historie after so many wryters we thought also to bestowe a little labour although in this matter we can not be so long as I would and as the matter requireth Kyng Iohn AFter the death of king Richarde called Coeur de Lyon reigned his brother Iohn Earle of Morton Afterward the Archbyshop put the crowne on his head and sware him to defend the churche and to maintaine the same in her good lawes and to destroy the euil And except he thought not in his minde to do this the Archb. charged him not to presume to take on him this dignitie And on Saint Iohn Baptists day next following king Iohn failed into Normandy came to Roan where he was royally receiued and truce concluded betweene him the French king for a time And thether came to him the Earle of Flaunders and all other Lords of Fraunce that were of K. Richards band and frendship and were sworne vnto him Not long after this Philip the French king made Arthur Knight and tooke his homage for Normandie Britaine and al other his possessions beyond the sea and promised him helpe against K. Iohn After this King Iohn and the French king talked together wyth theyr Lordes about one houres space And the Frenche King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur that king Iohn would graunt him none and so departed in wrath The same yeare a legate came into Fraunce and commaunded the King in paine of interdiction to deliuer one Peter out of prison that was elect to a Bishoppricke and thereupon he was deliuered And after that the Legate came into England commaunded K. Iohn vnder paine of interdiction to deliuer the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. yeares which the King denied to do till he had payd him 6000. markes Because he tooke him in harnes in a field against him and sware him vpon his deliuerance that he should neuer weare harnesse against any Christen man This time diuorce was made betweene K. Iohn and his wife daughter of the Earle of Glocester because they were in the iii. degree of kinred And after by the counsell of the French king King Iohn wedded Isabel daughter of the Earle of Anguilla and then Arthur of Britaine did homage to king Iohn for Britaine and other At this time fell strife betwene K. Iohn and Geoffrey the Archbishop of Yorke for diuers causes first because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriffe of Yorke in such affaires as he had to do for the King within his Diocesse Secondly because hee did also excommunicate the sayde sheriffe Thirdly because he would not saile with him into Normandie to make the mariage betwene Lewes the French kings sonne and his niece c. After this in the yeare of our Lorde 1202. Phillip the French king in a communication betwene K. Iohn and him required that the saide K. Iohn should depart with all his landes in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea vnto Arthur his nephew and that incontinent or els he would warre against him and so did For when king Iohn denied that request the next day folowing the French king with the sayde Arthur
Eschequer with all other the greatest exchetes of the realme were in their handes of the which if the king would demaund a count he should proue how true they were 8. Item for that neither by the kinges seale nor commaundement except it bare withall the seale of Peter Riuall almost no busines of any weight could be dispatched in the realm as thogh their counted the king for no king 9. Furthermore by the foresayd councell the naturall subiectes and nobles of the realme were banished the Court which was to be feared would grow to some inconuenience both to the kyng and to the Realme for so muche as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his as by many euident coniectures may appeare 10. Item it was not well to be taken and liked the sayd councell standing of straungers and aliens to haue in theyr power both the kinges sister and many other noble mens daughters and other women mariageable with the kinges wardes and mariages which they bestowed and deuided among themselues and men of their affinity 11. Also the sayd councell regarding neither the lawes nor liberties of the Realme confirmed and corroborated by excommunication did confound and peruert all iustice Wherefore it was to be feared they would runne vnder excommunication and the king also in communicating with them 12. Item because they kept neither promise nor sayth nor oath with any person neither did obserue an instrument made neuer so formall by law nor yet did feare any excommunication Wher fore they were to be left for people desperate as which were departed from all truth and honesty These thinges sayd the Bishops we as your saythfull subiects before God men do tell and aduertise your grace desiring and beseching you that you will remoue seclude from you such councell and as the custome is of all other kingdoms to do that you will so gouern in like maner your kingdome by your owne natural liege people such as be sworne vnto you of your own realm For thus said they in verity we denounce vnto you that unles in short time you will see these thinges reformed we according to our duety will proceed by y◠consure of the church agaynst you and all other that gaynstand the same tarying no other thing but onely the consecration of this our reuerend Archbyshop These wordes of the Bishops thus sayd and finished the king required a little time of respite wherein to aduise with himselfe aboue the matter saying that he could not in such a sodeine remoue from him his counsell before he had entred with them a coūt of his treasure committed to them and so that assemble brake up It followed then after this communication so broken vp that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk where cōming by S. Edmunds bury where the wife of Hubert y◠Iustice was he being moued with zeale of pity toward the woman who very humbly behaued her self to y◠king did graunt vnto her 8. manor places which her husband before with his mony had purchased being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew one of the kings new counsellors aboue specified It was not long after this but Edmund the Archbishop was inuested and consecrated in the church of Caunterbury who shortly after his consecratiō about the moneth of April comming with his Suffraganes to the place of counsell where the kyng with his Earles and Barons was assembled opened to him the cause and purpose of his comming of the other Prelates which was to put him in remembrance of their former talke had with him at Westminster Denouncing moreouer to him expresly that vnles with speed he would take a better way fall to a peaceable and godly agremēt with the true faithfull nobles of his realme he incontinent with the other Prelates there present would passe with the sentence of excommunication against him and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace main teiners of discord The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops with humble and gentle language answered them again promising to condescend to them in all things whereupon within few dayes after the king comming to some better remembrauce of himselfe cōmaunded the forenamed byshop of Winchester to leaue the court and return home to his Bishoprick there to attend vnto the spiritual charge and care of his flocke committed to him Moreouer he cōmanded Peter Riual the Bishops cosin some storyes say his sonne who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realme to render vnto him his castles and to geue a count of all his treasures whereof he had the keeping and so to voyd the Realme swearing moreouer vnto him but for that he was benefised and was within orders of the Churche else he woulde haue caused both his eyes to be pluckt out of his head He expelled likewise the Pictauians out of the court and from the custody of his munitions sending thē home into theyr coūntry and bidding they should no more see his face And thus the king wisely dispatching himselfe of his wicked counsellers first did send Edmund the Archbyshop with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester into Wales to Leoline and to Richard Earle Marshal and other to intreat with them of peace Also he receiued to hys seruice agayne men of his naturall countrey to attend about him offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsell of the Archbishop and the Bishops by whose prudēce he trusted his Realme should be reduced agayne to a better quietnes But in the meane time while these thinges were doing in England the foresayd Richard Earle Marshall by the falshood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall forging the kinges letters to the Irishmen against him partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco was circumuented by the Irishmen in war and there taken and wounded was by them through the meanes of his Surgean slayne Great slaughter the same tune was of thē which were called Latini about the partes of Almaine These Latini were estemed of pope Gregory and the Papistes to be heretickes But what their opinions were I finde it not expressed In Parisienà In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned recounted also of the popes flocke to be heretickes with theyr bishops a great number and company of thē were slaine by the commaundemēt of pope Gregory at the same time in a certayne playne in Spayne Ex Ma. Priens fol. 87. Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Byshops were sent into Wales for intreatye of peace ye heard before At whose returne agayne after the time of Easter the king going toward Glocester to meet them by the way as he was in his iourney at woodstocke came messengers from Ireland declaring to y◠king the death of Richard Earle Marshall and the order thereof through y◠forged letters of Winchester and other whereat the
the same and came to Brundusium and frō thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea he fell into the same sickenes agayne by the which he was let of hys purpose which thing saith he he is able to proue by sufficiēt testimony Now the Pope also doth lay the loosing of Damieta and other thinges whiche prospered not well with him vniustly to hys charge when as he had made great prouision for the same iourney both of soldiors other necessary thinges But he that will vnderstande these things more playnely among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis written in the name of Fridericke let hym read these especially which begin thus In admirationem iusticiam innocentiam Leuate oculos And truely euen as Fredericus the Emperour declareth in his letters concerning thys matter all the olde writers of Germany doe accord and agree in the same Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of an other letter which he wrote to the king of England complayning vnto him of the excommunication of the Pope agaynst him Whose wordes are these And amongst other Catholicke Princes sayth he He also wrote his letters vnto the king of England embulled with gold Declaring in the same that the Bishop of Rome so flamed with the fire of auarice and manifest concupiscence that not being contented with the goodes of the Churche which were innumerable but also that he shamed not to bring Princes Kinges and Emperours to be subiectes and contributors to hym and so to disherite them and put them from their kingly dignities And that the king of Englande himselfe had good experiment thereof whose father that is to say King Iohn they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his dominions vnder seruitude and to pay vnto hym tribute Also that many haue experience of the same by the Earle of Tholouse and diuers other Princes which so long held theyr persons and landes in interdict till they might bring them into like seruitude I pretermit sayth he the Symonies and sondry fortes of exactions the lyke whereof was neuer yet heard which dayly are vsed amongest the ecclesiasticall persons besides their manifest vsury yet so cloked and coloured to the simple sort that therewithall they infect the whole world They be the sugred and embalmed Simonistes the insatiable horse leaches or bloudsuckers saying that the Churche of Rome is our mother and nurse where as it is in deede the most polyng Court in the vniuersall world the roote and right mother of all mischiefe-vsing and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame makyng sufficient proofe thereof by her manifest fruites to all the worlde apparaunt Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not whom Pope Innocent by his bulles with one consent encouraged to ryse and rebell agaynst their soueraigne Lord and Prince king Iohn your father as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome But after that the king farre out of square remembring himselfe had crouched vnto him and obliged both himselfe and kingdome to the Church of Rome more liker a woman then a man and that the wise Barons whome the Pope had first mayntained and stirred up without all shame eyther of the world or feare of God had done the same sought howe he might with gaping mouth deuoure and consume the sweet fat from thē whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited as the maner of the Romayne Bishops is By whose greedy auarice it came to passe that England the Prince of prouinces was brought vnder miserable subiection and tribute Behold the maners and conditions of our Romaine Byshops behold the snares wherwith these prelates do seeke to intangle men withall to wype their noses of their money to make their children bondmen to disquiet such as seeke to liue in peace being clothed with sheepes clothing when in deede they be but rauening Wolues sending their Legates hither and thither to excommunicate and to suspend as hauing power to punish whom they list not sowing the seed that is the word of God to fructifie but that they may bribe and pole mens purses and reape that which they neuer did sow Thus commeth it to passe that they spoyle the holy Churches and houses of God which should be the refuge for the poore and the mansion houses of sainctes which our deuout and simple parentes to that purpose builded and ordeined to the refection of poore men and pilgrimes and to the sustentation of suche as were well disposed and religious But these degenerate varlets whome onely letters hath made both mad and malipert doe striue and gape to be both kinges and Emperours Doubtles the Primatiue Church was builded and layd in pouerty and simplicitie of life and then as a fruitfull mother begate she those her holy children whom the Catologe of Saintes nowe maketh mention of and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church then that which is layd by Iesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and waloweth in all superstuitie of riches and doth build and rayse the frame in all superstuous wealth and glory So is it to be feared least the walles thereof in time fall to decay and when the walles be downe vtter ruine and subuersion follow after Agaynst vs he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts how furiously these Catholiques rage and go to work Saiyng therefore excommunicating me that I will not take vpon me the iourney I haue promised beyond the seas whereas ineuitable and most vrgent causes and perils as well to the Churche of God as also to the Empire besides the annoyaunce of myne infirmitie and sicknes do deteine me at home and stay the same but specially the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians For why neither do◠we thinke it safety to our Empire not expedient to the Christian state that we should now take our iourney into Asia leauing behinde vs at home such intestine and ciuill warres no more then for a good surgeon to lay healing plaister to a grieuous wounde newe striken with the sworde and made In conclusion also to this he addeth admonishing all the Princes of the world that they would beware and take heede by their auaricious iniquitie of lyke perill and daunger to themselues Because that as the prouerbe is It behoueth him to look about that seeth his neighbours house on fire Thus much out of Parisiens pag 69. But now that Fredericus the Emperor might in very deed stop that slaunders of the cruell Pope which did persist and goe forward still in his excommunication agaynst him And that he might declare in the whole world howe that the last yeare he torslowed not his iourny by his own voluntary will but by necessitie when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the warre and that he had gathered together and leuied a great army of mē
the city by the Barons and Citizens for the space of 40. dayes And Octobonus the Legate who for feare was fled into the Tower they narowly layd for that he shoulde not escape At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned and admitted to the kinges fauour And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen such as were at Couentry first nominated that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited where by the aduise of wise and discrete men with all the consentes of the nobles he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme execution of common iustice which are called the statutes of Marleberge The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London where were fine Archbishops and a great number of Byshops Abbots other Prelates which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist Edward the kinges sonne diuers other noble men of England took vpon thē the crosse by the legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ which done the legate that same yeare wēt out of England not purposing after that to returne agayne This holy Legate sayth mine author whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof The same was he that made all the Cathedral Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should haue The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall whose name was Theardus as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande and called hym Gregory the 10. Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester and seconde sonne of king Henry take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter and the Niece of y◠Earle of Gloucester at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene and all the Nobilitie of England The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king Confessour by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new rich Schrine of golde and siluer beset with precious stones in the presēce of Hēry the king of Englād In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters suche as hath not lightly bene seene which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church And because the see of Cant. was then vacant he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes during the vacancy of that see in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue After thys the Byshop elect comming thither thinking to haue had hys consecration was notwithstanding put backe for two causes one was for that there was present then no more but one Byshop the other was for that all the other Bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice that is by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks After this solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome for that then that see of Rome was vacant who receiued aunswere that during the vacation of that see the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister During this kinges raigne there was made a great generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem taking vpon them the Lords character that is the Crosse among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one to the which expeditiō was graunted him a subsidie throughout al the realme And the month of May the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus an 1269. he set forward on his iourny About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life in the country of Sebaudia goyng belike to Rome or comming thence After whose death the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election grāted by the king agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene But the king his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour did sollicite the matter with the Monkes partly intreating partly threatning them to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute woulde neyther relent to their curteous request nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates but constantly persisting in their former election appealed from the king and prince to the Pope Prince Edward being now on his iourny and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes writeth backe to the king his father deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks And so passing to Douer with Hēry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August After this the Prior thus elected as is foretold but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome In the meane tyme the Monkes in the absence of their elect ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction the see of
any decrees or statutes shal hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles the same to stand voyd and of no effect for euer Besides these articles also in the same compositiō was conteined that all grudge and displeasure betwene the king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing the Earles and Barōs might be assured to be receiued againe into the kings fauor These things thus agreed vpon and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seale his father so was all the variance pacified to the great comfort of the people and no lesse strength of the Realme agaynst theyr enemies And most chiefly to the commēdation of the gentle and wise nature of the king Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subiectes so no lesse constant was he in keeping that which he had promised After the death of Iohn Peckham Archb. of Canterbury aboue mentioned who in the Parliament had resisted the king in the right of certayne liberties perteing to the crowne touching patronages and such Church matters succeeded Robert Winchelsei with whom also the king had like variance and accused him to the Pope for breaking the peace and tooke part with them that rebelled agaynst the king about vsages and liberties of the Realme Wherefore the king being cited vp to the court of Rome was there suspended by the meanes of the said Archb. directed his letters agayne to the Pope taken out of the parliament rolles where I finde diuers letters of the king to P. Clement agaynst the sayde Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the contentes wherof here followeth videlicet qualiter idem And as this king was troubled in his time with both the Archbishoppes Iohn Peckham and also Rober Winchelsey so it happened to all other kinges for the most part from the time of Lancfrancus that is from Pope Hildebrand that euery king in his time had some busines or other with that see As William Rufus and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus Hēry the second with Thomas Becket King Richard and all England wyth William Bishop of Elye the Popes Legate King Iohn with Stephē Langthon King Henry the third with Edmund Archbishop called S. Edmūd Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first with Iohn Peckham Robert Winchelsey aforesayd And so other kinges after him with some Prelate or other whereby ye haue to vnderstand how about what time the church of Rome which before time was subiect to kings and Princes began first to take head aboue and agaynst kings and rulers and so haue kept it euer since By this Iohn Peckam afore mentioned was ordayned that no spiritual minister should haue any mo benefices then one which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus the popes Legats the same time in England About the beginning of this kinges reigne after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of Yorke William Wicewanger succeeding in that sea minding to go on visitatiō came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there But the clergy and the people of the City shoote the gates agaynst him and kept him out wherupon rose no smal disturbance The Archb. let flie his curse of excommunicatiō and interdiction agaynst them The Bishop of Duresme agayne with his clergy despised all his cursinges grounding themselues vpon the constitution of Innocentius the fourth De censibus ex actionibus And so they appealed to Rome saying that he ought not to be receiued there before he had first begon to visit his owne Chapter dioces which he had not done For to say the wordes of the constitutions We ordayne and decree that euery Archbishop that will visite his prouince first must procure to visit hys owne Church City and Dioces c. Among other thinges in this king to be noted that is not to be passed ouer that where complaynt was made to him of his officers as Iustices Maiors Shiriffes Bailiffes Excheters and such other who in their offices abusing themselues extortioned and oppressed the kinges liege people otherwise then was according to the right conscience the sayd king not suffering such misorder to be vnpunished did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisitiō was called Traibastō or Trailbastoun by meane of which inquisition diners false officers were accused such as were offenders were either remoued from their place or forced to buye agayne their office at the kinges hand to their no small losse and great gayne to the king and much profite to the common wealth In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded of the sayd king that he being at Amesbury to see his mother who was then in that monastery professed there was a certayn man that fained himselfe blind a long time brought to the presence of the sayd Alinore the kinges mother saying how that he had his sight agayne restored at y◠tombe of king Henry her late husband in so much that she was easely perswaded in the miracle to be very true But king Edward her sonne knowing the man a lōg time to be a vile dissembler and a wicked persō vsed to lying and crafty deceiuing disswaded his mother not to geue credite to the vile vagabon declaring that he knew so well of the iustice of his father that if he were aliue he would twise rather pluck out both his eies then once restore him one Notwithstanding the Queene the mother remayning stil in the former fond perswasion would heare or beleue nothing to the contrary but was so in anger with her sonne that she bid him depart his chamber and so he did By the example whereof may easely be conceiued how and after what sort these blinde myracles in those dayes and since haue come vp amōg the blinde superstitious people For had not the king here bene wiser thā the mother no doubt but this would haue bene roong a miracle percase king Henry bene made a Saint But as this was fayned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of an other maner of miracle sounding more neare the trueth and so much the more likely for that it serued to the conuersion vnto Christian fayth to which vse properly all true myracles do appertayne The myracle was this In the raigne of this king and the latter yere of his raigne Cassanus king of the Tartarians of whome commeth these whome now we call Turkes which fighting agaynst the Souldan king of the Saracens in the plain of Damascus slew of them 100000. of Saracens and agayne at Babilon fighting with the sayd Souldain slew him in the field 200000. of his Saracens calling vpon the helpe of Christ and therupon became Christiā This Cassanus I say had a brother a Pagane who being in loue with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman
the liberties graunted by his forefathers and predecessours he shall not be of his Realme beloued as it appeareth by Roboam in the 11 chap. of the 3. Reg. All which likewise is to be seene in the Chronicles how that by these meanes many kingdomes and dominioÌ„s were translated from nation to nation and from their owne natiue regiment to the rule of strauÌ„ge people And now for this time certayne it is that your graunde predecessors Charles the great S. Ludowick Philip the fayre Ludowick and Philip his sonnes with many others haue sealed and confirmed this liberty of the Church Wherfore for a man to councell perswade your highnesse to spoile the Church of any thing it is euen the next way to spoyle and vndoe your self and to bereue you of that by which your dominion is beloued And for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remembraunce of the 20. of Math. where it is written Remember the workes of your forefathersâ— which they haue done in their generations and you shal receiue great glory and renowne for euer Note here your highnesse by the way how that king Philip graundfather to S. Lewis fostered and kept in his Realme S. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury who for that he stoutly defended the libertyes of his Church was banished out of England How much more therefore are you bound to defend and mayntayne your owne Prelates in their liberties ratified and confirmed by your graces predecessors according to the saying of Gregory in 25. quaest cap Si. If I should destroy and put downe those thinges which my predecessours haue built and ordeined I should not be called a builder and maker but iustly acompted a â—â—roy good and puller downe as the voyce as the Lord sayth Euery kingdome deuided within it selfe shall be confouÌ„ded All knowledge and learning deuided one agaynst the other shall be destroyed In an other place he sayth It is ouer sharpe and agaynst all good maner and ciuility vpon what reason and excuse so euer to breake and subuert those thinges which are well ordayned or by his example to teach other at theyr pleasures to dissolue olde constitutions Marke here a story about a Castle which was geuen to Saynt Romige to the Churches vse by Clodoui the Kyng which afterwarde King Pipine desired to haue by exchaunge and recouery To whome the sayd Saynte Remige appeared in hys dreame and highly blamed him therefore saying a better man then thou gaue it me and yet wilt thou take it away from me And with that he smote him who the next day was founde all blacke Since whiche tyme no Kyng of Fraunce durst euer lye in that Castle Uerely therefore he doth not honour the Kyng which geueth him counsell to passe the olde limittes that his olde Fathers did set Yea rather the Kinges Maiesty ought to say vnto them whiche is written in Saynt Iohn 8. chapter I do honour and glorify my Father that is in keepyng the libertyes of the Church as they did which graunted them but you haue dishonoured me in counselling me that which seemeth best to please your selues as it is written in Ecclesiast 4. The worship of a mans father is his owne worship and where the father is without honor it is the dishonor of the foâ—ne Secondarily I say that he truely doth honor the king who counselleth him whereby his power and dignity is not diminished For as it is great honour to the Kynges highnesse to encrease and augment his power so is it as much dishonour for him to diminish any iote thereof And therefore the Emperours were wont to call themselues victorious of augmenting and encreasing theyr common wealth And to say that you and your predecessours could not graunt these things to the Churche it were to too absurde and to the too muche derogation of your Maiesties most honourable estate And therfore you most soueraign Lorde who holde and possesse so ample right and title in the realme of Fraunce both by election and inheritaunce not to graunt and leaue thys to your posteritie it were to the great debasing of your Maiesties honour crowne and dignitie Yea if it were as God forbid it wold folow that your predecessours liued continually in sinne yea and further it were as much to say which were too vile that blessed S. Lewes by whome all Fraunce is beautified could not be iustly canonized For as the Lord speaker declared if he tooke his othe at his coronation both to alienate nothing and also to call in that which was before alienated which is inseparable froÌ„ the Crowne it should followe that he was forsworne and consequently committed deadly sinne and so coulde neuer be canonized which is to to absurde to be talked of And if reply be made that hee might haue repented It is soone to be answeared That his sinne is read of but of hys repentaunce it is not founde as is sayde of Salomon But put case it be true that the Lord Peter sayd then it must needes folow that your grace could bestow nothing neither couÌ„trey towne nor tower And yet there be few whych willingly would not receiue them notwythstanding their allegiaunce and homage which they pretend to your hyghnes Kepe therefore confirme most renowned Prince that which was graunted by your noble progenitors otherwise your royall honor shall decrease that it may be verified in you which is read of in the 11. to the Rom. I wil honor my ministerie Thirdly I doe affirme that he rightfully honoreth the king which perswadeth him that whereby his honor and renowne is preserued For in matters of weyght and of great importaunce next after conscience we must haue regarde to name and fame as it is wrytten the 22. of Prou. It is better to haue a good name then riches A good name farre passeth all things and is aboue siluer gold And S. Augustine sayeth two things are necessary for thee conscience name Conscience for God and name for thy neighbour And therefore it is wrytten in the 4. chapt of Eccles. Labour to get a good name for that will continue surer by thee then a M. great treasures of golde A good life hath a number of dayes Which renowne name the Lord who annoynted your grace with the oyle of gladnes hath in so litle time more aboundantly blessed you wythall then any other Prince wherfore you ought to be more vigilant and carefull howe to kepe and enioy the same still For it is no lesse vertue to seeke and gette then to keepe that whych is gotten whereby not onely while you lyue but also when you are dead your gloryous renowne may liue for euer yea and farther that by you nothing be done wherby any blotte or foyle shoulde creepe into that your so great renowne alluding that to your grace which is sayde in the tenth of the Prouerbes c. The memoriall of the iust shall haue good report c.
any our progenitours exercising herein grieuous censures ecclesiasticall to the great annoyaunce and damnifying of the subiectes of our Realme for present remedy whereof our louing subiectes haue made theyr humble supplication vnto vs. And for asmuch as the sayd Peter Peny hath bene hetherto accustomed to be gathered and leuyed vppon landes and Tenementes within our Realme after a dewe maner and forme We not willing that any such vnaccustomed Imposicions shall in any wise be made vpon the landes and Tenemēts of any our subiects within our dominions Prohibite you vpon grieuous payne strai ghtly charging that in no wise you presume to exacte gather or leuy the sayd Peter Peny in any other forme or maner then hath bene heretofore accustomed to be gathered and leuied in the tyme of our progenitours or since the beginning of our raigne vntill further order be taken in our high Courte of Parliament by the aduise of the Nobles and Pieres of our realm such as may well be taken without preiudice of our Crowne and damage of subiectes Witnesse the king at Westminster the first day of march Per ipsum Regem Consilium To the same effect letters were directed to the Archbishops Deanes Archdeacons and the rest of the clergy Touching the first originall of which Peter pence though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others yet to make a briefe recapitulation of the same according to the Rolles as they come to our handes thus it followeth De Denarijs beati petri sic scriptum c. That is to say It is thus found recorded in auncient Chronicles touching the Peter pence of S Peter an 187. Offa king of Mercia trauelled vp to Rome in the time of the Pope Adrian the first to obtaine the Canonizing of S. Albone And hauing performed his vow visiting the Colledge of English Students which then florished in Rome did geue to the maintenance of the scholers of England Studentes in Rome one peny out of euery Tenemēt within this Realme that had land belonging to the same amounting to the yearely value of 30 pence And for this his munificence he obteined of Pope Adrian that no person within his dominiōs publicke repenting him for not perfourming enioyned penance should therefore be banished Anno Domini 857. Adewulfus Rex Westsaxonium tempore Leonis Papae quarti Rome singulis annis 300. Mancusas portari precepit taliter diuidendas ibidem Viz. 100. Mancusas in honoré scilicet petri specialiter ad emendum oleum quo impletétur omnia Luminaria ecclesiae Apostolicae in vespera paschae in galli cantu 100. mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de causis 100. preterea mancusas precepit exhiberi Vniuersali Pape ad suas Eleemosinas ampliandas Et sciendum quod secundum antiquorum Anglorum interpretationem differunt mancusa mancaiquia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentes Manca vero erat moneta aria quadra valebat communiter 30. denarios argenteos Of which Peter Pence is founde a transcript of the originall Rescript Apostolicall the Tenor whereof is this Gregorius Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus Cantuar Ebor. Archiepiscopis eorum suffraganeis dilectis filijs Abbatibus prioribus Archidiaconis eorumque officialibus per regnum Angliae constitutis ad quos literae istae peruenerint salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem Qualiter denarij beati petri qui debentur Camere nostrae colligantur in Anglia in quibus Episcopatibus dioces debeantur ne super hoc dubitari cōtingat presentibus fecimus annotari sicut in Registro sedis Apostlicae continetur De Cantuar. diocess 7. l. 1◠5 sterlingorum De London diocess 16. l. 10. s de Rossens diocess v.l. 12. s De Norwicens diocess 21. l. 10.5 De Elienum v. l. De Lincol. 42. l. De Cistrens 8. l. De Winton 17. l. 6. s. 8. d. De Exon. 9. l. 5. s. De Wigorne 10. l. 5. s. De Hereforde 6. l. De Bathon diocess 12. l. 5. s. De Saref bur 17. l. De Couentre 10. l. 5. s. De Eboram 11. l. 10. s. Datum apud Vrbem Veterem 10. Kal. Maij. Pontificatus nostri Anno secundo Summa 30. marce dimidi Concerning which Peter Pence it is touched in y◠lawes of king Edward the Saint chap. 10. when where of whō vnder what payne this Peter Pence must be gathered being but the kinges meere almes as is aforesayd And thus much touching Peter Pēce Now for other letters writtē by the k. to the Pope the same yeare for other matters as craning the popes helpe in compounding the variaunce betwixt the 2. Archibishaps of Cant. and York for bearing the crosse from the one prouince to the other thus it followeth that the king greeuously complayneth quod tantae dissentiones 1. that suche hurly burly and vproare arose thereof that they coulde not meete together in one place through the great multitude of armed men assistants on both partes in the very bearing of the crosse to the great disturbance of the people Now after this longe digression to tourne to our English matters agayne mention was made before of the variaunce betweene the king and the Earle of Lancaster and of a peace concluded betwene them But this peace did not long endure which the king by his owne default did break sending to the Scots a priuy messenger which was taken in the way to haue the foresaid Earle of Lancaster by their meanes made away c. In the mean time the Lords and nobles of England detesting the outragious pride of the Spēsers wherby they wrought dayly both great dishonor to the king and hindraūce to the cōmon weale in such wise conspired against them that gathering their power together they made are quest to the king that he should remoue the Spensers frō his person For the which there was a Parliament called at London the Barons came together with a great cōpany At which Parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for terme of their liues and they took shipping at Douer and so voided the land But it was not lōg after but the king contrary to that ordinance made in the Parliament sent for the Spensers agayne and set them in high authority ruled all thinges after their sensuall appetites nothing regarding iustice nor the cominō wealth Wherfore the Barons entēding agayn to reforme this mischief assembled their powers but the king making so hasty speed and gathering his people so soone was stronger then they pursued thē so in diuers places that the Barons not fully ioined together some flying some departing to the king some slayne by the way in the end were chased so egerly that in short space the foresayd Thomas Earle of Lancaster was taken put to death in the rest of the nobility to the number of 22. of the greatest men and chicfest Captaines of this realme
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
ought as neare as I can to chuse the best part Wherfore I surely trust that M. I. Wickliffe is one of the number of theÌ„ which are saued The words of Christ moneth me therunto saying Math. 7. Doe ye not iudge that ye be not iudged Luke the 6. Do not condemn ye shal not be condemned and the wordes of the Apostle 1. Cor. 4 Do ye not iudge before the Lord himselfe do come the which shall opeÌ„ those things that are hid in darknes to manifest the priuities of all hartes Secondly the loue and charity which I ought to bear vnto my neighbor louing him as my selfe doth moue me thereunto Luk. 10. Thirdly his good fame report moneth me the which he hath of the good Priests of the vniuersity of Oxford not of the wicked commoÌ„ly of the vulgar sort although not of the couetous proud and luxurious Prelates Fourthly his owne workes writings doe stirre me therunto by the which he goeth about with his whole indeuor to reduce all men vnto the law of Christ specially yâ— clergy that they shoulde forsake the pompe dominion of this world and with the Apostles lead the life of Christ. Fiftly his owne protestations which he doth oftentimes vse in his sentences often repeating the same doth not a litle moue me Sixtlye his earnest desire and affection which he had vnto the law of Christ doth not a litle allure me therunto disputing of the verity therof the which cannot fayle in any one iote or title Whereupon he made a booke of the verity of the holy Scripture approuing euen vnto the vtter most the trueth of Gods law Wherfore it were too foolish a consequeÌ„t to say that because the number of the Prelates and clergy in England Fraunce and Boheme do couÌ„t Iohn Wickeliffe for an hereticke that therfore he is an heretick c. Like as the reason for burning of the bookes for it is written in the first booke of Machabees first chapter that they did burne the books of the Lord tearing them in peeces and whosoeuer was founde to haue kept any bookes of the Testament or will of the Lord or the which obserued and kept the lawe of the Lord they were by the kinges commaundemen put to death If then the burning of these bookes by wicked men did argue or proue the euilnesse of the books theÌ„ was the law of God euill and nought So likewise the burning of S. Gregories bookes and diuers other sayntes and good men should argue proue that they were euill naughty men Wherupon as it doth not folow that because the Bishops Scribes and Phariseis with the elders of the people condemned Christ Iesus as an heretick that therfore he is an heretick So likewise doth it not follow of any other man The Byshops maisters of diuity monkes and prelates condemned thys man as an hereticke Ergo he is an hereticke For this consequeÌ„t is reproued by Iohn Chrisostom which was twise condemned as an hereticke by the Bishops and the whole clergy Likewise S. Gregory in his bookes was condemned by the Cardinals By like proofe also as they affirme M. Iohn Wickliffe to be an hereticke Iohn Duke of LaÌ„caster a man of worthy memory and progenitor of Henry king of Englande should also be an hereticke For the sayd Duke defeÌ„ded fauored and greatly loued M. Iohn Wickliffe Ergo the sayd Duke is or was an hereticke the consequent is good The Minor is well knowne vnto the Englishmen The Maior appeareth in the Canon where it is sayd he which defendeth an hereticke c. But these thinges set apart I demaund of the aduersary whether M. Iohn Wickliffe be damned for euer or no If he say that he is damned because he is an hereticke I propounde this vnto him whether M. Iohn Wickeliffe whiles he liued held any false doctrine coÌ„trary to the holy Scripture If he do affirme it let him then shew what doctrine it is and afterward declare that he held it obstinatly And he shall finde that in his bookes he alwayes wrote most commendable protestations agaynst obstinacye and stifneckednesse And by and by after M. Iohn Stokes in his intimation sayth that M. Iohn Wickliffe in EnglaÌ„d is counted for an hereticke This seemeth also false by the letter testimoniall of the Vniuersity of Oxforde vnto the which there is more credit to be geueÌ„ then vnto him And this shall suffise for this present Now as we haue declared the testimony of the Vniuersity of Oxford of Iohn Hus concerning the praise of Iohn Wickliffe It followeth likewise that we set forth and expresse the contrary censure and iudgementes of his enemies blinded with malicious hatred and corrupt affections against him especially of the Popes Councel gathered at Constance proceeding first in condemning hys bookes then of his articles and afterward burning of his bones The copy of which theyr senteÌ„ce geuen against him by that counsell here foloweth * The sentence geuen by the Councell of Constance in condemning the doctrine and 45. Articles of Iohn Wickliffe THe most holy and sacred councell of CoÌ„stance making and representing the catholick Church for the extirpation of this present schisme and of all other errors and heresies springing and growing vnder the shadow and pretence of the same and for the reformation and amendment of the Church being lawfully congregate and gathered together in the holy Ghost for the perpetuall memory of the time to come We are taught by the acts and historyes of the holy fathers that the catholicke fayth without the which as the holy Apostle S. Paule saith it is vnpossible to please God hath bene alwayes defeÌ„ded by the faythfull and spirituall souldiors of the Church by the shield of fayth agaynst the false worshippers of the same fayth or rather peruerse impugners which through their proud curiosity will seeme to know more and to be wiser then they ought to be for the desire of yâ— glory of the world haue gone about oft times to ouerthrow the same These kindes of warres and battelles haue bene prefigured to vs before in those carnall warres of the Israelites agaynst the Idolatrous people For in those spirituall warres the holy catholick Church through the vertue power of fayth being illustrateâ—â—â— the beames of the heauenly light by the prouideÌ„ce of God and being holpen by the helpe and defence of the Saints holy men hath alway continued immaculate the darcknes of errours as her most cruell enemyes being put to flight â—he hath most gloriously triumphed ouer all But in these our daies the old and vnclean enemy hath raysed vp new coÌ„teÌ„tions strifes that the elect of this world might be knowne whose Prince and captayne in time past was one Iohn Wickliffe a false Christian. Who during his life time taught and sowed very obstinatly many articles coÌ„trary and agaynst the Christian Religion and the Catholicke fayth And the same
Testament forsooke worldly Lordship and was here in fourme of a seruaunt and forbad his Priestes such Lordships and sayd Reges gentium dominantur eorum c. vos autem non sic That is The kinges of the heathen beare dominion and rule c. But you shall not do so And as Saynt Peter sayeth Neque dominantes in clero c. Not bearing rule and dominion ouer the Clergy c. So it seemeth me that it is agaynst both lawes of God that they haue such Lordships and that theyr title to such lordships is not ful good And so it seemeth me that zif they bene thereto of euill lining it is no great perill to take away from them suche Lordships but rather medefull if the taking away were in charity and not for singular couetousnesse ne wrath And I suppose that if friers that be bounden to theyr fouÌ„ders to liue in pouerty would break theyr rule and take worldly Lordships might not men lawfully take from theÌ„ suche Lordships and make them to liue in pouerty as theyr rule would And forsooth it seemeth me that Priestes oughten also well to keepe Christes rule as Friers owne to keepe the rule of theyr founder Ieremy witnesseth how God coÌ„mended Rachabs children for they would not break theyr faders bidding in drinking of wine And yet Ieremy profered theÌ„ wine to drinke And so I trow that God would commend his Priestes if they woulden forsake worldlye Lordships and holden them a payd with lifelot and with clothing and busy them fast about theyr heritage of heaueÌ„ And God sayth Numeri 18. In terra eorum nihil possidebitis nec tenebitis parteÌ„ inter eos Ego pars haereditas vestra in me dio filiorum Israel c. Et Deut. 18. Non habebitis sacerdotes Leuitae omnes qui de eadem tribu estis partem haereditatem cum reliquo Israel quia Sacrificia Domini oblationes eius coÌ„â—dent nihil accipient de possessione fratrum suorum Dominus enim â—ipse hereditas ipsorum sicut locutus est illis Et Lucae 14. Sic ergo omnis ex vobis qui non renunciauerit omnibus quae possidet non potest meus esse discipulus Et Ieronimus in Epistola 34. Et Bernardus libro 20. ad Eugeneum Papam Et Hugo de Sacramentis parte 2. libri Secundi cap. 7. Et 12. q. pri cap duo sunt Et ca. clericus Et Bernardus in Sermone de Apostolis super illud Ecce nos reliquimus omnia Et Chrisost super Math. vetus Testamentum That is You shall haue no inheritaunce in theyr laÌ„d nor haue no part amoÌ„gst them I wil be your part and inheritaunce amongest the children of Israell c. Deut. 18. The Priestes and Leuites and all that be of the same tribe shall haue no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israell because they shall eate the sacrifices of the Lord and his oblatioÌ„s and they shall take nothing of the possession of theyr brethren The Lord himselfe is their possessioÌ„ as he spake vnto them And the 14. chap. of Luke Euen so euery one of you which forsaketh not all that he possesseth cannot be my disciple And Ierome in his 14. Epistle hath the like wordes And Bernard in his 20 booke to Eugenius the Pope And also Hugo in his booke De Sacramentis the second part of his secoÌ„d booke the 7. chap. Also in the 12. q. first chap Duo sunt and in the chap. Clericus And agayn Bernard in his booke De sermone de Apostolis vpon thys place Ecce nos reliquimus omnia Behold we leaue all c. Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Math. c. ☞ The third conclusion toucheth the matter of preaching of Priestes withouten leaue of Bishops and is this that such true Priestes may counsel sinnefull men that shewen to them their sinnes after the wit and cunning that God hath geuen to turne hem from sinne to vertuous life as touching preaching of the Gospell I say that no Bishop oweth to let a true Priest that God hath giffen grace wit and cunning to do that office For both Priestes and Deacons that God hath ordeyned Deacons or Priests bene holden by power geuen to them of God to preach to the people the Gospell and namely souereÌ„ly Popes Bishops Prelates and Curates for this is due to the people and the parishners to haue it and aske it And hereto seemeth me that Christ said generally to his Disciples Ite praedicate Euangelium omni creaturae Goe and preach the Gospell to all creatures as well as he sayd Ite baptizate omnes gentes Goe and baptise all nations that also as well longeth preaching to Priestes without leaue of a Bishop as doth baptising and then why may he not preach Gods word withouten a Bishops leaue And sithen Christ bod his Priestes preach who should forbidden them preaching The Apostles were forbidden of a bishop at Ierusalem to speake more of the name of Iesus but Peter sayd Si iustum est in conspectu Dei vos potiùs audire quà m Dominum iudicate That is Whether it be iust in the sight of God to heare and obey you before the Lord be your selues Iudges A Bishop may not let a Priest of geuing bodily almes in his Dioces much more may he not let the doing of spiritual almes in his dioces by gods law A Priest may say his Mattines withouten the Byshops leaue for the Pope that is aboue the Bishop hath charged Priestes therewith And me thinketh that Christes bidding should be all so much of charge as the Popes Math. 10 Euntes autem praedicate Ite ecce ego mitto vos Et Mar. 16. Euntes in mundum vniuersum c. Lucae 10. Ft Anacletus pap dis 21 cap. In nouo TestameÌ„to Et Beda super illud Messis quidem multa Et Isydorus de summo bono ca. 44. Et Gregorius in canone dis 43. Preconis quippe officium suscipit c. Chrisostom distinct 43. Nolite timere Et Aug. dis 34. cap. quisquis Gregorius in suo pastorali ca. 38. qui enim est Et Chrisost. om 31. in Tollitano concilio Ignorantia Aug. in Prologo sermonum suorum Ieronimus dis 9. Ecce ego Et Aug. super id Homo quidam peregrinus That is Go you forth and preach And agayn Behold I send you c. Mar. 16. Go you into all the world c. and Luk. 10. cap. in nouo Testamento And Beda vpon this place Messis quidem multa the haruest is great Also Isidorus De summo bono cap. 44. And Gregorius in the Canon dist 43. Preconis quippe officium suscipit c. and Chrisostome in hys 34. distinction Nolite timere And Augustine in the 34. dystinction cap. quisquis And Gregorius in his Pastorall cap. 38. Qui enim est And Chrisostome in his 31. Homelye Et in Tollitano concilio ignorantia And Augustine
to them these lordships or landes seing God from the beginning hath hated all extortion in his burnt sacrifices Not euerye one that sayth vnto me Lord Lord shal enter into the kingdome of heauen but he which doth the will of my father which is in heauē And agayne not the hearers of the law but the doers of the law shall be iustified If therefore the words of him that prayth do not deliuer himselfe from sinne nor frō the payne of sinne how do they deliuer other men from sinne or frō the payne of sinne when no man prayth more earnestly for an other man thē for himselfe Therfore many are deceiued in buying or selling of prayers as in the buying of pardons that they might be deliuered from payne whē as commonly they pay dearer for the prayers of the proud vicious prelates thēfor the prayers of deuout women and deuout men of the laye people But out of doubt God doth not regard the person of him that prayth neither the place in which he praith nor his apparell nor the curiousnes of his prayer but the humility and godlye affection of him that prayeth Did not the Pharisy and the Publican goe vp into the temple to pray The Publicans prayer for his humility and godly affection is heard But the Pharisies prayer for his pride arrogancy is contempned Cōsider that neither the person nor the place nor the state nor the curiousnes of his prayer doth helpe the Pharisye Because the Publicane not thinking himselfe worthy to lift vp his eies vnto heauen for the multitude of his sinnes saying O God be mercifull vnto me a sinner is iustified dy his humility and his praier is heart But the Pharisy boasting in his righteousnes is despised because God thrusteth downe the proud and exalteth the humble and those that be meek The rich glotton also that was clothed with purple and silke fared euery day daintely prayd vnto Abraham and is not heard but is buryed in paynes and torments of hell fire But Lazarus whiche lay begging at his gate being full of sores is placed in the bosome of Abraham Behold that neither the riches of his apparell nor the deliciousnesse of his banquets or the gorgiousnes of his estate neither the aboundance of his riches doth helpe any thing to prefer the prayers or petitiōs of the rich glotten nor yet diminishe his tormentes because that mighty men in their mightines shal suffer torments mightely How dare any man by cōposition demaund or receiue any thing of an other man for his prayers If he beleue that he can by his praier deliuer his brother frō greuous paine he is boūd by charity to relieue his brother with his prayers although he be not hired thereunto but and if he will not pray vnles he be hyred thē hath he no loue at al. What therfore helpeth his prayer which abideth not in charitie Therfore let him first take compassion of himselfe by praier that he may come into charitie and then he shal bee the better able to helpe others If he beleeue not or that he standeth in doubt to be able to deliuer his brother by his praier wherfore doth he make with him an assured bargayn taketh his mony and yet knoweth not whether he shall relieue him euer a whit the more or not from his paine I feare least the words of the Prophet are fulfilled saying From the least to the most al mē applye themselues to couetousnes and from the Prophet to the Priest all woorke deceitfully For the poore priests excuse themselues of such bargaining and selling of their praiers saying The yong cock learneth to crow of the olde cocke For sayeth he thou maist see that the Pope himselfe in stalling of Bishops Abbots taketh the first frutes In the placing or bestowing of benefices he alwaies taketh somwhat specially if the benefices be great Also he selleth pardōs or bulles and to speake more plaine he taketh mony for them Bishops in geuing orders in hallowing churches churchyards do take mony In ecclesiastical correction they take mony for the mitigation of penance In the greuous offences of cōuict persons mony is required caused to be payed Abbots Monkes other religious men that haue possessiō wil receiue no mā into their fraternitie or make thē partakers of their spiritual suffrages vnles he bestow somewhat vpon them or promise them somewhat Curates vicars hauing sufficient liuings by the tithes of their paryshioners yet in dirges and yeares myndes in hearing confessions in weddinges buryings do require haue money The Fryers also of the fower orders of beggers which think thēselues to be the most perfitest men of the Church do take mony for their praiers confessions buryings of the dead and when they preach they beleue that they shal haue eyther money or some other thyng worthy money Wherfore then be the poore priests blamed ought not they to bee held excused although they take money for their praiers by cōpositiō Truly me thinketh that this excuse by other mens sins doth not excuse thē forasmuch as to heap one mischief vpon anothers head is no sufficiēt discharge I would to God that al the buyers sellers of spiritual suffrages would with the eyes of their harte beholde the ruine of the great Citie and the fall of Babylon and that which they shall saye after that fall Doth not the Prophet say And the merchaunts of the earth shall weepe and mourne for her because no man shall buy anye more their marchandise that is their marchandise of gold and siluer and of precious stone and of pearle and of silke and purple And again he sayth And the marchaunts which were made riche by her shall stand alouse for feare of her tormentes weeping mourning and saying Alas Alas that Citie Babylon that great Citie whych was woont to weare purple whitesilke crim sin gold pearle and precious stone because that in one hour al those ryches are come to nought And agayne And they cast dust vppon their heads and cryed out weping and mourning and saying Alas Alas that great and mightie Citie Babilon by whom al such as had shippes vpon the sea were made riche by her rewards Because that in one houre she is become desolate This Babilon this great Citie is the Citie of Rome as it appeareth by the processe of the Apostle Because the aungel which shewed vnto Saint Iohn the destructiō of the mightie harlot sitting vpon many waters with whō the kinges of the earth haue committed fornication and al they which dwell vpon the earth are made dronke with the wyne of her whoredome sayd vnto him And the woman which thou sawest is the great citie which hath dominion aboue kings c. And in dede in the daies of Saint Iohn the whole world was subiect to the temporall Empire of the Citie of Rome and afterwardes it was subiect to the spiritual Empire or dominion of the same
as is sayde in the North came the Earle of Northumberland Lord Henry Percy and Henry his son the Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Neuile and other Lordes moe to a great number so that the multitude rose to 60000. able souldiours Who first making towarde the Castle of Bristow tooke the foresayd Busshey Grene Scroupe and Bagot of whom three incontinent were beheaded Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland The king in this meane while lying about Wales destitute and desolate without comfort or counsayle who neither durst come to London neyther would any man come to him and perceauing moreouer the commons that were vp in such a great power agaynst hym would rather dye then geue ouer that they had begunne for feare of themselues Seing therforeno other remedy called to him L.T. Percye Earle of Worcester and stewarde of hys household willing him with other of hys family to prouide for themselues in tyme. Who then openly in the hall brake his white rod before them all commaunding euerye man to shift for himselfe Although Fabian and some other say that he did this of hys owne accord contrary to his allegeance The king compassed on euery side with miseryes shifted from place to place the Duke still following him tyll at length being at the Castle of Conewey the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundell archb and the Earle of Northūberland To whom he declared that he woulde resigne vp hys crowne in condition that an honourable liuing might be for hym prouided and life promised to 8. persons such as he would name Which being graunted and ratified but not performed he came to the Castle of Flint where after talke had with the Duke of Lācaster he was brought the same night by the Duke and his armye to Chester And from thence was conueyed secretly into the Tower there to be kept till the next parliament By the way as he came neare to London diuers euil desposed men of the city being warned thereof gathered themselues thinking to haue slayne hym for the great cruelty he had vsed before toward the Citty But by the pollicies of the Mayor and rulers of the Cittie the madnes of the people was stayd Not long after followed the Duke and also began the parliament In which Parliament the Earle of Northumberland with many other Earles and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower to take of him a full resignation according to hys former promise and so they did This done diuers accusations and articles were layd and engrossed agaynst the sayd King to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly materiall in them contayned I ouerpasse And that next yeare after was had to Pomferr Castle and there famished to death King Henry the fourth ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightfull crowne The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundell the Archbishop to the feat royall who there standing vp and crossed himselfe on the forehead and the brest spake in wordes as followeth ¶ In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster clayme the Realme of England and the crowne with all the appurtenaunces as I that am descended by right lyne of the bloud comming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And thorough the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the helpe of my kinne and of my frendes to recouer the same which was in poynt to be vndone for default of good gouernance and due iustice c. ¶ After which wordes the Archbishop asking the assent of the people being ioyfull of theyr new king took the Duke by the hād placed him in the kingly throne which was an 1399 and shortly after by the foresayd Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England Ex Chron. De Alban The next yeare after followed a Parliament holden at Westminster in which Parliament one will Sautre a good man and a faythfull priest inflamed with zeeale of true Religion required he might be heard for the commoditie of the whole realme But the matter being smelt before by the Byshops they obtayned that the matter should be referred to the conuocation Where the sayd William Sautre being brought before the Byshops and Notaries thereunto appointed the conuocation was differred to the Saterday next ensuing When Saterday was come that is to say the 12. day of February Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury in the presence of his Counsayle prouinciall being assembled in the sayd Chapter house agaynst one fyr William Sautre otherwise called Chatris Chaplayne personally then and there appearing by the commaundement of the foresayd archbishop of Caunterbury obiected that the sayd sir William before the Byshop of Norwiche had once renounced and abiured diuers and sondry conclusions heretical and erroneous and that after such abiuration made he publiquely and priuily helde taught preached the same conclusions or els such like disagreeing to the catholique fayth and to the great perill and pernitious example of others And after this he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is sayd by the sayd Syr William without renunciation then and there to be read vnto the sayd Archbishop by maister Robert Haull Chācellor vnto the sayd byshop in a certayne scrole written in tenour of wordes as followeth Syr William Chatris otherwise called Sautre parish Priest of the Churche S. Scithe the Uirgine in London publiquely and priuily doth holde these conclusions vnder written ¶ In Primis he sayth that he will not worship the crosse on which Christ suffered but onely Christ that suffred vppon the Crosse. 2. Item that he would sooner worship a temporal king then the foresayd wodden crosse 3. Item that he would rather worship the bodyes of the Saintes then the very crosse of Christ on which he hong if it were before him 4. Item that he woulde rather worship a man truely contrite then the crosse of Christ. 5. Item that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate then an aungell of God 6. Item that if any man would visite the monumentes of Peter and Paule or go on Pilgrimage to the Toumbe of S. Thomas or els any whether els for the obtayning of any temporall benefite he is not bounde to keepe hys vowe but that he may distribute the expences of his vowe vpon the almes of the poore 7. Item that euery priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonical houres 8. Item that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental wordes of the body of Christ the bread remayneth of the same nature that it was before neyther doth it cease to be bread To which conclusions or articles being thus read the Archbish. of Caunterb required the same Syr William to aunswere And then the sayd William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions and a competent space to answere vnto the same Whereupon the
sayd Archb. commaunded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be deliuered then and thereunto the sayd syr William assigning the Thursday then next ensiting to him to deliberate and make aunswere in When Thursday the sayd day of apparance was come Maister Nicholas Rishton auditour of the causes and busines belonging to the sayd archbishop then beyng in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let cōtinued the sayd conuocation with all matters rising depending and appartinent thereunto by commaundement of the sayd Byshop vntill the next morrow at eight of the clocke When the morow came being Friday The foresaid sir William Sautre in the chapter house before the sayd bishop and hys counsayle prouinciall then and there assembled making his personall appearaunce exhibited a certayne scrole contayning the aunsweres vnto certayne articles or conclusions geuen vnto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop and sayd that vnto the foresayd Archbyshop he deliuered the same as his answere in that behalfe vnder the tenour of such wordes as follow I William Sautre priest vnworthy say and aunswere that I will not nor intend not to worship the crosse wheron Christ was crucified but onely Christ that suffered vpon the crosse so vnderstanding me that I will not worship the materiall crosse for the grosse corporall matter yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a signe token and memoriall of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria And that I will rather worship a temporall Kyng then the foresayd wooden crosse as the materiall substance of the same And that I will rather worship the bodyes of Saintes then the very crosse of Christ whereon he hong with this addition that if the very same Crosse were afore me as touching the materiall substaunce And also that I will rather worship a man truely confessed and penitent then the crosse on which Christ hong as touching the materiall substaunce And that also I am bound and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate truly confessed and contrite then an angell of God for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanitie of Christ and so is not a blessed aungell Notwithstanding I will worship both of them according as the will of God is I should Also that if any man hath made a vow to visite the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paule or to goe on pilgrimage vnto S. Thomas tombe or anye whither els to obtayne any temporall benefite or commoditie he is not bound simply to keepe his vow vpon the necessitye of saluation But that he may geue the expences of his vowe in almes amongst the poore by the prudent counsayle of his superiour as I suppose And also I say that euery Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonicall houres according to the primitiue order of the church Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the aulter I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes of the body of Christ there reaseth to be very bread simply but remaineth bread holy true and the bread of life ynd I beleue the sayd sacrament to be the very body of Christ after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes When all these aunsweres were throughly by Maister Robert Hall directly and publikely there read the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the sayd sir William whither he had abiured the foresayd herefies and errors obiected agaynst him as before is sayd before the Byshop of Norwich or not or els had reuoked and renounced the sayd or such like conclusions or articles or not To which he aunswered and affirmed that he had not And then consequētly all other articles conclusions and aunsweres aboue writen immediately omitted the sayd Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre especially vpon the sacrament of the aulter First whether in the sacrament of the aulter after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes remayneth very materiall bread or not Unto which interrogation the same sir W. somewhat waueringly sayd and answered that he knew not that Notwithstanding he sayd that there was very bread because it was the bread of life whiche came downe from heauen After that the sayd Archbishop demaunded of hym whither in the sacrament after the sacramentall woordes rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread remayneth which did before the wordes pronounced or not And to this question the foresayde William aunswered in like maner as before saying that there was bread holy true and the bread of life c. After that the foresayd Archb. asked him whether the same naturall bread before consecration by the sacramentall woordes of the priest rightly pronounced be transubstantiated from the nature of bread into the very bodye of Christ or not Whereunto sir William sayd that he knewe not what that matter ment And then the sayde Archbish. assigned vnto the said sir William tyme to deliberate and more fully to make hys aunswere till the next day and continued this conuocation then and there till the morow Which morrow to wit the 19. day of February being come the foresayd Archbish. of Cant. in the sayd chapter house of S. Paule in London before hys counsayle prouincial then and there assembled specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present vpon the sacramēt of the aulter as before And the same Sir William agayne in like maner as before aunswered After this amongst other thinges the sayd Byshop demaunded of the same William if the same materiall bread beyng vpon the aulter after the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ or not And the sayd sir William sayd he vnderstoode not what he ment Then the sayd archbishop demaunded whether that materiall bread being round and white prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ vpon the aulter wanting nothing that is meete and requisite thereunto by the vertue of the sacramentall wordes being of the priest rightly pronounced be altered and chaunged into the very body of Christ and ceaseth any more to be materiall and very bread or not Then the sayd syr William deredingly aunswering sayd he could not tell Then consequently the sayd Archbishop demaunded whether he would stand to the determination of the holye Church or not which affirmeth that in the Sacrament of the aulter after the wordes of consecration being rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread whiche before in nature was bread ceaseth any more to be bread To this interrogation the sayd sir William sayd that he woulde stand to the determination of the church where such determination was not contrary to the will of God This done he demaunded of him agayne what hys iudgement was concerning the Sacrament of the aulter who sayd and affirmed that after the wordes of consecration by the priest duely pronounced remayned very bread and the same bread which was before the
of an Accolite Also we Thomas Archb. aforesayd by assent counsel and authority whych vppon thee the foresayd William we haue an Exorcist pretensed in the habite of an Exorcist or holy water clarke being an hereticke twise fallen and by our sentence as is aforesayd condemned we doe degrade depose thee from the order of an Exorcist and in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition we take from the booke of coniurations and doe depriue thee of all and singular dignity of an Exorcist Also we Thomas Archbish. aforesayd by assent counsaile and authority as is aboue sayd doe degrade depose thee the foresayde William reader pretensed clothed in the habit of a reader an hereticke twise fallen and by our sentence as is aforesayd condēned from the order of a reader And in token of this thy degradation and actuall deposition we take from thee the booke of the deuine sections that is the booke of the Church legende and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of dignity of such a reader Item we Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury aforesayd by authority counsaile and assent the which we haue as is aforesaid do degrade and put thee foresayd William Sawtre sexten pretensed in the habite of a sexten and wearing a surplice being an hereticke twise fallen by our sentence difinitiue condemned as aforesaid from the order of a Sexten And in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition for the causes aforesayd we take from thee the keyes of the Church doore and thy surplice and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of commodityes of a doore keeper And also by the authority of omnipotent God the father the sonne and holy ghost and by our authority counsaile assent of our whole councel prouinciall aboue written we do degrade thee and depose thee being heere personally present before vs from orders benefices priuilegies and habite in the church and for thy pertinacie incorrigible we doe disgrade thee before the secular Court of the hygh Constable and marshal of England here being personally present and do depose thee from all and singular clerkely honours and dignities whatsoeuer by these wrytings Also in token of thy degradation and deposition here actually wee haue caused thy crowne and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence to be rased away vtterly to be abolished lyke vnto the forme of a seculare lay man and here doe put vpon the head of thee the foresayd William the cap of a lay secular person beseeching the court aforesaid that they wil receaue fauourably the sayde William vnto them thus recommitted Thus William Sawtre the seruaunt of Christ being vtterly thrust out of the Popes kingdome and metamorphosed from a clerke to a secular lay man was committed as ye haue heard vnto the secular power Which so done the Byshops yet not heerewith contented cease not to call vpō the king to cause him to be brought forth to spedy execution Whereupon the king ready inough and to much to gratify the cleargy and to retaine their fauours directeth out a terrible decree against the said William Sawtre and sent it to the Maior and Sheriffes of London to be put in execution the tenour wherof here vnder emueth ¶ The decree of the king against William Sawtre THe decree of our soueraigne Lord the king his counsel in the Parliament against a certaine new sprong vp hereticke To the Maior Sheriffs of London c. Where as the reuerend father Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea by the assent consent counsell of other byshops and his brethren Suffraganes and also of all the whole Clergy within his prouince or dioces gathered together in his prouincial counsel the due order of the law being obserued in al poynts in this behalfe hath pronounced and declared by his definitiue sentence W. Sautre somtime chaplain to be fallen again into his most dānable heresy the which before time the sayde W. had abiured thereupon to be a most manifest heretike and therfore hath decreed that he should be disgraded hath for the same cause really disgraded him frō al prerogatiue priuilege of the clergie decreing to leaue him vnto the secular power and hath really so left him according to the lawes canonicall sanctions set forth in this behalfe and also that our holy mother the Church hath no further to do in the premisses We therfore being zelous in religion and reuerent louers of the catholike fayth willing and minding to mainteine defend the holy church the lawes liberties of the same to roote al such errours heresies out of our kingdome of Englād with cōdigne punishmēt to correct punish all heretiques or such as be cōuict Prouided alwaies that both according to the lawe of God mā and the canonical institutions in this behalfe accustomed that such hereticks conuict condēned in forme aforesaid ought to be burned with fire We command you as straigtly as we may or can firmely enioyning you that you do cause the said Williā being in your custody in some publike or opē place within the liberties of your citie aforesaid the cause aforesaid being published vnto the people to be put into the fire and there in the same fire really to be burned to the great horrour of his offence and the manifest example of other Christians Faile not in the execution hereof vpon the perill that will fall thereupon Teste rege apud Westmonast 26. Februar an regni sui ¶ The burning of William Sawtre Thus it may appeare how kinges and princes haue bin blinded and abused by the false Prelates of the Church in so much that they haue bene their slaues and butchers to slay Christes poore innocent members See therefore what danger it is for Princes not to haue knowledge and vnderstanding themselues but to be led by other mens eies specially trusting to such guides who through hipocrisie both deceiue them through crueltie deuour the people As king Henry the fourth who was the deposer of king Richard was the first of all English kings that began the vnmercifull burning of Christes saints for standing against the Pope so was this William Sawtre the true and faithfull martyr of Christ the first of all them in Wickliffes time which I find to be burned in the raigne of the foresaid king which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1400. After the martyrdome of this godly man the rest of the same company began to keepe themselues more closely for feare of the king who was altogether bent to hold with the Popes prelacy Such was the raigne of this Prince that to the godly he was euer terrible in his actions immesurable to few men hartely beloued but Princes neuer lacke flatterers about them Neither was the time of his raigne very quiet but full of trouble of bloud and misery Such was their desire of K.
Archbishop to the Pope of Rome therefore he ought he sayd in no cause to be hys iudge And hauing his appeale there at hand ready writtē he shewed it with al reuerence to the king Wherewith the king was then much more displeased then afore and sayde angerly vnto him that he should not pursue hys appeale but rather he should tary in hold till suche time as it were of the Pope allowed And thē would he or nild he that archbishop should be his iudge Thus was there nothing allowed that the good Lord Cobham had lawfully afore required But for so much as he woulde not be sworne in all things to submit himselfe to the Church and so take what penaunce the archbishop would enioyne him He was arested agayne at the kinges commaundement and so ledde forth to the Tower of London to keepe hys day so was it then spoken that the archbishop had appoynted him afore in the kinges chamber Then caused he the foresayd confession of his fayth to be copyed agayne and the aunswere also which he had made to the foure articles proponed agaynst him to be written in maner of an Indenture in two sheetes of paper That when he should come to hys aunswere he might geue the one copy vnto the archbishop and reserue the other to him selfe As the day of examination was come which was the 23. day of September the Saterday before the feast of saint Mathewe Thomas Arundell the Archbishop sitting in Cayphas rowme in the Chapter house of Paules wyth Richard Clifford Byshop of London and Henry Bolnig broke Byshop of Winchester sir Robert Morley knight and Liefetenant of the Tower brought personally before hym the sayd Lord Cobham and there left him for the time vnto whom the archbishop sayd these wordes * The first examination of the Lorde Cobham SIr Iohn in the last generall conuocation of the clergie of this our Prouince ye were detected of certayne heresies and by sufficient witnesses found culpable Whereupon ye were by forme of spirituall law cited and woulde in no case appeare In conclusion vpon your rebellious cōtumacie ye were both priuately and openly excommunicated Notwithstanding we neyther yet shewed our selues vnready to haue geuen your absolution nor yet doe not to this houre would ye haue meekely asked it Vnto this the Lord Cobham shewed as though he had geuen no eare hauing hys minde otherwise occupyed and so desired no absolution But sayd he would gladly before him and hys brethren make rehearsal of that fayth which he held and en tended alwayes to stand to if it woulde please them to licence him thereunto And then he tooke out of his vosome a certayn writing endented concerning the articles wherof he was accused and so opēly read it before them geuing it vnto the Archbishop as he had made thereof an ende Whereof this is the copy I IOhn Didcastle Knight Lord of Cobham will that all Christen men weet and vnderstād that I clepe almighty God into witnesse that it hath bene nowe is and euer with the helpe of God shall be mine entent and my will to beleue faythfully and fully all the sacramentes that euer God ordayned to be do in holy Church and moreouer to declare me in these foure poynts I beleue that the most worshipfull Sacrament of the aulter is Christes body in forme of bread the same body that was borne of the blessed virgin our Lady sayne Mary done on the crosse dead and buryed the thyrd day rose from death to life the which body is now glorified in heauen Also as for the sacrament of penaunce I beleue that it is needefull to euery man that shal be saued to forsake sinne and do due penaunce for sinne before done with true confession very contrition and due satisfaction as Gods lawe limitteth and teacheth and els may he not be saued which penaunce I desire all men to doe And as of Images I vnderstand that they be not of beleue but that they were ordayned sith the beleue was zewe of Christ by sufferaunce of the Church to be Calenders to lewd men to represent and bryng to minde the passion of our Lord Iohn Christ and martyrdome and good liuing of other sayntes And that who so it be that doth the worship to dead Images that is due to God or putteth suche hope or trust in helpe of them as he should doe to God or hath affection in one more then in an other he doth in that the greatest sinne of maumerry Also I suppose this fully that euery man in this earth is a pilgrime toward blisse or toward payne and that he that knoweth not ne will not know ne keepe the holy comaundementes of God in his liuing here albeit that he be go on Pilgrimages to all the world and he dye so he shal be damned and he that knoweth the holy commaundementes of God and keepeth them to hys ende he shal be saued though he neuer in hys lyfe goe on pilgrimage as men now vse to Caunterbury or to Rome or to any other place This aunswere to hys articles thus ended and read he deliuered it to the Bishops as is sayd afore Than counceled the Archbishop with the other two Bishops and with diuers of the Doctours what was to be done in this matter commaunding hym for the tyme to stand aside In cōclusion by their assent information he said thus vnto him Come hether Syr Iohn In this your wryting are many good thinges contayned and right Catholicke also we deny it not but ye must consider that thys day was appoynted you to aunswere to other pointes concerning those articles wherof as yet no mention is made in this your Bil. And therefore ye must yet declare vs your minde more playnly And thus whether that ye holde affirme and beleeue that in the sacrament of the aulter after the consecration rightly done by a priest remayneth materiall bread or not Moreouer whether ye do hold affirme and beleue that as concerning the sacrament of penaunce where as a competent nomber of priestes are euery Christen man is necessarely bound to be confessed of hys sinnes to a priest ordained by the Church or not After certayn other communication this was the answere of the good Lord Cobham That none otherwise would he declare his minde nor yet aunswere vnto hys articles then was expressely in his writing there contayned Then sayd the Archbishop agayne vnto hym Syr Iohn beware what ye do For if ye aunswere not clearely to those thinges that are here obiected agaynst you especially at the time appointed you onely for that purpose the law of holy Church is that compelled once by a iudge we may openly proclayme ye an hereticke Unto whome he gaue this aunswere Do as ye shall thinke best for I am at a poynt Whatsoeuer he or the other Byshops did aske him after that he had them resorte to hys Bill for thereby would he
lying neuer to be clawed of while the world standeth yet shal the posterity to come iudge betwene you me whether shall appeare more honest and true my defence for that worthy lord then your vncourteous and viperuns wrangling against him mooued with no other cause but onely with the peuish spirite of Poperie whych can abide nothing but that sauereth of your owne secte For els how many loud lying legends yea what legion of lies are daily vsed and receiued in the popish church What doltish dreames what fained myracles what blasphemous tales and frierly fables and idle inueÌ„tions fighting against the sincere religion doctrine and crosse of Christ And coulde you holde your penne from al these and finde nothing els to set your idlenesse on worke but onely to wryte agaynst the Lorde Cobham Syr Roger Acton Browne Onley Cowbrige with a fewe other whome wyth much a doe at length you haue sought out not so much for any true zeale to rebuke iniquitye as craftely seeking matter by these to deface and blemish the booke of Actes and Monumentes Which seemeth belike to make you scratche there where it itcheth not And if I shoulde after the like dealing take in hand your Popish portues and with like diligence excusse euery Popish martyr and Saint there canonised thinke you maister Cope I coulde not make you out halfe dosen as ranke traitours and rebels to their kings and princes as euer were any of these of your picking out What pope almost hath there bene these last 500. yeares whych hathe not bene a traitour to his Emperor and Prince and to his countrey either openly rebelling against them or priuely conspiring their destruction or proudly setting theyr feete vpon their necks or spurning their crownes of from their heads or making the sonne to fight against the father How many haue they deposed and set vp other in theyr seates how many Emperours and kings haue they wrongfully cursed What Consulles of Rome haue they resisted deposed and put to death What warres haue they raised vp against theyr owne countrey of Rome Yea the continuall holding of the City of Rome from hys lawfull Emperor what is it but a continuall poynt of treason What will you answere mee M. Cope to the Pope which conspired to let fall downe a stone vpon the Emperours head kneeling at his prayers pag. 177. And though this treachery being as big as a milstone seemed but a smal mote in your eye that it could not be espied yet what will you say by the Monke of Swinstede that poysoned king Iohn who was both absolued by his abbot before his treason committed and after hys treason had a perpetuall Masse songe for him to helpe hym out of Purgatorie And what thinke ye in your conscience is to be sayde of Thomas Becket who did inough and more then became him to set the French king and the king of Englande together by the eares Of Anselme likewise and of Stephen Langhton who departed both out of the Realme to complaine of their princes soueraines The like may be said also of Iohn Peckham Iohn Stradford Archbyshop of the same sea notoriously resisted the Kinges commaundement being sent for by king Edward 3. to come to the parliament at Yorke through the default of whose comming the present oportunitie of getting Scotland was the same time lost Richard Scrope Archb. of Yorke was opeÌ„ly in armes to rebell fight against K. Henry 4. for the which he was condemned put to death And yet notwtstanding Commission was sent downe from the pope shortly after to excoÌ„municate them which put him to death his treason notwtstanding Read that story sincerely of pope Benedict 12. and of pope Clement 6. And see howe the traiterous rebellion of these two popes against Ludouicus their rightful Emperor can be defended Which Emperor at last was also empoysoned that not without the practise of Pope Clement as doth Hieronimus Marius credibly witnesse In the raigne of K. Edward the 2. mention was made before of Thomas Earle of Lancaster Who with a great number of other nobles and Barons of the realme rose in armour against their prince and therefore at lengthe were put to death as traitours And yet notwythstanding thys treason committed M. Cope if you be so ignorant in our stories that you know it not set your setters on to search and you shall finde it true that certaine Noble men went vp to Rome for the canonising of the sayde Thomas of Lancaster to be made a Saint and obtained the same In so much that in a certayne olde Calendare the name of the sayd S. Thomas of Lancaster is yet extant to be seene In the former booke of these Actes and Monumentes aboue about the pag. 353. or 354. mention was made of Edmund of Abbenden Archb. of Cant. whom although I do not disproue but rather commend in my history for his bold and sage counsail geuen vnto K. Henry the 3. and also for offering the censure of excommunication against the king in so necessary a cause yet notwithstanding the same Edmund afterward about his latter end went vp wyth a rebelling minde to complaine of his king vnto the Pope and in his iourney died before his return who afterward for the same was canonised by the Pope and now shineth among the Saints in the popes Calender Let vs come more neare to these dayes and times and consider the doings of Tho. Arundell Archb. of Canterb. Who being first deposed and exiled for hys contemptuous deserts against the king and afterward comming in wyth Henry Bolynbroke Duke of Herford in open armes and with main force rose against his natural and lawful king thinke you M. Cope thys is not as greate a poynte of treason as that which was done in Thiâ—kets fields And though he be not placed among the portuous Sainctâ— yet I thinke nothing contrary but in your heart you will not greatly sticke to say Sancte Thoma ora pro nobis All these thinges well considered tell me M. Cope I pray you is treason suche a straunge and vnketh thyng in your pope catholike churche that your burning zeale of obedience to kings and princes can not read the story of the L. Cobham sir Roger Acton but your pen must needes be inflamed to wryte against them and yet so many traytors in your owne Calenders neither seene nor once spoken of And if the traiterous conspiracy and rebellion of so many your Calender Saintes committed against Emperours Kings and Princes can not stirre your zeale nor moue your pen Nor if the treason of pope Gregory 9. raising warre against his owne city of Rome and causing 30. thousande citizens in one battaile to be slaine pag. 281. deserueth not to be espied and accused as much as this treason of the Lorde Cobham yet what will you or can you answer to me M. Cope as touching the horrible treason of pope Gregory the 7. committed not against
c. Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying out of which you cannot digresse do charge me farther that I do appoint out holy dayes and working daies by colours of red and blacke in my foresayd Calendare to be obserued these leude notes of yours if they had bene picked out of my Calendare by you wythout myne owne special declaration before made to the contrary they might seeme to haue some blush of credite Now what wil the reader say or what may he iudge cōsidering and conferring thys your cauilling with the matter of my premonition made before but that you are al together set to play the perpetuall Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope But God make you as I said a good man Reading further in your boke I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum where as you cōparing my making of saints with the Popes making can finde as ye say in the Pope no such impudent arrogancie in presuming as ye finde in me c. If the Pope had not abused hys arrogant iurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saintes more then I haue done the yeare should not be combred wyth so many idle holy dayes nor the Calendares wyth so many raskall Saintes some of them as good as euer were they that put Christ to death But where will you finde M. Cope any man to beleue thys your hyperbolical comparison to be true whych seeth and knoweth the infinit and vnmeasurable excesse of the Popes arrogancie not only in shrining such a rable of blind saintes of his owne creating but also in prescribing the same to be receaued vniuersally in the whole worlde and not to be receaued onely but also to be inuocated for gifts and graces also to be worshipped for aduocates and mediatours Wherin riseth a double abhomination of the pope the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saintes the other for his blasphemous iniurie and derogation to Christe in repulsing him out of his office of mediation placing other mediatours of his owne making And nowe to consider what Saintes these were or what were the causes of their sancting what S. almost among all the Popes Saintes shall you finde M. Cope made within these 500. yeres but commonly he was eithe some Pope or some rich Bishop and Prelate or some fat abbat or some blind Frier some Monke or Nunne some superstitious regulare or some builder of monasteries or some geuer and benefactour to the popish clergy or mainteiner agonising for the dignities and liberties of the Popyshe church What poore lay man or lay womā were their liues neuer so Christian their faith and confession neuer so pure their death neuer so agonising for the witnes of Christ and truth of his word shall finde any place or fauour in all the Popes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in the Popes Calendar either in red colour or els in blacke But heere M. Cope if yee had the wit somuch to defend as yee haue to ouerwhart you myght take mee wyth the maner and replie againe for the defence of your great Saintmaker or rather Godmaker of Rome that he maketh mo martyrs Saints of these foresayd poore laymen laywomen then euer he did of any other For he burneth them he hangeth them hee drowneth them imprisoneth famisheth them so maketh truer martyrs of Christ then any other of his new shrined saints whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar For the one he doth rubricate only with his red letters the other he doth rubricate with their owne bloud And therefore to aunswere you M. Cope to your comparison made betwene the pope and me for making of holy Martyrs and Saintes Briefly I say and report me to al the world y◠herein is no comparison For if ye speake of true Martyrs who doth make them but the pope if ye speake of fals martyrs who doth make them but the pope And farthermore to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saintes in my Calendare wyth them whyche shine shrined in the Popes Calendare taking the same proportion of time as I do wythin these last 500. yeares why may not I haue as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar which lost their liues and were slain principally for the cause of Christ and of hys word as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saintes in hys Calendar who in their doinges doctrine and life as they seemed rather to serue the Pope then Christ the Lord so in their death appeared no such cause why they shuld be sanctified in the church beyond all other Let not the Church of Christ M. Cope be deluded with hypocritical names nor fained apparitions and fabulous miracles neither be you deceiued your selfe but let vs resort sincerely to the worde of God What was in S. Fraunces looke vpon his superstitious life presumptuous testament wrought no dout by Sathan to diminish and obscure the Testament of Iesus Christ why he should be made a Saint and not an enemy rather of Christ What was likewise in Frier Dominicke who before Fraunces x. yeares together persecuted the poore Waldenses to death and destruction why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket but that he died for the ambitious libertyes of the popishe church What in Aldelmus and in Anselmus but only that they chased away maried priests from the churches and planted in idle Monkes in their steade The like also did Dunstanus who was rubricated wyth a duplex festum Elizabeth who was the wife of the Marquesse of Thuring when shee had with much perswasions got out her husbande to fight against the Turkes and was there slaine she afterward encloystered her selfe and was made a Nunne And doe you thinke these causes to be sufficient why they shuld be made saintes worshipped in churches and set in Calendares Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraffe and almost infinite One example may suffice for many S. Gilbert of Sempringhā was the sonne of Iocelin a knight who for his deformitie of his body was set to learning afterward made Chanon and was author of the Gilbertines in the time of king Iohn This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of hys order of Sempringham was afterwarde labored for vnto the Pope to be made a Saint Who hearing of hys myracles wrote hys letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury in the behalfe of the foresayd Gilbert willing commaundyng per Apostolica scripta that the feast of the sayde Gilbert shoulde be solemnised through all the prouince of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius precibus apud misericordissimum iudicem misericordiam consequamur c. Whereuppon Hubert the Archb. directeth downe hys wrytings to all the bishops within hys prouince
vnto him Adding this in the meane time and by the way that if mayster Cope had bene a Momus anye thing reasonable he had no great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter who as I did commend the Lord Cobham that worthyly for hys valiaūt standing by the truth of his doctrine before Thomas Arundell the Archbishop so touching the matter of this conspiracie I did not affirm or define any thing therof in my former historie so precisely that he could well take any vauntage of agaynst me who in writing of this conspiracy layd agaynst syr Roger Acton And syr Iohn Oldcastle do but disiūctiuely or doubtfully speake thereof not concluding certainly this conspiracie eyther to be true or not true but only prouing the same not to be true at that time as Polydore Virgill and Edward Hall in their histories doe affirme which say that this conspiracie began after the burning of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage Which could not be And thereto tendeth my assertion My wordes are playne and are these pag. 174. col 2. line 13. Wherefore it is euident that there was eyther no conspiracie at all agaynst the king or els that it was at some other tyme or done by other Captaynes c. These be my wordes with other moe pag. col and line aboue noted In the which proposition disiunctiue if eyther part be true it is enough for me His part it was to refell both which he hath not done But onely standing fast vpon the one part dissimuleth the other And this is Alanus Copus Anglus who by that he shall come frō Rome whether he is nowe gone as I heare say I trust he will returne a better Logician home agayne in suam Angliam But to the truth of our matter as I sayde before so I say agayne whatsoeuer this worthy noble and vertuous knight syr Roger Acton was otherwise this is certaine that he was alwaies of contrary minde and opinion to the bishop of Rome to that kind of people for the which cause he had great enuy and hatred at their hands and could as litle beare it neither do I greatly dissent from them which do suspect or iudge that the Lord Cobham by his friendly helpe escaped out of the Tower and that peraduenture was the cause why he was apprehended and brought to trouble and in the end came to his death Other causes also theyr might be that these good men percase did frequent among themselues some cōuenticles which conuenticles was made treason by the statute aforesayd either in those Thickets or in some place els for the hearing of Gods word and for publique prayer and therefore had they thys Beuerly theyr preacher with them But to conclude whatsoeuer this sir Roger Acton was this is the truth which I may boldly record as one writing the Actes and thinges done in the Church that he was at length apprehended condemned and put to death or martirdome 3. yeares and more before the Lord Cobham died Likewise M. Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerly the preacher suffered with him the same kinde of death as some say in the field of S. Giles with other moe to the number of 36. if the storyes be true Whiche was in the month of Ianuary an 1413. after the computation of our English stories counting the yeare from the annunciation but after the Latine writers counting from Christes natiuitie an 1414. according as this picture is specified These men as is said suffered before the Lord Cobham aboot 3. yeares of whose death diuers do write diuersly Some say they were hanged and burnt in S. Gyles field of whom is Fabian with such as follow him Other there be which say that some of them were hanged burnt Polydorus speaking onely of their burning maketh no mētiō of hanging An other certain english Chronicle I haue in my handes borowed of one M. Bowyer who somewhat differing frō the rest recordeth thus of sir Roger Acton that hys iudgement before the iustice was thus to be drawne through London to Tyborne and there to be hanged and so he was naked saue certayne partes of him couered with a clothe c. And when certayn dayes were past sayth the author a Trumpeter of the kinges called Thomas Cliffe gat graunt of the king to take hym downe and to burye hym and so he did c. And thus haue you the storye of syr Roger Acton and hys fellow brethren As touching theyr cause whether it were true or els by error mistaken of the king or by the fetch of the bishops surmised I referre it to the iudgement of him which shal iudge both the quick and dead seculum per ignem To whō also I commit you M. Cope God speed your iorny well to Rome whether I heare say you are going and make you a good man After the decease or martyrdome of these aboue mentioned who are executed in the month of Ianuary an 1414. in the next month following and in the same yere the 20. day of February God tooke away the great enemy of his word and rebell to his king Thom. Arundell Archb. of Cant. Whose death following after the execution of these good men aboue recited by the merueilous stroke of God so sodenly may seeme somewhat to declare their innocēcy and that he was also some great procurer of theyr death in that God woulde not suffer him longer to liue striking hym with death incontinently vppon the same But as I dyd the other before so this also I do refer to the secret iudgement of the Lord who once shal iudge all secrets openly ¶ The picture of the burning and hanging of diuers persons counted for Lollardes in the first yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift In the death of this Archb. first Polydor Virgil is deceiued who in his 22. booke pag. 441. affirmed hys death to be an 1415. and in the second yeare of king Henr. 5. also after the beginning of the Councell of Constāce who in dede neuer reached the beginning therof nor euer saw the secōd yeare of that king vnles ye count the first day for a yeare but dyed before an 1414. Feb. 20. Ex hist. S. Albani multis Furthermore concerning the death of this Arundell and the maner therof who had not bene so heauy a troubler of Christes saints in his time because the thing semeth worthy of noting to behold the punishment of God vpon hys enemies this is to report as I haue found it alledged out of Thomas Gascoin in Dictionario Theologico Whose playne wordes be these Anno. 1414. Tho. Arundel Cant. Archiepiscop sic lingua percussus erat vt nec deglutire nec loqui per aliquot dies ante mortem suam potuerit diuitis epulonis exemplo sic tantum obijt Atque multi tunc fieri putabant quia verbum alligasset ne suo tempore praedicaretur c. That is Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cant.
first time before the Councell of Constance in the most famous place in the presence of the Pope the Pope beeyng president And finally in the presence of all others which will come to that most famous place and that whosoeuer hath any suspition of me that I haue eyther taught or defended anye thyng contrarye vnto the fayth of Christ let hym come thether also let hym declare there before or in the presence of the Pope and all the Doctors of Diuinitie what erroneous or false doctrine I haue at any tyme followed or holden More if hee shall conuince me of any errour or prooue that I haue taught anye thing contrarie vnto the Christian fayth I will not refuse to suffer whatsoeuer punishment shall be due for an hereticke But I hope and trust euen from the bottome of my hart that God wyll not geue the victory to vnfaithfull and vnbeleeuing men the which do willingly kicke and spurne against the truth The same time Iohn Hus sente his procurers to the Lorde Byshop of Nazareth ordeyned by the Apostolicke Sea Inquisitour of heresie of the Citie and Dioces of Prage requiring hym that if he had found any errour in him he would declare it openly But the sayd Bishop before the sayd procurour and the publike Notary wyth many other credible witnesses aunswered that he had often talked with Iohn Hus and that he neuer knew anye thing in him but as becommeth a godly and faithful man and this his testimonie of Iohn Hus he approoued by his letters the copie whereof is heere vnder written The Byshop of Nazareth hys testimoniall WE Nicholas by the grace of God Byshop of Nazareth and Inquisitor specially deputed by the Apostolicke seate for heresies both of the Citie and Dioces of Prage by these presents we do it to be knowne vnto all men that wee in times past haue often communed and talked with that honorable man mayster Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie of the famous vniuersitie of Prage and haue had diuers and sondry conferences with hym both of the Scriptures and diuers other matters and in all hys sayings doyngs and behauiour we haue prooued and found him to be a faithfull and a Catholicke man finding no maner of euill sinister or by any meanes erroneous doings in him vnto thys present We doo witnesse and protest moreouer how the sayd Iohn Hus of late in the Cathedrall Church of Prage and in other both Collegiate and Parish Churches and in the Colledges of the Vniuersitie of Prage and in the gates and porches of the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Wenceslaus King of Romaines and of Boheme Also in the gates of the reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage Legate of the Apostolicke Sea and Chauncelour of the Vniuersitie of Prage and of other Princes and Barons then being in the Citie of Prage hath set vp his letters written both in Latine and in the Bohemian tongue containing sententially in effect how the foresayd Mayster Iohn Hus would appeare before the reuerend father the Lord Conrade the foresayd Archbyshop of Prage and all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kingdome of Boheme that shall bee congregated and called together by the sayd Archbyshop at the day appoynted in the sayd Citie of Prage readie alwayes to satisfie euery man that shall desire and require him to shew a reason of his fayth and hope that he holdeth and to see and heare all and euery one which could prooue any obstinacie of errour or heresie lawfully against him vnder the payne to receyue the like punishment vnto whome altogether he would by Gods helpe aunswere in the Councell of Constance which was now at hand before the sayd Lord Archbyshop and vs with all other Prelates and there in Christes name according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers to declare and shew foorth his innocencie After the which letters as is aforesayd by the sayd maister Iohn Hus openly set vp there did no man appeare before vs the which would accuse the sayd Maister Iohn Hus of any errour eyther of any heresie For the euident witnesse of all whyche things we haue commaunded these present letters to be made and confirmed the same with the setting too of our seale Dated in Prage xxx of August an M. iiij C. xiiij Vpon which matter also a publicke instrument was drawne testified with the hand and seale of the publicke Notary named Michel Pruthatietz The copie of whych instrument heere vnder followeth ¶ An Instrument of Recognition or protestation of the Lord inquisitor of Heresies IN the name of God Amen In the yeare of hys natiuitie 1414. the thirtith of August in the fift yeare of the Byshoprike of the most holy Father in Christ Iohn by the grace of GOD Pope the three and twentith of that name in the vppermost parlor of the house of the famous man the Lord Peter of Zwogsta called Znirglits maister of the mynte of the most famous Prince and Lord the Lord Wenceslaus Kyng of Romaines and of Boheme in the greater Citie of Prage about the Abbey of Sainct Iames the Apostle in the presence of me the publique Notary heere vnder written and certayne witnesses heere within written specially called for that purpose There was personally present Mayster Iohn Iessenitz mayster of Art procuror in the name of the honourable man Mayster Iohn Hus Bacheler formed in Diuinitie of the Vniuersitie of Prage He most humblie and earnestly requyred the reuerende father in Christ and Lord Nicholas Byshop of Nazareth Inquisitour of Heresies for the Citie and diocese of Prage specially appoynted by the Apostolike Sea beeing there also present sayeng Reuerend father doe you knowe any error or heresie in Mayster Iohn Husnetz otherwise called Hus. The which sayd Lord Nicholas not compelled or constrained but of his owne will and accord freely and openly did there recognise sayeng these or the like words in the Bohemian tongue I haue often and many times bene conuersant with Mayster Iohn Hus and haue eaten and dronke with him also I haue bene often present at his Sermons and diuers of his collations which he hath made vpon diuers places of the scripture and I neuer found or perceiued in him any errour or heresie but in all his words and deedes I haue found him alwaies a true and a Catholike man neither haue I found any thing that doth sauour of any errour or heresie Againe the said maister Iohn his procurer in the behalfe as aboue required and asked the said Lord Nicholas Byshop and inquisitour whether any man haue accused the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him being inquisitour for heresie and hath conuicted him of heresie He aunswered that since the time he knew Iohn Hus and that he was made inquisitour for heresie in the Citie and diocese of Prage as is afore saide neuer anie man accused either conuinced the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him vnto this present time Adding moreouer that he the
make nothing for the purpose for albeit anyman be not a true Christian is he not therefore true Pope Byshop or Kyng when as these are names of office and to be a Christian is a name of merite and desert and so may any man be a true Pope Byshoppe or King although he be no true Christian. Then sayd Iohn Hus if Pope Iohn the xxiij were a true Pope wherefore haue ye depriued him of hys office The Emperour aunswered the Lordes of the Councell haue now lately agreed thereupon that he was true Pope but for his notorious and manifest euill doinges wherewithall he did offend and trouble the Church of God and dyd spoyle and bring to ruine the power thereof he is reiected and cast out of his office The second Article The grace of predestination is the bond whereby the body of the Church and euery parte and member thereof is firmely knitte and ioyned vnto the head The aunswere I acknowledge this Article to be mine and it is proued in the text out of the eight chapiter to the Romaynes who shall seperate vs from the charity and loue of Christ. c. And in the tenth chapter of Iohn My sheepe heare my voyce and I know them and they followe me and I geue them eternall life neyther shall they perish eternally neither is there any man which shal take them out of my handes This is the knotte of the body of the Church and of our spirituall head Christ vnderstanding the Church to be the congregation of the predestinate The third Article If the Pope be a wicked man and specially a reprobate then euen as Iudas the Apostle he is a Deuill a Theefe and the Sonne of perdition and not the head of the holy mylytant Churche for so muche as he is no parte or member thereof The aunswere My wordes are thus if the Pope be an euill or wicked man and specially if he be a Reprobate then euen as Iudas so is he a Deuill a Theefe and the Sonne of perditition How then is he the head of the holy militant Church where as he is not truely no member or part thereof for if he were a member of the holy Churche then shoulde he be also a member of Christ and if he were a member of Christ then shoulde he cleaue and sticke vnto Chryste by the grace of Predestination and present iustice and shoulde be one spirite with God as the Apostle sayth in the first Epistle to the Corinthians the sixt Chapter knowe ye not that your bodyes are the members of Christ The 4. Article An euill Pope or Prelate or reprobate is no true pastour but a theefe and a robber The answere The text of my booke is thus If he be euill or wicked theÌ„ is he an hireling of whom Christ speaketh he is no sheepe heard neither are the sheepe his owne Therefore when he seeth the wolfe comming he runneth away and forsaketh the sheepe and so finally doth euery wicked and reprobate man Therefore euery such reprobate or wicked Pope or Prelate is no true Pastour But a very theefe and a robber as is more at large proued in my booke TheÌ„ sayd Iohn Hus I doe so limitte all thinges that such as touching theyr desert are not truely and worthely Popes and shepheardes before God but as touching their office and reputation of men they are Popes Pastors and Priestes Then a certayne man rising vp behinde Iohn Husse clothed all in silke sayd my Lordes take heede least that Iohn Hus deceiue both you and himselfe with these hys gloses and looke whether these thinges be in his booke or not for of late I had disputation with him vpon these Articles in the which I sayd that a wicked Pope c. was no Pope as touching merite and desert but as touchyng his office he was truely Pope Whereupon he vsed these gloses which he had heard of me and did not take them out of his booke Then Iohn Hus turning himselfe vnto him sayd did you not heare that it was so readde out of my booke and this did easily appeare in Iohn xxiij Whether he were true Pope or a very theefe and robber Then the Bishoppes and Cardinals looking one vpon another sayd that he was true Pope and laughed Iohn Hus to scorne The 5. The Pope is not neither ought to be called according vnto his office most holy For then the king ought also to be called most holy according to his office Also the tormentors lictors and deuilles ought also to bee called holy The aunswere My wordes are otherwise placed in this maner so ought a fayner say that if any man be a most holy Father then he doth most holyly obserue and keepe hys Fatherlynesse And if he be a naughty and wicked Father then doth he most wickedly keepe the same Likewise if the Byshoppe be most holyest then is he also most good and when as he sayth that he is Pope it is the name of his office Wherupon it foloweth that the man which is Pope being an euill and reprobate man is a most holy man And consequently by that hys office he is most good And for so much as no man can be good by hys office except he do exercise vse the same his office very well it followeth that if the Pope be an euill reprobate man he cannot exercise or vse his office wel Forsomuch as he cannot vse the office wel except he be morally good Mat. 12. How caÌ„ you speak good things when you your selues are euil immediatly afâ—er it foloweth If the Pope by reasoÌ„ of his office be called most holy wherefore should not the King of Romaynes be called most holy by reason of his office and dignity When as the Kyng according vnto Saynt Augustines minde representeth the Deitye and Godhead of Christ and the Priest representeth onely hys humanity Wherefore also should not iudges yea euen tormentours be called holy forsomnth as they haue theyr office by ministring vnto the Church of Christ. These thinges are more at large discoursed in my booke but I cannot finde or knowe sayth Iohn Husse any foundation whereby I shoulde call the Pope most holy when as thys is onely spoken of Christ. Thou onely art most holy Thou onely art the Lord. c. Shoulde I then truely call the Pope moste holy The 6. Article If the Pope liue contrary vnto Christ. Albeit he be lawfully and Canonically elect and chosen according to humayne election yet doth he ascende and come in another way then by Christ. The aunswere The text is thus if the Pope liue contrary vnto Christ in pride and auarice how then doth he not ascend and come another way into the sheepe folde then by the lowlye and meeke doore our Lord Iesus Christ But admitte as you say that he dyd ascend by lawfull election the which I call an election principally made of God and not according vnto the common and vulgare constitution and ordinaunce of men yet for all that it is
February vppon the which day the 4. orders were appoynted to declare theyr censure vppon the Articles in the chapiter houses of Paules first appeareth Frier Tylle for the Blacke Friers then Frier Winchelsey then Frier Low After Frier Ashwel eche Frier for his order seuerally bringing his heresy as is aboue specified Thus the verdict of these 4. orders being geuen vp to the Archb. and seuerally eche order comming in with hys heresye which was the 20. day of February Hereuppon commeth downe a wryt from the king directed to the lord Maior and Sheriffes of London De heretico comburendo dated the 1. day of March Anno 1. of his raigne The copic whereof remaineth in the recordes of the Tower beginning thus Rex Maiori vicecomitibus Wherupon the sayd William Tailour condemned as a relapse first was disgraded and after to be burned and so was committed to the seculare power who their being had to Smithfield the 1. day of Marche with Christian constancie after long imprisonment there did consummate his Martyrdom 1422. The maner of his disgrading was all one with the disgrading of Iohn Hus before for the Papistes vse but one forme for all men First disgrading them from Priesthode by taking from them the chalice and patine From deaconship by taking from them the gospell booke and tunicle From Subdeaconship by taking from them the Epistle booke and Tunicle From Accoluteship by taking from them the Cruet and Candlesticke From an Exorcisie by taking away the booke of Exorcismes or Graduall From the Sextonship by taking away the churchdoore key and surplis And likewise from Benet in taking away the surplis and first tonsure c. Al which they orderly accomplished vpon this godly Martyr before his burning Iohn Florence a Turner IDon Florence a Turner dwelling in Shelton in the Diocesse of Norwich was attached for that he helde and taught these heresies heere vnder wrytten as they called them coÌ„trary to the determination of the Church of Rome In primis that the pope and Cardinals haue no power to make or constitute any lawes Item that there is no day to be kept holy but onely the Sonday which God hath halowed Item that men ought to fast no other time but of the Quatuor temporum Item that Images are not to be worshipped neyther that the people ought to set vp any lightes before them in the Churches neither to go on pilgrimage neither to offer for the dead or with women that are purified Item that Curates should not take the tithes of theyr parishioners but that such tithes shuld be deuided amoÌ„gst the poore parishioners Item that al such as sweare by their life or power shal be damned except they repent The displing of Iohn Florence Upon wensday being the second day of August in the yeare of our Lorde 1424. the sayde Iohn Florence personally appeared before William Bernam Chauncellour to William byshoppe of Norwich whereas he proceding against him obiected the first article touching the power of the Pope and Cardinals to which Article the sayde Iohn Florence answered in thys manner If the pope liued vprightly as Peter liued he hath power to make lawes otherwise I beleeue hee hathe no power But being afterward threatned by the iudge he acknowledged thathe had erred and submitted himselfe to the correction of the church and was abiured taking an othe that from that time forward he should not hold teach preach or willingly defend any errour or heresie contrary to the determination of the church of Rome neither maintaine helpe or aide any that shal teach or hold any such errors or heresies either priuely or apertly and for his offence in thys behalfe done hee was enioyned thys penance following Three Sondaies in a solemne procession in the cathedral Church of Norwich he should be displed before al the people The like also shuld be don about his parish church of Shelton three other seuerall Sondaies hee being bare headed bare footed bare nâ—cked after the maner of a publicke penitentiarie his body being couered wyth a canues shirt and canues breches carying in his hande a taper of a pounde waight and that done he was dismissed Richard Belward of Erisam in the Dioces of Norwich RIchard Belward of Erisam in the Diocesse of Norwiche was accused for holding and teaching these errours and opinions heere vnder wrytten contrary to the determination of the church of Rome In primis that Ecclesiasticall ministers and Ordinaries haue no power to excommunicate neither can excommunicate And all be it that a Bishop doe excommunicate any man God doth absolue him Item that he held the erronious opinions and conclusions that Syr Iohn Oldcastle helde when he was in prison affirmed that Syr Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholicke man and falsly condemned and put to death without any reasonable cause Item that such as go on pilgrimage offering to images made of woode and stone are excommunicate because they ought to offer to the quicke and not to the dead and that the Ecclesiasticall Ministers that is to say the curates do sell God vppon Easter day when as they receiue offerings of such as should communicate before they do minister the Sacrament vnto them Item that he counselled diuers women the they should not offer in the Churche for the dead neither wyth women that were purified Item that he blamed diuers of his neighbors that refused his doctrine saying vnto theÌ„ truly ye are sooles that deny to learne the doctrine of my sect for your neighbours which are of my sect are able to confound and vauquish al other that are of your sect Item that the Saintes whych are in heauen ought in no case to be prayed vnto but onely God Item that the sayd Richard keepeth schooles of lolardy in the English tong in the towne of Dychingham and a certaine Parchment maker bryngeth hym all the bookes containing that doctrine from London The 5. day of July 1424. the sayde Richarde Belward was brought before Iohn Byshop of Norwich sitting in place of iudgement wheras the foresaid Articles were obiected against the sayde Richarde whych he there denyed whereupoÌ„ the bishop appoynted him an other day to purge himselfe the monday next after the feast of S. Marget vpon which day being the 24. of Iuly in the yeare aforesayd he appeared againe before the Bishop and brought wyth him 9. of his neighbors to purge hym vpon those articles and there did solemnely purge himselfe And afterwarde for somuch as the said Bishop suspected the sayd Richarde Belward greatly of lolardie hee commaunded him there presently to sweare vpon the Euangelistes that from that day forwarde he should not wittingly preach teach or defend any error or heresy contrary to the churche of Rome neither aide assist fauour or maintaine priuely or apertly any maner of person or persons that should hold or maintaine the sayde errours or heresies In the presence of M. William Bernam Iohn Wadden
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌ„don and first coÌ„meth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ„ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ„ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌ„saile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌ„gly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâ—ster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌ„tage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌ„trary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ„ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ„ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌ„d in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ„ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâ—e that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ„ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
the 13. chap. of the Apoc. expounding the mistery of the second beast rising out of the earth hauing the hornes of a lambe c. doo apply the same to Mahumet and the Turkes with a solemne declaration made vpon the same Which interpretatioÌ„ of theirs although in some pointes it may seeme to haue some appearance of probabilitie neither can it be denied but that Mahumet the Turke be pestilent and wicked enemies of Christ our Lord most bitter persecutors of his Church yet as touching the proper naturall meaning of the Apostle in that place speaking of the false lambe c. if we consider well all the circumstances of that beast and marke the consequence of the text both of that which goeth before and followeth after we must needs graunt that Nicol. de Lyra with hys fellowes with al such like of the Popes schoole that folow that schoole be deceaued and that the description and interpretation of that falshorned lambe must necessarily be applyed only to the Bishop of Rome and none other which is to be proued by sixe principall causes or arguments The first is for that this beast is described to beare the hornes of a lambe By the which lambe no doubt is ment Christ. By yâ— hornes of the lambe is signified the outward shew or resemblance of Christ our sauiour which shew or resemblance can haue no relation to Mahumet for that he taketh himselfe to be aboue Christ Christ as an excellent Prophet of God sitting at his feete Wherfore seeing Mahumet commeth neither as equall to Christ nor as vicar vnder Christ this prophesy can not agree in him but only in him which openly in plaine words protesteth that all Christes lambes and sheepe not singularly but vniuersally through the whole world are committed to him as Uicar of Christ and successor of Peter and that all men must confesse the same of necessitie or else they are noue of Christes sheepe c. wherein it is easy to see where the pretensed hornes of the lambe do growe The second argument And he spake like the Dragon c. A Lambes hornes and the mouth of a Dragon do not agree together And as they do not agree together in nature so neither can they be found in any one person either Turke or other if we will iudge truely so liuely as in the Bishop of Rome When thou hearest him call himselfe the Apostolicall Bishop the Uicar of Christ the successor of Peter the seruant of Gods seruants c. thou seest in him the two hornes of a lambe and would thinke him to be a lambe in deede and such a one as would wash your feete for humilitie but heare him speake and you shall find him a dragon See and reade the Epistle of Pope Martine the fift aboue mentioned pag. 649. charging commaunding and threatning Emperoures Kinges Dukes Princes Marquesses Earles Barons Knightes Rectors Consuls Proconsuls with their Shires Counties and Uniuersities of their kingdoms Prouinces Cities Townes Castles Uillages and other places See the answere of Pope Urban 2. and his message to King William Rufus pag. 192. Behold the workes and doings of Pope Innocent against King Iohn Note also the answere of another Pope to the King of England which for the price of the kings head would not graunt vnto him the inuesting of his Bishops Marke well the wordes and doings of Pope Hildebrande against the Emperor Henry the fourth pag. 175. Also of Pope AlexaÌ„der the 2. treading vpon the neck of Fredericus Barbarossa not like a lambe treading vpoÌ„ a dragon but like a dragoâ— treading vpon a lambe so that his owne verse might â—ac turned vpon himselfe tanquam aspis basiliscus super ouiculam ambulans tanquam Leo draco conculcans agnum CoÌ„sider moreouer the behauior maner coÌ„dition and property almost of all the Popes which haue bene these 600. yeares and what Dragon or Serpent could be more viperous then their owne doings and words can speake and giue testimony against themselues It followeth moreouer in the same prophecy of the Apocalipse for the third argument And he doth all the power of the first beast presently before his face and causeth the earth and all the inhabitants therein to honour the first beast the stripe of whose deadly wound was cured c. In this prophesy ij things are to be noted first what the first beast is whose power the second beast doth execute Secondly what this second beast is which so doth exercise his power in his sight The first of these beastes here in the Apoc. described hauing 7. heads 10. hornes must needes signifie the city of Rome which may easely be proued by two demonstrations First by the exposition of the 17. chap. of the same Apocalips where is declared and described the sayd beast to staÌ„d of 7. hils to containe 10. kings hauing the whole power of the dragon geuen and also the same citie to be named the whore of Babylon drunkeÌ„ wyth the bloud of saints All which properties ioined together can agree in no wise but only to the heatheÌ„ Empire of Rome which Citie at the time of writing these prophesies had the gouernment of the whole world The second demonstration or euidence may be deduced out of the number of the monethes assigned to this beast Apoc. 13. For so it is written that this beast had power to make that is to worke his malice against Christes people 42. monethes which monethes counted by sabbates of yeares that is euery moneth for seuen yeares maketh vp the iust number of those yeares in which the primitiue Church was vnder the terrible persecutions of the heathen Emperors of Rome as is afore specified pag. 397. Which thing thus standing proued and confessed that the first beast must needes signifie the Empire and City of Rome then must it necessarely follow that the second beast with the lambs hornes must signifie the Bishop Pope of the same City of Rome The reason whereof is euident and apparant by that which followeth in the prophecye where it is declared that the seconde beast hauing two hornes of a lambe receaued and exercised all the power of the first beast before or in the sight of the said beast which can not be verefied neither in the Turke nor in any other but only in the Pope of Rome who as you see receiueth vsurpeth and deriueth to himselfe all the power of that Citie and Monarchy of Rome In so much that he saith that when Constantine or Ludouicus yeelded vnto him the rule kingdome of that Citie he gaue him but his owne and that which of right and duty belonged to him before And this authority or power ouer all the Empire of Rome he worketh not in Asia or in Constantinople as the Turke doth but in the sight of the beast which gaue him the power that is in the City of Rome it selfe which is the
to themselues Luke 11. 3. Interroâ— The aunswere Note a 〈◊〉 thy saying of Gregory 4. Interrogation The aunswere 5. Interrogation The aunswere 6. Interrogation The aunswere In what degree of kindred a man may marry By this rule the mariage of Kyng Henry with Queene Katherine Dowager was vnlawfull 7. Interrogation The aunswere A discrete saying of Gregory to be noted 8. Interrog The aunswere 25. q 2. cap. in Galliarum 9. Interrog The aunswere The Churching of woemen He speaketh here after the custome of the tyme. Mothers that nurse not their owne Children reprehended Gregory calleth tâ—e Emperor hys Lord. A letter 〈◊〉 Gregory to Mellitus A letter 〈◊〉 Gregoryâ— Austen A letter of Gregory to King â—thelbert An. 600. PolycroÌ„ lib. 5. ca. 9. Fab. part 5. ca. 119. Archbishops of London of York made by Austen Mellitus Byshop of London The Brittaynes and Scottes vsed not the rites of Rome Abbey of Bangor Ex libro Iornalensi Fabiano alijs Ethelfride king of Northumberland Brockmayl Consul of Chester The monastery of Bangor Galfridus Monumetensis Polychron Lib. 5. cap. 10. Liber bibliothecae lornalensis Gu Malmesâ—eriensis lib. 1. de Reg. Fabian part 5. cap. 109.120 A pittifull slaughter of vnarmed Monkes of Bangor Whether Austen or the Brittaynes in this case were more to blame Laurentius Archbish. after Austen Baptising in riuers not in footes Baptising among the old Romaines was not vsed with so many ceremonyes as since Anno. 60â— S Dauid in Wales otherwise called Dewy Computation of tyme examined Galfridus Monumetensis Anno. 610. Poly. lib. 5. cap. 10. A story of Iohn Patriarch of Alexandria Mercy may liue a mayden for no man will marry her This Iohn was so bountifull in geuing that he assayd to striue in a maner with the Lord whether the Lorde should geue more or he should distribute more of that whiche was geuen The actes of Gregory the first Whereupon the Romaine Byshop vse in their stile Seruus seruoruÌ„ Dei Sabinianus bishop of Rome Boniâ—acius 3. Byshop of Rome How Rome began first to take an head aboue other churches Phocus traitor and murderer of hys Emperour Bloud reuenged with bloud Volumus ac mandamus Statuimus ac praecipimus brought in by Boniface the third Fabian cap. 120. Ethelbert and Sigebert builders of Paules Church The Arcâ—bishop 〈◊〉 translate from London to Doroberâ—â—â— Malmesberiensis 〈◊〉 de pontifâ— H. Huntington lib 3. This Edward was the third of that name before the Conquest The Monastery of Westminster An. 616. Bloud reuenged with bloud Edwine first Christened king in Northâ—â—berland Giraldus Gambrenâ—â—â— The order and maner of the conuersion of Edwine to the faith of Christ. The trouble of Edwine The maruelous calling of Edwine Edwine miraculously deliuered W. Malmesburiensis lib. de Reg. This Queene was Edelburga daughter to King Ethelbert the Christened King of Kent God calleth commonly by affliction and trouble An other daunger of Edwyne An. 627. Polycron lib. 5. ca. â—2 Hen. Hunt lib. 3. Fabianus parte 5. A part of a trusty seruaunt Edwyne forgetteth hys promise to Christ. Prosperitie forgetfull Olde custome in matters of religion not to be followed but onely truth Old custome letteth Edwyne to be Christened A miracle of God in the conuersion of kyng Edwyne The part of a godly bish exemplified in Paulinus Edwyne baptised He was baptised in S. Peters Church at Yorke which he first caused to be made of woode which after by S. Oswald was builded of stone An. 628. Note Paulinus christened in riâ—ers What true iustice of a good Prince may do in a realme Great peace and trueth among the people in the dayes of Edwyne Anno. 634. Archbishop of Canterbury and Yorke the one ardayneth the other Ex Flor. hist. Iames a godly Deacon A Deacon then might baptise Erpwaldus otherwise naâ—named Corpwaldus Kyng of Eastangles conuerted to the fayth of Christ. S. Oswalde kyng of Northumberland Anno. 636. Galfridus Malmesberiensis Polycro Historia iornalensis Fabian Strength of prayer ouercommeth armyes Penda beaten in the field The commendation of king Oswalde King Oswaldâ— disdayned not to expound and preach the gospell to hys people The goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the poore Historia iornalensis Polycronicon lib. 5. cap. 12. Kinigilsus King of the Westsaxons conuerted to Christes fayth Ex Polycron lib. 5. cap. 13. Fabian part 5. Landes geuen to Winchester Malmesberiensis lib. de pontifi Angl. Gestrensis lib. 5. Hist. Iornalensis Hunting lib. 3. Berinus walking on the sea with lye and al. Oswaldus godfather and sonne in lawe to Kinigilsus and all in one day Kyng Oswald slayne in the field Anno. 643. Penda King of Mercians slayne Oswy King of Northumberland The conâ—uerting oâ— the Mercâ—ans to the fayth of Christ. Wolferâ—â— first chriâ—â—â—ned king 〈◊〉 Mercia The Eastâ—angles reduced to the Chriâ—â—â—â—an fayth Oswy and Oswyne fellow kinges in Northumberland Note the worthy liberalitie 〈◊〉 the king and noâ—â—e in the birtâ—â— H Hunting de historiâ— Angloruâ— lib. 9. Example of true almoâ—e A perfect example of humilitie in a Prince Oswyne trayterously murdered An. 651. Benedictâ— Benet the bringer 〈◊〉 of Bede The vse of glasing first brought into this Realme Botulpus Aidaâ—eus Finiamâ—s Colmaâ—â—us Cutbertus Iarumannâ—â— Ceddaâ— Wilfridus O quanta mutatio Beda lib. 4. cap. 5. Hunting Polycr Iornalensis Fabia An. 664. Controuersie about Easter day Ex Beda lib. 2. cap. 23. A disputation betweene the Romayne Bishops and the Scottish bishops for the day of Easter and other ceremonyes The king beginneth Colman speaketh Wilfride replyeth Vniuersality alledged Colman agayne speaketh Wilfride replieth Why Paule circumcised Timothy Example of Peter alledged but no proofe brought thereof Peter and Iohn did not agree in the celebrating of Easter In the counsell of Nice no such matter appeareth Colman agaynâ— aunswereth Wilfride replyeth The aucthoritie of men is not to be sticked vnto for their doyng of myracles The example of them that follow not for lack of teaching excuseth not them which being taught will not follow Yea sir Suffragia ecclesiae a non numeranda sunt sed ponderanda Aug. The king concludeth Mobile mutatur semper cum principe â—ulgus Egfride or Edfride of Northumberland Malmesber Huntingt Fab. cap. 135. Wilfride Archbishop of Yorke Southsaxons conuerted to Christen fayth H Huntingt Lib. 3. The 〈◊〉 Wyghâ—â—â— conuenâ—â— to Christ Alfride Kyng of Northeâ—â— Wilfride restored â—igayne to the sea of Yorke Mercia diuided in â— v. byshopprickes The wickeâ— seâ—t of Mahumet Apoc. 13. An. 666. Ex Polycron Ex Giran Camâ—â—â—â— Ex Stepen no Calâ—â—â— riensi Theodorus Archbish. of Cant. Gis. Malmesbericir sis lib. 1. de gestis pontifi Anglorum Bede lib. 4. cap. 22. Gul. Malmosb lib. de gostes ponâ—ifo Anglorum Lib. 1. Polichron lib. 5. ca. 19. An. 680. Bede lib. 4. cap. 21. An. 705. Osredus Kenredus Osricus Kinges of Northumberland The kingdome of Brittaine ceaseth Iua or Iue King of WestsaxoÌ„s Polycron lib. 5. cap. 21. S. Cuthlake a popishe Sainct Crowland the curteous Lying
to the king Houeden referreth not this saiâ—ing to the Bishop of London but to the Archbishop of Yorke Becket called traytor of the king and of all hys nobles A blinde zeale for the proud liberties of the Church Who so taketh Beckets part is counted a rebells Becket cited to Rome vpon periury by the Byshops Becket condemned of periurie Becket cited to Rome Becket called to a full accompt Ex Rogero Houedeno Becket iudged to be layd in prison Ex quadripartita historia lib. 1 cap. 38. Becket appealeth to the Pope Becket thinketh not sufficient the protection of God without the pope Becket flyeth out of the court Becket chaungeth his name and is called Derman Histories differ something in the order of hys flight The Frâ—â—â— king supporteth Becket agaynst the king of England Ambassadour 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 Theories of the earl of Aâ—â—â— to the 〈◊〉 The Pope râ—â—â—dereth Beckets cause against the â—ing Becket coÌ„playneth of the king to the pope Repentance for his well doyng Beckets argument the Pope brought him not in but the K. Ergo God brought him not in And why might ye not M. Becket resigne it as well to his handes of whome ye tooke it A consultation betweene the Pope and the Cardinals about Beckets matter Becket in banishment 〈◊〉 yeares The kinges decrees Anno. 1166. Beckets kindred banished These monkes were of the Cisteâ—â—an order Becket complayneth of his prince to the Pope To keepe vnder the pride of prelates is no cause sufficient to vnking a Prince If ye meane by spiritual things such as pertaine to the spirituall part of man I graunt but your liberties be not such as which pertayne to the inward or spirituall man but râ—ther are thinges more corporall Peâ—â—â—â—yeth 〈…〉 bu◠〈◊〉 cause maketh 〈◊〉 true persecution 5. 6. 7. 9. * Note the Iudgement of God against this Becket who was slaine at his masse making the bodie of Christ. Answers the Popes letter Fredeâ—ike falsly compared to Pharao but this was 〈◊〉 clawe the pope withâ—â— Becket a stubburne trespasser Ergo no martyr A letter of Becket to the byshop of Norwych The Bishop of London excommunicated This Bishop was excommunicated because he set in the Deane of Salesbury without the licence of him being then beyoÌ„de the seas A sâ—ditious complaint of Becket to the pope against his king Godly articles condemned by Becket Becket repreheÌ„ded for complayning of his king Excommunication abused in priuate reuenge about lands and possessions The letters of the Byshops to Becket The coÌ„mendation of K. Henry 2. 〈◊〉 his meekenes and moderation Scripture in wordes rightly aledged but falsly applyed I deny your Minor M. Becket The church of Christ caÌ„not be ouerthrowen Ergo Bec. ought not to be resisted Seruitude and libertie of the Church wrongfully defined The wordes of holy scripture clarkely applyed Turne to thee Nay turne thou to the Lord and thou shalt be saued The soule of the Church is the libertie of the Church Faith Becket Vnbeseeming wordes of high presumption Christ is not iudged in the persons of any traytor CoÌ„science made where is none But he leaueth out here the maâ—â—r of his comming to the court and the sturdines of his behauiour Becket seemeth here more skilfull of his masse booke then of the booke of holy scripture either els hee might see it no new thing in the old law for kings to depriue priestes and to place whom they would Kings in the old law did not intermedle with the Priestes office in some thinges that were forbidden But yet kinges were officers ouer priestes to correct them when they did amisse If ye meane of Achaâ— and Oze in the old testament then we denie your Minor They be the successours and sonnes of â—aints not that holde the places of sainctes but that doe the workes of saints Hierom. If the king had bene an adulterer or tyrant against the true doctrine or preaching of Christ then might this reason serue and God more to be obeyed then maÌ„ Now where did Bec. learne that the king in his temporall right was not to be obeyed Take heede ye marre all and ye open that dore This Iohn was called â— schismaâ—â—â—â— because he tooke paâ—â— with Reginald Aâ—â—â— of Colen the Emperour against Alexander the Pope Clemenâ—â— decree Diuers 〈◊〉 of excommunication The councel speaâ—â— of such which be worthely excommunicated This Gregory otherâ—â—â— called Hiâ—debraÌ„d 〈◊〉 he that 〈◊〉 tooke away priestes mariage condemning 〈◊〉 priestes for fornicators which had wiues Discussing of a true appellation The forme of a true appellation One person can not both be the appeale maker and the partie appealed Though the Popes lawe will not defend them yet the lawe of the scripture will and doth The letter of the Empresse to Becket Anno. 1169. Becket stirring vp the French king against the king of England A communication betweene Becket and the Cardinalles Beckets addition Becket would neither stand to iudgement nor triall Becket lâ—ueth benâ— his bisâ—opricke thâ—â— the peace â— the churchd for all his gaye talice Becket coÌ„meth in with his 〈◊〉 addition Saluo honore Die Becket â—â—â—ged with vnkindenâ— The kings offer to Becket both charitable and reasonable The words of the FreÌ„câ— king This maior if it had bin ioyned with a good Minor had made a good argument Exquaâ—ilogo Anno. 1170. The Bishop of London excommunicated with foure other Byshops suspeÌ„ded The cause of the kinges wrath against Becket Becket returneth out of banishment Ex Rogerio Houedono The wordes of the king which were the cause of Beckets death If the Papistes will needes measure the successe of things by seasons and wether then must they by that reason condemne the cause of Becket his aduersaries hauing such forwardnes of wether in doing their feate The talke betwene the foure souldiers and Tho. Becket The stout heart of Becket Anno. 1171. The death of Tho. Becket What is to be thought or iudged of Thomas Becket What is to be thought whether Thomas Becket dyed a sainct or not The puâ—â—tion of â—â—â—ket iudâ—â— not cauâ—â— call Becket â—â—â—ged with presumpâ—â— and laâ—â—â— diserâ—tion Ambiâ—â—â— noted in Becket â—â— not resâ—â—â— but taâ—ing his promotion Byshopâ— against 〈◊〉 wils thâ—â—â— into their byshopâ—â—â— Ex chroâ—â—co Nenâ—â—â—gensit Acta Beckets improbatâ— Ex Caesario Monacho lib. 8. dialo cap. 69. Whether Tho. Becket be saued or damned If God in these latter dayes geueth no mirâ—cles to glorifie the glory of his own sonne much lesse wil he giue myracles to glorifie Thomas Becket Liber de miraculis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantuar Miracles of Beâ— considered Aqua Cantuariensis Singing at the masse forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death A blasphemous lye Beck aboue the Martirs in heauen A place prepared in heauen for Becket xii yeares before his death An impudent and a lying myracle Ex historia monachs Cantiâ—a de miraculiib Thomae A blasphemous vision A false and impudent myracle The blasphemous antheme 〈◊〉 Becket Tu per
authorised TransubstaÌ„tiation Mariage in the 3. degree forbidden The pope setteth kings and Emperours together by the eares Philip the Emperour deposed Otho the Emperour deposed The councel of Lateran Martyrs of Alsatia to the number of all 100. burned in one day Ex Herm. Mutio. Collectes sent from the brethreÌ„ of Millane to them of Alsatia Obseruant Friers begaÌ„ Dominick Friers vpholders of the popes Church The Minorite Friers discended from Sainct Fraunces Diuers sectes of Franciscans The table of all religious orders A propheâ— for the deeâ— of the Remish church â—ildegardis â—â—ophecying â—rier and â—onkes Crossebearer Fryerâ— Albingenses A letter of the Bishop Portinensis concerning the Albingenses The blind ignorance of fryers described The fruites of Antichrist Antichrist his broode Patience proueth M. Fryer The Fryer must answere according to Gods worde Friers may better breake Gods law then mans lawe There is but one religion The Frier more bound to his habite then the man to his wife If the habite make the Fryer religious as his habit weareth so doth his religion Holines of all hipocrites consisteth in clothing and outward appearaÌ„ce All Fryâ— found 〈◊〉 Fryers be dead men and 〈◊〉 beggaâ— Graâ—es 〈◊〉 for de◠〈◊〉 and noâ— courtly 〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉 the kingâ— liege 〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉 no mâ—s pâ—ers Friers graâ—ter and beter thé 〈◊〉 O vnchâ—â— table Friâ—â— Friers stealers of meâ— children Shrift anâ— burials 〈◊〉 more gaâ—full then 〈◊〉 ministring of the sacrâ—ments Poore 〈◊〉 haue no soules says my felloâ— Fryer These be they that will not â—â—ter themselues noâ— suffer otheâ— men that would The Frier getteth by In prineâ—â— yet hateth the Gospeâ— Iudas for â— pence but the priest â— Frier for 4. pence selleth Christ. A compariâ—on betwene â—uâ—as the â—rier The Frier writeth beâ—ause God â—orgetteth â— is better â— labour â—eue then â— loiter and â—g M. Frier â—lers begge â—om al men 〈◊〉 make the â—ope rich 〈◊〉 it be imâ—erfectioÌ„ to â—e rich why â—o the friers â—esire to â—ake the â—ope vnperâ—â—ct Fraunces â—der be coÌ„â—ary to Christ his â—â—stament 〈◊〉 is Franâ—s accursed He that is more holy in hand thâ— in heart is false to God A subiect to exempt him selfe from the lawes of his prince smelleth oâ— treason Friers are forced to be theeues Workes of supererogation God is the limiter of nâ—eede and reward and not the Frier Friers will not pray but for them that be of their fraternitie Friers doe make Apostataes The number of Friers are superfluous as necessary as ten fingers on one hande See so fast the Frier followeth Christ in his pouertie Friers are the letters of preaching the Gospell What holynes is in a friers coat The stouter begger the nobler Fryer Why fryers so much desire to haue rich men buryed in their frieries Friers behestes are false deceits Friers desire to be Lordes and Ladies confessors Fryers and Pharises say one and doe another Dilemma Which is the best order of Friers Friers neuer agree one with an other The Fryeâ— thinkes 〈◊〉 rule peâ—â—ter the â—â—stes beeâ—â— be leaâ—â— the one 〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉 the other Dilemma Fryers 〈◊〉 sit in 〈◊〉 aboue the Apostles Otho the Emperoâ— set vp 〈◊〉 deposed againe by 〈◊〉 Pope A complaint of the nobles of England against the couetousnes of Rome Example reaching neuer to take part against their king with foreigne power Cardinall Otho Legat The pope requireth two prebeÌ„dships in euery cathedrall Church Note the cause why the pope is compelled to craue money of other countries A councell at London called Great rewardes giuen to the Cardinall Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the popes crosse Why the archb of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb of Yorke the left hande Note the theam of the Cardinall applyed to God howe he applyeth it to him selfe Scripture clerkly applyed A letter of the Cardinal to bishops and archdeacons Censure of the Church well applyed Foure markes to be paide to the Pope of euery procuration Note the craftie practise of the Romish prelats to proyle for money * Note the stile of Rome * mmo malesicium naufragiuÌ„ pecuniae Fredericke the Emperour maried king Iohns daughter The fifth part of euery spirituall mans liuing giuen to the Pope Three hundred Romanes to be placed in the best benefices of England Petrus Râ—beus the Popes ageâ— A Romish sleight of 〈◊〉 pope to geâ— English mâ—ney Exceptioâ—â— alledged foâ— not contributing to the Pope Articles exhibited in the councel of Lugdunâ— for the greuances susteined by the pope The 1. greuance The seconâ— The third The fourth The fifth He meaneth â—ercase Oâ—ho or maiâ—er Martiâ—â—s The sixte The seuenth The Babiloâ—icall captiâ—â—tie slaâ—ery of Englande vnder the Pope The letter of K. HeÌ„ry the third to the Byshops K. Henry the â— commaundeth no taxe nor tallage to be sent to the pope The popes saying against kyng Henry K. Henry againe restraineth the popes taxes The pope taketh against the king The kyng compelled for feare to gyue ouer to the pope The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods A story of Cardinall Otho at Oxford A skirmish betwene the scholers of Oxford and the Cardinals men The Cardinall runneth away Thirtie scholers taken and had to prison Three score thousand Florens contributed to the pope in one yeare of the clergic Ludouicke the French kyng Ludouicke fighteth against Albingenses Ludouicke besiegeth Tholouse The hand of God fighting for his people Ex Mat. Pariensian vita Henrici 3. The generall of the army slaine The siege against Albingenses broke vp The expugnation of a certaine strong castle of Damiâ—ta in Egypt by the Christians Damieta taken by the christiaÌ„s The story of S. Elizabeth Elizabeth daughter of the kyng of Hungary S. Elizabeth prouoketh her husband to goe and fight for the holy lande The mother of S. Elizabeth accused of adulterye The sentence of a double meaning The 〈…〉 of a 〈◊〉 sentence Elizabeâ—â— Canâ—â—â— Saint 〈◊〉 mayne Ann. 1221. Ex 〈◊〉 pensâ—â— dius 〈◊〉 The grayâ—â—ers â—â—tred into England The 〈◊〉 Gray 〈◊〉 first câ—â—med Ioannes oâ— Egideo Alexanâ—â— de Haâ—â— Charterhouse 〈◊〉 founded by WilliaÌ„ 〈◊〉 Ela soâ—dre 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of Laâ—â—â—â— Two 〈◊〉 ned at 〈◊〉 cell in Oxford Ex Nic. â—â—uet Dissentâ—â— betweene the Citizâ— of London of Wesminster Wholsome counsayle of the Maior of London refused of wilde heads Constantine executed at London for ryot Hubert lord chiefe iustice of England Ex Math. Parisiensi Discord and contention amoÌ„g church men Ex Math. Paris ex Florilego Whether the monastery of Westminster be exemted from the subiection of the bish of London or not Anno. 1222. horrible teÌ„pest in Englande A woman with 8. of her householde slaine with thunder Grantham church burned with lightning Anno. 1223. Lewes king of Fraunce The French king false of his promise Anno. 1224. Wardship first graunted to the kyng Ex Gisburnensi aelijs Magna
Hubert againe to his sanctuary Example of a constant friend in the time of need Three things put to Hubert to chuse Hubert yeldeth himselfe to the Sheriffes Hubert reduceâ— again to the Tower Faithfull depâ—â—sitaries Hubert berest of all his treasures Anno. 1232. God ruleth the heartes of kings The kings answere in defence of Hubert A worthy wâ—rd of a kyng The kings mynd relenteth toward Hubert Foure Earles sureties for Hubert Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis Anno. 1233. Hubert conueyed out of the Castle into the Parish Church Hubert againe taken out of the church and brought backe to the Castle Hubert deliuered out of prison and caried into Wales Roger B. of LoÌ„don goeth to Rome to purge himselfe before the Pope Against Vsurers Vsurers excommunicated and expelled by the Byshop of London Excommunication well vsed against vsurers The 〈◊〉 visitation 〈◊〉 the Pope through 〈◊〉 religious houses Ex Parienâ—â— The greaâ— diuersitie â—mong all religious oâ—ders noted Olde â—eâ—tures of the kyng pâ—â—tect and dischaâ—ged The King forsaketh 〈◊〉 nobles and sticketh to straungers Richard 〈◊〉 Marschalâ— admonisheth the kyng The disdaynfull answere of the B. of Wint. to the nobles Wicked couÌ„saile about a kyng Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. perter of the kyng A mery Apothegma of the kinges Chaplain The message of the nobles to the kyng Warre railed by the kyng against his nobles Great thunders flouds in England Monasteries builded pro redemptione animae Iohn Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chapter againe vnelected by the Pope Corruption of bribes Edmund archb of Canterbury Saint Edmund Canonysed Robert Grosted made Byshop of Lincolne Anno. 1231. Faithfull counsaile of the Byshops geuen to the kyng The counsaile of Winchest and such other Byshops about the kyng disproued for certayne causes ExcoÌ„municatioÌ„ denounced by the Bishops against the kyng The kyngs answere to the byshops The pitie of the kyng toward the wife of Hubert Edmund consecrated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Sainct Example of excommunication rightly practised The kyngs promise to the Byshops Peter Biâ— of Wiâ—tâ—â— charge the Court. Peter Kâ—â— called to a count of the kings trâ—sures Pictauianâ— strangeâ—â— sent home by the king into their countrey Reconciliation sought betwene the king and the nobles Richard Earle Marshall fraudulently ti cumuâ—nized and slaire â— Ireland Catini 〈◊〉 about Almaine iudged of the Papistes for hereticker Albingerâ—â—â— slaine in Spaine by the Popes setting on The Klimenteth the death of Richard Earle Marshall The saying of Leonline kyng of Wales The almost of K. Henry more feared theÌ„ his pâ— saunce Peace coÌ„cluded between the king and the nobles Hubert Earle of Kent restored agayn to the kings fauour Hubert geueth thanks to God â—lihood murder commuch out Kings many â—imes abused by wicked â—ounsaile The Bish. of Winchester called to his answere Peter Riual StepheÌ„ Segraue Rob. Passelew called to their answer Variance betweene the Pope Citizens of Rome The allegation of the Romanes The Popes answere The 2. allegation of the Romanes The Pope bound to pay to Rome yearely tribute The Pope replyeth The 3. cause allegation of the Romanes The Popes answere Excolcational The Pope warreth against the Romanes A great slaughter of the Romanes by the Pope Ex Carienst Pag. 92. The Church of Rome degenerated from the image of the true Church Difference betweene the church of Rome that was the church of Rome that is now Eastchurch Westchurch Catholike The Schilme between the greeke Church and the Church of Rome Equalitie mother of concord The cause occasion why the Greâ—ke Church vtterly brake froÌ„ the Romanes Mat. Paris fol. 112. All Grecia gone from the obedience of the church of Rome Ex Mat. Parisi fol. 186. Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople writeth to pope Gregory 9. The pope setteth the Westchurch to fight against the Eastchurch Ex. Mat. Parisi fol. 112. Ex libro Math. Paris manu scripto fol. 3. 111. The letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to Pope Gregory 9. anno 1237. He shewâ—â—â— the incoâ—â—â— nience of discord Galat. 1. Salomon Whether the Church of the green or the pope Church â—â— eth more vnder the daunger or Gods 〈◊〉 The Greek asrayd of he popâ— oppresisions The Patriarch of Coâ—stantinople prophecieth of the martyrdome and slaughter of the Grecians The popeâ— persecution in the Iâ—â—â— Cyprus The tyrany and anaâ—â—â— of the pope chastened the words Saint Peter 1. Peter 1. 1. Peter 1. He exhorteth the pope to come and meete with him that they might conferre together about the vnitie of sayth The Greeke church souÌ„d and sincere in doctrine Fâ—exhorteth the church of Rome to looke her face in Gods glasse that is to trye heir doctrin by gods â—ord Another letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to the Cardinalles 1. Cor. 1. The Tyranny oppressioÌ„ of the church of Rome is the onely cause of breaking vnitie betwene the Greeke church and the Latine Luc. 18. The old amitie and concord betweene the East church and the West Agapitus Vigilius fled to Constantinople for succour Paule rebuketh Peter Galat. 2. Actes 3. He meaneth of the kingdome of England and other into which were made tribury to the sea of Rome The immoderate auarice of the court of Rome Peters faith shaken Peter an ensample of repentaÌ„ce Christian countries nations in the East parts which are not vnder the Byshop of Rome Christ onely head of the Church The Pope proclaymeth war against the Greek Church The Archb. of Antioch CoÌ„stantinople excommunicate the Pope 5. Notes to be considered The first Note The true Catholike church where it was and when 1. Vnitie 2. Vniuersalitie 3. Consent The second note The third note The church hath her name of Catholicke wherby wheÌ„ together the doctrine of traÌ„substantiation made without the free consent of the Eastchurches be Catholicke or no. The fourth note The fifth note The Church of Rome proued not to be Catholicke The procedings of Rome stand vpon no free consent but are coacted The 〈◊〉 ble state of the Wesâ— partes of christendoâ— vnder the Pope The Pope excommunication 〈◊〉 to a scolâ—â— dagger The false perswasiâ—â— of the pope supremacy cause of much 〈◊〉 chedner A brief â— table of the pope spoyling gâ—â—â— ting of English monâ—â— in the dayes of K Henry Money 〈◊〉 ming to the pope by the elector of Iohn Huford Abbot of S. Alâ—â—â— Eight thâ—â— sand man's generoâ—â— the Bishoppricke of Wint. to the pope abâ—â— the elecâ—â— of William Rale anno 1243. Read before pag. 277. The tenth part of all moueables in England and Ireland geueÌ„ to the pope 1329. Ex. Math. Parisi fol. 6. Mony spent at Rome betweene the K. and the Archb. of Cant. The costly election of the Byshop of Durham Read before pag. 276. Mony comming to the pope for the election of the b. of Coventry and Lichfield Edmunde Archbish. of Cant. condemned at Rome in a
Martir Men of Amersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir Tho. Chase brought before the B. Tho. Chase condeÌ„ned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease A worthy almes of a Bishop The perfect patience constancy of Tho. Chase. Tho. Chase cruelly murthered in the Bishops prison Tho. Chase falsely slauÌ„dered to hang himselfe God bringeth to light the secret murthers of the papistes Math. 10. Luke 12. Tho. Norice Martir Anno. 1507. Elizabeth Sampson Anno. 1508 Laurence Ghest Martir LaureÌ„ce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salisbury Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childreÌ„ Laurence died a Martir Witnes to the story A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chippingsadbery D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour A faithfull Christian womaÌ„ and Martir burned at Chippingsadbery A comparison betweene butchers and the popes murthering ministers A rare speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour D. Whittington slaine of a Bull. Witnes to the story The state of the commoÌ„ wealth comonly foloweth the state of the church The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes froÌ„ the slaughter of the Church of Rome Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano lib 3. Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesie of Hierome Sauonarola Note Vide Phil. CominaeuÌ„ de bello Neopol lib. 5. De bello Neopolit lib. 5. Examples of kinges of England which were blessed of God with long prosperitie being enemies to the byshops of Rome Augustus reigned 55 yeares Vide supra pag. 340. Vide supra pag. 352. Vide supra pag. 383. What difference betweene moderat princes and theÌ„ that were persecutors The death of K. Henry 7. Couentry men persecuted I. Blomstone The power of Peter flitteth not to his successours Purgatory denied Images not to be worshipped Richard HeghaÌ„ Merites condemned Images serue rather to be burned then to be worshipped Robert Crowther Against Pilgrimage Iohn Smith The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe Roger Browne Against Pilgrimage Fleshe eating in Lent Against Purgatory and confession auricular Against confessioÌ„ satisfactioÌ„ Thomas Butler Against Purgatory Against merites Iohn Falkes Against Images It is heresie to say a stone is a stone a blocke is a blocke Richar. Hilmin Scripture in Englishe Margery Goyt Against the Sacrament of the Aultar Picus MiraÌ„dula Earle This Thomas LaÌ„ghton was elected Archbysh but died before he was confirmed Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient kings of this Realme Ecclesiastical lawes of king Ina. King Alure des lawes K. Edwards lawes K. Ethelstanes lawes K. EdmuÌ„des lawes K. Edgars lawes King Ethelrede lawes King Canutus lawes Kinges of England before the Conguest gouernours as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall WheÌ„ kinges of England came first vnder the Popes subiection The martirdome of good bishops vnder wicked Emperours in the primitiue Church The true riches of the Church described The first rising of the Bishops of Rome A declaration of Saint Paules wordes The Pope matching himselfe euen with God Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome The Emperours Lieuetenaunt of Rauenna subdued by the Lumbardes and Romaine Byshops Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called vniuersall byshop Pope Zachary putteth downe Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set vp by pope Zachachary How the Byshops of Rome came first to be the head Byshops of the Church Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged Pâ—pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germains to reduce the Empyre to Germany an 1002. Otho first Germaine Emperour Emperours brought to kisse the popes feete Henricus 4. accursed wayteth at the popes gate 3. daies Rodulphus and at last his owne sonne set vp to fight against him Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander 3. treadeth vpon the necke of Fredericke Emperour Pope Celestine crowneth Henry 5. Emperour with his feete and with his foote spurneth the crown from his head agayne Warre raysed against Conradus by the Byshops of Rome Ex Auentino The insolencie of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French kyng The tyrannous iniuries of Byshops of Rome agaynst kings of England Pope Alexander 3. against Kyng Henry 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king Iohn Ex Rotulo patent De anno Regni Reg. Ioannis 8 K. Iohns supplication to Pope Innocent 3 H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the popes Legat Ex D. Paulo 2. Thess. 2. 186 Ioan Dreido De Dogmatibus vanis Lib. 4. 187 Hugo in Glosa Dist. 40. c. Non Net 188 Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis 189 Glosa in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus 190 Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl praeb 192 Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae 192 Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling de fine seculi Orat. Prima Item ex citatione Iacobi Andre ae aduersus Hosliâ—â— Lib 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij in Actis 2. Diui. 193 Pope Nicolaâ—s Dist. 96. c. Satis 194 1â— q. r. Sacerdotibus 195 12. q. r. FuturaÌ„ 196 Decretal De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the aduersary sitting in the temple as God and boasting himselfe aboue all that is named God c. 2. Thess. 2. 197 Pope Nicolaus Causa 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem 198 Pope Martin Dist. 14 â— cap. Lector 199 Pope Gregorius Innior 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti 200 Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal De sententia excom cap. Dilecto 201 Pope Alexander 3. De Decimis cap. Ex parte 202 Pope Nicolaus â—5 q. 6. Autoritatem 203 De elect elect potestate Significasti in Glosa 204 Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano 205 pope Innoc. 4. De elect Venerabilem 206 Ext. De Iureiurando cap. Venientes Item Dist. De Elect Significasti in Glosa 207 Pope Martinus 5. Extra cap. Regimini Vniuersalis ecclesiae 208 Pope Vibanus 2. Câ—â—â— 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum 209 Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem 210 Ibidem 211 Dist. â—2 â— praesbyter 212 pope pelagius Dist. 34 cap. Fratâ—â— tatis 213 Baptista de Salis. fol. 24. q. 1. Quoties Extr. de translat c. Inter 3. q. 6. Quamuis 9. q. 3. Deniq 16. q. 1. Frater 2. q. 6. Ideo Extr. De restitutione cap Cum venissent 7. q. 1. temporis 16. q. 1 Felix 16. q. 1. Et Christus Extr. De vota Ex multa Extr. de statu monachi c Cum ad Extr. De iuramento cap Venientes Extra De iudicio c. At si clerici Extr. de Bigamia c. nuper Extr. de clerico noÌ„ ord ministrante Extr. De corpore vitiatis Dist. 55. Dist. 50. Miror Extr. De sententia excom ca. Cum illorum Extr. De filajs praesbyt c. Is qui. Extr De praebend c. De multa Extr. De elect cap. Cum nobis Extr. De aetate qualit Generalem Dist. 15. per totum 9. q. 3. Per principale De elect cap. VenerabileÌ„ Extr. De officio legati c. Querenti 9. q. 3. Aliorum Extr. De templi ordine c. Cum in Distrib Extr. De vsu palij cap. Ad honorem Extr. De elect c. Dudum Ext. de elec c. venerabileÌ„ Tractatu De censuris Ext. De elect c. Innocuit Extra De religione veneratione Sanct. cap. 1 Extrau De praebendâ—ca De multa Extrau Qui. si sint leg cap. Tanta 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo Extrau De Sentent re Indie c. In causis Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut Extrau De restit spo Literas Extrau De praescript c. vlt. De Iudicio c. Nouit Thomas Extrau Qui. si sint legit c. Pervenerabilom Petrus de Palude lib. 4. Secundum Thomam in 4. 9. q. 3. Per principalem Distinct. 40. Si Papa Ibidem Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc â— Verum The riches and possessions of the Pope 214. Dist. 96. Constantinus 215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium fol. 228. 216. Dist. 96. Constantinus 217. Antoâ—inus in â—umma Maiore 3. Parte 218. Ex lib. GranominuÌ„ nationis Germanicae Aboue fiftie byshopprickes in Germany Aeneas Syluius 219. Sext Decret De penis cap. Felicis in Glosa Ité De priuilegiâ—s c. Autoritaté in Glosa 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. obed c. Vnam sanctam 221. Ibid. â—Iâ— Monethes Reuelat. xi lii yeares a halfe iij. dayes a halfe Reuelat. xi A time times and halfe a time Reuelat. xij M.CCLX dayes Reuelat. xij The tying losing agayne of Sathan Reuelat. 20.