Catholike had giuen commandement long before in Italy Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of Ships and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordâ—ance in storing vp of corn and victuals in training of men to vse warlike weapons in leuying and mustering of Souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeer 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie brought it into Lisbon Hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean Sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards the translated copy whereof in perpâ—tuam râ—i memoriam to incite English thankfulnesse I haue here inserted but abridged Squadron of the Galeons of Portugall THe Galeon S. Martin Captain Generall of the Armie of 1000. tuns carrieth 177. Mariners 3â—0 Souldiers chosen men 50. Peeces of Canon Bullets Powder Lead Cord and all that which is needfull The Galeon S. Iohn Admirall Generall of 1050. tuns carrieth 170. Mariners 231. Souldiers 50. Peeces of Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Cords and that which is necessary The Galeon of S. Marke is of 792. tuns and carrieth 292. Souldiers 117. Mariners and Powder Bullets Lead Match as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Philip of 800. tuns hath 415. Souldiers 117. Mariners 40. Peeces of Artillery and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that is needfull The Galeon S. Lewes 830. tuns hath 376. men of Warre and 116. Mariners 40. Peeces of Ordnance and Bullets Match Powder and other things as much as is needfull The Galeon of S. Mathew 750. tuns 177. men of Warre 50. Mariners 40. great Peeces and Powder Bullets Lead Match and all other things as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Iames 520. tunnes 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 30. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is needfull The Galeon of Florence of 961. tuns 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 52. Peeces of Ordnance and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Christopher 352. tuns 300. men of Warre 90. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Lead Powder Match and all that which they need The Galeon S. Bernard 352. tuns hath 280. Souldiers 100. Mariners 30. Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things as much as they need The Zabra Augusta of 166. tuns carrieth 55. Souldiers 55. Mariners 13. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things as much as they need The Zabra Iulia of 166. tuns 60. Souldiers 50. Mariners with Ordnance Bullets Powder and other necessaries There is in this Squadron 1â— Vessells 10. of them Galeons and two Zabres which are of 7737. tuns there are imbarked in them 3330. Souldiers footmen 1230 mariners which are in sum 4624. men they carry 350. great Peeces and all that which is necessary to the rest as bullets powder match lead c. THe Ship S. Angell the Captaine is of 768. tuns and hath 323. men of War 114. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is needfull The Gangrin Admirall of 1160. tuns carrieth 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 36. great Peeces of Canons Bullets Powder Match Lead and all that which is needfull The Vessell of S. Iames 660. tuns hath 250. Souldiers 102. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary prouisions The Conception of Zubâ—lzu 468. tuns hath 100. men of War and 70. Mariners 20. great Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things The Conception de Iâ—aâ—es del Cauo 418. tuns hath 164. men of Warre 70. Mariners 24. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need The Magdalene of Iohn Frauncis of Ayala 330. tuns carrieth 200. Souldiers 70. Mariners 22. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and that which is necessary to the rest The S 〈…〉 p S. Iohn 350. tuns hath 130. men of Warre and 80. Mariners and 24. great Peeces Bâ—llets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need for the rest The Mary of 165. tuns carrieth 180. Souldiers and 100. Mariners 24. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things The Manuela of 520. tuns hath 130. Souldiers 54. Mariners 16. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest of their fraught The Ship of S. Mary of Monte-maior of 707. tuns 220. Souldiers 50. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead and Match and other prouisions The Pinnace called the Marie of Aguiare of 70. tuns hath 30. men of War 23. Mariners 10. Peeces of Canon Powder Bullets Lead Match and other necessary things The Pinnace called Isabella of tuns hath 30. Souldiers 23. Mariners 12 Canons Bullets and other necessary things The Pinnace of Michel Susâ— of 96. tuns 30. Souldiers 24. Mariners 12. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things The Pinnace of S. Steuen of 78. tuns hath 30. men of Warre 26. Mariners 12. Peeces of Canon Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things of prouision There is in this Squadron 14. Ships ten of them great and foure Pinnaces which are of 6567. tuns of burden in which Ships bee imbarked 2037. Souldiers 868. Mariners which make in all 2802. and 260. great Peeces of Canon 119000. Bullets 467. Quintals of Powder 140. of Lead 89. of Match THe Galeon S. Christopher Captaine of 70. tuns hath 205. men of Waâ—re and 120. Mariners and 40. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is necessary to the rest The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist of 750. tuns hath 250. Souldiers 140. Mâ—â—â—neâ—s â—0 great Peeces bullets Powder lead Match other necessary things The Galeon S. Peter of 530. tuns 130. men of Warre 140. Mariners and 40. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest needfull The Galeon S. Iohn of 530. tuns 170. Souldiers 120. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Powder Bullets Lead Match and all the rest The Galeon S. Iames the great of 530. tuns 230. Souldiers 132. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Galeon S. Philip and S. Iames of 530. tuns 159. Souldiers and 116. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all that is necessary The Galeon of the Ascension of 530. tuns 220. Souldiers 114. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all other necessary things The Galeon of our Lady del Barriâ— of 130. tuns 170. Souldiers 108. Mariners and 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead and all other necessary furnitures The Galeon of S. Medel and Celedon of 530. tuns 170. Souldiers 110. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest Galeon S. Anne of the Port of 250. tuns 100. men of Warre and 80. Mariners 24. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of
our Lord of Vigonia 750. tuns 190. men of Warre and 130. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Vessell of the Triniteâ— of 780. tuns 200. Souldiers 12â— Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of S. Katherine of 86â— tuns 200. men of Warr 160. Mariners 30. great Peeces and Powder Bullets Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of S. Iohn Baptist of 652. tuns 200. Souldiers 30. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Pinnace of our Lord Rosary 30. Souldiers 25. Mariners 24. great Peeces Powder Bullets Lead Match and the rest of their prouision There are in this Squadron fourteene Galeons and Ships and two Pinnaces which beare 8714. tuns In these Vessells there are imbarked 2458. Souldiers 1719. Mariners which are in all 4177. and 348. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need THe Captaine Ship of 1550. tuns carrieth 304. men of War 118. Mariners 50. Canons Powder Bullets and the rest of their prouision The Ship S. Francis the Admirall of 915. tuns 230. Souldiers 60. Mariners 30. Canons Powder Bullets and the rest of their prouision The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist of 810. tuns 250. Souldiers and 40. Mariners 40. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and the rest The Ship S. Iohn Gargaran of 569. tuns 170. men of War 60. Mariners 20. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and the rest The Conception of 862. tuns 200. men of War 65. Mariners 25. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Hulke Duquesa S. Anne of 900. tuns 250. men of War and 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and all the rest The Trinitie 650. tuns 200. men of Warre 80. Mariners 20. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest The Ship S. Mary de Iuncar of 730. tuns 240. men of War 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Pinnace of the Holy Ghost 40. men of War 33. Mariners 10. Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and Cord and all that which they need There are in this Squadron 11. Ships 10. great and a Pinâ—ace of the burden of 8762. tuns in which are imbarked 2400. Souldiers 800. Mariners and 260. great Peeces THe Ship of S. Anne the Captaine of â—200 tuns of burden hath 300. men of Warre 60. Mariners 50. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead and all the rest The Ship of our Lord of the Rose Admirall of 945. tuns 230. Souldiers 64. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Ship S. Sauior of 958. tuns 330. Souldiers 50. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest The Ship of S. Steuen of 936. tuns 200. men of Warre 70. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Ship of S. Marthe of 548. tuns 180. men of Warre 70. Mariners 25. great Peeces bullets powder and the rest The ship S. Barbe of 525. tuns 160. Souldiers 50. Mariners 15. Canons bullets powder lead match and all the rest The ship of S. Bonauenture of 369. tuns 170. Souldiers 60. Mariners 15. great Peeces bullets powder lead and the rest The Mary of 291. tuns 120. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces bullets powder lead and the rest The S. Croix 680. tuns 150. Souldiers 40. Mariners 20. great Peeces bullets powder match lead and the rest The Hulke Doucella 500. tuns 160. men of War 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces powder bullets match lead and all the rest The Patax of the Annunciation of 60. tuns 30. men of War 16. Mariners 12. great Peeces bullets powder match lead and all the rest The Patax S. Bernabe is the same burden as the aforenamed The Patax of our Lady of Guadaloupe is of the same burden also The Pinnace of Magdelene is also the same burden There are in this Squadron 14. Ships ten great Ships two Pataches and two Pinnaces of 6991. tuns of burden In which Uessels there are imbarked 2092. men of Warre and 670. Mariners all commeth 2708. THe Regasona the Captaine which is of 1294. tuns hath 350. Souldiers 90. Mariners 35. great Peeces powder bullets lead match and all the rest The Lama the Admirall of 728. tuns 210. Souldiers 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces powder bullets lead match and all the rest The 〈◊〉 S. Mary crowned of 820. tuns 340. men of Warre 90. Mariners 40. great Peeces powder bullets match lead and the rest The S. Iohn of Cicile of 880. tuns 290. men of Warre 70. Mariners 30. Canons and all the rest The Trinitie Valencera of a 1000. tuns 240. Souldiers 90. Mariners 41. great Peeces and all the rest of their furnitures The Annuntiation of 730. tuns 200. Souldiers 90. Mariners 30. great Peeces and all the rest The S. Nicholas Prodaâ—eli of 834. tunnes 280. Souâ—â—ers 84. Mariners 30. great Peeces and all the rest The Iuliâ—â—e of 780. â—uns 330. Souldiers 80. Mariners 36. great Peeces and the rest The Mary Pison of 666. tuns 250. Souldiers 80. Mariners 22. great Peeces and the rest of their need The Trinitie Escala of 900. tunnes 302. Souldiers 25. great Peeces and all the rest of their furniture In which Squadron there â—â—e ten Ships which are of 7705. tuns of burthen and there are imbarked in them 2880. Souldiers 807. Mariners 310. great Peeces with the rest of that they haue THe great Grison the Captaine of 650. tuns 250. Souldiers 60. Mariners 40. great Peeces and the rest The S. Sauior the Admirall of 650. tuns 230. Souldiers 60. Mariners 30. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Sea Dog of 200. tuns 80. Souldiers 30. Mariners 10. great Peeces and the rest The White Faulcon the great of 500. tuns 160. men of Warre 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces and all the rest The Blacke Castle of 750. tuns 250. Souldiers 50. Mariners 25. great Peeces and all the rest The Barke of Ambâ—â—g of 600. tuns 250. men of War 50. Mariners 25. Canons and the rest The House of peace the great of the same burthen The S. Peter the great of the same burthen also The Sampson and Peter the small doe beare the same The Barke of Auzâ—que of 450. tuns 210. Souldiers 50. Mariners 26. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Falcon the meane White of 300. tuns 80. men of War 30. Mariners 18. great Peeces and all the rest The S. Andrew of 400. tuns 160. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Little house of peace of 350. tuns 160. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Flying Rauen of 400. tuns 210. Souldiers 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces and the rest of their furniture THe White Doue of 250. tuns 60. Souldiers 30. Mariners 12. great Peeces and the rest The Aduenture S. Barbe fraughted of the same The S. Iames 600. tuns 60.
prouision in Cadiz and thereabout prouided to come to Lisbone whereupon the Generall with all possible speede bending himselfe thither to cut of the forces and prouisions the 19. of Aprill one houre before the Sunne setting entred the harbour of Callz and the Spanish Fleete there checked vs at the entring thereat with the Towne Galleyes but in short time retired vnder the Fortresse There were in the Roades 60. Ships and diuers other small shipping vnder the fortresse There fled 20. French Shippes to port Riall and some Spaniards which could not be hindred of the Fleete by reason of the sholdnesse There were sunke by vs at our comming in with shot one Orgasey of 1000. tun furnished with thirty peeces of Brasse and richly laden There were two Gallies more came presently from port Riall and two other from Saint Mary port but all in vaine the expenses of powder and shot the greatest gaine to themselues There were to the number of 38. Shippes taken before night and the English victours of the Roade the Galleyes retyring vnder the Fortresses Twenty Hulcks Hollanders confiscated to the King and their goods sold to the Kings vse foureteene of them were fired the other six were at port Riall laden with Wines and Bread and to be presently full laden for Lishburne one Carricke of foureteene hundreth tun appertaining to the Marquesse of Saint Cruce fiue great Biskainers fired foure of them lading and taking in of victuals for the Kings prouision for Lishburne the Saint was a Ship of 1000. tuns bound for Lishburne hauing in her great store of Pikes much Iron Nailes Spikes Iron hoopes and such like fired One Shataya laden with Wines of 250. tuns for the Kings prouision which we brought to Sea with vs and discharged at Sea a part of their Wines for the prouision of the Fleete and there fired her Three Flye-boates of foure hundreth tunnes laden with Bisket whereof the one being of two hundred tuns and vpwards we halfe vnladed and then fired her the other two are yet with vs in company Some tenne Barkes more laden with Wines Raisons Figges Oyle Wheate with such like fired By supposition the eight and thirtie Shippes and Barkes fired sunke and brought away with vs amounted in iudgement to thirteene thousand tuns of shipping There rid in sight of vs at port Riall by estimation aboue fortie saile besides those that fled from Callz roade They gaue vs little ease during our aboade there which they shot from the Galleyes as also from the Fortresses and from the shore where continually they planted new Ordnance at places conuenient to offend notwithstanding their Ships we continually fired as the floud came thereby to bee cleared of them which terrible fire was pleasant vnto vs to behold and mittigated the continuall burthen of trauaile which lay vpon vs day and night in discharging firing and vnlading such prouisions with obseruations for good and gardable defence of the enemie It pleased the Generall after his great care and paines day and night to finish this happy Action in her Maiesties seruice in one day and two nights and hee came forth againe the Friday in the morning with very little losse thankes be to God Of twelue Galleyes and those that came from port Riall and Saint Mary port tenne of them came forth after vs as it were to make some pastime with their great Ordnance At length the winde standing wee cast about againe and strooke in for the shoare and came to an anker within a league of Cales where their Galleyes suffered vs to ride quietly There were also three Flye Boates more at Mallegai laden with Byâ—ket bound for Calez and so for Lishborne We vnderstood of their great prouisions and forces prouided within the straights We doubt not but as God hath begunne this worke in great happinesse to the daunting of the enemie so God will blesse this Armie in cutting daily their forces shorter to the great annoyance of the enemy and to the honour of our Prince and Countrie Wee haue had the experience of Galley fights wherein I can assure you that these onely foure of her Maiesties Ships wil make none accompt of twenty Galleyes so as they were alone and not driuen to guard others There were Galleyes had place fitter for their aduantage in fight vpon shot they receiued they had present succour to ground vnder the towne which they sundry times did waye riding in a narrow gutter the place yeelding no better in that wee were driuen to maintaine the same vntill wee had discharged and fired the Shippes which could not conueniently be done but vpon the floud that thereby they may driue cleare of vs. We rest now victualed with Bread and Drinke for six moneths in our Ships and Bread besides in two flye Boates to maintaine a good Armie three moneths We rest all in good loue with our Generall and vnitie in all the whole Fleete After this they came before the hauen of Lysbon where the Marquesse of Sancta Cruz was with his Gallies whom the Generall inuited to some exchange of Bullets but he refused Thence they sailed to the Azores and met with a Portugall Carracke called Saint Philip which had in her voyage outward carried the three Iaponian Princes into the Indies This Carracke he tooke the first of that kinde taken by the English ominous in the name and so it proued not onely by the losse of so great wealth to King Philip both in leading the daunce to others after taken and in opening the eyes of the English to visite the Indian fountaines whence such wealth issued wherein also the Hollanders quickly imitated them To omit other braue exploits neerer home as that most glorious of 88. and the rest our purpose is to giue you the remote Voyages of this worthy Sea-man and now lastly that last and fatall expedition Anno 1595. with sixe of the Queenes Ships and one and twenty other Ships and Barkes containing 2500. men and boyes intended for some speciall seruice in the West Indies Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins were ioyned in Commission They set saile from Plimmouth the eight and twentieth of August Nouember the twelfth neere the Eastermost end of Saint Iuan de Puerto Rico Sir Iohn Hawkins died The hauen of Saint Iohn they found strongly fortified against them but yet they fired their fiue Shippes each of 200. tunnes hauing in euery of them twenty Peeces of Brasse and richly laden Much harme was done on both sides The fiue and twentieth they passed by Mona In the beginning of December they tooke Rio de la Hacha They tooke also the Rancheria or fisher towne for Pearles The Spaniards offered to ransome their Towne at 24000. Ducates which they brought in Pearle so dearely rated that the General sent them backe and both were burnt The seuenteenth they tooke Tapia and after that Saint Martha and the Spanish Lieutenant Generall The seuen and twentieth Nombre de Dios was taken a Towne
that if it were so it was in their owne hands to goe out of Florida if they found nothing of profit for they feared they should lose themselues in some wildernesse This Indian led him two dayes out of the way The Gouernour commanded to torture him He said that the Cacique of Nondacao his Lord commanded him to guide them so because they were his enemies and that he was to doe as his Lord commanded him The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs and another guided him to Soacatino whither he came the day following It was a very poore Country there was great want of Maiz in that place He asked the Indians whether they knew of any other Christians They said that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were He trauelled twentie dayes through a Country euill inhabited where they suffered great scarsitie and trouble For that little Maiz which the Indians had they had hidden and buried in the woods where the Christians after they were well wearied with trauell at the end of their iourney went to seeke by digging what they should eate At last comming to a Prouince that was called Guasco they found Maiz wherewith they loaded their horses and the Indians that they had The Indians told them there that ten daies journie from thence toward the West was a Riuer called Daycao whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deere and that they had seene people on the other side but knew not what habitation was there There the Christians tooke such Maiz as they found and could carry and going ten daies iournie through a wildernesse they came to the Riuer which the Indians had told them of Ten horsemen which the Gouernour had sent before passed ouer the same and went in a way that led to the Riuer and lighted vpon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins who as soone as they saw them tooke themselues to flight leauing that which they had all which was nothing but miserie and pouertie The Countrie was so poore that among them all there was not found halfe a pecke of Maiz. The horsemen tooke too Indians and returned with them to the Riuer where the Gouernour staied for them He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the West There was none in the Campe that could vnderstand their language The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons to determine with their aduice what they should doe And the most part said that they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande or the great Riuer of Guachoya because that id Nilco and thereabout was store of Maiz saying that they would make Pinnaces that winter and the next Summer passe downe the Riuer to the Seaward in them and comming to the Sea they would goe along the coast to Nuena Espanna For though it seemed a doubtfull thing and difficult by that which they had already alleadged yet it was the last remedy they had For by land they could not goe for want of an Interpreter And they held that the Countrie beyond the Riuer of Dayaco where they were was that which Cabeça de Uaca mentioned in his relation that he passed of the Indians which liued like the Alarbes hauing no setled place and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields and wilde beasts that they killed Which if it were so if they should enter into it and finde no victuals to passe the winter they could not choose but perish For they were entred already into the beginning of October and if they staied any longer they were not able to returne for raine and snowes nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a Countrie The Gouernour that desired long to see himselfe in a place where hee might sleepe his full sleepe rather then to conquer and gouerne a Countrie where so many troubles presented themselues presently returned backe that same way that he came When that which was determined was published to the Campe there were many that were greatly grieued at it for they held the Sea voyage as doubtfull for the euill meanes they had and as great danger as the trauelling by land and they hoped to finde some rich Countrey before they came to the land of the Christians by that which Cabeça de Vaca had told the Emperour and that was this That after he had found cloathes made of Cotten wooll hee saw Gold and Siluer and stones of great value And they had not yet come where hee had beene For vntill that place he alwayes trauelled by the Sea coast and they trauelled farre within the land and that going toward the West of necessitie they should come where he had beene For he said That in a certaine place he trauelled many dayes and entred into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had already found some Turkie stones and Mantles of Cotten wooll which the Indians signified by signes that they had from the West and that holding that course they should draw neere to the land of the Christians From Daycao where now they were to Rio grando or the great Riuer was one hundred and fiftie leagues which vnto that place they had gone Westward They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December and all that way and before from Chilano they endured much trouble for they passed through many waters and many times it rained with a Northren winde and was exceeding colde so that they were in open field with water ouer and vnderneath them and when at the end of their dayes iourney they found dry ground to rest vpon they gaue great thankes to God With this trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died And after they were in Minoya many Christians also died and the most part were sicke of great and dangerous diseases which had a spice of the lethargie As soone as they came to Minoya the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the chaines together which euery one had to lead Indians in and to gather all the Iron which they had for their prouision and all the rest that was in the Campe and to set vp a forge to make nailes and commanded them to cut downe timber for the Brigandines And a Portugall of Ceuta who hauing bin a prisoner in Fez had learned to saw timber with a long Saw which for such purposes they had carried with them did teach others which helped them to saw timber And a Genowis whom it pleased God to preserue for without him they had neuer come out of the Countrie for there was neuer another that could make Ships but he with foure or fiue other Biscaine Carpenters which hewed his plankes and other timbers made the Brigandines And two calkers the one of Genua the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearbe like Hempe whereof before I haue made mention which there is named Enequen And because there was not enough of it
Souldiers 40. Mariners 19. great Peeces and all the rest S. Gabriel of the Port of 280. tuns 50. Souldiers 25. Mariners 9. great Peeces and the rest of their furniture The Esay is fraughted of the same There are in this Squadron 23. Hulkes which are of 10271. tuns in the which are imbarked 3221. men of Warre 708. Mariners 410. great peeces and their necessary prouision The Captaine of our Lord of Pilier of Zaragosse of 300. tunnes 120. Souldiers 50. Mariners 12. great Peeces and their furniture The English Charity of 180. tuns 80. Souldiers 36. Mariners 12. great Peeces and the rest The Scottish S. Andrew of 150. tuns 51. Souldiers 30. Mariners 12. great Peeces and their furniture The Patache of the Crucifix 150. tuns 50. Souldiers 30. Mariners 8. great Peeces and their furniture Our Lord of the Hauen fraught alike The Conception of Carassa and our Lord of Begoua and the Conception de Capitillo and S. Hioros being of the burthen of 60. or 70. tuns 50. Souldiers 30. Mariners 8. great Peeces a Peece and their furniture Our Lady of grace the Conception of Frauncys Lastero our Lady of Guadalupe S. Frauncys the Holy Spirit our Lady of Frenesda all fraughted alike The Zabra of the Trinitie the Zabra of our Lady Castre S. Andrew the Conception of Zomartiba S. Clere S. Iohn of Carassa and the Assumption all fraughted alike There are in this Squadron 22. Pataches and Zabres which are of the burthen of 113. tuns in the which there are imbarked 479. Souldiers 574. Mariners and therâ— is 193. great Peeces and all their furniture THe Galeace the Captaine called S. Lawrence hath 270. Souldiers 130. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. Peeces of Canon and their furniture The Galeace Patrone 180. Souldiers 112. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces and their furniture The Galeace Gâ—rone 170. Souldiers 120. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces The Galeace Neapolitaine 124. Souldiers 115. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces and the rest of their necessary fraught There are in these foure Galeaces 873. Souldiers 468. Mariners 200. great Peeces 1200. Slaues and the rest of their furniture The Gally Captaine 110. Souldiers 106. Mariners 306. Slaues and fiftie great Peeces and other necessaries The Gally Princesse the Gally Diana the Gally Vacaâ—a are the like In the aboue named Galeaces there are 1200. Slaues and in the foure gallies 888. which is in all 2088. Moreouer they carry powder for their need if it be offered to doe battery 600. Quintals So that there are in the said Army 130. Ships of 57868. tuns 19295. Souldiers and 8450. Mariners 2088. Slaues and 2630. great Peeces of Brasse of all sorts among which there are Coleurines and de my Coleurines and Canons to the Stone and other necessaries for their fraught In the Booke follow the names of the Aduenturers also of such as in the Army were entertained for pay such also as were imbarked for the seruice of the Canon for the Hospitall the Râ—giments and Companies in pay the Officers c. which for breuitie Iâ—â—it The Galeons were sixtie foure in number being of an huge bignesse and verie stately built being of marueilous force also and so high that they resembled great Castles most fit 〈◊〉 defend themselues and to withstand any assault but in giuing any other Ships the encounter farre inferiour vnto the English and Dutch Ships which can with great dexteritie weild turne themselues at all ass 〈…〉 The vpper worke of the said Galeons was of thicknesse and strength sufficient to beare off Musket-shot The lower worke and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong being framed for plankes and ribs foure or fiue foot in thicknesse insomuch that no bullets could pierce them but such as were discharged hard at hand which afterward proued true for a great number of bullets were found to sticke fast within the massie substance of those thicke plankes Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their Ships to strengthen them against the battery of shot The Galliasses were of such bignesse that they contained within them Chambers Chappels Turrets Pulpits and other commodities of great houses The Galliasses were rowed with great Oares there being in each of them 300. slaues for the same purpose and were able to â—ot great seruice with the force of their Ordnance All these together with the residue 〈◊〉 were furnished and beautified with Trumpets Streamers Banners warlike Ensignes and other such like ornaments Their Pieces of Brasen Ordnance were 1600. and of 〈◊〉 1000. The Bullets there to belonging were 120. thousand Item of Gunpowder 5600. quintals Of Match 1200. quintals Of Muskets and Kalâ—â—uers 7000. Of Halberts and Partisans 10000. Moreouer they had great store of Canons double Canons Culuerings and field-pieces for land seruice Likewise they were prouided of all instruments necessary on Land to conueigh and transport their furniture from place to place as namely of Carbs Wheeles Wagons c. Also they had Spades Mattocks and Baskets to set pioners on worke They had in like sort great store of Mules and Horses and whatsoeuer else was requisite for a Land-armie They were so well stored of Biscuit that for the space of halfe a yeere they might allow each person in the whole Fleete halfe a quintall euery moneth whereof the whole 〈◊〉 amounteth vnto an hundreth thousand quintals Likewise of Wine they had 147. thousand Pipes sufficient also for halfe a yeeres expedition Of Bacon 6500. quintals Of Cheese three thousand quintals Besides Fish Rice Beanes Pease Oyle Vinegar c. Moreouer they had 12000. Pipes of fresh water and all other necessarie prouision as namely Candies Lanternes Lampes Saâ—les Hempe Oxe-hides and Lead to stop holes that should be made with the batterie of Gunâ—hot To be short they brought all things expedient either for a Fleete by Sea or for an Aâ—â—ie by land This Name as Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed was esteemed by the King himselfe to containe 32000. persons and to cost him euery day 30. thousand Ducates There were in the said Nauie fiue Terzaes of Spaniards which Terzaes the Frenchmen call Regiments vnder the command of fiue Gouernours tearmed by the Spaniards Masters of the field and amongst the rest there were many old and expert Souldiers chosen out of the Garrisons of Sicilie Naples and Terçera Their Captaines or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli Don Francisco de Toledo Don Alonzo de Lucon Don Nicolas de Isla Don Augustin de Mexia who had each of them two and thirty Companies vnder their conduct Besides the which Companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals euery one of which had their peculiar Gouernours Captaines Officers Colours and weapons It was not lawfull for any man vnder grieuous penaltie to carry any woman or harlots in the Fleete for which cause the women hired certaine Ships wherein they sailed after the Nauie some of the which being driuen by tempest arriued vpon
Oquendo and the Enemies tooke the chiefe Ship of Don Pedro de Valdez which being entangled with others vnder his charge was left without Tackle and so neere the Enemies that shee could not be succoured by others With this our Fleet seeing that the Enemy in euery point did flye from giuing battell they sailed with some calme weather and the Enemies after them shooting alwayes at the Rearward vntill the seuenth that our Fleet ancored in the Road of S. Iohn betwixt Calleis and Bollin nine leagues from Dunkerk and the Enemies did the like the neerest they could to England The night being approached the Enemies got vp their Ankers to get wind and not to suffer our Ships to goe out of the Road to Sea because they had trimmed eight Ships of fire which with the current of the water should haue put themselues amongst our Ships to haue burnt them But my Lord the Duke foreseeing the danger preuented them with commandement that the Ships that were neerest should cut their Cables and take vp the others with a readinesse vncredible and with this the Enemies pretence was hindered and so got the Sea most brauely and with good fortune that if hee had not done it our Army should haue beene in an euill case for in the very place where we left there was shot off by them out of those fiery Ships such Fires and other Engines that were sufficient to burne the Sea much more Ships which are made of Wood and Pitch In this departure the Captaine of the Galeasses had a great mischance for getting vp her Anker a Cable fell foule of her Helme that shee could not follow the rest which caused one of her sides to lie so high that her Ordnance could not play and so twentie fiue Pinnaces came and battared her and with all this if the Mariners Souldiers and Rowers that were in her had not cast themselues into the Sea it is holden for certaine that Don Hugo de Moncada had defended her as he did vntill she came into Calleis where at the entrance thereof he was killed of two Caliuer shot the people on shoare defended the Galeasse and all that was in her and deliuered the same to our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Ministers At this time the Duke had a very franke wind and the like had the Queenes Fleet and so they both passed by the sight of Dunkerke insomuch as they on Land knew the Gallion S. Martin and others that went fighting with the English Army and in this order they went till the twelfth Afterwards they write that their came into Calleis a Ship which saith that the twelfth day they did see the two Fleets together in fight another which came afterwards said he had seene some Ships spoyled and torne and from them they threw out their baggage which they saued in Boats which argueth they were Ships of the Enemies for that our men had no place to saue themselues nor there were none of them arriued into Flanders which was their place of returne OUt of England was aduise giuen that on the thirteenth arriued fifteene of the Queenes Ships and they said that the Galleon S. Martin wherin my Lord the Duke is whom God preserue had encountred with Drake and had grappled his Ship and captiued his Person and other Noble Englishmen and taken other fifteene Ships beside others that were distressed and the Duke with his Fleet followed his way iâ— Scotland because the wind was not come about With these newes his Maiesty resteth very much contented and caused them to be sent to the Empresse by the hands of Francisco Ydiaquez his Secretary of Estate Imprinted in Seuill in the House of Cosmo de Lara Printer of Bookes by licence of the Counte of Orgaz Assistant in Seuill CHAP. XII A Discourse of the Portugall Voyage A. 1589. Sir IOHN NORRIS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE Generalls written as is thought by Colonell ANTONIE WINGFIELD imployed in the same Voyage formerly published by his friend to whom it was written and here abbreuiated HAuing determinately purposed to put on this habite of a Souldier I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in the warres of the Low-countries which are in auxiliarie manner maintained by her Maiestie or to follow the fortune of this voyage which was an aduenture of her and many honourable personages in reuenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our Countrey by the Castilian King in arguing whereof I finde that by how much the Challenger is reputed before the Defendant by so much is the iourney to bee preferred before those defensiue Warres For had the Duke of Parma his turne beene to defend as it was his good fortune to inuade from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honour which these late warres haue laid vpon him or what could haue beene said more of him then of a Respondent though neuer so valiant in a priuate Duell Euen that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vnto For the gaine of one Towne or any small defeat giueth more renowme to the Assailant then the defence of a Countrey or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same whereof as well the particulars of our age especially in the Spaniard as the reports of former Histories may assure vs which haue still layed the fame of all warres vpon the Inuader And doe not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders either not hauing where withall to manage any warre or not putting on Armes but to defend themselues when the enemy shall procure them Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture we haue won a Town by Escalade battered and assaulted another ouerthrowne a mightie Princes power in the Field landed our Army in three seuerall places of his Kingdome marched seuen dayes in the heart of his Country lyen three nights in the Suburbs of his principall Citie beaten his forces into the Gates thereof and possessed two of his frontier Forts as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare But our Army which hath not cost her Maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeeres expences in the Low-countries hath already spoyled a great part of the prouision hee had made at the Groine of all sorts for a new voyage into England burnt three of his Ships whereof one was the second in the last yeeres expedition called S. Iuan de Colorado taken from him aboue 150. Peeces of good artillery cut off more then 60. Hulkes and 20. French Ships well manned fit and ready to serue him for men of warre against vs laden for his store with Corne Victualls Masts Cables and other merchandizes slaine and taken the principall men of Warre hee had in Galitia made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman Conde de Fuentes Generall of his forces in Portugall shamefully run at Peniche laid along of his best Commander in Lisbon wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe
which the nights calmenesse prohibited the ships beeing thus seuered were by the Gallies of Penocha set vpon his Lordship being within hearing of the shot but by reason of the calme not able to releeue them so that the two ships were recouered Captayne Bayly slaine Captayne Munson and the rest carried Prisoners to Penecha and thence to Lisbone His Lordship wrote to the Archdâ—ke Albert then Vice-roy for their good vsage otherwise threatning requitall to theirs of whom he presumed hee should take store For feare whereof the common sort were returned a few dayes after new clothed Captayne Munson with sixe others only detayned His Lordship hauing intelligence of a great Armada prepared in the Groyne to bee sent against the Lord Thomas Howard then Admirall of her Majesties fleet at the Asores attending to surprize the West Indian fleet sent the Mooneshine with aduise otherwise the Lord Howard had runne the fortune of Sir Richard Greenuile who lost his ship and life or rather exchanged the one for honor and for the other made the Spaniards the greatest losers in so deere a purchase Thus weakned by disaduenture he was forced to returne for England HIs Lordship considering the inconuenience of her Maiesties command not to lay any Spanish ship aboard with her ships lest both might together be destroyed by fire rather chose to seeke out amongst the Merchants then to make further vse of the ships Royall And so hee hired the Tigre a ship of six hundred tunnes furnished by the Owners for three hundred pounds a moneth wages in which he went in person thereto adding his owne ship the Samson and the Golden Noble with two small ships These in the yeere 1592. were set forth but so crossed with winds as three moneths victualls were spent in Harbours before they could get to the Westward of Plymmouth whereby also one of his Lordships principall designes was frustrate which was the taking of the Carrikes outward bound as also the meanes to performe his intended Voyage to the West Indies Wherevpon not like to satisfie that expectation which might arise from a personall expedition of his Lordship he transferred the chiefe command to Captayne Norton and returned to London leauing instructions with the Admirall to goe for the Asores Captayne Norton neere Cape Finisterre met two of the King of Spaines Gallions returning from Brest in Brittanie in fight with whom the Golden Noble receiued a shot in her fore-mast which made them doubt of her further sufficiencie but hauing fished it aswell as they could Captayne Caue her Commander espied an Argosie bound for Lisbone and gaue chase to her within shot of the Fort of Cascaijs within fiue fathome water of a shoald called Catchops and there in sight of the men on shoare laid her aboard and returned into England with her The Admirall with the rest of the fleet arriued at the Asores and hauing watered and refreshed at Flores which that Iland permitted to all men of warre as not able to withstand them put to Sea and spreading themselues the Santa Cruce was descried which made all the haste she could for Angra in Tercera They hasted after and being within halfe a league of her they espied Sir Iohn Burroughs in the Ro-bucke a ship of Sir Walter Raleighs of two hundred tunnes which had ridden vnseene on the Easterne side of the Iland standing to crosse the Carrickes way so that now she was forced the wind being Westerly to luffe vp recouer the Road of Lagowâ—a on the South end of Flores The law and custom of the Sea making al ships of war then together though not formerly consorted equall sharers according to their tunnage of the prizes gained Captayne Norton out of ciuil respect and not needing help consulted with Sir Iohn Burroughs and they agreed to board her the next morning But a storme in the night forced them al from their anchors which the next day being somwhat allaied they recouered the road found the Carrike warped as neer the shore as they could hauing indeuoâ—ed also to put ashore such goods as time would permit and fired with all her sayles and flags vp and Ordnance laden which went off on euery side when the fire came to them a sight more pleasing to the Portugals then the English whom those accounted now the Owners of that consumed substance The surge also issue of the late storme scarsly permitted their Boates to land to seeke to get wrackes and what the Portugals had carried ashoare eâ—â—ry man for feare of wracking the Boates on the Rockes being vp to the neck and some ouer head and eares before they could obtayne the shoare where also they were forced on hands and knees to climbe vp a steep hill on the top whereof stood many Ilanders tumbling downe great stones on them But all difficulties were made easie by resolution and hope which brought them to the Towne now forsaken by her Inhabitants and made them Masters of the wracked goods which seemed to flye thither for refuge from the fire and water Whiles they were thus employed about this burnt Carrike Sir Robert Crosse Captayne of the Foresight of her Maiesties Master Tomson Captayne of the Daintie a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins Captayne Newport in the Golden Dragon came into this consort They were much grieued with this spectacle but comforted that there had but one of the fiue Carrickes passed this had fallen into this terrible Purgatory and three were still expected They spread themselues continued expecting from the nine and twentieth of Iune till the third of August at which time Master Tomson first had sight of the great Carricke called Madre de Dios and comming vp gaue her a broad-side of Ordnance falling a sterne came hauing laden his Ordnance again and againe to deliuer his pealâ—s to hinder her way till the rest of the fleet could come the Carricke answering with the like Sir Iohn Burroughes and the Golden Dragon came in about three a clocke and Sir Iohn receiued a shot of a Canon Perier vnder water in the Bread-roome which made him beare vp to stop his leake Sir Robert Crosse was the next who to giue her his broad side came so neere that becalming his sayles he vnwillingly fell aboard the Carricke which hauing lashed her fast by the Strowdes sayled away with her by her side The Earle of Cumberlands ships worst of sayle were the last which came vp about eleuen aclocke at night not minding then to boord her But hearing the Foresight calling to Captayne Norton And you be men saue the Queenes ship he gaue order to the Samson to lay her aboord on the one side and promising to doe the like in the Tigre on the other which about twelue a clock was performed The Tigre running stemling aboord broke her beake-head to the huddings the Samson laid the Forefight aboord and entred thorow her into the Carricke whereby
mightly hate the Spaniard but loue the English very much They brought vs great store of Potatoes Pines Plantins Tabacco Mammyes Indies-pepper and other of their Countrie commodities to trade They most desired to haue Swords Hatchets or Kniues and very much Clothes But if they could get none of these they would sell their commodities for glasse beades and such trifling things From hence I went to the Virgines Ilands which are not inhabited and there purposed againe to muster my men the Iland of Dominica being so wooddie as that there I could not doe it and in the euening the third day I came there to an anchor The next morning early I had them on shoare and after mustering them for many respects found it meet to speake to them which as neere as I can remember was thus Kinde Countrimen and fellow Souldiers I am sure there is none here but haue marked and the wisest wonder at my light regarding the many grosse faults committed amongst you since my comming to Sea suffering euery man to doe what he would vrging no man further then he listed Many courses drew me to this patience onely one I will now vtter the rest being fitter to conceale to my selfe then to make so many acquainted with The great hope of meeting the Caracks made me hope for a short iourney which hapning I thought it better to returne with euery mans good word then by iust punishing of any to haue their ill word at my returne But that hope as you now see is altogither passed and now we are settled to another course which though it may be will not proue altogither so rich and must of force keepe vs longer abroad yet I assure you vpon my honour and conscience I doe constantly beleeue there will spring out of it more glorie to God more seruice to our Prince and Countrie and more honour to our selues then could haue done by the Caracks if we had taken them all For the better performance we must fall to another course I in gouerning you in obeying I in directing you what to doe you in following my direction To which end I haue already deliuered you certaine Articles wherein you may see how the breach of them shall be punished And though these twentie dayes at the least you haue had them amongst you yet heare I there are some which wish they could but light vpon so much as they would conceale from me Base conditions be hatefull things in men professing Armes there is none baser then theft and no theft so base as for a man to steale from his owne companion And he that concealeth any thing gotten in this iourney stealeth from euery man in it all going to haue their part of what soeuer is gotten This I thought not vnfit particularly to touch because the speech hath giuen great offence to the whole Armie and no doubt may encourage some men of lewd and base humours amongst vs to doe the like but let the warning I now giue you driue those thoughts out of their thoughts that hold them and be also a warning that they beedfully obserue the rest of the Articles For I assure you my ouer-patient and forced sluggish humour is shaken off and I will neither ouer-see nor suffer to passe vnpunished ill deseruers This deliuered I presently shipped my men which were by muster and gaue order to set saile Now hauing set all things in order and wanting nothing but sure knowledge where might bee our safest and most commodious landing there were many of my Masters and Sea Captaines that would willingly haue gone through the Virgines as Sir Francis Drake did when hee was there But I finding the way though the passages more certaine and safe tooke that course more desiring to be the first that tooke Porto Rico then the second that passed through the Virgines And the fift day in the morning I sent for Captaine Lanckton and Knotsford who was Master of the Gallion very expert in those Countries and was Pilot with Iohn Hawkins when hee dyed and putting either of them into a small Pinnace sent them before that they might make the landing place before night and my selfe with the fleet did linger and so when it was darke putting out all our sailes came to them vndiscouered which was about one of the clocke that night But they did mee no good for the place they went to discouer was further from them then they expected so as it was darke before they came to it and for feare of carrying me to leeward stayed and told me they had done nothing Wherefore I stood close vpon a winde off and on vntill the morning when being close by the shoare there was to my seeming a smooth landing place which by all them in my fleet that were there with Sir Francis Drake I was told was impossible to get the winde ouer-blowing all day out of the Sea Wherefore I tooke my Boat and Sir Iohn Barkley with me rowed thither and found it not onely smooth but by the view of our eyes a most goodly sandie Bay to march all alongst by the Sea side till wee came to the Towne Being well pleased with this sight I returned aboard and gaue order to all the Commanders presently to land there But by diuers of them many obiections were made against landing there First that the march seemed to be great Then that none knew the way and lastly if the Towne stood in an Iland as they often had heard it did we should be forced to returne to our ships not hauing meanes to get vnto them Gentlemen said I a willing minde makes long steps with great ease I haue been sickae and am not now strong you shall goe no further nor faster then I will doe before you for guides wee need no better then our eyes the Towne standing by the Sea side and we landing from the Sea see no other but faire sandie Bayes all the way thither so as much neerer we might land if we were sure there were any where to leeward such a head-land as this that maketh smooth landing within it But that being vncertaine I meane to take this which I doe assuredly beleeue God hath directed vs vnto for I am sure it is better then any euer told me of And for your last argument that if it be an Iland we shall not get into it that reason is nothing for you see our Boats may row by vs and when we shall come to any water they may set vs ouer if it be deepe in shallow places we shall passe our selues So all you haue or can say being now throughly answered let me haue no more speaking but get your men all into your Boates and follow in order as I haue directed you I will goe before in my Boat and when you see my Colours displayed make all the haste you can to land This doe with good heart and courage assuring your selues you haue the
mayden-head of Porto Rico and so possesse the keyes of all the In 〈◊〉 And though there bee not so many millions in it as there was when a greater force then we went without it yet assure your selfe the Towne is rich The last yeere there were eighteene ships laden with Ginger and Sugar from it I assure you there are mynes of gold in it And though these be motiues to draw you to fight yet haue I not told you of one You being Souldiers and carrying the mindes of Souldiers will I doubt not carry you beyond all profit It is thought by men of indgement too strong for this strength to carry because it hath alreadie resisted a much stronger force so as we should haue iust cause to be proud of taking it and beleeue me assured we are to take it now we see where to land quietly the Indian Souldiers liuing too pleasantly to venter their lines for if they line two or three yeares they get with the labour of their slaues without taking any paines themselues whatsoeuer they loose so as they will make great showes and it may be indure one brunt but if they doe any more teare me in peeces This said the Captaines that were there went for their men telling all the rest my resolution And as soone as they saw me rowe towards the shoare all followed as I had directed Thus landed we the sixt day in a most fine place where not any wet his furniture nor saw any enemie By which meanes all our troopes were put in good order and we made much stronger then a small resistance before we were martialled would haue made vs. This place was leagues from the Towne towards which we marched in the extreame heate of the day the way being sandy and would no doubt haue tired many but that going all alongst by the Sea we at pleasure marched in it when we listed and besides had the place wee went to still in our fight which standing vpon the top of an hill shewed much nearer then it was When wee had gone some three leagues we saw six or seuen Horsemen which the forlorne hop◠comming within sixteene or twenty score of presently turned their Horses and galloped away Not long after there came a Negro willingly offering his seruice which I was most glad of assuring my selfe he would haue guided me to the Towne but he not speaking Spanish nor vnderstanding it we were led by him to the entrance of the Sea that maketh the Iland where I imagined with Boates to get ouer But of that we were hindred by a bulwarke standing on the Iland side close vpon the mouth of the entrance and hauing in it fiue peeces of Brasse The entrance is not aboue sixtie yards ouer and a little within it is stopped quite ouer with piles driuen in so as it was not possible to get in there so long as the enemy possessed it Then were we at our wits end but I assured my selfe there was some other good way ouer where those Horsemen rid which we saw before and with much a doe made this dumbe guide vnderstand that I would haue him carry me to the place where they went ouer When I perceiued he vnderstood me I followed him through the most wickedest wood that euer I was in in all my life at length he brought me to the reare part of all my troope And for that it grew late and I was loath to loose any time I made them march being Sir Iohn Barkleys Regiment and gaue order mine owne should come in the reare not hauing place nor time then to shift them We had not gone farre but we crossed the footing of the Horsemen we saw before and following them were about Sunset brought to a narrow Bridge whereon three might goe a front about two score ouer and to our seeming about the midst of it a strong Gate of wood close shut and at the further side of the water a Block-house with Ordnance by which there stood fiue Spaniards When I and Sir Iohn Barkley had viewed this place we vnderstood by another Negro that comming thither at a low water we might passe ouer wading besides the Causie And he telling vs that it was not low water till two of the clocke in the morning we returned to a little plaine that we passed by before to rest our men and giue them some refreshing for the better inabling them to fight in the morning THus farre the same honourable hand hath beene our Actor and Anthour but here when hee comes to doing breaks off speaking and tam Marte quà m Mercurio exchangeth words for swords and Mercuriall arts into Martiall acts of which we haue another Relator as of the rest of this Voyage a man neere in attendance to his honourable Master But I cannot giue him that which yet this giues hims a name It is a copious discourse which we haue somewhat abridged both in that former part of the Historie which you already haue from Him which best know it and in the rest in some superfluities or digressions seeming such at least to me who hauing so much worke make my selfe more to make the Reader lesse prouiding neuerthelesse that not a drop of necessary bloud be lost or strange iniected how often soeuer we seeme to open a vaine to our redundant Auhor bleed It was another cause which made me leaue out a politicall discourse and State-morall mysterie of this History written by the same Noble Commander whose worth here we honour The times are altered and howsoeuer Planets haue their peculiar course fixed Stars must moue with their Orbe and follow the first Moueable The men of Bethshemesh bought dearely their prying into the Arke and I know not how I may be tolerated to vtter now in publike those State-mysteries which he then in priuate counselled for his Countries good I could also be willing as I know the world would be greedie of such morsels but Aesops Dogge snatching at the shadow of a morsell in the water lost that which he had in his mouth and his Crowe gaping to sing to please the Foxe displeased her selfe with losse of all her other wealth and purchase Euery where in this vaste worke we haue beene wary and yet scarce wary enough of this danger in our wariest warinesse wherein yet if any such fault be it is not an itching finger busie in things aboue vs but store of businesse in so multiforme a taske perhaps hath occasioned ouersight to eyes otherwise dimme enough Once whatsoeuer the King and State disclaime I disclaime also as not mine because I and mine are theirs and no farther desire to be or see mine owne then in the publike of which and for which vnder God I am haue can write do speake acknowledge all things I will pry in the East and West Indies rather then state it at home CHAP. III. A large Relation of the Port Ricco voiage written as is reported by that learned man
through the liberalitie partly of the Sunnes neighbourhood which prouideth them in that necrenesse to the Sea of exceeding showres partly of many fine Riuers which to requite the shadow and coolenesse they receiue from the Trees giue them backe againe a continuall refreshing of very sweete and tastie water For the Inhabitants of this Countrie A Captaine or two watering neere the place where his Lordship first anchored found a leasure to rowe vp a Riuer with some guard or Pikes and Musketers till they came to a Towne of these poore Saluages and a poore Towne it was of some twenty cottages rather then Houses and yet there was there a King whom they found in a wide hanging garment of rich crimson Taffetie a Spanish Rapier in his hand and the modell of a Lyon in shining Brasse hanging vpon his breast There they saw their women as naked as wee had seene their men and alike attired euen to the boring of their lippes and eares yet in that nakednesse they perceiued some sparkes of modestie not willingly comming in the sight of strange and apparelled men and when they did come busie to couer what should haue bin better couered The Queene they saw not nor any of the Noble wiues but of the vulgar many and the Maidens it should seeme they would not haue so squemish for the King commanded his Daughters presence with whom our Gentlemen did dance after meate was taken away This withdrawing of their wiues seemeth to come of the common ielousie of these people for it is reported that though they admit one man to haue many wiues yet for any man to meddle with another mans wife is punished with death euen among them And no meruaile if the seueritie of law be set instead of many other wanting hinderances It seemeth that themselues are wearie of their nakednesse for besides the Kings apparrell they are exceeding desirous to exchange any of their Commodities for an old Waste-coate or but a Cap yea or but a paire of Gloues It is pretie that they say is the difference twixt the habit of a Wife and a Maide The Maide weareth no garter and indeede she needeth none but the Wife is the first night she is married which is not done without asking at the least the consent of her parents so straightly gartered that in time the flesh will hang ouer the list The haire of men and women are of like length and fashion But of all other things it is most memorable that whereas their Houses are priuate to all other vses yet they haue one common place where all their men at least take their diet nature teaching them that Law which in Licurgus his mouth was thought strange and perhaps needelesse The King sitteth in the same great roome with the rest but withdrawing himselfe into some more louely part accompanied onely with three or foure of the best esteeme their meates are their fine fruites yet haue they Hennes and Pigges but it should seeme rather for delight then victuall their drinke is commonly water but they make drinke of their Caâ—â—ain better of their Pines and it should seeme that might be made an excellent liquor but the best and reserued for the Kings cup onely of Potatoes their Bread is Cassain The last report of them shall bee what I haue seene in experience namely their great desire to vnderstand the English tongue for some of them will point to most parts of his body and hauing told the name of it in the language of Dominica he would not rest till he were told the name of it in English which hauing once told he would repeate till he could either name it right or at least till he thought it was right and so commonly it should be sauing that to all words ending in a consonant they alwayes set the second vowell as for chinne they say chin-ne so making most of the monasillables dissillables But it is time to leaue them who are already many leagues of On thursday night his Lordship set saile for the Uirgines and on saturday morning had them in sight and in the afternoone we were come to an ankor On Whitsunday in the morning betimes for there was a fit place sought out the euening before our land forces went on shore and there his Lordshippe tooke a perfect muster of them The Companies indeede were though after much sicknesse goodly in number one might well say not so fewe as a thousand When the Companies had bin trained into all sorts and faces of fights at length his Lordshippe commanded the Drummes to beate a call and the troopes being drawne in the nearest closenesse that conueniently they might be that he might be heard of all his Lordship standing vnder a great cliffe of a rocke his prospect to the Seaward stept vpon one of the greater stones which added to his naturall stature gaue him a pretty height aboue the other company so commanding audience made a speech to them After which the Fleete then within one dayes sailing from Puertoricco his Lordship presently appointed Officers for the field They all made vp a dozen Companies whereof if any wanted the full number of 80. they were plentifully supplied by a large ouerplus of gallant Gentlemen that followed his Lordships colours borne by Captaine Bromley and Sir Iohn also had more then 80. so that the whole Armie appointed to Land was neere vpon a thousand specially seeing the Officers of seuerall Companies were not reckoned in these numbers The Offices thus bestowed his Lordship forth with commanded euery man to be shipped in Boates and to goe aboord where after dinner it was debated whether it were better to passe through the Uirgines a way not clearely vnknowne for diuers of our company both Souldiors and Marriners had gone it before with Sir Francis Drake in his last voyage or else to hold the old course through the Passages It was acknowledged that the Virgines was the neerer way but withall none can denie but that it was the more dangerous for the way is very narrow about the breadth of Thames about London and we durst not promise our selues the continuance of a leading winde The way through the passages was found to be farther about but withall it was without danger and therefore hauing no great haste choose the safer way by the passages for said his Lordship I choose rather to be the first that shall take Puertorico then the second that shall passe the Uirgines The Uirgines are little Ilands not inhabited some thinke for want of water some thinke that is no cause and that there is store of water They are very barren and craggie somewhat like the Burlings but being much more sandie as it is much more hot Among these many scattered Ilands there is one called the Bird-Iland by reason of the incredible store of Fowle So stored is it with plentie of Fowle that neuer was English Doue-coat more willing
tooke it to be neerer the order of the Warres if the other Regiment this day were respected This reason together with request to his honour to remember himselfe to be the Generall and therefore his place should not be so full of danger so farre moued his Lordship that Sir Iohns Regiment had the Point neuerthelesse his Lordshippe would be at the seruice in person Thus the manner of the enterprize being vpon the present resolued on his Lordship put himselfe into his Armour so did all the Commanders and who else had Armours for they looked that the seruice should be hot as indeede it proued By and by the enemies Centinell had discouered the approach of our Companies and they tooke the Alarum It may be well said it was well fought by the Engliâ—h and if it had bin day that euery one might haue seene what he did it is to be thought so many would not haue deserued so much commendation The assault continued aboue two houres during which time the Spaniards were not idle For though the assalants left no way in the world vnattempted yet no way could they finde to enter the Gate The Cawsey which was the ordinarie way of passage was purposely made so rugged that our men to keepe them on their feete made choise to wade in the water besides it Here his Lordship was by the stumbling of him that bore his Target ouerthrowne euen to the danger of drowning for his Armour so ouerburdened him that the Sergiant Maior that by chance was next had much adoe at the first and second time to get him from vnder the water when he was vp he had receiued so much Salt water that it droue him to so great extremity of present sicknesse that he was forced to lye downe in the very place vpon the Cawsey till being somewhat recouered he was able to be led to a place of some more safetie and ease in which place the Bullets made him threatning musicke on euery side His Lordshippe being brought to this little safe place whence yet he would not be remoued till the fight was done Sir Iohn Barkeley led on his Regiment from whom there were not lesse then 3000. English Bullets sent among the Spaniards who had not so many hands as we yet were not much behinde vs in sending these heauy leaden messengers of death For besides fix peece of great Ordnance which were bent and played iust vpon the Cawsey and some pretty store of Musketeers at a port fast by the gate lay there a fowler or a cast peece that did more skathe then all the rest for that at once shot many murthering shot whereupon the peece is also called a murtherer for all this our Soldiers came to the very gate and with Bils some two or three that they had wanting other fitter instruments began to hewe it At their ports and loope holes they were at the push of the Pike and hauing broken their owne with their naked hands tooke their enemies Pikes and perforce brake them But for all this no entrance could be got Sir Iohn Barkeley attempting to discouer if any passage might be found of either side of the gate twice waded so farre that if he could not haue swamme he had bin drowned They that were come to the gate called to their owne Companies that some Pikes should be drawne to them this word was giuen farther then was intended for by and by all the Pikes were called for Then his Lordships colours began to march and to the Cawsey came where hee was very exceeding sicke lying vpon the ground in a place no lesse dangerous then if he had bin vpon the Cawsey a place so perillous that it had bin as safe being at the entry of a breach by assault but the end was it could not then bee taken the tyde came in so fast that what was at our knees before was now come vp to our middles and besides the day began to breake which though some thought would be aduantagious for vs yet certainely it would haue bin the death of many a man their Ordnance being bent to scoure the Cawsey and the ruggednesse which they had made to hinder our approach had made vs forsake it which if the day had once discouered to them they might easily haue bent their Artillery to our much greater losse But God would not haue more bloud shed nor ours as yet to haue our wils The Companies therefore were brought off to the place where we lodged all night before where the Chirurgians were presently to looke to the hurt which were not many and the slaine much fewer all vnder fiftie of both sorts No Commander slaine or hurt but two Lieutenants Lieutenant Cholmley that had serued excellently well and Lieutenant Belings The losse that the enemy had was much like sauing that of the assaults there were some few more slaine from this place our Companies marched to the Sea-side whether his Lordship had appointed victuals to meete them His Lordship hauing giuen the Souldiours some time to refresh themselues in the meane time went himselfe aboord so sicke that in truth he was to be feared with purpose to râ—pose himselfe for that night but his thoughts were so busied and restlesse that within few houres he came ashore againe and presently put in execution a purpose which his Lordshippe had this meane time digested it was to land men at the other Fort. For effecting whereof he gaue direction that one of the Ships should beare in close to the shore though it were as indeede at proued with apparent danger of casting her away But the seruice was to be done whatsoeuer it cost Withall there were in the rocks on the other side ouer against the Fort I meane that which we first came to see but could not come at some fifty Musketeers placed to beate the enemy from their Ordnance meane while there were shipped in Boates Captaine Coach and Captaine Orrell with two hundred Pikes and shot to land on the other side the Fort twixt it and the Town that they hauing made good the place might either make a stand till the rest of the forces were landed if it were thought needefull or else might march and charge the other Fort on that side when our men should assault it on this side This plot tooke very good effect for within an houre that the attempt was giuen partly the Ship and partly the Musketeers had so beaten the Fort that the Boates had good leisure to land whereupon within short space the enemy quitted the place without losse to be spoken of to our Companies for of all ours there were not aboue three hurt and one slain onely the Ship was driuen vpon the rockes and finally cast away Their direction was that the Souldiers should make the place good for there was no doubt of their sufficient strength the Boats were commanded to come backe againe to his Lordship who appointed to
tarry at a Conduit which is in the maine Iland but from whence men might be landed betwixt the point or the Bridge and the red fort called Mata-diabolo Our men were safely landed some pretty distance beyond the red Fort where the Spaniards were ready to receiue them and a while they skirmished gallantly but finding themselues ouer-weake they made an honorable retreat till they were fallen into the wood in the edge whereof they made their first stand Ours marched directly to the Fort which they found quitted and there lodged all that night By that time that the Boates were come backe to his Lordship the Moone was growne so light and the water fallen to so dead an ebbe that there was no hope of passge till the next floud There was not so much as a candle or a match to be seene in the Fort whereupon his Lordship told Sir Iohn Barkeley that he tooke that Fort also to be quitted the rather because some were seene passing from the Fort to the Frigat Hereupon himselfe accompanied with Sir Iohn Barkeley went to the Cawsey to see if they could perceiue any more certaintie and Captaine Rukesby was sent and brought certaine intelligence that the enemy was gone By this time it was growne very late and our men needed some refreshing the Companies therefore were drawne vp to the place where we had lodged the last night where hauing eaten something they were within a while brought downe to the point where meeting with Captaine Coach and Captaine Orrell all began to march directly towards the Towne And now our men made but little doubt of all hauing once set safe footing in the lesser Iland It was night when we began to march and by breake of day we were at the Towne This day was thursday Iun. 8. The passage is wooddie on either side and so narrow that not passiâ—g three at the most can march in ranke and from the Towne this Fort is a mile and a halfe yet all this way being so fit for Ambâ—skadoes or for the Irish manner of charging by sudden comming on and off there was not a Dogge that barked at vs so that in great quietnesse wee came to the Towne and found it quitted of all able to make resistance fo besides women and men whom either age or wounds had disabled for the warres all the rest had quitted the Towne and betaken themselues as to their last hope to one of their Forts to the Sea-wards called Mora. §. III. The Fort Mora beseeged and taken The Towne described the Mines Purpose to hold the place altered by the death and sickenesse of many AFter that the place was assured with sufficient guards and euery Company quartered first of all the Spaniards that were left were deliuered to the Prouost and then his Lordship sent a Drum to summon the Fort to be deliuered to him for the Queene of England who had sent him thither to take it The Gouernour made answere â—hat the King of Spaine had sent him thither to keepe it and that so long as he liued it should not be deliuered After this summons his Lordship tooke exceeding care for the taking in of this hold with the least losse of men that possibly might be for he considered that he was to leaue a strong Garrison there and that he must himselfe goe home well guarded His purpose therefore was to take it without fight onely with a straight siedge to force them to yeelding his Lordships speciall purpose and desire was by hunger to driue them to a yeelding as in the end hee did but withall he prouided a batterie if their victualls should last longer then he wished and hoped At one time therefore he tooke order to cut off all possible meanes of reliefe of victualls by senâ—ing Boates which continually lay twixt the Fort and their Mayne and withall hee prouided two plat-formes and seuerall Gabions that from two placeâ— at once their wall might bee beaten To this purpose there was brought from the Scourge two whole Culuerings and two Demiculuerings and about the Towne were found foure other peeces that would serue for batterie among the which one was that which had slain Sir Nicholas Clifford there not long before By Saturday the seuenteenth of Iune the Ordnance was readie to batter But his Lordship would not haue them begin on the Sabbath day so that it was deferred till Monday All this while the noise of warre was not so great among vs but that the still voice of Iustice was well heard It is no newes that in such companies there will bee outrages committed and so was it there for his Lordship publikely disarmed a very good Souldier for ouer-violent spoyling a Gentlewoman of her jewels But because this was not terrible enough to the rest and he was desirous to arme Iustice with the authoritie of all the Commanders forthwith hee caused a martiall Court to bee called Whereupon the Article of defacing Churches or Houses of Religion and of offering force to Women there were two condemned to die Hee that had done violence to a Spaniards wife was a Souldier and had giuen very good proofe of his valour so farre that his Lordship had taken speciall notice of him but being conuicted of this crime there was no place left for mercy but hanged hee was in the market place the Spaniards as many as would come being suffered to be present at the execution The other fellow was a Sayler and an Officer in the Vice-admirall for defacing some things in the Church without order from the Generall hee was brought thrice to the Gibbet and at length his Lordship was intreated to grant him mercy These few but indeed notable examples of justice haue since held vs in much better termes of ruly obedience Vpon Monday the batterie began to speake very loud both the Gabions beat vpon a Caualero which they had made vpon the Point next to the Towne The Ordnance which they had planted thereon by dinner time was iudged to bee dismounted and though that were the thing specially respected in the batterie yet because the Wall and the Caualero that stood vpon it began to nod they beat that place till towards the euening All this while scarce was there a Spaniard to be seene vpon any part of their wall whereas before the Ordnance began to play there could not within the sight and reach of the Fort foure or fiue of the Souldiers come together but there would a shot of great Ordnance be sent to scatter them In the euening the Canoneers found that they had spent all the Culuering shot and therefore shut vp that day with the lesser peeces Against the morning there was more prouided but in the meane season it was perceiued that the Caualero was alreadie sufficiently beaten and that with the next raine which in that Countrie and time of the yeere is neither seldome nor little it would fall being
is held by the Spaniards may bee perceiued by their imploying him in time of so great necessitie Once it is confessed that hee almost onely was hee that held the rest from present yeelding and who after yeelding which yet they say was without his consent taketh the losse of the Spaniards most of all to heart He seemeth truly to be wise aboue the common pitch of Souldiers which is his profession yet hath he beene heard say and protest by the faith of a Souldier that there is not so rich and good a myne in all the Kings Dominions to the Westward as that of Puerto Rico. Others whose fathers were imployed in the workes report what their dying fathers told them But that which maketh most of all to the purpose is the present preparation which the King is euen now a making for the reuiuing of these workes afresh in Puerto Rico by setting two hundreth Negroes to worke and for that purpose had sent great store of Mattocks and Spades thither there found in his store-house and for what other vse they should haue needed is not well conceiueable Much time was spent in taking order how the Spaniards might be dispatched to Carthagena for thither it was resolued they should bee sent being a place so farre to the leeward of Puerto Rico as that they neither could in haste themselues make any head nor send newes to Spaine to procure the leâ—â—ing of any forces thence and in prouiding victuals for this place and repayring ships that were first to come for England Vpon Thursday being Saint Peters day there was a saile discryed at Sea in the morning and by noone shee was come into the Harbour which with much astonishment shee found turned English The Spaniards had some few dayes before reported that they looked for a ship to bring from the Hauana much of the Souldiers pay that was behinde This held vs for the time in great suspence of hope and doubt whether this might bee shee or no the rather because this seemed to bee of the same bignesse that they had spoken of but when shee was fallen into the trap it was found indeed to bee a very Mouse where we looked for a Mountaine For her lading was a number of poore naked Negroes from Angola to bee sold there Yet was shee a pretie Boat and of her lading likely to bee made of good vse Within few dayes after there was another saile almost taken after the same manner yet perceiuing a greater fleete riding there then shee could hope to finde Spanish shee got her tack aboard and went away lasking so that though the Affection was sent away in chace after her yet shee escaped Vpon Friday being the seuenth of Iuly all things being made readie for their passage the Spaniards were imbarked in a Caruell and in another ship which during the time the ships rode without the Harbour for feare of them whom shee could not passe or enuie that they should receiue good by her ranne her selfe desperately ashoare but shee and most things in her were saued and here shee saued the sending away of a better ship With these two wherein the baser Spaniards were put there were two other ships sent to waft them wherein also went the Gouernour and some few others who deserued some respect And for themselues it was permitted them to come directly home for England The next day being the eighth of Iuly there came to his Lordship two Negroes from the mayne Iland with a flagge of truce and a letter from one Seralta an ancient Commander in that Iland and who vpon a wound receiued in the first fight at the bridge had with-drawne himselfe into the Countrie The effect of his desire was that being in great distresse through feare of the English that daily marched vp and downe the Countrie he desired his Lordship to grant him and his protection to trauell without danger Whereunto his Lordship made this answere to be written and sent him That he must absolutely denie his request but yet if himselfe or any of his Nation or any dwelling with him or them would within eight dayes come vnto him to Puerto Rico he should by the vertue of that his Letter bee protected from being taken or spoyled by any of his Souldiers and this hee willed him to signifie to them neere about him that they might giue notice of the same throughout the whole Iland And further his Lordship promised that to as many as would come that they should both come safely and if they so would should bee imbarked and sent away as the Gouernour with the rest of the Spaniards were alreadie His Lordships honorable resolution and intendment was not to come so farre from home to take onely or spoile some place in this other world and then run home againe but hee had determined by the leaue of God to keepe Puerto Rico if it pleased God to giue it into his hands That was the place he meant to carry whatsoeuer it might cost him being the very key of the West Indies which locketh and shutteth all the gold and siluer in the Continent of America and Brasilia He knew that Saint Domingo might with much lesse losse bee taken and would bring much greater profit for the present in regard whereof and of the desire hee had his Aduenturers should become gayners his thoughts sometime tooke that way but finally they stayed at Puerto Rico and there setled themselues As this was his resolution before hee had it so was it also after he had it and then not onely his but euery man of worth or spirit saw such reason in his Lordships designments that some thought themselues not so graciously dealt withall that they were passed ouer when others were named to stay But God had otherwise disposed For within a while that his Lordship had beene in Puerto Rico many of our men fell sicke and at the very first not very many dyed The Spanish as well as the English were both sicke and dyed of the sicknesse as besides Seralta was seene in diuers others O hâ—rs suspected their bodily labours to haue procured it and both seeme to haue concurred In Iuly and August is their Winter so called for their great raines at those times which to bodies alreadie rarified by the heat of the Sunne then ouer them and yet rather where vehement exercise hath more opened the pores whereby inward heat is exhaled must needes be very dangerous It was an extreme loosenesse of the body which within few dayes would grow into a flux of bloud sometimes in the beginning accompanyed with a hot Ague but alwayes in the end attended by an extreme debillitie and waste of spirits so that some two dayes before death the armes and legs of the sicke would be wonderfull cold And that was held for a certaine signe of neere departure This sicknesse vsually within few dayes for it was very extreme to the number of sixtie eightie and an hundred stooles
three sonnes a hundreth thousand Duckets insomuch that the youngest of them being in Spaine vpon the dispatch of some businesse which his father had left vnsettled was there thought of state so good that a Marquesse thought his daughter well bestowed vpon him in marriage But see how nothing will last where God with his preseruing blessing doth not keepe things together For at this day scarce is there any remainder left of all his riches and this now most poore though great Lady not being able to proportion her selfe to the lownesse of her fortune and besides vexed with her husbands ill conditions hath by authoritie left him and hauing entered religious profession is at this present in a Nunnerie in Saint Domingo I haue beene very inquisitiue of the best obseruers and most able to judge among ours that haue vpon occasion trauailed into the inparts of the Iland They doe agreeingly tell me first that their wayes are very myrie or rather dirtie as proceeding of mold rather then grauell or sand now the prouerbe in England is that that Countrie is best for the Byder that is most cumbersome to the Rider Secondly the grasse and herbage they meet withall euerywhere is very proud and high though somewhat course which argueth a lustinesse and strength of fatnesse in the soile and which wanteth onely store of mouthes to ouer-come that luxuriant pride and to bring it to the finenesse which we most commend in England which is made most probable by that which in the third place they report of their experience that the soile is a black mold vnderlaid within some two foot with a laire of reddish clay which is one of the most infallible marks by which our English Grasiers know their battle and feeding grounds The whole Iland is delightfully and pleasurably diuersified with Hills and Vallies Among the Hills there is one eminent aboue the rest called the Loquilla commended with the greatest plentie and riches of mynes And yet none of the Riuers that I can heare of haue their heads from thence which perhaps may bee the reason why it aboue the rest is lesse wasted For they say that in the other Hills also there are veines found of whose pouertie no man needeth to complaine This Hill which they call Loquilla is placed Easterly aboue Luisa The Vallies are much wooddy but in very many places interlaced with gâ—odly large Playnes and spacious Lawnes The woods are not onely vnderlings as in the lesser Iland for the most part they are but timber trees of goodly talnesse and stature fit for the building of ships and of euery part of them For not to speake of a ship which wee our selues found here a building towards the burthen of a hundreth the great Bougonia a ship of a thousand hauing lost her Masts at Sea had them all made here of the timber of this Iland her mayne Mast being of two trees onely and being there and all other wayes fitted for Spaine was euen vpon the point of putting forth of this Harbour when Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins came hither with an honorable intent to take her and the foure Millions which shee brought hither from the Hauana For this ship was the Admirall of the fleet which that yeere went from Tierra firma and being taken with a storme at Sea and hauing lost her Masts with much adoe recouered this Harbour and here was againe fitted But the Queenes Nauie vpon aduertisement of this accident came so just in the nick that they were forced to sinke her in the Harbour and that with so great haste that the passengers had not time to fetch their clothes but lading and victuals and all was lost Some of the ribs of this great Beast we found here but the marrow and sweetnesse of her was gone for shee brought in her foure millions and a halfe of treasure for the wafting whereof those Frigats which Sir Francis burned in this Harbour were purposely sent For while Sir Francis was watering at Guadalupe some of his fleet discouered the passage of these Frigats by Dominica which good newes as truly they were very good assured Sir Francis as he openly told the fleet that the treasure was not yet gone from Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico for as much as he assured himselfe that these ships were going to fetch it home The Playnes and Lawnes of the mayne Iland â—re graced with much varietie of many kindes of fruit for besides the great Countries of ground where their Heards roame with such vncontrolled licence as that they grow almost wilde the champaine which they haue chosen to place their Stancies and Ingenios vpon are richly laden with Ginger and Sugar-cane Their Ingenios are commonly vpon some Riuer or neere some moore-marrish and waterish places for in places of that qualitie doe their Sugar-canes prosper best And besides there is much vse of water for their Mills and other works though most commonly their Mills goe with the strength of men and horses as I vnderstand like our Horse-mills in England which if I had seene my selfe I should haue beene better able and conseqâ—ently more willing to haue reported to you the manner and cunning of the same They that haue beene eye-witnesses doe with great wonder and commendation speake of them Their Stansias are more inwardly placed in the Countrie and yet a conuenient neerenesse to some Riuer is desired for more conuenient carriage of their Ginger to Puerto Rico whence they vent their commodities into other Countries which I take to bee some part of the cause why more follow Ginger then Sugar workes because their Stansias doe not need such choise of place and therefore the poorer may more easily come by them which yet also more easily they set vpon because much needeth not to set vpon the commoditie of Ginger I haue heretofore said in generall that Sugar and Ginger are the greatest knowne commodities of this Iland A third commoditie of the Iland besides Ginger and Sugar I did before note to bee Hides Whereof without contradiction there is very great store I haue beene told by the Spaniard that that same Chereno whose Countrie is neere to the Laguada of the quite contrarie side to Cape Roxo is generally reported to feede to the number of twelue thousand head of Cattle Wherevpon we may easily coniecture how infinite the number of Cattell in this Iland is seeing in the Westerly end thereof which is held farre worse for feeding then the Easterly neere Saint Iohns head there is so incredible abundance Once it is generally spoken and beleeued that by reason of this ouer-flowing of Beeues it is lawfull for any man to kill what he needeth for his vse if onely hee bee so honest as to bring the skins to the proper owners Now these Hides must rise to a huge summe of riches considering that their Cattell are farre larger then any Countrie that I know in England doth yeeld
same all in Pearle and the fourteenth day came in their Lientenant for the deliuery But in the valuing their quantity and quality would not be taken wherefore departed they with foure houres respite for further answere from their Gouernour Don Francisco Manso his answere was himselfe would come to conference which hee did the sixteenth day After dinner our Generall and Colonell Generall with the Spaniards had secret conference about this Ransoms whereupon concluding they absolutely broke of and therefore in all haste was fire put 〈◊〉 some of the houses and the Gouernour had two houres time to cleere him of our Army Thus hauing burnt Rio dela Hatcha Rancharia and Tapia The eighteenth day wee weighed and stood alongst for Sancta Marta to which we came thetwentieth day here we onely tooke some fiue Prisoners whereof one was the Lieutenant there The one and twentieth it was put to fire and we set sayle for Nombre de Dios to which we came the seuen and twentieth day where in like manner the people had acquited the Towne yet here was found by intelligence of some Negros as I heard two and twentie Sowes of Siluer Gold in Bullion some Iewels great store of Plate and Riall of Plate with much other luggage The nine and twentieth day Sir Thomas Baskeruile Colonell Generall with all his ablest Captaines and Souldiers tooke their iourney for Panama now the marke of our Voyage who neere the mid-way being empeaâ—hed by some Spaniards and Negros made their retreite to the Ships at Nombre de Dios at this encounter were few of our men slaine some hurt some of the which there left to the mercie of the Spaniards The fifth day of Ianuary all our men being shipped the towne and Galliots put to fire we set sayle then by the aduice of a Spaniard for the Riuer Nicorago in which way we fell with one Iland called Escudo a place which affordeth nothing good yet here wee stayed from the tenth day vntill the three and twentieth when we set sayle and plied to the Eastward which by Gods speciall fauour the eight and twentieth day we came in with Porta laâ—bella This morning died our Generall Sir Francis Drake This is the place where the people of Nombre de Dios meaneth to dwell at Here found we a beginning of a strong platforme with three Brasse Peeces vnmounted In my opinion this was our best remoue for if God had not preuented our Generals purpose for the Riuer Nicorago it would haue hazarded all her Maiesties Ships farre with the rest Here tooke we in ballast water mended our sayles and calked our ships such as had need The eight of February Sir Thomas Baskeruile taking vpon him Generall we all set saile for Santa Marca homewards but not able to recouer higher then Carthagena as wee ghesse in the Bonauenture with the splittng of all our sayles put ouer for Iamaica In this course lost we the Fore-sight the Susan Parnell the Helpe and the Gregory The fiue and twentieth day came we faire by Canaria granda which bore ouer vs in the morning East North-east and this day was all our flesh and fish spent The second of March making this our miserie like to be known to Sir Thomas Baskeruile who hath giuen mee his promise to relieue mee at my need his answere was carelesly for vs and with all said hee would goe in with the Iland Pinos to water which I vtterly misliked the winde then being good to stand alongst very ill to lose and more for that no Englishman in our fleete either knew or euer heard of any watering or other good there In this reasoning betwixt vs we descried twentie sayle of ships a head vs who were the Kings men of Warre wayting our home comming it was my fortune in the Bonauenture to take to taske the Vice-admirall one of the twelue Apostles of the Kings for so I thought by a great golden Saint which manned her Poope The manner of our fight and my deseruing I leaue euen to the report of mine enemies yet thus much vnderstand their Admirall with the rest all the next day being in the winde was content we should passe in peace Thus being quietly and we all disimbogued some two hundred leagues I made a second demand of Sir Thomas his promise for victuals which he vtterly refused wherefore aswell in regard of our Generals lacke as mine owne danger with a shot in our fight wherein it was indifferent with mee to liue or die I told him I must make more haste home then I presumed hee would yet wee stayed with him two dayes longer when in a storme I left him and this was the fourteenth day of March. Now for these two English Sea-worthies as wee haue begunne their American Aduentures and ended them together so I haue thought good to insert this following censure of a Gentleman in a Letter of his touching them both as an Epitaph dedicated to their memory SIr I haue according to your request and my owne plainnesse sent you here the comparison betweene those two Commanders Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins They were both much giuen to trauell in their youth and age attempting many honourable Voyages alike as that of Sir Iohn Hawkins to Guiny to the Iles of America to Saint Iohn de Vlua So likewise Sir Francis Drake after many Discoueries of the West Indies and other parts was the first Englishman that did euer compasse the World wherein as also in his deepe iudgement in Sea causes he did farre exceed not Sir Iohn Hawkins alone but all others whomsoeuer In their owne natures and disposition they did as much differ as in the managing matters of the Warres Sir Francis beeing of a liuely spirit resolute quicke and sufficiently valiant The other slow iealous and hardly brought to resolution In Councell Sir Iohn Hawkins did often differ from the iudgement of others seeming thereby to know more in doubtfull things then he would vtter Sir Francis was a willing hearer of euery mans opinion but commonly a follower of his owne he neuer attempted any action wherein he was an absolute Commander but hee performed the same with great reputation and did easily dispatch great matters Contrariwise Sir Iohn Hawkins did only giue the bare attempt of things for the most part without any Fortune or good successe therein Sir Iohn Hawkins did naturally hate the Land-souldier and though hee were very popular yet he affected more the common sort then his equals Sir Francis contrarily did much loue the Land-souldier and greatly aduanced good parts wheresoeuer he found them Hee was also affable to all men and of easie accesse They were both of many vertues and agreeing in some As patience in enduring labours and hardnesse Obseruation and Memory of things past and great discretion in sudden dangers in which neither of them was much distempered and in some other vertues they differed Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him mercie and aptnesse
they willingly would not indanger themselues They went to a Sugar mill hard by mee where I rode for that was my speciall charge that they should neuer goe a mile from the ship where they got some victuall and came aboard againe very well The next day in the morning betimes an Indian came vnto me with Captaine Barker which Indian ran away from his Master at my last being there this Sauage knew all the Countrie He came vnto me and said that beyond a Point not a Culuering shot off there was a very rich farme-house and desired ten or twelue men to goe thither Captaine Barker being one whom I most trusted in the conduction of men and who euer was the most carefull in such matters of seruice I appointed to goe and to take some twentie or thirtie men with him and willed him as he had any respect or regard of my commandement not to stay but to come presently away finding any thing or nothing He forth with tooke fiue and twentie men of the most principall men in the ship and then your cousin Stafford would by no meanes bee left behinde They departed by foure of the clocke in the morning so as I did not see their companie But what should I write more then this vnto you they were all such as neither respected me nor any thing that I commanded Away they went and by one of the clocke they sent my Boat againe with Ginny wheat and sixe Hennes and a small Hogge I seeing no returne againe of the companie for they had sent away the Boat onely with men to row her aboard was very much grieued and presently returned the Boat againe with message That I much maruailed they would tarry at a place so long with so few men and further that it was not a Hogge and sixe Hennes could releeue vs and seeing there was no other reliefe to bee had I charged them straightly to come aboard presently Thus hauing dispatched away my Boat for them I still expected their present comming aboard all that night I heard nothing of them the next morning I shot Ordnance yet I saw no Boat come Then I waighed anchor and made aboard into the Bay yet for all this I heard nothing of them then I doubted with my selfe very greatly knowing there were no meanes left to make any manifester signes to them to hasten away All that day I heard nothing of them in the euening I set sailes againe and ran into the shoare all that night I heard no newes of them The next morning I saw an Indian come downe to the Sea-side and weaued vnto the ship we being desirous to heare some newes caused a raft to be made for Boat wee had none and sent it ashoare and set the Indian aboard When we saw him we found him to bee our owne Indian which had escaped away being soare hurt in three places who told vs that all the rest of our men were slaine with three hundred Indians and eightie Portugals which in the euening set vpon them suddenly Then I demanded why they came not aboard the Indian answered mee that some were vnwilling to come and the rest did nothing but eate Hennes and Hogs which they had there in abundance and that they minded nothing to come aboard I leaue you to iudge in what griefe I was to see fiue and twentie of my principall men thus basely and wilfully cast away but I leaue you to inquire of others the practises of these men lest in writing vnto you it should be thought I did it of malice which I protest is farre from me they being now dead and my selfe looking imminently to follow them Thus I was left destitute of my principall men and a Boat and had I not by great hap the day before taken an old Boat from the Portugals I had beene vtterly vndone This Boat I sent to an Iland fifteene leagues off to see if they could heare any newes of the rest of my ships shee returned within eight dayes all which time I remayned without a Boat Thus I was sixe dayes before I heard newes of any of my consorts The seuenteenth day came in the Roe-bucke hauing spent all her Masts but their Mison their Sailes blowne cleane away and in the most miserable case that euer ship was in all which misse-haps falling vpon me and then missing my small ships wherein vpon that Coast consisted all my strength hauing no Pinnaces nor great Boats left to land my men in for they were all cast away going to the Strait I notwithstanding the want of Boats and Pinnaces determined rather then not to bee reuenged of so base Dogs to venture the ships to goe downe the Riuer afore their Towne and to haue beaten it to the ground which forthwith I put in execution And hauing gotten downe halfe the way wee found the Riuer so narrow by reason of a shoald as all the companie affirmed plainly it was both desperate and most dangerous For the Riuer is all Ose and if a ship come aground it is vnpossible euer to get off for there riseth not aboue a foot water and no anchors will hold to hale off any my ships in so narrow a place as we were almost aground in wending Seeing this apparant danger I forthwith bare vp out of the Riuer where we escaped no small danger to get well out for we had not little more water then we drew and if shee had come aground it had beene vnpossible euer to haue gotten her off By these meanes of not passing the Riuer we were constrayned to let our reuenge passe for our Boats were so bad and small as wee durst put no men in them Notwithstanding wee landed and did them much spoile vpon their Farme-houses and got some quantitie of fresh victuals This place being not for vs considering our ships were not able to passe to their Towne and further our great wants did constraine vs to seeke some course of reliefe which being not to bee had there both for that wee had spoyled it a little before and also for that we could not conueniently come to doe them any preiudice without most losse to our selues I determined to part from thence and to goe to a small Iland some twentie leagues off and there to haue fitted all my necessaries and to haue cast off the Roe-bucke for that by no meanes her wants could by mee bee furnished and so at a seasonable time to haue gone for the Straits of Magellan againe Which intention I must confesse I kept most secret for feare of some mutinie but shewed the whole Companie that I would goe for Saint Helena where wee should meet with the Carracks which course I well knew did not much please them for they desired nothing more then returning home into England and if I had but named the Straits they would forthwith haue fallen into a most extreme mutinie for such were the miseries and torments they had indured as all
to sort such a number withall Now you shall vnderstand that in the night the Portugals had hailed the Shippes hard afore the Towne the Riuer where the Towne stood was not aboue a Bird-bolt-shot ouer and halfe a mile from the Towne where the Shippes rode the night wee came in they had new cast vp two small trenches on each side the Riuer one where they had planted some two small bases a peece vpon an hill Right ouer them were thicke woods and great rockes so that if any were possessed of them they might but tumble stones downe and beate away 1000. men The trench on the Wester-side of the Riuer shot at our Boats once or twice vpon that they began to thinke with themselues what to doe Captaine Morgan affirming the place to be verie narrow and that they could not well passe it without danger considering the many men in their Boats and also the charge which I had giuen was such if they saw any danger they should presently repaire aboord and certifie me and not to passe any further till they had vnderstood my further determination This Master Morgan made knowne amongst them whereupon some of the harebraine Sailers began to sweare that they neuer thought other but that he was a coward and now he will shew it that durst not land vpon a bable ditch as they tearmed it Vpon this the gentleman was very much moned and answeswered them that they should finde him to be none such as they accounted him and that come what could happen him he would land Vpon this in they put the Boats betweene the two sconses that on the Easter-side they had not seene and the Boats being hard vpon it were shot at and in the biggest Boat they hurt two and killed one with that shot Vpon this they determined that the smallest Boate with their company should land on the Wester-side and the other to land on the Easter-side The small Boate landed first and that place hauing but few in it they being not able to defend themselues ranne away so that our men entred peaceably without hurt of any The other Boate drawing much water was aground before they came neere the shoare so as they that landed were faine to wade aboue knee high in water Now the place or Sconse was in height some ten foote made of stone Captaine Morgan more resolutely then discreetely scaled the wall and ten more with him which went out of the Boate together Then the Indians and Portugals shewed themselues and with great stones from ouer the trench killed Morgan and fiue more and the rest of them being sore hurt retired to the Boate which by this time was so filled with Indian arrowes as of 45. men being in the Boate there escaped not eight of them vnhurt some hauing three arrowes sticking in them some two and there was none which escaped without wound The furie of those arrowes comming so thicke and so many of them being spoiled they put the Boat from the shoare leauing the rest on land a spoile for the Indians By this time there came two Boates full of lustie Portugals and some Spaniards who knowing the sconse on the Wester-side to be weakely manned came with their Boates to the forts side one of them ran ashoare which was fullest of men then our men let flye their Muskets at them and spoiled and killed all that were in that Boate. The others seeing their fellowes speede so ill rowed backe againe with all their force and got the Town againe In this meane time the great Boat being gotten of they called to them in the Sconse and willed them to forsake the Fort and to come and helpe them for they told them that all their men were spoiled slaine Vpon this they strait came out of the Sconse againe and retired to their Boat who rushing in all together into the Boat she came on ground so that off they could not get her but some must goe out of her againe tenne of the Iustiest men went out and by that time the Indians were come downe into the Fort againe and shot at our men They which were a land perceiuing the arrowes flye among them ranne againe to the Forts side and shot in at the lower hold with their Muskets By this the Boat was got of and one that was the Master of the Roe-bucke a most cowardly villaine that euer was borne of a woman caused them in the Boat to rowe away and so left those braue men a spoile for the Portugals yet they waded vp to the necks in the water to them but those mercilesse villaines in the Boate would haue no pitty on them Their excuse was that the Boat was so full of water that had they come in she would haue sunke with all them in her thus vilely were those poore men lost By this time they which were landed on the other side the great Boate not being able to rowe neere the shoare to relieue them were killed with stones by the Indians being thus wilfully and vndiscreetely spoiled which you may well perceiue if you looke into their landing especially in such a place as they could not escape killing with stones They returned aboord againe hauing lost fiue and twenty men whereof tenne of them were left ashoare in such sort as I haue shewed you When the Boates came to the Shippes side there were not eight men in the biggest Boate which were not most grieuously wounded I demanded of them the cause of their mishappes and how they durst land considering my strait commandement to the contrarie they answered mee that there was no fault in Captaine Morgan but the greatest occasion of all this spoile to them happened vpon a controuersie betweene the Captaine and those Souldiers that landed with him and were killed at the Fort for their ill speeches and vrging of Captaine Morgan was the cause that hee landed contrary to my commandement and vpon such a place as they all confessed fortie men were sufficient to spoile fiue hundred I leaue it to your selfe to iudge what a sight it was to mee to see so many of my best men thus wilfully spoiled hauing not left in my Shippe fiftie sound men so as wee were no more then able to waye our Ankers which the next morning wee did and finding it calme wee were constrained to come to an Anker againe for my onely intention was to get out of that bad roade and to put of into the Sea and there to determine what to doe for that place was not for vs to tarrie in for the roade was so bad as wee were not able to helpe our selues with a Boates loading of fresh water whereof wee stood in no small want In this dayes stay in the Roade I comforted these distressed poore men what I might and found most of their desires to returne againe into England I let them vnderstand how wee would goe backe againe to the Iland of Saint Sebastian and
they should be most infamous to the world that being within six hundred leagues of the place which we so much desired to returne home againe so farre being most infamous and beggerly These perswasions tooke no place with them but most boldly they all affirmed that they had sworne they would neuer goe againe to the Straits neither by no meanes would they And one of the chiefest of their faction most proudly and stubbornely vttered these words to my face in presence of all the rest which I seeing and finding mine owne faction to be so weake for there were not any that fauoured my part but my poore cousen Locke and the Master of the Ship I tooke this bold companion by the bosome and with mine owne hands put a rope about his necke meaning resolutely to strangle him for weapon about me I had none His companions seeing one of their chiefe champions in this case perceiuing me to goe roundly to worke with him they all came to the Master and desired him to speake affirming they would be ready to take any course that I should thinke good of I hearing this stayed my selfe and let the fellow goe after which time I found them something conformable at least in speeches though among themselues they still murmured at my intentions Thus hauing something pacified them and perswaded them that by no meanes I would take no other course then to go for the Straits I tooke ashoare with me thirtie Soldiers and my Carpenters carrying foureteene dayes victuall with me for them Thus going ashoare I hailed vp my Boate to new build her in such sort as she might bee able to abide the Seas leauing aboord all my sailers and the rest to rigge the Ship and mend sailes and to doe other businesse And now to let you know in what case I lay ashoare among these base men you shall vnderstand that of these thirtie there were vâ—rie few of them which had not rather haue gone to the Portugals then to haue remained with me for there were some which at my being ashoare were making rafts to goe ouer to the maine which was not a mile ouer where the Portugals had continuall watch of vs looking but for a fit opportunity to set vpon vs being in this case alwaies expecting the comming of the Portugals against whom I could haue made no resistance and further the trecherie of some of my companie which desired nothing more then to steale ouer so to betray me I protest I liued hourly as he that still expecteth death In this case I made all the speed I could to make an end of my Boate that we might be able to rowe her aboord which in twelue daies we mainely finished which being done I came aboord and found all my businesse in good forwardnesse so I determined with all possible speede to dispatch and be gone for the Straits of Magellane But ere euer we could get in all our water and timber-wood and other necessaires an Irish man a noble villaine hauing made a raft got ouer to the maine and told the Portugals which were there watching nothing but an opportunitie that if they would goe ouer in the night they should finde most of our men ashoare without weapon and that they might doe with them what they would vpon this the next night they came ouer and hauing taken some of our men they brought them where the rest lay which they most cruelly killed being sicke men not able to stirre to helpe themselues Those which were ashoare more then the sicke men had stolne out of the Shippe for it was all my care to keepe them aboord knowing well that the Portugals sought to spoile vs the place being so fit for them all ouergrowne with woods and bushes as their Indians might goe and spoile vs with their arrowes at their pleasures and we not be able to hurt one of them In the morning perceiuing their comming I sent my Boate ashoare and rescued all my healthfull men but fiue which they found out in the night without weapons to defend them whereof besides the losse of our men we hauing but foure sailes left one ashoare which was no small mishap among the rest The Portugals went presently againe ouer to the maine but left their Indians to keepe in the bushes About the watering-place our men going ashoare were shot at and hurt and could by no meanes come to hurt them againe by reason of the wood and bushes Wherefore finding my men hurt and that by no meanes I could doe any thing there without more losse of men whereof I had no neede for I had not abouâ— ninetie men left or little ouer notwithstanding my wants of wood and water and my Boate not being sufficiently mended was in no possibilitie to doe me pleasure in this case was I forced to depart fortune neuer ceasing to lay her greatest aduersities vpon me But now I am growne so weake and faint as I am scarce able to hold the penne in my hand wherefore I must leaue you to inquire of the rest of our most vnhappy proceedings but know this that for the Straits I could by no meanes get my company to giue their consents to goe For after this misfortune and the want of our sailes which was a chiefe matter they alleadged and to tell you truth all the men left in the Shippe were no more then able to weigh our ankers But in truth I desired nothing more then to attempt that course rather desiring to dye in going forward then basely in returning backe againe but God would not suffer me to dye so happy a man although I sought all the wayes I could still to attempt to performe somewhat For after that by no meanes I saw they could be brought to goe for the Straits hauing so many reasonable reasons to alleadge against me as they had first hauing but three sailes and the place subiect to such furious stormes and the losse of one of these was death and further our Boate was not sufficiently repaired to abide the Seas and last of all the fewnesse and feeblenesse of our company wherein we had not left thirty sailers these causes being alleadged against me I could not well answere but resolued them plainely that to England I would neuer giue my consent to goe and that if they would not take such courses as I intended I was then determined that Shippe and all should sinke in the Seas together Vpon this they began to be more tractable and then I shewed them that I would beate for Saint Hellena and there either to make our selues happy by mending or ending This course in truth pleased none of them and yet seeing my determination and supposing it would be more danger to resist me then in seeming to be willing they were at quiet vntill I had beaten from 29. degrees to the Southward of the Aequator to 20. At which time finding that I was too far Northerly to haue good winde I called
Blacke Pinnasse and the into the aforesaid Riuer of Plate but it was not the will of God that we should execute our pretence For the same day wee thought to haue descried Land the winde beganne to blow South-west and the Seas were very darke swelling in waues so high that we could not perceiue any of our accompanied ships although we were very neere one to another the Seas brake ouer the Poope of our shippe and washed our men astonisht with feare into the Skippers the Roe-bucke in this storme ranne her against our Poope and brake downe all our Gallerie all things were cast into the Sea that stood aboue Hatches heere miserable Fortune began to frowne on vs all especially on mee for all that I had both in clothes and money were cast into the Sea all our ship with the Seas that brake ouer her sides Here our Generall shewed himselfe to bee of a noble courage for hee did nothing but runne vp and downe encouraging his men which were all amazed thinking that to bee their last houre this storme continued three dayes in which time wee lost most of our sayles blowne away from the yards It was the will of God that after we had been three dayes in the storme the wind ceased but the Seas continued so great that wee were not able to beare any sayle We lying thus tost with Seas without sight of any of our fleet the company murmured and wished themselues againe at Santos and indeed we al thought that the rest of our company were driuen back with the storme to the Coast thinking it best for vs to returne againe The Generall hearing what speeches passed in the shippe came forth vpon the halfe decke and commanded all the company to come before him and after he had heard them speake he answered that he had giuen directions to all the Masters and Captaines of the fleete that what weather soeuer should part them that they should vse their indeuour to take Port Desire and that they should tarry a fortnight so if none of the company came they should leaue some marke on the shoare and goe on their Voyage with that euery man was satisfied the Generall promising twentie pounds to whomsoeuer could first spie a sayle we made our course to Port Desire and in ten dayes we safely arriued at our desired Port where we found all our fleet but the Daintie which was no little comfort to vs all because the time of our yeere was almost past we stayed here but two dayes taking a few Penguins from an Iland right before Port Desire When we came to the mouth of the Straits wee found the winde contrary and were forced to lye beating before the Harbour of Port Famine three dayes ere wee could double that Cape for many times we did cast anchor without the Cape in twentie fathomes water but on a sudden the current would carrie away the ships with Cables and Anchors afloat in the night in this current the Roe-bucke driuen with the current fell crosse ouer the haze there wee had no other remedy but were forced to cut our cables and so lose our Anchors In the end with much adoe we doubled the Cape and got into Port Famine where wee lay a seuennight for want of winde and weather to goe forward It the time that wee were at Port Famine euery day our men went on shoáre to get Muscles and Fruits of the Countrey to eate and the barke of a tree that was like Sinamon One day the Boate being ashoare there came to vs aboue a thousand Canibals naked with feathers in their hands but they would not come so neere vs as we could touch them If we offered them any thing they would reach to vs with a long Pole and whatsoeuer we gaue them they would returne vs feathers for it wee made our signes to them for victuals and they would shew vs by signes that they had none but what they could kill with their Darts I haue told you how my chist and all my clothes were cast ouer-boord now comming to this cold Climates and wanting clothes my hope of life was little for here men were well at morning and by night frozen to death It was my fortune to goe ashoare to get some food for the allowance of our ship was little and comming aboord againe with my feete wette and wanting shift of clothes the next morning I was nummed that I could not stirre my legs and pulling off my stockings my toes came with them and all my feete were as blacke as soote and I had no feeling of them Then was I not able to stirre Thus I continued for the space of a fortnight till wee came into a faire Bay where there were many faire Ilands and on the rockes of some of these Ilands wee found Scouts made of the barkes of trees and afterwards wee found many Indians but none of them would come to vs. On the South-west side of the Mayne we found a Riuer which wee thought had gone to the South Sea Our long Boate was sent vp this Riuer and found it to be very straite and deepe On the sides thereof they found great Muscles and in them good store of Pearles and we named it the Riuer of Pearles the Bay had the name of the Master of our Pinnasse because he first found it and did discouer it called it Tobias Bay From this place wee went further into the Straites hauing the winde against vs and with the cold there died euery day out of our ship eight or nine men Here one Harris a Gold-smith lost his Nose for going to blow it with his fingers cast it into the fire This Iohn Chambers Caesar Ricasen and many that are now in England can testifie The Generall hauing experience that the wind would tarry at the least two moneths his men died so fast that hee thought best to returne for the Coast of Brasill and there to separate our fleete to the Hauens of Santos that lye on the Coast Riuer of Iennary Spirito Santo determining by this meanes to furnish himselfe with Ropes Sayles and Victuals of such prices as hee did not doubt but to take and likewise determining to take Santos againe The Generall came backe with this pretence for Brasill came to Port Famine where wee anchored two dayes and there tooke a note of all his men that were liuing and finding some of them very sicke commanded them to be set on shoare I was so ill in the Straites that no man thought I would haue liued and twice I was brought vpon the Hatches to bee cast into the Sea but it was the will of God that when they had said Prayers as they accustomed when any man died and that they laid hands on me to cast me ouer-boord I spake desiring them not to cast me ouer-boord till I was dead At this Port Famine comming backe the Generall would haue set me on shoare but Captaine
Cocke entreated for me so I remayned in the ship I had very sorie clothes the toes of my feet full of Lice that God is my record they lay in clusters within my flesh and of many more besides my selfe I had no Cabbin but lay vpon a chist Now we come out of the Straits with all our fleet but the Dainty that lost vs in the Riuer of Plate in the storme that we had and the Crow that was sunke After that we came out of the Straits wee came before Port Desire againe and there our Boats went to Penguin Iland for Penguins at this place the Generall tooke a Chirurgion who cured with words This man comming aboord our ship said some words ouer my feet and I had feeling in my legges and feete which I had lost before for the space of a fortnight many times before this man came I had hot Irons laid to my feet but I had no feeling were they neuer so hot That day that we departed from Port Desire the Generall sent for all the Masters of the ships and commanded them that till midnight they should keepe there course with him and that when he should shew them two lights then they should cast about and beare in with the shoare but Dauis which was Captaine of the Desire and Tobie Master of the Pinnasse did deceiue vs and went for the Straits as I was enformed afterwards by some of there men that were taken at Brasill after that I was taken Three or foure dayes after this wee had a great storme in the which the Roe-bucke lost her mayne Mast and we lost her Now were wee all alone in a great ship and we knew not what wee were best to doe but in the end wee determined to come for Santos hoping there to find the rest of our company In this storme I sate on a chist and was not able to stirre for still as the ship seeled on one side the chist went from starboord to larboord and it was the will of God that it fell betweene a piece of Ordnance and the Carpenters Cabbin on the one side and on the other side betweene another Peece and the Chirurgions Cabbin Thus all the night I lay very cold and it was the will of God that the chist neuer turned ouer for if it had I could not haue escaped death the next day the storme ceased and most of our young Saylers which we call men of top a yard being wearied with their nights worke that was past were vnder Hatches asleepe and would not come vp to doe some businesse that was to bee done With that the Generall came downe with the end of a Rope as bigge as mine arme and one of the Saylers hid himselfe behind me the Generall spying him strooke at him and hit me on the side of the head and halfe an houre after finding me in the same case that the Generall had left mee in they tooke me and would haue cast mee out of one of the parts of the ship but it was the will of God that I spake and was saued Here one of the Indians that came to the Generall in the night at Santos fell ouer-boord by a mischance and was drowned Wee with much adoe in the end got to the Harbour of Santos where wee found none of our company we anchored right before a Sugar-mill that stood hard by the Sea side the Generall asked if there were any that would goe ashoare then Captaine Stafford Captaine Southwell and Captaine Barker offered themselues to goe on shoare and twentie more with them the Boate that they went in was made of Sugar chists and barrell boords they landed and tooke the Sugar-mill at the which they tooke a great Barke and sent it laden with victuals aboord our shippe which was more welcome vnto vs then if it had beene gold Here wee continued all that day and the next day they sent the great Boate againe laden with Sugars and Guinee Wheate then the Generall sent them word that they should come away but they sent him word againe that they had more prouision on shoare and before all was aboord they would not come The third day that our men were on shoare the Portugall set on them They had the little Boate ashoare but the wind being from shoare the great Boat went not from the ship side that day the next day that our men were slaine our long Boate went ashoare and brought vs newes how the little Boat was broke and how all our men were gone One of the Indians that I haue told you of landed here with our men and hauing experience of the Countrey when our men were in the hottest of their fight ranne away hauing one Arrow shot thorow his necke and another in his mouth and out at his poale this Indian swamme aboord vnto vs vpon a logge and told vs that all our men were slaine The Generall thought good to goe from hence to the Iland of San Sebastian and there if he did not meete with some of the ships that then he would returne for England the same day that we were to depart from Santos the Roe-bucke past by the mouth of the Riuer of Bertia where we were and shot a Peece and we answered with another then the Roe-bucke came into vs with her Masts broken After the Roe-bucke came to vs we went neerer the Towne determining to haue beaten downe the Towne with our Ordnance but wanting water the Gallion Lecester toucht ground and we had much adoe to get her cleere againe Then wee landed eightie of our men at a small Riuer neere the Towne where we had great store of Mandiora Roots Potatoes Plantons and Pine Apples The Portugals seeing our men going into the Riuer sent six Canoas to meete them we seeing them made a shot at them with the chaine of our Pumpe with that they returned and our Boats came safely aboord with good store of the aforenamed Roots In our ship there was a Portugall whom we tooke in the ship taken at Cape Frio this Portugall went with vs to the Straits of Magellanus and seeing of our ouerthrow told vs of a Towne called Spirito Sancto this Portugall said that we might goe before the Towne with out ships and that without danger we might take many Sugar-mils and good store of cattle The words of this Portugall made vs breake off our pretence that wee had for San Sebastian and we went to Spirito Sancto in eight dayes we got before the mouth of the Harbour at length we came to an Anchor in the Roade and presently we sent our Boats to sound the Channell and we found not halfe the depth that the Portugall said we should finde the Generall thinking that the Portugall would haue betrayed vs without any triall caused him to bee hanged â—he which was done in a trise Here all the Gentlemen that were liuing desired that they might go ashoare to take the Towne The
both my hands and strooke him on the head with the Hilts that I made a great wound Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee set in the Stockes and bound my hands where I lay all that night and the next day in the afternoone there came two Portugals and read certaine Articles against mee which the Captaine had caused to bee made saying that I had killed many sicke Indians when I had found them alone and that I had deserued death by making a mutinie in the Court of Guard by striking that was sufficient to make an vprore After they had read all this they bid mee prepare my selfe for death and so went their wayes Within halfe an houre after the Frier came to mee and asked mee whether I would confesse or no I told him that I had stolne nothing from no man and as for my sinnes God knew the secrets of all hearts wherefore I had nothing to confesse to him With that after many Orations that hee made to mee hee went his way All the Portugals went to the Captaine entreating him to pardon me but hee would not heare them desiring God that he might neuer come into Christian Countrey if hee did not hang mee I lay all day and night in the Stocks till it was foure of the clocke the next morning Then the Frier came to me againe and told mee that my houre was very neere and desired mee to prepare my selfe to dye like a Christian I told him I hoped the Lord would haue mercie vpon me Betwixt six and seuen of the clock there came the ensigne and a Scriuener and two or three Portugals with them and an Indian with a cord in his hand and by the command of the Portugals put it about my necke then I was carried to the place of execution all the Portugals being about me I said Gentlemen the Captaine putteth me not to death for the offence that lately I haue done but a grudge he holdeth against me falsely rumered by his Cosen who is now present because I would not saue him and for that and no other matter I am condemned at this present As I was speaking the Indian that should haue beene my executioner came from the top of the house where I should haue bin executed and thrusting me on the side of the head said What doest thou prate knowest thou not that the Captaines Father sent thee hither that thou mightest neuer returne with that the Portugals checkt the Indian and Iohn de soso standing with Graned del Galbo and â—ostâ—o Abanos yea a great many Portugals said what authoritie hath the Captaine to hang this man we come not in the Kings seruice but for our owne profits and he is but the Gouernours bastard Sonne so they commanded the execution to be staied then Iohn de Soso went to the Captaine and told him Sir we know not where we are and many of our men are dead wherefore it is not conuenient at this time that we should weaken our selues for we know not if any of vs shall returne againe or not wherefore wee desire you to pardon this Englishman for he is as good a Souldier as any of vs and the man that is hurt is not in danger The Captaine swore a great oath that I should dye then Iohn de Soso and the rest of the Portugals bid him shew what authoritie he had to put me to death and if he shew not authoritie from the King I should not dye at that time for they were to answere for me as well as he The Captaine came out very angerly and made great protestations against Iohn de Soso that hee was an vpholder of mutinies Iohn de Soso said that he would answere to all that he alleadged and so I was released from death After we had beene at this place two moneths making our prouision we went forward to another Towne we found great store of Ginnie Wheate newly planted here we remained three moneths till the Wheate was ripe from thence all the Company returned home but my selfe and twelue yong men we asked leaue of the Captaine to goe to seeke our aduenture the Captaine gaue vs leaue to doe what we would for mine owne part I asked leaue onely for feare to goe homewards lest the Captaine should worke me some mischiefe likewise wee did all thinke we should hardly get home for we knew not where we were and the way that we did come we durst not returne againe for feare of the Pories and Lepos Tominenos and other Canibals left they seeing vs weake should betraie vs. §. III. His strange trauailes with twelue Portugals whom the Sauages did eate His life with the Canibals and after that with the Portugals from whom hee fleeth to Angola is brought backe and after manifold chances is shipped to Lisbone I And the twelue aforesaid tooke our leaue of the Captaine determining to goe to the South Sea rather then returne againe without any thing The names of the Portugals were these Francisco Tauares Lewes de Pino Gonsalo Fernandes Tomas Deluare Lewis Loello Matheas del Galo Iohn de Siluesa Petro de Casta Antonio fernandes Gorgedias Manuell Caldera and my selfe Anthony Kniuet After we had departed from our Captaine we made a great Canoa of a barke of a tree and went downe the Riuer called Ianary for the space of a weeke that we came where we found a little Village of sixe houses and it seemed it had beene a long time sithence any inhabitants were there when we came to this Village we left our Canoa and determined to goe by land In this Towne we found great store of earthen Pots and in some of them peeces of Gold tied at lines that the Indians fish withall likewise we found Stones as greene as grasse and great store of white glistering Stones like Christall but many of them were blew and greene red and white wonderfull faire to behold when we saw the peeces of Gold and those Stones we made accompt that we were very neere Potasin then we tooke our way South-west and went vp a great Mountaine of Wildernesse After that we came to a place of dry Browne earth full of hils rocks and many small Riuers at the head by many of these Riuers we found little peeces of Gold as bigge as an Hasell nut and great store in dust like sand After which we came into a faire Countrie and we saw a great glistering Mountaine before vs ten daies before we could come to it for when we came into the plaine Countrie and were out of the Mountaines and the Sunne began to come to his height wee were not able to trauaile against it by the reason of the glistering that dazeled our eyes At the last by little and little we came to the foote of this Mountaine where we found great store of Tamandros We went along by this Mountaine at the least twenty daies before we could finde any way to passe ouer it at
Crocodile hath great scales and long clawes very vgly to be seene The Portugals when they know where any of these great ones are doe fish for them with a câ—aine and a great Iron hooke and for bait they tie a Cock or a Hen to the hooke they take this paines to take him because his Cods are very great and better then any muske At this place the Mountaines are so full of Crab-lice that wee knew not what to doe they would stick in our skins that we could not get them off but were faine to take drie straw and singe our selues as you would singe Hogs and so rid our selues of them Here also wee had great store of wilde Hogs and a kinde of wilde Fowle as bigge as Turkies called Mutas Abausanga is the name of a valiant Caniball that is adioyning hard by the Wataquazes these Canibals are a kinde of the Tamoyes Some twentie yeeres agone there was a Gouernour among them called Mendesaa in the Riuer of Ianuarie who made warre against the Tamoyes and in the end ouer run all their Countrie or Prouince onely this Abausanga remayned hidden in Dungeons and grâ—at Holes with some fortie or fiftie of his Couâ—trimen It was our chance going to warre with the Wataquazes to come through this Towne and there we had newes by Abausangas people that he was at warre against the Wataquazes whereupon we made Spies to see if we could take him before that we would set vpon the Wataquazes One euening we heard a great noise of Canibals then the Captaine sending out some Spies my selfe being one wee saw that it was Abausanga and his companie that had taken fiue Wataquazes and with great stirre were killing of them to eate Assoone as we had espyed all that we could wee returned againe to the Captaine and told him what we had seene and that night cirâ—led Abausanga and tooke him priâ—oner with sixtie young men of his companie wee asked of him our best course to warre against the Wataquazes he told vs that he was rather to take our aduice then we to aske his that he vsed no policie but to fight in open field and if we would we should see how he made warre agâ—iâ—st his enemies the nexâ— day we being hard by the Inhabitants of the Wataquazes Abausanga came forth and ioyned all his companie together with leaue of our Captaine and assoone as they were all readie vvith their bowes and arrowes hee ran into the thickest of his enemies with all his companie where eighteene of his companie were presently killed and most of them sore hurt he himselfe being shot in one and twentie parts In our sight he killed three Wataquazes before hee fell the Portugals kept still by the woods side and with their peeces killed one hundred and thirtie Wataquazes the wilde people were so amazed when they heard our peeces goe off that they thought the Deuill had beene amongst them and euery one began to flie as fast as he could the Portugals following them found Abausanga in the field hurt as you haue heard This Abausanga assoone as he perceiued the Portugals to stand amazed at him desired them to tell him somewhat of God for he said that Frenchmen had told him that there was a God and that he which beleeued in him should be saued The Portugals telling him of their faith hee said that hee beleeued in that God and desired to bee baptised and had his name giuen him Iohn For the space of two houres that this Indian liued hee did nothing but call vpon God and so ended his life being one hundred and twentie yeeres of age as he shewed vs by signes The Wayanasses inhabite eighteene leagues Southward of the Riuer of Ianuarie at a place called by the Portugals Ilha Grande that is to say The great Iland These Canibals are of low stature great bellies and broad feet very Cowards of a reasonable good complexion They doe not carue their bodies neitheâ—r doe they glorie so much to eate mans flesh as the Tamoyes the Tomymenos and other Canibals doe The Women are bigge in the body and very vgly but they haue very good faces The Women of this Countrie doe paint their bodies and faces with a thing called in their language Urucu it groweth in a round Cod like a beane and that maketh a red inke like Oker which maketh them seeme most vgly The haire both of men and women groweth long by the sides and on the crowne all shauen like Franciscan Friars These Canibals lye in Nets made of barkes of trees and likewise when they trauell through the Wildernesse such prouision as they haue they carrie in little Nets at their backs they are neuer without Tabacco they esteeme it more then any thing that they haue in their Countrie and with it do heale their wounds when they are hurt When the Portugals doe stand in need of slaues they doe come to Ilha Grande and there they shall be sure to meet with some of the Wayanasses a fishing then they shew them Kniues Beades and Glasses telling them what they would haue for merchandise and presently they will goe to a place called in their language Iawarapipo which is their chiefest Towne and from thence bring all such as they meane to sell to the Sea side and as good cheape as you can you may buy of them The Topinaques inhabite at Saint Vincents they are men of good stature and of reasonable good complexion their women are all painted with diuers colouâ—s and on their heads they weare a thin barke of a tree like a Ribband the Canibals eate mans flesh as other Canibals doe they adore no Idoll neither haue they any kinde of Religion onely when they kill any man they all paint their bodies with a kinde of fruit called Ianipauo and all their heads are set with feathers and great stones in their vnder-lips with Rattles in their hands and thus they will dance for three dayes together I was amased to see how they would drinke a filthy drinke without breaking of their bellies and asked them how they were able to stand so long and drinke so much of that filthy drinke they answered me that Tabacco did make them as fresh as if they had done nothing Among these Canibals there is great store of gold in many Hills hard by the Sea side and now the Portugals haue some of those places I would wee had the rest Here I end to discourse any farther of the Canibals that dwell by the Sea side till I haue told you of such Nations as I met withall when I went through the Countrie and how I came againe to the Sea I haue told you in the first booke of my trauell how that fiue or sixe yeeres after I had beene taken by the Portugals I went to warre against the Canibals with the Portugals Now by the grace of God as neere as I can I haue told you of all the Nations that I
saw and conuerst with in nine moneths that I trauelled through the Wildernesse with the Portugals and a yeere and eleuen moneths that I passed with the Canibals themselues THe Canibals called Pories inhabite at the least one hundred miles within the land they are most like vnto the Wayanasses men of low stature they liue onely on Pine nuts and small Cocos that are as bigge as Apples but they haue shâ—lls like Wall-nuts somewhat harder the Indians call them Eyrires They are of good complexion and esteeme very much of clothes if they can get them the women are all painted with diuers colours as red blue and yellow they are in peace with the Portugals and warre with no Nation neither will they eate mans flesh if they haue any other meate they lie in little Nets made of barkes of trees they haue no houses but two or three boughs tyed together couered with Palme leaues if it happeâ— to raine In this part of the Countrie I saw great store of Leopards and Lions the Indians call the Leopard Iawaryle and the Lions Iawarosou and many great Cats of mountaine which the Indians call Marcayahite here you may haue of the Indians for a Knife or a Combe fiue or sixe Gallons of Balsome oile After you haue passed the famous Riuer of Paraeyua you shall come into a Countrie of Canibals called Molopaques they are much like vnto Dutchmen in bignesse very faire of complexion they haue all beards like other men so hath not any other kinde of Canibals except it bee here and there one Most of them doe couer their priuie parts they are very ciuill in their behauiour their Townes are very strong all circled with walls made of earth and great logs they haue houses seuerall euery man with his familie They haue one amongst them whom they call Morouishaua which is their King but we saw no difference betweene him and the rest but only the name and he had as I remember thirteene wiues and no other had so many Amongst these Canibals we found good store of gold the which they doe not esteeme neither doe they vse it for any thing but to tie on their fishing lines when they goe a fishing in the Riuer of Para where they take great store of good fish Para is beyond Paraeyua eightie leagues these Indians doe not worke in the mynes for gold as the Spaniards doe but onely take such peeces as they finde when the raine hath washt away the earth for where the mynes of gold are there are no trees but are drie Mountaines of black earth which the Indians call Taiuquara and the Mountaine where the Molopaques doe finde this great store of gold is called Eâ—epararange if these Canibals had the knowleâ—ge of God I might bolâ—ly say that there are not any in the world like them The women are goodly of person faire of complexion as our English women are they are very modest and ciuill in their behauiour you shall neuer see them laugh they are people very capable to conceiue any thing they haue their haire so long that they tie it about their middles with the barke of a tree wherewithall they couer their nakednesse they esteeme very much of it Their haire is of colours like our English women some yellow some white some browne the women that haue not long haire to couer their nakednesse doe weare a kinde of Furre which they call Sawyathwasoâ— These Canibals doe eate mans flesh I was not past nine or ten dayes among them therefore I cannot resolue you further of their customes In that time I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them they doe keepe very good order obseruing times to eate their meate at noone and at night and that doth not any other Nation amongst them they are very cleanly in whatsoeuer they doe Then wee came to a faire champaine Countrie where wee found a kinde of Canibals called Motayas Assoone as these Canibals heard of our being in their Countrie they all left their houses and came to meet vs dancing and singing telling vs that they were very glad of our comming into their Countrie they brought Ginny Wheat Pepper and diuers kinde of rootes to present vs and craued our friendship desiring vs that we would aide them against the Tamoyes We desiring nothing more told them that to that purpose we were come Assoone as wee came to the houses of these Canâ—bals all the women would sit about vs and laying their hands on our bodies they would weepe most bitterly After that euery one of them would bring such victuals as they had some brought boyled Frogs others brought Serpents and Snakes which wee found very good other some brought Munkeis and a kind of wilde Dogge that they kill in the Mountaines The men brought vs mans flesh rosted drie as black as a coale and told vs that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed and desired vs that we would eate of it thinking they had presented vs a great and daintie dish When they saw that wee refused to eate mans flesh they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat These Canibals are men of small stature browne of complexion they goe all naked they weare their haire as now we doe in England below their eares and so doe the women As their haire gâ—oweth long they burne it with fire making it equall so artificially that you cannot perceiue but that it was cut with Sizors They will not haue any haire grow on their eye-browes nor on their chin but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell their food is Ginny wheat and Roots Frogs Snakes Serpents Crocodiles Monkeâ—s Dogs that they kill in the Wildernesse Leopards and Cats of Mountaine all this â—s good meat amongst them and we found them very good and were very glad when we could get them to eate Then we came to a kinde of Caniball called Lopos the Portugals call them Bilreros these Canibals are alwayes in the Mountaines of Pine trees and haue not any other thing to liue on I neuer saw any houses that they dwell in but bougâ—s tyed together with rines of trees these Canibals would come to vs and tell vs of many things and would goe with vs two or three dayes and then would run away from vs and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians or our Portugals they would take away such things as they had about them and send them away without any hurt to their persons As wee went through this Countrie we found many mynes of gold and amongst these Indians our Captaine got good store of it and many good stones In all America there is not a richer part then this but it is so farre within the Land and that Countrie is so populous that as yet neither Portugall nor Spaniard can inhabite there They are men of small stature
a shell of a fish that they finde by the shâ—are side and from Brasil the Portugals doe carrie great store of them to Angola These Moores doe esteeme verie much of red blew and yellow cloathes they will giue a slaue for a span of cloath in breadth I meane and the length of it of the breadth of the peece those peeces of cloth they weare about their middles and vnder it they hang the skin of a great Weasell before them and another behinde them and this is all the garments that they weare A Weazell in their language is called Pâ—ccâ— You can doe a Blackamoore no greater disgrace then to take away his Skinne from before him for he will dye with griefe if he cannot be reuengéd the Portugals doe marke them as we doe Sheepe with a hot Iron which the Moores call Crimbo the poore slaues stand all in a row one by another and sing Mundele que sumbela â—e Carey â—a belelelle and thus the poore rogues are beguiled for the Portugals make them beleeue that they that haue not the marke is not accounted a man of any account in Brasil or in Portugall and thus they bring the poore Moores to be in a most damâ—able bondage vnder the colour of loue The Countrey of Angola yeeldeth no stone and very little wood the Moores doe make their houses all couered with earth these houses are no bigger then a reasonable Chamber and within are many partitions like the Cabbins of a ship in such sort that a man cannot stand vpright in them There beds are made of great Bulrushes sowed together with the rindes of a Tree They doe make cloth like Sparke of Veluet but it is thinner of the barke of a Tree and that cloth they doe call Mollelleo The Elephants doe feed in the Euening and in the Morning in low marishes as there bee many The Moores doe watch which way they come and assoone as the Elephants are at meat they digge great holes in the ground and couer them with sticks and then they couer the pits with earth and when they haue made all readie they goe to the Elephants and shoote at them with their Arrowes and assoone as the Elephants feele themselues hurt they râ—nne at what soeuer they see before them following after the Blackamores that chase them then they fall into the deepe pits where after they are once in they cannot get out The Moores of Angola are as blacke as â—et they are men of good stature they neuer take but one Wife whom they call Mocasha These Moores doe cut long streakes in their faces that reach from the top of their eares to their chinnes The women doe weare shels of fishes on their armes and on the small of their legges The Law amongst them is that if any More doe lie with an others wife hee shall lose his eares for his offence These Moores doe circumcize their children and giue them their names as wee doe when we baptize Angola may very easily be taken for the Portugals haue no Forts to defend it of any strength The King of Congo is the greatest King in all Aethiopia and doth keepe in the field continually sixtie thousand Souldiers that doe warre against the King of Vangala and the King of Angola this King is a Christian and is brother in Law of Armes with the King of Spaine his seruants of his house are most of them all Portugals and hee doth fauour them very much The King is of a verie liberall condition and verie fauourable to all Trauellers and doth delight verie much to heare of forreigne Countries He was in a manner amazed to heare how it was possible her Maiestie had liued a Maiden Queene so long and alwaies reigned in peace with her subiect When I was brought before the King and told him of my Countrie what plentie of things we had if the Portugals had not liked of it they would interrupt my speech and the King would shew himselfe verie angrie and tell them that euerie man was best able to speake of his Countrie and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true The King of Congo when hee goeth to the Campe to see his Armie rideth vpon an Elephant in great pompe and maiestie on either side of the Elephant he hath six slaues two of them were Kings that he himselfe had taken in the field all the rest were of noble birth some of them were brothers to the King of Ancica and some of them were of the chiefest bloud of the great King of Bengala These noble slaues at euerie command of the King of Congo doe fall flat on the ground on their brests When the King doth ride as you haue heard they carrie a Canopâ—e as it were a cloth of State ouer his head His two Secretaries the one a Nobleman of Spaine the other a More doe ride next after him Before him goeth at the least fiue hundred Archers which are his Guard then there followeth a More which doth nothing but talke aloud in praise of the King telling what a great Warriour he hath beene and praising his wisdome for all things that hee hath accomplished verie honourably to his great fame of such as knew him When this King of Congo commeth to his Host all the Souldiers as he passeth fall flat on their faces to the ground He neuer commeth into his Host after any battell but hee dubbeth at the least twentie Knights Portugals and as many Moores giuing them verie great liuing according to their callings and the seruice that they haue done The brother of this King was in Spaine at my comming from thence for Ambassadour from his brother Here the Portugall Captaine would haue taken mee perforce to haue beene a common Souldier but the King commanded that they should let mee goe whether I would and my determination at that time was to haue gone for the Countrie of Prester Iohn for I had a great desire to see the Riuer of Nilo and Ierusalem for I accounted my selfe as a lost man not caring into what Countrie or Kingdome I came but it was not the will of God that I should at that time obtaine my desire For trauellinâ— through the Kingdome of Congo to haue gone to the Kingdome of Angila It was my fortune to meete a companie of Portugall Souldiers that went to a Conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken called Masangana which place is on the borders of Anguca Here they made me serue like a Drudge for both day and night I carried some stone and â—ime to make a Fort. It lieth right vnder the Line and standeth in a bottome in the middle of foure hils and about are many fogges but not one Riuer It is the vnfirmest Countrie vnder the Sunne Here the Portugals die like Chickens you shall see men in the morning verie â—ustie and within two houres dead Others that if they but weat their legges presently they swell
one a Cane from Towne to Towne for a fish-hooke or a few beads of glasse or any such trifle and there is no trauelling in the World so easie as this for you may lye or sit and play on a Gitterne all the way if you will for so the Spaniards doe you shall passe by many Mynes of Gold and traffique with the Indians for Gold and diuers kinds of precious Stones but not in that plentie as you shall at Potâ—sin by reason that there the Mynes are open and wrought on and those betweene Santiago and Potossin are not At Potossin there is no want of any thing although the Countrey of it selfe bee very barren but by reason of the great traffique that they haue from Lyma and all the Townes of the South Sea they haue alwayes prouision enough for from those Townes they bring Oyle and Wine in great Iarres of earth vpon great sheepe which are called sheepe of fiue quarters for their tailes haue almost as much as a quarter To tell the particulars of the Mynes would bee a new Storie only this they find the Oare like blacke Lead then they grinde it in Ingines then they wash it through fine Sieues in paued Cisternes that are made for the purpose the Moores are all naked as long as they worke because he shall not hide any precious stone The Spaniards herâ— are all very rich and in truth as gallant fellowes as can be The Francisco Friers carrie a great sway in this Countrey by reason that they were the first that preached in this part of India CHAP. VIII Relations of Master THOMAS TVRNER who liued the best part of two yeeres in Brasill c. which I receiued of him in conference touching his Trauels IN Saint Michael one of the Açores they ascend vp in a forenoones iourney vnto a hill into a Chappell wherein they need a fire in Summer for the cold there being a little off three Springs the one whereof casteth vp waters in a continual boyling with a terrible noise and of great heate the second of heate intolerable which in short time scaldeth any liuing thing to death the ground also hote to stand on but the water calme The third is warme and a fit Bathe In these Ilands in Caues bee found men buried before the Conquest whole c. Brasilian Indians are Canibals and not for reuenge only but for food also deuoure mans flesh The Portugals make not slaues of them nor can enioyne them worke by reason of a commission to the contrarie obtained by the Iesuites neither doe they winne of them ought but by faire meanes They are most excellent Archers goe starke naked the womens haire long and blacke barsh as a Horse-taile He did see vp the Riuer of Plate one twelue foot high and report was of higher in that Countrey Their Weapons are two massie bowles at the two ends of a string cast c. He saw also men there with the hinder parts of their heads not round but flat and a little before this Relation about Anno 1610. he said that at London he had seene carried to the Court a thigh bone of a man a yard and halfe in length Their beasts in Brasill are great Apes with beards and Mustachioes Kine like vnto ours of both sexes but liuing in the waters and resorting to land to feed Hauing no Vdders nor hornes long legs harmelesse lesse somewhat then ours their flesh like beefe but eaten in the name of fish Tigres like Grey-hounds spotted like Ounces exceeding swift the force of whose paw at a blow killeth his prey Their beast by some called Hay which yet he saith eateth leaues of trees and not Aire only the louely prettie Segouin The Serpent Cobrus whereof he saw one almost as bigge as himselfe twentie foot long killed by their Indian boy of colour like an Adder Of whom they report and a Father gaue him instance of the proofe that watching his prey ' that is whatsoeuer commeth by it windeth about and getteth the taile into the fundament drawing the guts after it and so preyeth on the same deuouring all till that it be not able for fulnesse to stirre but rotteth as it lyeth the flesh quite away the head and bones remaining in which the life continuing recouereth at last his former â—â—ate One was thus found in the rottennesse and being bound for proofe by the Portugals with a withe to a Tree at their returne was so found repaired The beast that baggeth vp her young ones c. as in others Relations heere therefore omitted The Indian is a fish in the Sea and a Foxe in the Woods and without them a Christian is neither for pleasure or profit fit for life or liuing Out of Angola is said to bee yeerely shipped eight and twentie thousand slaues and there was a Rebellion of slaues against their Masters tenne thousand making a head and barracadoing themselues but by the Portugals and Indians chased and one or two thousand reduced One thousand belonged to one man who is said to haue tenne thousand slaues Eighteene Ingenios c. his name is Iohn de Paâ—s exiled out of Portugall and heere prospering to this incredibilitie of wealth There are Apples called Ananas pleasant in colour and exceedingly in taste and holesome but eating Iron as Aquafortis Brasill is full of Mines if the King would suffer the digging them CHAP. IX The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello by Captaine WILLIAM PARKER of Plimmouth the seuenth of February 1601. IN the beginning of Nouember 1601. I departed from Plymmouth with two ships one Pinnasse and two shallops in quarters toward the West Indies My chiefe ship wheieâ—n I went my selfe as Admirall was named the Prudence of an hundred tuns wherein I had an hundred and thirtie tall men the second was the Pearle a small ship of sixtie tonnes wherein went as my Vice-admirall Master Robert Rawlin accompanied with sixtie lustie fellowes my Pinnasse of twentie tuns was manned with eighteene men In this Consort were Master Edward Giles and Philip Ward Gentlemen Captaines by Land with Captaine Antonie Fugars Captaine Loriman Captaine Ashley and diuers other Gentlemen of much towardlinesse and valour as they made good proofe in the successe of this Voyage In our passing by the Câ—pe of Saint Vincent in Spaine commonly called the South Cape I was encountred with such a terrible Ternado or gust of winde that my Pinnasse with fifteene of our men to our great griefe was vtterly cast away wee being not able with the vttermost of our endeauours to saue aboue three of the rest From thence I shaped my course to the Iles of Cape Verde and immediately vpon my arriuall there I set vpon one of them called Saint Vincent with an hundred men and tooke the Iland and the Towne thereof which was a prettie place the spoile wâ—eâ—eof I gaue to my Souldiers which after they had pillaged it set the same on fire Hence
what it cost and suddenly cloue his head therewith which his brother perceiuing ranne for his Rapier but the Indian women had stolne it away before and so they killed him also with their Bowes and Arrowes and three or foure Negroes which seemed to resist them and thereupon flied to the Mountaines gathering a great company vnto him promising them that if they would aide him against the Spaniards in Coro he would giue them the Spaniards wiues and daughters in marriage But before they put this conspieacie in practise Captaine Peroso by a Policie tooke him feasting among his fellowe and women and tooke thirtie with him and brought them all to Coro where they were to suffer death with great torments to terrifie the rest And of some they cut off the thumbes and cut the sinewes of their two fore-fingers whereby they wanted the benefit of â—hooting Our entertainment there was such that we could not desire to part from thâ—m to come into our owne Countrey without offending them For a Frigat being readie at Coro 〈◊〉 goe for Carthagena foure of vs made intreatie for passage which were Philip Glastocke Richarâ— Garret William Picks and my selfe Iohn Nicols for all the rest were in the Countrey vpon plâ—sure some in one place and some in another And when the ship was readie to depart they perâ—â—aded the Gouernour not to let vs goe For they told him that there were many ships of Hollandâ—on â—on the Coast and that if we went all in the Frigate we would betray it vnto them causing the Fathers of their Churches to tell vs That if we would stay wee should be as themselues arâ— they would willingly bestow both their daughters and their goods vpon vs. Yet notwithstanding all their allurements our desire was for our owne Countrey and so three of vs procured meâ—es for to goe and William Picks was stayed by meanes his Master told the Gouernour that foâ—e were to many to venter in the Frigat Thus we departed from Core about the twentieth of Aprill leauing all those with whom wee dwelt very sorrowfull for our departure who gaue vs great store of prouision for our Voyage They were very loth to let vs go to Carthagena for feare we should be put into the Gallies And the Gouernour of Coro himselfe wrote vnto the chiefe men of Carthagena in our commendation as to Don Pedro de Barres who was his Sonne in Law but it tooke small effect By the way wee touched at Santa Marta and watered there Within three dayes after we arriued at Carthagena we were committed to Prison by the Teniente for the Gouernour was dead not three dayes before we came in Yet we brought our Letter from Coro from one Sennor Gasper Sanchio Contador or in our behalfe to one Sennor Antonio Cambero who prooued a speciall good friend vnto vs. For we had not beene an houre in Prison but hee came to vs and comforted vs and bade vs not to feare for wee should not want any thing So he went to the Teniente and proffered three of his Negroes to set vs at libertie and if we made an escape he should haue those Negroes for his owne vse The worst of those Negroes was worth three hundred Duckets But hee would not neither would he allow vs any victuals But this Cambero sent vs euery day at noone one very good meales meate Also there were three Englishmen who serued as Mariners in one of the King of Spaines Gallions which carrie his Treasure which after that they were at Sea were by forcible tempest driuen back againe to Carthagena in a great danger to be sunk for she had twelue foot water in her Some escaped to Hauana and fiue of the richest ships were sunke on the shoalds betwixt Carthagena and Hauana These three Englishmen did allow vs twelue pence a day so long as wee remayned in Prison Euery Saturday the Teniente with his Alcaldies doe sit in iudgement within the Prison where the Teniente commanded that we should be sent to the Gallies Then one Alcaldie who was alwayes found to bee a fauourer of Englishmen whose name was Sennor Francisco Lopez de Moralis called for our Examination which when hee had perused hee told him that hee could not with Iustice commit vs. Who answered againe Then let them remayne in Prison vntill the Gallions come from Spaine for the treasure Within two moneths after a Deputie Gouernour was chosen vnto whom we framed a Petition which was deliuered by Iohn Frendgam whose answere was to him that if wee could procure any Spaniards to bayle vs for our forth comming we should be at libertie Which Sennor Francisco Lopez and Antonie Cambero no sooner heard but they entred into bond of a thousand Duckets for our forth comming And at our deliuery the Teniente told vs that although by order of Law they could iustly haue put vs to death yet seeing God had so miraculously saued vs and that we had endured so many miseries to saue our liues and that we came to them for succour and reliefe they were content to set vs at libertie So Francisco Lopez brought a discharge from the Gouernour to the Iaylour for our deliuery out of Prison and brought vs all three to his owne house where was prouided for euery one of vs a seuerall bed For the Countrey is so hot that we cannot lie but one in a bed Our entertainment was very great and all our seruices in plate with great varietie of meates and of all the most delicious Indian fruits and yet he thought we neuer fared well enough without hee sent vs one extraordinary dish or other from his owne Table Also many Gallauts resorted to his house to play at Cards who would bee very liberall vnto vs at their winning and would giue vs sixe or seuen pieces of Eight at a time There we continued vntill the Gallions were readie to goe for Spaine with the treasure then hee procured vs passage euery one in a seuerall ship And the day before wee embarked which was about the first of August there came two more of our company from Coro which were Miles Pet and Richard Ferne who were both placed with Philip Glastocke in the shippe called Saint Baotholomew Richard Garret went in the ship called La Madre de Dios and my selfe in the Santa Cruz. So we were a moneth in sayling to Hauana where wee stayed another moneth to trimme the ships The Gouernour there was Don Pedro de Valdes Prisoner in England 1588. So we liued all on shoare with eighteene pence a day for our diet and about the end of September departed leauing that shippe wherein Philip Glastocke Miles Pet and Richard Ferne were with another ship called the Saint Vincent for want of prouision of bread We shot the channell of Florida in eight dayes against the winde and came along by the I le of Bermuda and were nine weekes in sayling betweene Hauana and the Coast of Spaine The tempests and stomes which
leaue and departed for that time I sent one of my companie with them to giue notice to Carasana and the rest of the Indians of Caripo that I had brought home their Country-man Martin whom they all thought to bee dead and another of their Nation also who had kindred and friends amongst them to desire him to come aboard my ship and to bring with him the principall Indians of Caripo that I might declare vnto them the cause of my comming into their Countrie and conferre with them of other matters intended for their good The next day I came into the Riuer of Wiapoco and anchored ouer against the Sandy Bay The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired and brought vs good siore of their Countrie prouision Carasana and one or two more of them were attyred in old clothes which they had gotten of certaine English men who by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh had traded there the yeere before the rest were all naked both men and women and this I obserued amongst them that although the better sort of men especially the Yaios doe couer their priuities by wearing ouer them a little peece of cotton cloth pretily wouen after their manner yet did I neuer see any of their women couered in any part either aboue or beneath the waste albeit they daily conuersed amongst vs but were all as the plaine prouerb is euen starke belly naked At their comming aboard my ship first Carasana as the principall amongst them and after him the rest saluted and welcommed vs after their rude manner I vsed them with all curtesie and entertayned them as well as the straight roome would giue me leaue giuing them good store of Aquauitae which they loue exceedingly I presented to their view their two Countrimen Martin the Lord of their Towne and Anthonie Canabre who was a Christian and had liued in England fourteene yeers both which I had brought home vnto them when they beheld them and after salutations and some conference knew to bee the same persons whom they supposed had beene long since dead they expressed much ioy and contentment and vnderstanding from their owne mouthes how well I had vsed them they seemed to be better pleased with our comming and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrimen were ended I tooke them apart and thus declared the cause of my comming First I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their Countrie in the reigne of our late Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth when to free them from seruitude he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado burned their Towne tooke their Gouernour Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner deliuered fiue of the Indian Kings imprisoned and bound by the necke with collers of Iron and with great labour and perill discouered the Riuer of Orenoque and the Countries adioyning as farre as the Prouince of Aromaya the Countrie of Topiawary and the Riuer of Caroli beyond it And that their Countrimen called the Orenoqueponi who are the borderers of Orenoque did then most willingly submit and render themselues vnder the subiection of the late Queene all which they well remembred and said that Sir VValter Raleigh promised to haue returned againe vnto them long since Then I excused his not returning according to his promise by reason of other imployments of great importance imposed vpon him by the late Queene shewing them moreouer that when he could not for that cause returne himselfe hee sent Captaine Keymis to visit them and to bring him true intelligence of their estate supposing that hee had left no Spaniards behinde him at Trinidado of power to molest them to the end that reliefe and aide might bee prepared for them according to their necessities and oppression of their enemies Then I told them of the death of the late Queene whereby that businesse of theirs was againe hindered Moreouer I declared vnto them that our gracious Soueraigne Lord King Iames who now reigneth ouer vs being the onely right and lawfull Heire and Successor to the Crowne and Dignitie of the Realme of England after the death of the late Queene was throughout the whole Land proclaymed King of England and so comming to reigne ouer vs hath beene euer since busied in ordering the State and affaires of the Kingdome which being by his great wisedome setled in tranquillitie and peace like a good gracious and worthy King doth now permit his Subiects to trauell abroad into forraine Countries and Nations to aide and assist all such as are vniustly molested by their enemies Whereupon I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends hauing intelligence by some that had beene followers of Captaine Charles Lee who was a man well knowne amongst them and heretofore had taken possession of their Countrie to his Majesties vse and was planted diuers yeeres in Wiapoco where hee lyeth buried of the great variance and discord depending betweene them the allied Nations the Yaios Arwaccas Sappaios and Paragontos and their enemies the Charibes all inhabiting betweene the Riuers of Amazones and Dessequebe haue made a long and dangerous voyage into those parts to appease their dissentions and defend them against the Charibes or other enemies that shall molest or oppresse them and now being there arriued doe intend to make search in those Countries for conuenient places where such of our Nation as shall hereafter come to defend them may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturbe the quiet liuing of their Neighbours they may haue store of English friends at hand and amongst them that will not spare their paines to appease their discords nor their liues to defend them from harme When I had thus declared vnto them the cause of my comming they made this answere that with our comming they were well pleased but our number of men they thought too great that they wanted meanes to prouide vs bread sufficient for them all hauing but a small Towne few Gardens and slender prouision for their owne companies because since Captaine Lee his death and his mens departure from them they neuer made prouision for any strangers I replyed that albeit their Towne was small and their Gardens few for the grounds wherein they plant their Cassaui whereof they make their bread they call their Gardens yet their Countrie was full of Inhabitants and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread and was plentifully stored with other prouisions sufficient for a greater number which I desired might be weekely brought vnto vs as neede required for that I meant not to take it without recompence but would giue them for it such commodities as should well please them which they wanted as Axes Hatchets Kniues Beades Looking-glasses Iewes trumps and such like things wherein they most delight Then they desired to consult amongst themselues which I permitted and expected their answere
aboue two houres which time they spent in debating the matter after their manner and drinking Aquauitae and in the end desired my presence and made me this answere That they were contented and well pleased we should liue amongst them that they would furnish vs with houses to lodge in and prouide all necessaries for vs in the best manner they could But whereas I said our King would permit his people to liue and abide amongst them and defend them against their enemies they answered it was a thing they greatly desired and had expected long and now they made much doubt thereof and said they were but words hauing heretofore beene promised the like but nothing performed To resolue that doubt and make good my speeches I told them what I had spoken should certainely be performed and to that end I would leaue my brother in their Country and some of my company with him to dwell amongst them vntill a greater supply might be sent from England for their better defence Then they seemed to giue credit to my words And so after much talke and many complements to please the naked people I gaue to Cara sana a Sword and to the rest some other things which pleased them well and then after their manner taking their leaue they departed The next day the Indian Martyn went ashoare and seemed ioyfull that he had againe recouered his owne home The day following I tooke land with my companies in armes and colours displayed and went vp vnto the Towne where I found all the women and children standing at their doores to behold vs. The principall Indians came out vnto me and inuited me into the Captaines house which vntill the returne of Martyn belonged vnto his brother as chiefe Lord in his absence I went vp with them and was friendly feasted with many kindes of their Countrie cates when I had well eaten and refreshed my selfe Martyn tooke me by the hand and said that he had not any thing wherewith to requite my kindenesse towards him in such manner as he desired neither had he such delicate fare and good lodging for vs as in England heretofore we had beene vsed vnto but humbly intreated me to accept of his house in good part for my selfe and the Gentlemen of my company and the rest should be lodged in other Indian houses adioyning and that such prouision as the Country yeeldeth should be prouided for vs. His speech was approued by the rest of the Indians present who tooke me by the hand one after another and after their manner bad me welcome I gaue them many thankes and some rewards for their kinde entertainment and then disposed my company in conuenient lodgings but yet I kept a continuall guard as in time of warre When I had thus setled my company at this village I went out to view the scituation of the place and the aduantages for defence thereof It is a great rockie Mountaine not accessable by reason of fast woods and steepe rockes but onely in certaine places which are narrow foote-paths very steepe and easie to be defended whereby we were lodged as in a Fort and most conueniently in respect the harbour was so neere for our Ships did ride at anchor vnderneath vs ouer against the foote of the hill Being thus arriued vpon the Coast I found the time of the yeare so vnseasonable for our purpose that by reason of continuall raines we were constrained to lye still and doe nothing for the space of three weekes or a moneth in which idle time I conferred with the Indians sometime with one sometime with another and by helpe of my Indian Anthony Canabre and the Indian Iohn aboue mentioned whom I vsed for my interpreters I gathered from them as well as I could the State of their Countrie the manner of their gouernment and liuing how they stood with their neighbours in tearmes of peace and warre and of what power and strength they were I inquired also of the seasons of the yeare in those parts of their diuision and account of times and numbers of the prouisions of their Countrie for victuals and other necessaries and made a diligent inquiry of all the commodities their Country yeeldeth and what things were of most estimation amongst them all which I haue briefely declared vnto your Highnesse in this following discourse THis goodly Countrie and spacious Empire is on the North part bounded with the Sea and the great Riuer of Orenoque wherein Sir Walter Raleigh performed his worthy and memorable discouery on the East and South parts with the famous Riuer of Amazones and on the West part with the Mountaines of Peru. The westermost branch of the Riuer of Amazones that falleth into the Sea is called Arrapoco vpon which Riuer are seated many goodly Signiories well deseruing a particular discouery which shall by Gods permission be performed hereafter To the North of Arrapoco is the Riuer of Arrawary which is a goodly Riuer discouering a gallant Countrie From Arrawary vnto the Riuer of Cassipurogh extendeth the Prouince of Arricary containing the Signiories of Arrawary Maicary and Cooshebery of which Anakyury is principall who by Nation is a Yaio and fled from the borders of Orenoque for feare of the Spaniards to whom he is a mortall enemy He hath seated himselfe in the Prouince of Arricary and now dwelleth at Morooga in the Signiory of Maicari To the North North-west of which there falleth into the Sea a Riuer called Conawini whereupon the Signiory of Cooshebery bordereth whereof an Indian named Leonard Ragapo is Chiefe vnder the subiection of Anaki-v-ry This Indian is christened and hath beene heretofore in England with Sir Walter Raleigh to whom he beareth great affection he can a little vnderstand and speake our language and loueth our Nation with all his heart During my aboad at Wiapoco hauing intelligence of him and of his Country and that certaine stones were found therein supposed to be Diamonds I sent my Cozen Captaine Fisher to discouer the same and fetch some of those stones to be resolued of the truth At his comming thither Leonard entertained him with all kindenesse not after the ordinary rude manner of the Indians but in more ciuill fashion and with much respect and loue he furnished him with guides to conduct him through the Country to the place where the Stones were found being fifty miles Southward vp into the Land beyond which place there is an high Mountaine appearing in sight called Cowob and on the top thereof as the Indians report a great Lake or Poole full of excellent fish of diuers kindes The Countrey was as pleasant and delightfull as euer any man beheld but the Stones not Diamonds yet they were Topases which being well cut and set in Gold by a cunning workman doe make as faire a shew and giue as good a lustre as any Diamond whatsoeuer which yeelde good hopes of better to be found
Canoes There is no setled gouernment amongst them onely they acknowledge a superiority which they will obay as farre as they please In euery Prouince or Signiory there is a chiefe Cassique or Captaine commanding all So likewise in euery Towne and Village they commonly chastise murder and adultery by death which onely are the offences punished amongst them and certaine persons are appointed by them to execute those punishments The Indians take wiues ouer whom they are extreame iealous and expect great continencie in them for if they take them in adultery they presently cause their braines to be beaten out The better sort of persons haue euery one of them two or three wiues or more the rest but one accounting him that hath most wiues the greatest man Their wiues especially the elder sort are as seruants vnto them for they make their bread and drinke dresse their meate serue them at meales and doe all the other businesse about the house These Prouinces are peopled with diuers Nations of seuerall languages namely Yaios Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and Charibes The Charibes are the ancient inhabitants and the other Nations are such as haue beene chased away from Trinidado and the borders of Orenoque And forasmuch as they haue vnited themselues in those parts the Charibes haue held them in continuall warres but the Yaios and the other Nations their Allyes are growne so strong that they haue constrained the Charibes of the Sea-coast to contract a peace with them yet beare no hearty loue the one Nation to the other but with the Charibes inhabiting the in-land parts vpon the Mountaines they haue as yet no peace at all for they doe often times come downe vpon them in great numbers spoile and burne their houses kill their men and carry away their women which is the greatest cause of warre and hatred amongst them whereof our men haue seene experience in Cooshebery where happened an accident worth the obseruing which I will here declare vnto your Highnesse The Indian Leonard Ragapo before mentioned is a Yaio who finding the Countrey of Cooshebery slenderly inhabited hath seized vpon it for his owne Signiorie and at his earnest request I sent foure Gentlemen of my company to remaine there with him The naturall inhabitants that dwell vpon the vttermost bounds thereof towards the South and West are Charibes and enemies to him and to his Nation for while our men vnknowne to the Charibes staied at Cooshebery they assembled themselues together to the number of two hundred or more and came dome into his Signiorie burned and â—poiled houses roasted one woman tooke many prisoners and intended to assault him also which to preuent he armed about fiftie of his Indians with their vsuall weapons which are Bowes and Arrowes long Staues sharpened at the point and with fire hardened wodden Swords and Targets very artificially made of wood and painted with Beasts and Birds He requested also our men to aide and assist him with their Muskets which I commanded them to doe vpon all such occasions offered And so being all in readinesse Leonard as their captain led them on to intercept his enemies and as I haue heard by Master Henry Baldwin who then was prsent and to obserue the manner of their warres gaue him leaue to command all he brauely performed that exploit in good order after their manner and with great iudgement and resolution For in the Front he first placed our foure Englishmen by two in a ranke next to them two Indians armed with woodden Swords and Targets then two Archers and after them two men with sharpned staues instead of Pikes and in like manner ordered and ranked all his Company Being thus prepared hee marched against the Charibs who neere at hand were comming in the same order towards him but when they approached and vnexpected perceiued our English men amongst the Taios they were much amazed and made a sudden stand which Leonard perceiuing guessed rightly at the cause and instantly did make good vse of that aduantage Hee commanded his owne company to keepe their Station himselfe with a Sword in his hand which I had giuen him and a Target of his owne fashion went boldly towards them to parley with their Captaines And hauing called them out hee reproued them for comming as enemies into his Signiory for burning and spoiling his houses and his people hee demanded satisfaction for the hurt done and restitution of the prisoners taken and warned them forthwith to depart out of his Signiory and desist from warre which if they refused to fulfill he was there ready with his friends the Englishmen to fight with them and reuenge his wrongs and said further that if in the conflict any of the English men were slaine or hurt hee would then fetch all the rest from Wiapoco and returne to burne their houses and cut them all in peeces Thus hee boldly spake with such a courage shewing also our men vnto them who had their match in cocke ready to discharge that hee strooke such a feare into them all by reason of our mens presence that they presently agreed to peace performed what conditions he required and then departed home with all their company Here may your Highnesse note the factions among the Indian Nations the discipline and order they hold in warre the feare the Charibes conceiued at the sight of our English men and the policy of the Indian Leonard to take aduantage by their feare and make our men his Guard and chiefe protection against them These things in time will much auaile vs being well obserued and rightly applied according to occasion But to our former discourse The power and strength of these Countries being so thinly peopled is not very great to withstand the might of forraine enemies The vsuall weapons of the Indians are before described sauing that their Arrowes are oft times poisoned But since our trade and commerce with them they haue gotten a few good Swords Muskets Caliuers and some small quantity of shot and powder and haue learned to handle their Peeces very orderly and some of them are good shot The seasons of the yeare vpon this coast and in this climate are diuers for in the East parts of Guiana towards the Amazones the dry weather which we call their Summer beginneth in August and the violent raines and tempestuous winde which we count their winter doe begin in February But in the Westerne parts towards Orenoque the dry season beginneth in October and the raines and windes in Aprill There is little difference of heate and cold in this diuersity of seasons being so neere the Equinoctiall where the day and night are alwayes equall for in those parts wee finde that when the Sunne declineth furthest from them towards the Tropicke of Capricorne the ayre is then clearest and the season of the yeare most dry as in the Easterne parts of Guiana in August September October Nouember and December and when
Rats and such like wormes they eate also all manner of Fruites sauing some that are poisonous This sustenance is ordinarily of that which the Countrie yeeldeth without husbandrie as wilde fowle flesh and fruites but they haue a certaine kinde of foode of a good substance and healthfull and many other pulses whereof hereafter shall mention be made Ordinarily they drinke not while they eate but after meate they drinke water or wine which they make of many kindes of fruites and rootes as hereafter shall be said of the which they drinke without measure or order euen till they fall downe They haue some particular daies wherein they make great feasts and all ends in drinking and they last two or three daies in the which they eate not but onely drinke and there be men that emptie a whole great vessell of wine That these drinkings may be more festiuall some goe about singing from house to house calling and inuiting all they finde for to drinke and be merrie These dancings last with musicke all the time of the drinking in the which they sleepe not but passe it all in drinking and when they are drunke they play many disorders and they breake one anothers head and take other mens wiues c. They giue no thankes before nor after meate to God nor wash their hands before meate and after meate they wipe them at their haire on their body or a poste They haue no towels nor tables they eate fitting or lying in their nets or cowring on the ground they eate their meate throwing it with their hand into the mouth and I omit many other particularities that they haue in their eating and drinking because these are the principall All this people haue for their beds certaine nets made of Cotten wooll and they sleepe in them hanging in the ayre These they make some wrought others of sundry colours and as they remaine in the ayre and haue no other couering or cloathes al waies in summer and winter they haue fire vnder them they rise not very early and goe to bed by times and in the mornings there is one chiefe man in their houses that lying in his net doth preach vnto them for the space of an houre how they are to goe to labour as their forefathers did and he appointeth them the time telling them what they are to doe and after he is vp continueth his preaching running through the Towne They tooke this custome from a bird which is like a Hawke which singeth in the morning and they call it the King and Lord of the other Birds and they say that euen as that Bird doth sing in the mornings to be heard of the rest so the principall should make those preachings and speeches to be heard of theirs All of them goe naked as well men as women and haue no kinde of apparnll and are nothing ashamed rather it seemeth that they are in the state of innocencie touching this behalfe by the great honestie and modestie they doe keepe among themselues and when any man speaketh with a woman he turneth his backe to her But to make themselues gallant they vse diuers inuentions painting their bodies with the iuice of a certaine fruite wherewith they remaine black making in their bodies many white stroakes after the fashion of round hose and other kinde of garments They enplume themselues also making Diadems and Bracelets and other very fine inuentions they esteeme very much all manner of fine Feathers they let no haire grow in the parts of their body but they pull them out onely the head excepted which they cut in many fashions for some weare them long with a halfe Moone shauen before and they say they tooke this vse from Saint Thomas and it seemeth that they had some notice of him though confusedly others make certaine kinde of crownes and circles that they seeme Friers the women all doe weare long haire and ordinarily blacke and the haire of the one and of the other is smooth when they are angrie they let their haire grow long and the women when they mourne doe cut their haire and also when their husbands goe a farre iourney in this they show their loue and loyaltie to them the vanitie they haue in their poling is so much that by the head the Nations are knowne Now alreadie some doe weare apparell as well men as women but they esteeme it so little that they weare it rather for fashion then for honesties sake and because they are commanded to weare it as it is well seene by some that sometimes come abroad with certaine garments no further then the nauell without any other thing and others onely with a cap on their heads and leaue the other garments at home the women make great accompt of Laces and Combes These Indians doe vse certaine Cottages or houses of timber couered with Palme tree leaues and are in length some of two hundred and three hundred spans and they haue two or three doores verie little and low They shew their valour in seeking timber and verie great posts and of great continnance and there be houses that haue fiftie sixtie or seuentie roomes of twentie or fiue and twentie quarters long and as manie quarters long and as many in breadth In this house dwelleth one principall man or more whom all the rest doe obey and ordinarily they are kinfmen In euery roome of these dwelleth a houshold with their children and family without any repartition betweene the one and the other and to enter in one of these houses is to enter into a laberinth for euery roome hath his fire and their nets hanging and their â—stuffe so that comming in all that they haue is in sight and some house hath two hundred persons and more The women when they are brought to bed they are deliuered on the ground doe not take vp the childe but the Father taketh it vp or some other person whom they take for their Gossip and in friendship they are as the Gossips among the Christians The Father doth cut the Nauell string with his teeth or with two stones knocking the one with the other and then they set themselues to fasting vntill the Nauell string falleth off which is ordinarily to the eight day and till it doth fall they leaue not their fasting when it falleth if it bee a man childe he maketh it a Bow with Arrowes and tieth it at the end of the Net and at the other end manie handfuls of hearbes which are the enemies which his sonne shall kill and eate These ceremonies being ended they make drinkings where with they all are merrie The women when they are deliuered doe presently goe and wash themselues in the Riuers and they giue the childe sucke ordinarily a yeere and an halfe not giuing it any other thing to eate They loue their children extraordinarily and beare them in certaine pieces of Nets which they call Tupiya
without hauing any remedie of cure §. II. Of their manner of killing and eating of humane flesh and of their creating Gentlemen OF all the honours and pleasures of this life none is so great for this people as to kill and get a name on the heads of their Aduersaries neither are there among them any Feasts comparable to those which they make at the death of those which they kill with great Ceremonies which they doe in this manner Those which beeing taken in the Warre are appointed to die came presently from thence with a token which is a small coard about his necke and if hee bee a man that may runnne away he hath one hand tied to his necke vnder his chinne And before they come to the Townes that are by the way they paint their eie-lids eie-browes and their beards polling them after fashion and enpluming them with Yellow feathers so well placed that yee can see no haire which makes them so gallant as the Spaniards in their rich Apparell and so they goe sharing their victorie whereby soeuer they passe When they come to their owne Countrie the women came out to receiue them showting altogether and striking themselues on the mouth which is a common entertainment among them without any other vexation or imprisonment except that they weare about the necke a round collar like a coard of a good bignesse as hard as a sticke In this collar they beginne to weaue a great manie fathomes of small coard as long as a womans haire fastened aboue with a certaine knot and loose vnderneath and so it goeth from eare to eare behind the backe horrible to looke on And if it be on the Frontier where hee may runne away they put him in stead of shackels below the knees a string of threed twisted verie hard which is too weake for any Knife but that they haue Keepers that goe not one moment from him whether he goe about the houses to the Woods or by the Fields for he hath libertie for all this and commonly the keeper is one that is giuen him for wife and also for to dresse his meate with the which if his Masters doe giue him no meate as the custome is he taketh a Bow and Arrowes and shooteth at the first Henne he seeth or at a Ducke be it whosesoeuer and none doth contradict him and so he waxeth fat neither breaking therefore his sleepe his laughter or his pleasure as the rest and some are as contented though they are to bee eaten that in no wise they will consent to be ransomed for to serue for they say that it is a wretched thing to die and lie stinking and eaten with Wormes These women are commonly faithfull in their charge for they receiue honour thereby and therefore manie times they are young and daughters of the chiefe especially if their brothers are to be the slaiers For those which haue not this interest manie times affect them in such manner that not onely they giue them leaue to runne away but they also doe goe with them neither haue the women any other punishment if they bee taken againe then a few strokes and sometimes they are eaten of those same to whom they gaue life The time when he shall die being determined the women beginne to make vessels that is Bowles Traies and Pots for the Wines so great that euerie one will hold a pipe This being readie as well the principall as the rest doe send their Messengers to inuite others from sundrie places against such a Moone about tenne or twelue leagues compasse or more for the which none doth excuse himselfe The guests doe come in Mogotes or troupes with their wiues and children and all of them doe enter the Towne with Dancers and all the time the people are a gathering together there is Wine for the guests for without it all the other entertainments are nothing worth The people being assembled the Feasts beginne some daies before according to the number and certaine ceremonies preceding and euerie one lasteth a day First they haue for this certaine coards of Cotton-wooll of a reasonable bignesse not twisted but wouen of a verie faire worke it is a thing among them of great esteeme and none hath them but some principall men and according to their finenesse and workmanship and their taking pleasure it is to be beleeued that they are not made in a yeere These are alwaies verie safely kept and are carried to the place with great feast great noise in certain traies where a Master of these things doth tie two knots within from that which one of the points do run in such maner that in the midst there remaineth a noose These knots are so fine that few are found that can make them for some of them haue ten casts about fiue crossing ouer the other fiue as if one should crosse the fingers of the right hand ouer the left after they die them with thewater of a white clay like lime let them drie On the second day they bring a great number of burdens of wilde Canes or Reeds as long as Lances or more and at night they set them on fire in a round heape the points vpward leaning one to another and so they make a great and faire high bone-fire round about the which are men and women dancing with sheaues of arrowes at their backe but they goe very swiftly for hee that is to die which seeth them better then hee is seene because of the fire catcheth hold of all that he can and catcheth them and they beeing many hee misseth few times At the third day they make a dance of men and women all of them with pipes of Canes and all of them at once doe stampe on the ground now with one foot then with the other all together without missing a stroke and obseruing the same measure they play on their pipes and there is no other singing nor speaking they being many and the Canes some bigger and some smaller besides the resounding in the Woods they make a Hel-seeming harmonie but they abide it as if it were the sweetest Musicke in the World And these are their feasts besides others which they intermingle with many graces and soothsayings On the fourth day they carrie the captiued enemie as soone as the day breakes to wash him at a Riuer and they while the time that when they doe returne it may be broad day light comming i 〈…〉 o the Towne the Prisoner goeth presently with a watchfull eye for hee knoweth not out of what house or doore a valiant man is to come out to him that is to catch hold of him behind For as all their happinesse doth consist in dying valiantly and the ceremonie that followeth is now the neerest vnto death as he which is to lay hold of him doth shew his forces in ouer-comming him himselfe alone without any other helpe so he will shew courage and force in resisting him and sometimes he doth
their enemies they make great noises striking with certaine stickes vpon others Others called Quirigma these were Lords of the Countries of the Bay and therefore it is called the Bay Cuirimure The Tupinabas did expell them out of their Countries and remained Lords of them and the Tapuyas went toward the South Others called Maribuco in habit in the Maine right against the great Riuer Others called Catagua doe liue right against Iequeriquare betweene the Holy Ghost and Port Secure Others called Tapuxerig are enemies of the Tapuyas and eate vp their Corne fields Others that dwell about the Maine that goeth toward Saint Vincent are called Amocaxo and were enemies of the Tupinaquins Others called Nonea haue verie great faces Others called Apuy dwell neere the field of the Maine they are great singers and haue another Speech Others called Panaguiri differing from the former Others also differing called Bigrorgya Others called Piriju there are a great number of these All these seuentie sixe Nations of Tapuyas which haue the most of them a sundry Language are a wilde sauage and vntamed people they are all for the most part enemies of the people that dwell in the Sea Coast neighbouring to the Portugals onely a certaine kind of Tapuyas that liue in the Riuer of Saint Francis and others that dwell nearer are friends of the Portugals and entertaine them verie well when they passe through their Countries Of these many are Christians that were brought by the Fathers from the Maine and learning the Speech of them of the Sea Coast which the Fathers can speake they baptized them and many of them doe liue in the Townes of the Fathers married and serue them for Interpreters for the remedie of so great a number of people as is lost and onely with these Tapuyas may some fruit bee gotten with the rest of the Tapuyas no conuersion can be wrought because of their mutabilitie and the hauing manie and sundrie very hard Languages Onely there remaineth one remedie if the Lord God doe not discouer another and it is getting some of their children and making them to learne the Speech of the rest and seruing for Interpreters may some fruit be gotten though with great difficultie for the Reasons abouesaid and manie other The Climate of Brasill generally is temperate of good delicate and healthfull aire where the men liue Ion euen to 90. 100. and more yeeres and the Countrie is full of old men Generally it is neither cold nor hot though from the Riuer of I anuarie vnto Saint Vincent there be colds and heates but not very great The Heauens are very pure and cleere especially by night the Moone is very preiudiciall vnto health and corrupteth the things very much The mornings are verie healthfull it hath verie little twilights as well in the morning as in the euenings for as soone as it is day presently the Sun riseth and as soone as it is set it is night Their Winter beginneth in March and endeth in August the Summer beginneth in September and endeth in Februarie the nights and daies are all the yeere almost equall The Countrie is some what melancholicke ouerflowne with many waters as wel of maine Riuers as from the Skie in it is great store of raine chiefly in Winter it is ful of great Woods that are greene all the yeere It is a Hilly Countrie especially toward the Sea Coast and from Pernambuco vnto the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost is verie scarce of stone but from thence to Saint Vincent are verie rough and high Mountaines of great Quarries of Rockie stone the food and waters are generally healthfull light and of easie digestion There are few Commodities for apparell because the Countrie yeeldeth nothing but Cotton-wooll and of the rest the Countrie is plentifull especially of Cattell and Sugars §. IIII. Of the Beasts Land-serpents Fowles THe Deere in the Brasilian tongue is called Cuacu there are some very great like faire Horses they are well headed and some haue ten or twelue snags these are rare and they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent These are called Cuacuapara they are esteemed of the Carijos who of the shankes and sinowes make the points of their Arrowes and certaine throwing Balls which they vse for to strike downe beasts and men There bee other smaller they haue hornes also but they are onely of one point besides these there are three or foure kindes some that feede onely in the Woods others onely in the plaine fields in heards They make great account of the skinnes and of the flesh The Tapijrete are the Elkes of whose skinne the leather Targets are made they are like Kine much more like a Mule the tayle is of a finger length they haue no hornes they haue a snout of a quarter long which he shrinketh vp and putteth forth They swimme and diue very much but when they diue they take ground presently vnder water and going on it they come out in another place there are great store of them in this Conntrie There are great store of wilde Boares and it is the ordinary food of the Indians of this Countrie they haue the nauell on their backe and out of it there cometh a sent like the sent of little Foxes and by that sent the Dogs doe hunt them and they are easily taken There are others called Tayacutirica that is to say a Boare that snappeth or grindeth his teeth these are bigger then the common and more rare and with their tushes they goare all the beasts they meete Others are talled Tayacupita that is a Boare that standeth still and tarieth these doe assault the Dogs and the men and if they catch them they eate them they are are so fierce that men are forced to take the trees to escape them and some doe stay at the foot of the trees some dayes till the man doe come downe and because they know this tricke of theirs they goe presently to the trees with their Bowes and Arrowes and from thence they kill them There bee also other kinde of Boares all good meate The Acutis are like the Conies of Spaine chiefely in their teeth the colour is dunne and draweth toward yellow they are domesticall creatures so that they goe about the house and goe out and come in againe to it they take with their fore-feet all that they eate and so they carrie it to the mouth and they eate very fast and hide that which they leaue against they be an hungred Of these there are many kindes and all are eaten The Pacâ—t are like Pigs there are great abundance of them the flesh is pleasant but it is heauie They neuer bring forth but one at once There bee others very white these bee rare they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis There are many Ounces some blacke some grey some speckled it a very cruell beast and fierce they assault men exceedinly that euen on the trees they
cannot escape them especially if they be bigge When they are flesht there is none that dare abide them especially by night they kill many beasts at once they spoile a whole Hen-house or a heard of Swine and to open a man or whatsoeuer beast it sufficeth to hit him with one of his clawes But the Indians are so hardie that some of them dare close with one of them and holdeth it fast and kills it in a field as they doe their enemies getting a name and vsing all the ceremonies they doe to their enemies They vse the heads for Trumpets and the Portugall women vse the skinnes for Rugs or Couerlets especially of the painted ones and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent The Carigue are like the Foxes of Spaine but they are smaller as bigge as a Cat they smell worse then the Foxes of Spaine themselues and they are grey as they They haue a bag from the fore to the hinder feet with sixe or seuen dugs and there they carrie their young ones hidden till they can get their owne food and hath ordinarily sixe or seuen in a litter This vermine destroyeth the Hens for it goeth not by day but by night and climes the trees and the houses and no Bird or Hen can escape them The Tamandua is of notable admiration it is of the bignesse of a great Dog more round then long and the tayle is twice or thrice as long as the bodie and so full of haire that from the heate raine cold and winde hee harboureth himselfe all vnder it that yee can see nothing of him The head is small and hath a thinne snout no greater mouth then an oyle Cruze round and not open the tongue is of three quarters long and with it he licketh vp the Ants whereof he onely feeds hee is diligent in seeking of the Ant-heapes and with the clawes hee breaketh them and casting out his tongue the Ants sticke on it and so he drawes them in hauing no more mouth then to hold his tongue full of them it is of a great fiercenesse and doth assault many people and beasts Th Oâ—nces doe feare them and the Dogs exceedingly and whatsoeuer they catch they teare with their clawes they are not eaten neither are they good for any thing but to destroy the Ant-heapes and they are so many that they will neuer bee destroyed altogether The Tatu is of the bignesse of a Pigge and of a whitish colour it hath a very long snout and the body full of thing like plates wherewith he remayneth armed and it hath certaine pieces hanging downe as the Badas haue These plates are so hard that no Arrow can pierce them except it hits him in the flankes they digge so fast that it hath chanced seuen and twentie men with Mattockes not to bee able to digge so much as one of these with their snout But if they cast water in their holes they are presently taken it is a creature worth the seeing and they call it an armed Horse the flesh is like Hennes flesh or Pigge very pleasant of the skinne they make Purses and they are very faire and lasting they are made tame and are bred in the house Of these there be many kindes and there are great abundance of them The Canduacu is the Porcupine of Africa and hath bristles white and blacke so great that they are af a spanne and a halfe and more and they cast them like as those of Africa There be other of these called Candumiri because they are smaller and they haue bristles as the other There be other smaller of the bignesse of a Cat with yellow bristles and blacke at the points All these bristles haue this qualitie that entring into the flesh bee it neuer so little of it selfe it pierceth through the flesh And for this cause these bristles doe serue the Indians for an instrument to bore the eares for putting neuer so little in them in one night it pierceth them through There be other smaller like Vrchins or Hedge-hogs they haue also bristles but they cast them not all these beasts are of a good flesh and taste The Hirara is like the Ciuet Cat though some say it is not they are of many colours viz. grey blacke and white they eate nothing but hunnie and in this they are so terrible that bee the hole of the Bee-hiue neuer so little they make it so bigge that they may goe in and when they finde the Hunnie they neuer eate it till they haue called the rest of the young ones and and then the old one going in he doth nothing but bring out the Hunnie and giue it to the yong ones a thing of great admiration and an example of great charitie for men and that this is so the men of the Countrie doe affirme The Aquiqui are very great Apes as bigge as a good Dog blacke and very ougly as well the male as the female they haue a great beard onely in the lower chap of these come sometimes a male one so yellow that it draweth toward red which they say is their King This hath a white face and the beard from eare to eare as cut with the Scissers and it hath one thing much to be noted namely that he goeth into a tree and maketh so great a noise that it is heard very farre off in the which he continueth a great while without ceasing and for this this kind hath a particular instrument and the instrument is a certaine hollow thing as it were made of Parchment very strong and so smooth that it serueth to burnish withall as big as a Duckes Egge and beginneth from the beginning of the gullet rill very neere the palate of the mouth between both the cheekes and it is so light that assoone as it is toucht it moueth as the key of a Virginals And when this Ape is thus crying he fometh much and one of the little ones that is to remaine in his place doth cleanse many times the fome from his beard There are others of many kindes and in great abundance they are blacke grey and yellow the Country-men say that some of these when they shoot at them with an Arrow catch it in their hand and turne againe and throwe it at the man and when they are hurt they seeke a certaine leafe and chaw it and thrust it into the wound for to heale them and because they are alwaies on the trees and are very swift when the leape is great and the little ones cannot passe one of them lieth acrosse like a bridge and the rest passe ouer him the tayle serueth him for a hand and if any be strucken with his tayle he holdeth fast the bough whereon he is and so dieth hanging and falleth not They haue many other qualities that are seene euery day as to take a sticke and beate some body that doth them harme another found a basket of Egges hung it by the cord about
Brasil as alwaies there were and yet there are notoriously infamous for robbing stealing branding selling and killing many Indians neuer vntill this time was there any show of punishment and it is to be feared seeing it wanteth on earth that it will come from heauen on all the inhabitants of Brasil The eight Article is touching the Indians exceeding seruices without reward The ninth Article is to preuent their totall destruction which cannot but follow the practise of Portugals in making slaues of them by sowing quarrels and interessing themselues on one side by burning c. All the coast of Brasil doth want and is destitute of Priests that may be Curates for the soules for in the Bay except three or foure that doe serue in the high Church and one that serueth for Curate in one Parâ—sh that did learne in the colledge of the Companie there are no Priests that know how to doe their office and their customes and liues are much blemished for many of them came suspended from Portugall for grieuous crimes and also for incorrigible and here as they want Priests they are presently enabled and made cures of soules and although in the three Colledges of the companie that are in this Countrie Sc. in the Bay Pernambuco and the Riuer of Ianuarie are ordinarie lectures of matters of conscience there is no Priest that will heare it and as they are most ignorant they doubt nothing and so they absolue and dispence more then Popes with great losse of the soules and such there was that dispensed with a parishioner of his to communicate after he had drunk whereby may be coniectured what the rest wâ—ll doe And with this they doe other follies and misbehauiors in the celebrating of the masse before the people that they seeme altogether fooles And their life is pittifull for finally their care is to fill themselues with money meate and drinke and to follow the lusts of the flesh with a great scandall of the secular Those are very rare and may bee told with the finger through all the coast which doe liue a life worthie the Priestly function and those which the Bishop banish from hence for their faults or suspensions to the Riuer of Ianuarie presently they are there receiued by the Ruler as now he did particularly to one that being a Friar come from Portugall expelled from the Order for incorrigible and afterward hee was enabled here by the Bishop hee was put in the visitation because he was not shriuen in three yeeres celebrating almost euery day and this being another time condemned by the Bishop in his Court and brought to the estate that he came in from Portugall expelled his Order and banished from his Bishopricke and his life infamous and scandalous to all the Secular the Ruler enabled him presently in the Riuer of Ianuarie not without great scandall of the good not onely for fellow-helper of the Curate of that Citie but also for a Preacher And the Prelates say they doe all this because they haue no other whom to giue the Parishes vnto which are many CHAP. III. Extracts out of the Historie of IOHN LERIVS a Frenchman who liued in Brasill with Mons. VILLAGAGNON Ann. 1557. and 58. §. I. Of the Beasts and other liuing creatures and Plants of Brasill BEfore I proceed any further presently in the beginning of this Chapter I thought good briefly to admonish the Reader that no liuing creatures of the kinde of foure-footed beasts are found in all the Brasilian world altogether like vnto ours in shape and that the Tououpinambaultij vse not but very seldome to bring them vp tame at home But that I may generally describe the wilde beasts which the Barbarians call Soo I determined to beginne with them which are applyed to the vse of man It seemeth that that is to bee set in the first place which also is most common they call Tapiroussou of a reddish and long shaggie haire greatly resembling a Kow in bignesse and shape yet seeing it wanteth hornes and hath a shorter necke with longer and hanging eares and more withered and slender legs with an whole hoofe very like vnto the hoofe of an Asse a man may rightly say it participateth the nature of the Kow and Asse Notwithstanding it differeth very much from either both because it hath a very short taile here the Reader is by the way to be admonished that very many beasts are bred in America which haue no taile at all and hath much sharper teeth nor may any danger bee therefore procured vnto men by this beast seeing it vseth to repose safety rather in flight then in strength The Barbarians kill them as also many others shooting them through with Arrowes or vse to catch them in an hollow trench or with other manner of Traps and Gins ingeniously and cunningly made But that wilde beast is greatly esteemed by the Barbarians by reason of the skinne which as soone as they haue taken away cutting the backe of the hide in a round circle they drie it in the Sunne and fashion it like vnto a Target of the bignesse of the bottome of an indifferent vessell wherewith they repell the Arrowes of the enemies receiued in the warres And the skinne dried in the Sunne becommeth so hard that I easily beleeue that it cannot bee pierced through with the stroke of any weapon although it bee cast with great violence I carefully desired to bring two such Targets into France but the famine so oppressed vs returning that all the prouision of victuall being spent not excepting Monkeyes and Parots and other liuing creatures or the same kinde which we brought with vs out of that Countrie those two Targets being laid vpon the coales were also eaten to expell hunger vnto the which the rest of the skinnes that were in the ship as I shall declare in their proper place were added Moreouer the flesh of the Tapiroussou commeth almost neere vnto the taste of Beefe this the Barbarians broyle after their manner and in their Country language call it Boucanare But because I haue now vsed that word and that hereafter it shall bee often repeated lest the Reader should any longer remaine doubtfull occasion being offered I will declare what this thing is The Americans fastning foure woodden forks in the ground of the thicknesse of an arme three foote asunder in the figure of a square and almost of the equall height of three feet lay stickes acrosse ouer them two fingers distant each from other and so make a woodden Grate this in their language they name Boucan They haue many such Grates in their houses whereon they lay flesh cut into gobbets or pieces and making a soft fire of dry wood that there may bee no smoake almost at all they suffer them to bee broyled as long as they please after this manner hauing twice turned them in the space of an houre And because they doe not powder meates with salt as the manner is here they vse the onely
that I may once make an end I will yet describe two kindes which are monstrous in shape as those that art most The one which the Barbarians call Hay is of the bignesse of a Dog with an hanging bellie like a farrowing Sow with pigge of an ash-colour haire very much washed with a very long tayle hairy feet after the manner of a Beare and long clawes but as while it liueth in the Woods it is very fierce yet being taken it is very easily tamed But the naked Tououpinambaultij doe not willingly play with him because he hath both long and also sharpe clawes They say it liueth onely on aire The other whereof I am also to speake called by the Barbarians Coaty is of the height of an Hare with short and spotted haire little and sharpe eares both of a little head and also with an eminent snout from the eyes more then a foote long round like a walking-staffe suddenly decreasing at the end so that it is altogether of an equall thicknesse with so narrow a mouth that it can scarce receiue the little finger None may be found more monstrous afterward when this wilde beast is taken gathering her foure feet together shee bendeth her selfe to the one side or the other or falleth flat downe nor can shee euer bee raised nor compelled to eate vnlesse Ants be giuen her on which shee also feedeth in the Woods This Chapter also wherein I will intreate of Birds I thought good to beginne with those which are fit for the maintainance of mans life and by a generall name are called Oura by the Tououpinambaultij they haue great plentie of those Hennes vnto the which wee gaue the name from India and they call them Arginau-oussou from that time also since the Portugals liued among the Barbarians our Countrymen vsed to nourish Hennes called by them Arginau-miri And although as I haue else-where mentioned they esteeme the white ones very much that plucking off the feathers and dying them red they might clothe and decke themselues yet for the most part they abstain from hoth kinds as touching the eating of them Moreouer seeing they perswade themselues that the Egs which they call Arginau-ropia are as it were poison they were not only astonished if we supped Egs before them but also reprouing vs added moreouer that it was not to be suffered for while we preuented the hatching of ckickens we eate an Henne in an egge Therefore they are almost as carefull of their Hennes as of the Birds which liue in the Woods they suffer them to lay wheresoeuer they are disposed But the Hens in like manner bring home their chickens out of the briars and bushes so that the Americane women may be without trouble Together with the Hennes the Barbarians also nourish Indian Duckes at home they call them Upec But because the Tououpinambaultij are so superstitious that they thinke if they should eate so slow a creature they should get the same slownesse so that if the Enemies should assaile them they could not seeke their safetie by flight no man may easily perswade them to taste the least morsell of them and for that cause they abstaine from all those creatures which goe slowly and also from fishes as Raies or Thornebacke and others which cannot swimme swiftly As touching these Birds which liue in the woods they take them as great as Capons and those of three sorts which the Barbarians call Iacoutin Iacoupen and Iacou-ouassou They haue all blacke and ash-colour Feathers and come neere vnto the Pheasants in taste and I may truely affirme that no sweeter or more delicate meate can euer be eaten then those Iacoas are Besides there are two kindes of most exquisite and choice Birds which are named Mouton of the bignesse of Peacocks with the same Feathers which the former had and they are very seldome found Macacoua and Yuambou-ouassou are two kindes of Partridges of the bignesse of our Country Geese not much vnlike the taste of Mutton These three following haue one and the same taste almost Inambour-miri of the height of Partridges Pegassou Stockedoues and Paicacu the Turtle Doue But that I may briefly finish the discourse of Birds which are found in great plentie both in the Woods Riuers and also in the shoares I will come vnto those which are not so fit for foode Among the rest there are two kindes of the same bignesse which come neere to the greatnesse of a Rauen or Crow which as the rest of the American Birds haue crooked bils and talons as also Parrats in which number they might be reckoned As touching the Feathers as it is easily iudged I scarce thought that Birds of such excellent beautie were to be found in the whole world in the beholding wherof abundant matter offereth it selfe not as prophane men to commend nature but the creator and that it may manifestly appeare the first which the Barbarians call Arat hath the feathers in the traine and wings of a foote and a halfe long partly purple like vnto red and partly of a blew colour greatly shining to the which also the other parts of the body are correspondent When this Bird moueth in the Sunne where she very much abideth no man can euer be satisfied with her sight The other called Canide with the inferiour Feathers and those that are round about the necke shining of the colour of gold and those that couer the backe wings and traine of an excellent blew colour seeing they seeme to be vnder-laid with embrodered gold and ouer-laid with a Veluet Mantle aboue it causeth great admiration to the beholders But although these Birds be not domesticall yet they oftner build their nests in the tops of the trees which are in the middle of the Villages then in the woods whereby it commeth to passe that the Barbarians plucke their Feathers three or foure times in the yeare of the which Feathers they make Cappes Garments and Bracelets decke the handles of their clubbes and adorne their bodies I brought many such Feathers with me into France Three or foure sorts of Parrats are taken there the greatest and fairest whereof the Barbarians call Aiourous These haue the head intermingled with red yellow and violet colours the ends of the wings scarlet or crimson the taile which is very long yellow and the rest of the body greene very few such are brought vnto vs. A Woman in a certaine Village some foure miles distant from our Iland had brought vp one of this kinde which as if she had beene indued with reason conceiued those things which she was commanded As often as we went that way we presently heard the Mistresse of that Bird say will you giue me a Combe or a Looking-glasse and I will presently command my Parrat to sing and daunce before you If happily we granted her request the Parrat presently hearing certaine words of her Mistresse did not onely dance on the pearch
where she sat but also pratled and whistled and lastly she wonderfully counterfeited the Barbarians going to the wars To be short if her Mistresse thought good to bid her sing she sung if to daunce she danced contrarily if not rewarding her with a little sharper speech she had commanded her their Augâ— that is be stil then she presently held her peace nor could we make her with any words to moue either her tongue or feete neuer so little wherefore I leaue it to the Readers to be considered whether if the Romans had had such a Parrat they would not highly haue esteemed her who as Pliny recordeth sometimes solemnized the death of a Crow with innumerable rites of funeral by which at the place of Common Pleas they were euery morning by name saluted and punished him with death who killed the same The Barbarian woman called this Parrat Cherimbaué that is to say her best beloued And surely she was so deere vnto her that demanding at what price we might buy her she answered in scoffing manner Mocaouassou that is to say a great brasse piece and therefore we could not wrest her from her at any price I found that they made their Nests in the holes of hollow Trees Among the rest of the American Birds the first place shall be giuen to a certaine Bird named Toucan whereof we made mention of before It is of the bignesse of a Pigeon of a blacke colour like a Crow except the brest which is of a yellow colour compassed from the lower part with a ring of red feathers which being taken away the Barbarians vse it for ornament of the cheeks and other parts of the body And it is highly esteemed with them because they vse it when they intend to daunce From thence it hath taken the name Toucan-tabourace that is a Feather to daunce with Yet notwithstanding they haue such store of them that they refuse not to change them for our Merchandizes The bill of this Bird exceedeth the rest of the body in length wherewith a Cranes beake is not to be compared and therefore it is to be accompted the most monstrous bill of the whole world There is another of the bignesse and colour of a Black-bird except the brest which is as red as Oxe bloud this the Barbarians take away after the same manner that they did the former and call the Bird Panou There is also another of the bignesse of an Owzell with all the Feathers of a scarlet colour this they call Quampian But one very little Bird is not to be omitted of no lesse admiration then smalnesse which the Barbarians call Gonambuch with white and shining Feathers it exceedeth not a drone Bee or Beetle in bignesse yet maketh wonderfull melodie in singing Sitting vpon that great Milium which the Barbarians call Auati or other high plants she singeth so loud that vnlesse she be seene you would scarse beleeue that so loud and sweete melodie could proceede from that small body She is not inferior to our Nightingale But because I cannot particularly describe all the American Birds which differ not a little from ours not onely in kinde but also in variety of colour as rose colour red violet white ash-colour purple c. I will at length describe one which the Barbarians so obserue and esteeme that they will not onely not hurt her but suffer them not to escape vnreuenged who doe her any wrong She is of the bignesse of a Pigeon and ashcolour the Tououpinambâ—â—ltij heare her more often in the night then in the day with a mournefull voyce and beleeue that she is sent from their friends and kindred vnto them and also declareth good lucke and especially that she incourageth and admonisheth them to behaue themselues valiantly in the warres against their enemies Besides they verily thinke that if they rightly obserue these diuinations it shall come to passe that they should vanquish their Enemies euen in this life and after death their soules should flye beyond the Mountaines to their ancestors perpetually to daunce there I chanced once to lodge in a Village named Vpec by the French men there in the night I heard those Birds not singing but making a lamentable noise I saw the Barbarians most attentiue and being ignorant of the whole matter reproued their folly But when I smiled a little vpon a French man standing by me a certaine old man seuerely enough restrained me with these words hold your peace least you hinder vs who attentiuely harken to the happy tidings of our auncestours For as often as wee heare these Birds so often also are we cheered and our strength receiueth increase The Americane Bees differing from ours are like vnto the lesser blacke flyes wherewith we are troubled in the time of Summer and make their hony combes in the hole of a rotten tree The Barbarians are skilfull to gather hony and waxe Being gathered intermingled they call it Yra-yetic for Yra signifieth hony and Yetic waxe The hony being seuered they eaâ—e it after our manner but keepe the waxe which resembleth the blacknesse of Pitch made into lumps of the bignesse of a mans arme Yet not that they make Torches or Candles therewith for there is no other vse of a Candle with them then of a certaine wood which sendeth forth a most cleere and bright flame But they chiefly vse that Wax to stop those huge canes wherein they put their Feathers least they should be eaten and gnawed with the Butter-flyes which also we will describe in this place They are called Arauers by the Barbarians of the bignesse of Grashoppers they also come in great multitudes to â—he fire as Creekets doe and if they finde anie thing they eate it but especiallie they so gnaw leather doublets and shooes that they whollie consume the superficies and vpper graine thereof But if we negligently set vp Hennes or other meates of that kinde in the morning the bare bones were found without flesh The Barbarians being stung with Scorpions applie bruised Scorpions to the wound if they can get them Moreouer as we haue elsewhere said that they are most desirous of reuenge nay I might almost say that they are made against all hurtfull things so that if vnawares they stumble at a stone they bite them after the manner of mad Dogges and diligently seeke out all liuing creatures hurtfull vnto them and vtterly roote them out as much as they can The Countrie of America hath also land Crabbes the Tououpinambaultij call them Oussa they goe in multitudes like Locusts vnto the Sea shoare and fennie places and if any one goe thither he may see them flying hither and thither they conuey themselues into the bodies and rootes of trees out of the which they cannot safely be drawne for they pinch the fingers and hands of such as take them with their clawes They are farre leaner then the Sea Crabs but because they smell of the Iuniper rootes they are
imitating blue and yeeldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble so that by the smell they were easily found of vs wandring in the Woods and other places where they grow they are of so sweet and pleasant a taste that none of our preserued fruits excell them Therefore I thinke it to bee the best fruit of all America I sometimes wrung one of them out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice which vnto me seemed nothing inferiour vnto the Wine which they call Malmesey Lastly as I haue said that among the Americans no foure-footed beasts birds fishes nor any liuing creatures in all things resemble ours of Europe so I now affirme as much as I could finde by experience wandring through the Woods and Fields that there are no Trees or Herbes and lastly no fruits which are not vnlike to ours except these three Plants Purslane Basill Royall and Fearne which grow in certaine places §. II. Of the Warre Battailes Fortitude and Weapons of the Barbarians and of their Religion ALthough our Tououpinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortall warre against diuers bordering Nations after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians Notwithstanding they contend not by warre to inlarge their bounds for they possesse more â—ands then they need or thinke of the getting of Riches by the spoiles ransomes and armes of the conquered For as they all confesse they are prouoked through no other affection then that they might most seuerely auenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken and deuoured by the enemie Moreouer when war is first proclaimed betweene certaine of these people all of them agreeing in this that the enemie vnto whom injurie is done will perpetually thinke on the reuenging of the same and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardiâ—e if being brought into their power they suffer him to escape vnpunished their enmities are so inueterate and of such continuance that they can neuer be reconciled each to other But the manner whereby our Tououpinambaultij assemble being readie to goe to the warres is this as much as I could obserue Although they haue no Kings or Princes among them but are almost equall in dignitie yet this is giuen them by nature which also was most exactly in former times obserued by the Lacedemonians that they admire and reuerence the elder sort whom they call Peoreru Picheh for their experience of things therefore in euerie Village no contemptible seruice and obedience is performed vnto them These occasions being offered either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds exhort the rest with these or the like words What say they speaking by turne without interruption of speech were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies but also vanquished slue and deuoured them an Example vnto vs that wee should perpetually lye lurking heere at home Shall wee suffer our Nation which in former times was so great a terrour to all the rest that they could not in any sort indure their sight to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace that our enemies should assaile vs by Warre euen in our owne houses Shall we through our cowardize cause that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa that is thâ—se wicked Nations assault vs first Then that Orator clapping his shoulders and buttocks with his hands addeth these words with exclamation Erima Erima Tououpinambaults Câ—nomâ—ouâ—ssou Tan Tan c. that is to say My Countrimen and most valiant young men wee are not so to doe but rather let vs prepare vs for the fight and bequeathe our selues to death and slaughter or auenge our people With these Orations therefore of the elders which sometimes are prolonged for six houres the hearers who most attentiuely hearken so that they forget not so much as one syllable being increased both in strength and courage speaking each to other in euerie Village assemble as speedily as they may at the prefixed place in great multitudes But before wee bring our Tououpinambaultij to the Battaâ—le wee are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished And first surely they haue Tacapes that is Clubs or Swords made some of redde and some of blacke wood they are commonly of the length of fiue or sixe feete round at the ends or of an ouall shape of the breadth of a foote and of the thicknesse of a Thumbe in the middest but the edges are verie finely sharpened for they are made of verie heauie wood such as Boxe is and are little inferiour to the edge of a verie sharpe Axe so that I easily beleeue that one Tououpinambaultian armed with such a Clubbe and inraged with furie would bee able to put two of our Countrie Fencers to much trouble and driue them to their shifts Moreouer they haue Bowes which they call Orapats made of the same kinde of wood to wit redde and blacke and they exceed ours so much in length and thicknesse that none of our men is able either to bend or vnbend them insomuch as they are of necessitie to vse all their strength for the bending of the Bowes of Children of tenne yeeres old They vse the herbe called Tocon for strings which although it bee verie slender yet is it of so great a strength that it may indure the force of an Horse Their Arrowes are of the length of an Ell made with three ioynts the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reede and the other two of blacke wood and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certaine barkes of Trees that they could not bee more firmely glued They apply two little feathers vnto them of the length of a foote which they binde together with a Cotton Thread because Glue is not in vse with them they aptly ioyne very sharpe bones on the ends sometimes a piece of a drie Reed of the length of a mans hand cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeons Launce and somtimes the verie end of the taile of the fish Raye which as I haue elsewhere said is verie venemous But since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countreyes the Barbarians after their manner haue accustomed to strengthen their Arrowes with Iron heads or at the least with verie sharpe Nailes We haue alreadie spoken what their dexteritie is in handling their Clubs but as touching the Bowes I hope that all they who haue seene the Barbarians will confirme that with their naked armes they shoot so speedily and so certainly that bee it spoken by the Englishmens leaue who are yet accounted the most skilfull Archers putting their Arrowes in the hand wherewith they hold their Bow twelue may sooner bee shot by them then sixe by the Englishmen Lastly they haue Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou which I mentioned before broad plaine and round like to the bottome of a Germane Dâ—umme with these they couer not themselues in fight after the manner that our Souldiers vse but fighting receiue the Arrowes of
whom hee loueth goeth to her Parents or if she haue none to her next Kindred and asketh them whether they will marrie their Daughter vnto him If they consent he presently bringeth her home without giuing her any assurance of Dowrie and so keepeth her for his lawfull Wife And if he suffer the repulse he giueth ouer his Sute without any perturbation of mind But it is to bee noted that Polygamy is vsuall with them and therefore it is lawfull for a man to marrie as many Wiues as he shall think good Nay the more Wiues that any one hath the more valiant and generous hee is esteemed Among the rest I saw one who had eight at home and hee often spoke very much of them in commendation of himselfe But this is chiefly to be wondred at that in so great a multitude of Wiues although one be beloued of the Husband aboue the rest the other meaner take it grieuously or become jealous or openly murmur Therefore they liue most quietly and with great agreement weauing their Cotton beds looking to the affaires of the house making Gardens and planting Roots They so hate adulterous women that it lyeth in the Husbands power either to kill the adultresse or at the least to put her away with great ignominie and reproach This surely is true that they are not very carefull of preseruing the chastitie of vnmarried women nay they easily prostitute them to any man So that as I haue alreadie said I haue seene very many in diuers Villages deflowred by the Neustrian Interpreters who yet were not reprochfully disgraced for the same I haue obserued that the younger sort both men and women are not very much giuen to lust and I would our Countrey people could moderate themselues aswell in this behalfe But that I may attribute no more vnto them then is meete I remember that often in their brawling they vsed to object this reproach Tyuire that is Buggerers one vnto another whereby we may conjecture that that hainous and abhominable wickednesse raigneth among them The women great with childe abstaine only from the greater burthens and performe the other accustomed duties And surely the women much exceed the men in labour for the men saue that sometimes in the Morning neuer at noone they place certaine Trees to make Gardens spend the time in warfare hunting fishing making of woodden Clubs Bowes Arrowes and other things of that kinde As touching the trauell of women I and another Frenchman lodging in a certaine Village about midnight heard a great out-cry of a woman and supposing she had beene surprized by the cruell beast Ian-ouare we arose and ran vnto her and found the woman in trauell to whom the Husband performed the office of a Midwife he receiuing the Infant in his armes cut the nauell string asunder with his teeth but pressed downe the Nâ—se for they esteeme the beautie of children to consist in the flatnesse of the Nose the new borne Infant is presently washed and painted by the Father with colours blacke and red then not being wrapped in swadling-clouts at all it is put into a Cotton hanging bedde But if it bee a Male childe the Faâ—her will giue him a little woodden Sword a small Bow and little Arrowes presently after his birth and lay them in the bedde with the childe and kissing the little Babe will speake vnto him in these words My Sonne when thou art come to mans estate be valiant to take reuenge of thine enemies As touching the giuing of names I remember that hee of whom I now spoke was named by the Father Orapacen which word signifieth a Bow and Bow-strings for the word â—s compounded of Orapat which is a Bow and Cen which signifieth a stringe The same manner also is obserued in others Their nourishment beside the Mothers Milke is chewed Meale and euery most tender kinde of meate The woman lately deliuered lieth downe two daies only or three daies at the most Afterward putting the little childe in a Cotton Scarffe shee either goeth to the Garden or to dispatch her other businâ—sse This opinion hath preuailed with vs that little children would haue crooked legges vnlesse they were carefully wrapped and bound in swadling clouts But I â—ffirme that the Barbarians nothing regard these things who pâ—t the new borne Infants naked and vnswadled in their Cotton beds whose children notwithstanding goe most straight and vpright of all the men in the World The Mothers who both want linnen and also vse not the helpe of leaues for these seruices whereof not withstanding they haue great plentie so diligently wipe the hinder parts of the Infants with small chips of wood that they are continually free from all filth The elder sore also obserue the same manner whom also digressing a litle into this filthy matter I thought good to mention that they vse to make water in their houses and yet no euill nor stinking sauour ariseth from thence although they shine bright almost continually with often fires and are strewed with sand but as often as they doe their easement they vse to goe apart farre from the Houses Moreouer proceeding to speake of the Marriage of the Tououpinambaultians as far as shame and modestie will permit I affirme contrarie to that which some haue forged that the men obseruing naturall shamefastnesse doe no where openly company with their Wiues This is especially worth the noting that for the space of an whole yeere while we liued in those Countries we neuer saw any woman hauing the flowres I thinke that they diuert that Fluxe by some meanes vnknowne to vs. For I saw Maidens of twelue yeeres olde whose sides were cut by their Mothers from the arme-hole downe to the knee with a very sharpe tuske of a certaine beast And the young Girles gnashing with their Teeth through extremitie of paine bleed very much I conjecture that they preuented their monthly Fluxe by this remedie As touching the Policie of the Barbarians it is scarce credible how well they agree among themselues being guided only by the light of Nature Nor may this be spoken but to their great shame who are instructed in diuine and humane Lawes which yet is to bee vnderstood of them who are of the same kindred or of the Confederates for how they behaue themselues towards their enemies it hath beene alreadie by vs declared Yet if any contention arise betweene certaine persons among them which very seldome happeneth for in the whole space of a yeere while I liued among them it was my chance twice only to see them brawling the beholders care not to pacifie the strife but suffer them to doe their pleasure although they bee readie to put out one anothers eies But if the one wound the other and that hee can bee taken hee is wounded in the same part of the bodie by the Kinsmen of him that is wounded Nay if peraduenture death follow the wound the Murtherer is slaine by
when the Christians began to fall to their meate their friends and consorts and other Tiembus gathered together amongst them with those also who hide themselues in the field and houses fall vpon these fiftie men and so consecate the Banquet with them that no man escaped aliue except one Boy only called Caldero who got out of their hands Afterwards they set vpon vs with 10000. strong and besieged the Village which we held continually for fourteene daies intending wholly this that being brought vnder they might vtterly destroy vs but God in mercie defeated their purposes and ouerthrew their enterprizes They had made themselues long Speares or Iauelings of the Swords which they had gotten from the slaine Christians wherewith they fought against 〈◊〉 〈…〉 th with the edge and point 〈…〉 ting our Village day and night Our Captaine Anthony Mendoza armed with a two hand Sword went out of the Port neere which some Indians lay in ambush so that they could not bee seene Being gone therefore out of the Port the Indians thrust him through with their Iauelings so that hee presently fell downe dead vpon the ground But because the Indians wanted victuals they could sustaine themselues no longer heere but were compelled to leaue the siege and bee gone After this two Brigantines laden with prouision of victuall and other necessaries arriued at our Port which our Generall sent vnto vs from the Towne of Buenas Aeres to maintaine our selues therewith till his comming As therefore wee were cheered at the comming of them so they who arriued with the Brigantines incredibly sorrowed and lamented for the slaughter of the Christians Wee therefore determined by a common Councell which thing also seemed to bee best for vs to stay no longer in this Village of Corpus Christi abiding with these Tiembus but that being carried downe the Riuer gathering all our forces together we returne to Buenas Acres to our Generall Martin Dominicke Eyollas Who beeing frighted at our comming was vehemently grieued for the slaughter of the people doubtfull how to consult what he should first doe seeing also victuall and other necessarie things failed vs. 29. While therefore we continued fiue dayes at Buenas Aeres a Carauell came to vs out of Spaine and brought vs newes that a ship was arriued at Saint Katharine whose Captaine Allunzo Gabrero brought with him 200. Souldiers out of Spaine which when our Captaine certainly knew he commanded one of the lesser ships which they call a Galley to bee made readie that he might send her as soone as possibly he could to Saint Katharines into Brasill which was 300. leagues distant from Buenas Aeres making Gonzallo Mendoza Captaine thereof to gouerne the ship giuing him charge also that if arriuing at Saint Katharines he found the ship there they should lade one of the ships with Rice Mandeoch and other victuals as seemed good vnto him Gonzallus Mendoza therefore receiuing this commandement requested the Generall Martin D. Eyollas to giue him seuen of the Souldiers whom hee might trust for this Voyage which hee promised Hee therefore chose mee and sixe Spaniards to himselfe with twentie other Souldiers Setting saile from Buenas Aeres in the space of a moneth we arriued at Saint Katharines and finding the ship there which came out of Spaine together with Captaine Allunzo Gabrero and all the Souldiers wee greatly reioyced Abiding with them two moneths wee laded our ship with Rice Mandeoch and Turkish Corne as full as it could hold so that no more could bee put in both the ships to carrie with vs. And the day before All Saints wee arriued at the Riuer Parana twentie leagues yet distant from Buenas Aeres Both the ships met together that night whose Pilots asked one another whether wee were now in the Riuer of Parana when our Pilot affirmed we were the other said the contrarie that we were yet almost twentie leagues of For when twentie or more ships saile together in the Euening at the going downe of the Sunne they meete together and one of the Masters asketh the other what way he had made that day and with what wind hee would saile by night lest they should bee diuided one from the other The Riuer of Parana Vuassu at the Bay or mouth thereof is thirtie leagues broad which breadth continueth for fiftie whole leagues together vnto the Port of Saint Gabriell where the Riuer Parana is eighteene leagues broad After this our Pilot asketh the Master of the other ship whether hee would saile after to him the other made answere that night was now at hand and therefore he would continue still at Sea till the rising of the Sunne and that he would not make to the Land in the vnseasonable night And this Pilot in guiding his ship was more circumspect then ours was as the euent afterward declared Therefore our Master held on his intended course leauing the other 30. Sayling by night a mighty storme troubled the Sea so that about twelue or one of the clocke before Sunne rising before we had cast our Anchors in the Sea we descried Land and our ship was much bruised when wee were yet a league or more from the Land Wee could finde no other remedie for this mischiefe then making our Prayers vnto God to intreate him to be mercifull vnto vs. The same houre our ship being split was broken in more then a thousand pieces and fifteene of our men and sixe of the Indians perished being drowned in the waters Some taking hold of great pieces of Timber swamme out I with fiue of my companions escaped by the helpe of a Mast. But of fifteene persons we found not so much as one carkasse Afterward we were to trauell fiftie leagues on foot when we had lost all our clothes with all the victuals in the ship so that we were constrained to sustaine our selues only with Rootes and other Fruites which we could find heere and there in the fields while wee came to the Port of Saint Gabriell where we found the foresaid ship with her Captaine who arriued there thirtie dayes before vs. But our Generall Martin D. Eyollas had heard before by intelligence of this our mishap and thinking that we were all dead commanded some Masses to be read for our soules health When we were brought to Buenas Acres our Generall commandeth the Captaine of our ship and the Master thereof to be cited an◠stand to their triall who without doubt had hanged the Pilot if so great and earnest intreaties had not beene vsed yet hee was condemned for foure yeeres to the Gally Gathering together all our companies to Buenas Aeres our Generall commandeth the Brigantines to be made ready and all the Souldiers to bee shipped therein and commandeth the rest of the shippes to be burned yet preseruing the Iron Vessels and Instruments Wee therefore once more saile vp the Riuer of Parana againe and arriuing at our foresaid Citie of the Assumption of Marie
staying there two yeeres we expected further commandement from the Emperours Majesty 31. In the meane time while these things are thus done a certaine Captaine Aluarez Nunnez Cabeça de Uacha commeth out of Spaine whom Caesars Majestie had created Generall and with foure hundred men and thirtie Horses diuided into foure ships of the which two were greater and the other two Carauels The foure ships arriued in Brasill at the Hauen of Wiesaij or Saint Katharine to seeke prouision of victuall And when the Captaine had sent the two Carauels eight leagues from the Hauen to seeke victuals so great a storme tooke them that they perished being broken all to pieces in the Sea the men notwithstanding which were in them being saued When Aluarez the chiefe Commander knew this for a certainty hee durst not put to Sea any more in the greater greater ships he therefore commanded vtterly to destroy them and trauelling by land towards the Riuer of Plate at length came vnto vs to the Assumption of foure hundred men bringing three hundred with him the rest dying either of famine or of cruell diseases From hence the Captaine was eight whole moneths in his journey and from the Citie of the Assumption to S. Katherines are reckoned three hundred leagues This is to be vnderstood of the next and most direct way for from the Assumption downe the Riuer to the Sea there are three hundred thirtie foure leagues and to Saint Katharine three hundred Aluarez Nunnez also brought the title of his gouernment out of Spaine granted vnto him from Caesars Majestie and therefore required that our Generall Martin Don Eyollas should yeeld vp the whole gouernment vnto him which thing also Don Eyollas and all the company with all their heart were readie to performe yet vpon this condition that hee should make good proofe also that this power and authoritie was granted vnto him from the Emperours Maiestie But the whole assembly could not wrest this from him only the Priests one or two of the Captains affirmed it 32. The said Aluarez Nunnez therefore taking a view of the Souldiers found the number of the whole Army to be eight thousand men Making friendship also with Martin Don Eyollas each sware to other brotherly fidelity and friendship so that Eyollas should haue no lesse power to command the people then he had before The Gouernour commandeth nine Brigantines to be made ready that he might saile vp the Riuer as farre as it was possible But before the ships were made readie he sendeth three Brigantines with one hundred and fifteene Souldiers before commanding that they should go as far as they could and seeke out the Indians that had Maiz. Hee ioyned also two Captaines vnto them Antonio Gaberro and Diego Tabellinus These therefore in the beginning come to a Nation called Surucusis hauing Maiz Mandeoch and other Roots of that kind and Mandues also which are like our Filbirds and fish and flesh The men carrie in their lips a blue stone like the bone of a Die With this Nation we left our ships and with them certaine of our companions to whom we committed the custodie thereof but hauing gone foure dayes iourney into the Countrey wee came to a Village pertayning to the Carios being three hundred strong inquiring therefore diligently there of the state of that Countrey wee receiued honest and peaceable answeres from them Returning thence vnto our ships and going downe the Riuer of Parabol we came to the Nation Achkeres There we found Letters sent from Aluaro the Gouernour whereby hee commanded to hang vp the chiefe Captaine of these Indians Achkeres by name Which commandement our Captaine obeyed without delay and we returned home 33. The whole Countrey of Dabero and Carios were vp in Armes ioyning their forces together to inuade the Christians For the King of Dabero was the brother of that Achkeres whom the Chrictians hanged whose death hee would most seuerely auenge vpon the Christians Our Gouernour armeth himselfe in the meane time against his Enemies to vndertake some seruice against them He therefore determined with the consent of his sworne brother Martin Don Eyollas that this Eyollas should goe against the said Dabero and Carios with foure hundred Christians and two thousand Indians and either driue them out of the whole Countrey or vtterly roote them out The said Eyollas faithfully executing this commandement leadeth his Armie out of the City of the Assumption and meeting with the enemy by the commandement of Caesars Maiestie first perswadeth Dabero to peace and quietnesse but he little regarding this would admit no treatie of peace for he had gathered a mightie Army fenced his Villages with Bulwarks or Rampires of wood fastened in the ground and had compassed them about with a triple fence of stakes or piles hauing also cast vp deepe and mightie pits whereof we spoke before in the 21. Chapter all which wee found out before by diligent search Wee stood still quietly with our Armie till the fourth day before wee proclaimed war against them but the fourth day in the morning three houâ—es before the rising of the Sunne making an assault wee violently rushed 〈…〉 o the City and whomsoeuer we found there we slue yet taking many women and preseruing them from slaughter which afterward turned to our great benefit In this assault twenty sixe of the Christians were slaine many of the people being wounded and hurt And many also of the Indians on our part perished but of the Caniballs 3000. slaine Not long after Dabero came vnto vs with his people and craued fauour and pardon In the next Expedition Dabero sent to Nunnez 2000. Indians to aide vs. From the Carios also he commandeth nine Brigantines to bee furnished all which being done 800. Christians he taketh 500. leauing 300. at the Assumption ouer whom he made Iohn Satensser Captaine With this Army of 500. Christians and 2000. Indians we saile vp the Riuer of Parabol and the Carios had with them 83. boats wee Christians had nine Brigantines in euery one of the which there were two horses But the horses were conueyed ouer Land 100. leagues and we were carried vpon the Riuer vnto the Mountaine of Saint Ferdinand At that place taking our horses againe into the ships from thence afterward we were carried forward vntill we came to our Enemies the Paiembos but they not looking for our comming conueyed away themselues by flight with their wiues and children hauing first set their houses on fire After this we trauelled 100. leagues together and light not on any people at length wee came to a Nation whose people are called Baschurepos who liue by fish and flesh It is a populous Nation and they inhabit a large Countrey of 100. leagues broad They haue so great a number of boats that it is incredible to be written Their women couer their Secrets These people refusing to talke with vs fled from vs. Departing from
men of the Enemies whose heads the Ieperus tooke with them Of ours besides those that were wounded and hurt whom we sent backe to the Assumption ten Christians were slaine But wee pursued the Enemie with all our Armie euen to their Towne Fraemidiere whether the Commander of the Carios conueyed himselfe by flight They haue compassed this Towne with a triple rowe of Trenches as with a wall The Trenches were as thicke as a man in the middle which being digged a mans depth into the ground rose three fathom high aboue ground They had also cast vp pits or deepe holes whereof also we haue spoken before in euery one whereof they had pitched fiue or sixe stakes sharpe pointed like Pinnes or Needles This Towne therefore by fortification and Garrisons of valiant and couragious men was exceedingly well fenced so that three dayes we besieged them in vain yet at length by Gods helpe we conquered it Wee made also great and round Targets of Indian Sheepes skinnes which they call Amaten or Amidas This beast is of a reasonable bignesse like an ordinarie Mule of a grey colour with clouen feete like a Kow in the rest like an Asse yeelding pleasant meate There is great store of these beasts in this Countrie they haue a skin halfe a finger thicke Wee therefore gaue these round Targets to the Indians Ieperus giuing some of them also an Hatchet and betweene two Indians we placed an Harquebusse shot Destroying their triple inclosure we entred the Towne of Fraemidiere we neither spared men nor women boyes nor girles But the greatest part of them hauing escaped by flight betooke themselues to a certaine other Towne of theirs called Carieba twentie leagues distant from Fraemidiere which Towne also they fortified as strongly as they could The Carios also in great numbers came together againe incamping themselues neere an huge Wood that if peraduenture this Towne also should be wonne by the Christians they might vse the helpe of the Wood for their defense Wee came to the said Towne and pitching our Tents besieged it round in three places We had also hid some of our men in a Wood to keepe diligent watch there Supplies also of two hundred Christians and fiue hundred of the Ieperus and the Bathici came to aide vs from the City of Assumption For many of our men both Christians and Indians were much wounded So that we were of necessitie compelled to send for a fresh supplie of Souldiers for our aide Now therefore all our forces were foure hundred and fiftie Christians and the Ieperus and the Bathacis were thirteene hundred in number But our Enemies the Carieba had much more strongly fortified this Towne with Trenches and Motes then euer they had done any before They had also made and framed certaine Engines and instruments like Traps wherewith Mise are taken which if according to their purpose and meaning they had fallen euery one of them at one fall had slaine twentie or thirtie men They had disposed many of these Engines here and there about this Towne Wee abode therefore neere this Towne foure whole dayes and could effect nothing of any worth vntill Treason which getteth the masterie euery where throughout the world came betweene them and home For a certaine Indian of the Carios our Enemies who was their Captaine to whom this towne properly belonged came by night vnto our Generall earnestly intreating that we would not waste and destroy this his Towne by fire which if wee would promise him he would ioyne men with vs and would shew vs the way and meanes how to take it Which when our Generall had promised adding also this caution that he should receiue no hurt nor damage he shewed vs in the Wood two wayes to come to the Towne and said that he would raise a flaming fire therein during which we should violently breake into it When these things proceeded iust according to the purpose and agreement made betweene vs by this meanes entring we got the Towne and great slaughter of the people was made by vs Christians And they that thought they had escaped by fleeing fell into the hands of the Ieperus by whom the greatest part of them were slaine But they had not their wiues and children then with them but had hid them in a great Wood foure leagues distant from thence The people which escaped out of this conflict fled to a certaine other Petie-King of the Indians called Dabero and the Village which entertained them was called Iuberic Sabaie and was fortie leagues distant from Carieba But wee could not pursue them thither for this reason because what way soeuer they passed they had wasted all farre and neere with fire and spoyling and had taken away all the store of prouision and victuall Abiding foure dayes in the Towne Carieba we cured the wounded and also refreshed our selues 43. After this we returne to our Citie the Assumption that after we might sayle vp the Riuer and seeke out the Towne of Iuberic Sabaie where the King Dabero had an house with nine Brigandines and two hundred Canoas or Boats wherein fifteene hundred Indians of Ieperus were carried we went vp the Riuer Parabol to seeke our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie In this Voyage also that captaine of the Carios who betrayed the Towne Carieba to vs ioyned himselfe with vs bringing with him one thousand Carios to aide vs against Dabero We goe forward therefore with all our forces gathered together on the Land and Riuer and come so neere vnto our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie that we are but two leagues distant from them When we had arriued there our Generall Eyollas sent two Indians of the Carios to the Enemie into their Towne who should perswade them in the Christians behalfe that returning into their Countrie with their wiues and children and all their houshold-stuffe they should serue the Christians with due subiection as they did before which if they refused to doe they would driue them all out of the Countrie To this Dabero the King of the Cartos for answer commandeth to tell our Generall That he neither acknowledged him nor the Christians but if they came they would kill them by casting bones at them They also send away the two Indian messengers well bumbasted with cudgels with this straight charge that they should speedily withdraw themselues from the Campe otherwise it should come to passe that they should be slaine We came to a Riuer called Stuesia in the Indian language almost as broad as Danubuis halfe the height of a man deepe in some places also deeper This Riuer doth sometimes so increase by inundation that it doth much hurt to the Countrie and by reason of such inundation or ouerflowing they cannot trauaile by land We were to passe ouer this Riuer and because the enemie had pitched their tents on the other side of the Riuer they did vs much hurt in the passing ouer When they saw that we had now passed ouer the Riuer
Iland and hath one Citie and two townes with their Ports The Citie called Saint Iago whereof the Iland hath his name hath a Garrison and two Forts scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice being the seate of the Audiencia with his Bishop The other Townes are Playa some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago placed on high with a goodly Bay whereof it hath his name and Saint Domingo a small Towne within the Land They are on the Souther part of the Iland and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades a Portugall with a Fleete of French-men in Anno 1585. they were both burnt to the ground by the English Sir Francis Drake being Generall and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken and sacked by the English Sir Anthony Sherley being Generall The second Iland is Fuego so called for that day and night there burneth in it a Uulcan whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the Sea It is by nature fortified in that sort as but by one way is any accesse or entrance into it and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest The Bread which they spend in these Ilands is brought from Portugall and Spaine sauing that which they make of Rice or of Mayes which we call Guynne wheate The best watering is in the I le of Brano on the west part of the Iland where is a great Riuer but foule Anchoring as is in all these Ilands for the most part The fruits are few but substantiall as Palmitos Plantanos Potatos and Coco Nuts The Palmito is like to the Date tree and as I thinke a kinde of it but wilde In all parts of Afrique and America they are found and in some parts of Europe and in diuers parts different In Afrique and in the West Indies they are small that a man may cut them with a knife and the lesser the better But in Brasil they are so great that with difficulty a man can fell them with an Axe and the greater the better one foote within the top is profitable the rest is of no value and that which is to be eaten is the pith which in some is better in some worse The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America of which two leaues are sufficient to couer a man from top to toe It beareth fruite but once and then drieth away and out of his root sprouteth vp others new In the top of the tree is his fruit which groweth in a great bunch in the forme and fashion of puddings in some more in some lesse I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantans which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight They are of diuers proportions some great some lesser some round some square some triangle most ordinarily of a span long with a thicke skinne that peeleth easily from the meate which is either white or yellow and very tender like Butter but no conserue is better nor of a more pleasing taste For I neuer haue seene any man to whom they haue bred mislike or done hurt with eating much of them as of other fruites The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree but in most parts they cut them off in branches and hang them vp in their houses and eate them as they ripe For the Birds and Vermine presently in ripâ—ing on the tree are feeding on them The best that I haue seene are in Brasil in an Iland called Placentia which are small and round and greene when they are ripe whereas the others in ripening become yellow Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man the onely fault they haue is that they are windie In some places they eate them instead of bread as in Panama and other parts of Tierra firme They grow and prosper best when their rootes are euer couered with water they are excellent in Conserue and good sodden in different manners and dried on the tree not inferior to Suckets The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a Hasell-nut but that it is as bigge as an ordinary Bowle and some are greater It hath two shels the vttermost framed as it were of a multitude of threds one laid vpon another with a greene skin ouer-lapping them which is soft and thicke the innermost is like to the shell of a Hasell-nut in all porportion sauing that it is greater and thicker and some more blacker In the top of it is the forme of a Munkies face with two eyes his nose and a mouth It containeth in it both meate and drinke the meate white as milke and like to that of the kernell of a Nut and as good as Almonds blancht and of great quantity The water is cleare as of the Fountaine and pleasing in taste and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milke Some say it hath a singular property in nature for conseruing the smoothnesse of the skin and therefore in Spaine and Portugall the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it If the holes of the shell be kept close they keepe foure or six moneths good and more but if it be opened and the water kept in the shell in few daies it turneth to Vinegar They grow vpon high Trees which haue no boughes onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigges and some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be aboue forty yeares old They are in all things like to the Palme trees and grow in many parts of Asia Afrique and America The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in caruing grauing and garnishing them with Siluer Gold and precious stones In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brasil is another kinde of these which they call Coquillos as we may interpret little Cocos and are as bigge as Wal-nuts but round and smooth and grow in great clusters the trees in forme are all one and the meate in the nut better but they haue no water Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke which the others haue but within are full of Almonds which are placed as the graines in the Pomegrannet being three times bigger then those of Europe and are much like them in taste In these Ilands are Cyuet-Cats which are also found in parts of Asia and Afrique esteemed for the Ciuet they yeelde and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts which is taken from them by force In them also are store of Monkies and the best proportioned that I haue seene and Parrots but of colour different to those of the
to euery place And we were certified in Isla Grand that they had sent an Indian from the Riuer of Ienero through all the Mountaines Marishes to take a view of vs and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships Boates and the number of men which wee might haue But to preuent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent I determined one night in the darkest and quietest of it to see what watch our Company kept on the shore manned our Light-horsman and Boat armed them with Bowes and Targets and got ashore some good distance from the places where were our Boothes and sought to come vpon them vndiscouered we vsed all our best endeuours to take them at vnawares yet comming within fortie paces we were discouered the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose them selues against vs. Which we seeing gaue them the Hubbub after the manner of the Indians and assaulted them and they vs but being a close darke night they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub From our Ship the Gunner shot a peece of Ordnance ouer our heads according to the order giuen him and thereof we tooke occasion to retire vnto our Boates and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places as though we came from our Ships to aide them They began to recount vnto vs how that at the Wester point of the Iland out of certaine Canoas had landed a multitude of Indians which with a great out-cry came vpon them assaulted them fiercely but finding better resistance then they looked for and seeing them selues discouered by the Ships tooke them selues to their heeles and returned to their Canoas in which they imbarked themselues and departed One affirmed he saw the Canoas another their long haire a third their Bowes a fourth that it could not be but that some of them had their paiments And it was worth the sight to behold those which had not moued out of their beds in many moneths vnlesse by the helpe of others had gotten some a bow-shot off into the woods others into the top of trees and those which had any strength ioyned together to fight for their liues In fine the Booths and Tents were left desolate To colour our businesse the better after we had spent some houre in seeking out and ioyning the Company together in comforting and commending them I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night and so departed to our Shippes with such an opinion of the assault giuen by the Indians that many so possessed through all the Voyage would not be perswaded to the contrary Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs they were after most carefull and vigilant as was conuenient In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or sixe foote water and but once in two and twentie houres as in all this Coast and in many parts of the West Indies as also in the coast of Peru and Chely sauing where are great Bayes or indraughts and there the tydes keep their ordinary course of twice in foure and twenty houres In the lesser of these Ilands is a Coue for a small Ship to ride in Land-lockt and she may moore her selfe to the trees of either side this we called Palmito Iland for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees the other hath none at all A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship but the better course is out at one end In these Ilands are many Scorpions Snakes and Adders with other venemous Vermine They haue Parots and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants somewhat bigger and seeme to be of their nature Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men supplying our wants of wood and water and in other necessary workes And the tenth of December all things put in order we set saile for Cape Frio hauing onely sixe men sicke with purpose there to set ashore our two Prisoners before named and anchoring vnder the Cape we set our Boate ashoare but they could not finde any conuenient place to land them in and so returned the winde being Southerly and not good to goe on our voyage we succoured our selues within Isla Grand which lyeth some dozen or foureteene leagues from the Cape betwixt the West and by South and West Southwest the rather to set our Prisoners on shore In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland lyeth the Riuer Ienero a very good Harbour fortified with a Garrison and a place well peopled The Isla Grand is some eight or tenne leagues long and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping it is full of great sandie Bayes and in the most of them is store of good water within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands which cause diuers sounds and creekes and amongst these little Ilands one for the pleasant scituation and fertilitie thereof called Placentia This is peopled all the rest desert on this Iland our Prisoners desired to be put ashore and promised to send vs some refreshing Whereto wee condescended and sent them ashore with two Boates well manned and armed who found few Inhabitants in the Iland for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses notwithstanding our Boates returned loaden with Plantines Pinias Potatoes Sugar-canes and some Hens Amongst which they brought a kinde of little Plantine greene and round which were the best of any that I haue seene With our people came a Portugall who said that the Iland was his hee seemed to be a Mistecho who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood poorely apparelled and miserable we feasted him and gaue him some trifles and hee according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had The winde continuing contrary we emptied all the water we could come by which we had filled in Saint Iames his Iland and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand It is a wildernesse couered with Trees and Shrubs so thicke as it hath no passage through except a man make it by force And it was strange to heare the howling and cries of wilde Beasts in these Woods day and night which we could not come at to see by any meanes some like Lyons others like Beares others like Hogs and of such and so many diuersities as was admirable Here our Nets profited vs much for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish Vpon the shore at full Sea-marke we found in many places certain shels like those of mother of Pearles which are brought out of the East Indies to make standing cups called Caracoles of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them and were it not for the brittlenesse of them by reason of their exceeding thinnesse doubtlesse they were to be esteemed farre aboue the others for more excellent workmanship
yet rich of Gold The nineteenth of Aprill being Easter-euen we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha It lyeth in thirty nine degrees it may bee some foure leagues ouer and is a high mountaynous Hill but round about the foot thereof some halfe league from the Sea-shore it is Champaine ground wel inhabited and manured From the Straits to this Iland we found that either the Coast is set out more Westerâ—y then it is or that we had a great current which put vs to the Westwards for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it but for that wee coasted not the Land I cannot determine whether it was caused by the current or lying of the Land But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it haue told me that it is a bold and safe Coast and reasonable sounding of it In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants but with great vigilancie and care for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards and held vs to bee of them and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when hee was in this Iland whâ—ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat sauing two and in striuing to get them also they slue and hurt all his men himselfe who had fewest wounds had three and two of them in the head Two of his company which liued long after had the one seuenteene his name was Iohn Bruer who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish and the other aboue twentie a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake And with me they vsed a policie which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined although I wrought sure for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with Armes Wee were armed and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water whether they came to parley and negotiate Beeing in communication with the Casiques and others many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates and some went into them Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares for that there went a bad sege were forced to lay downe their Muskets which the Indians perceiuing endeauoured to fill the barrels with water taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands By chance casting mine eye aside I discouered their flynesse and with a Truncheon which I had in mine hand gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes The sheepe of this Iland are great good and fat I haue not tasted better Mutton any where They were as ours and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the Countrey Of the sheepe of the Countrey wee could by no meanes procure any one although we saw of them and vsed meanes to haue had of them This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea and is held to bee peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie all of woollen their Cassockes made like a Sacke square with two holes for the two armes and one for the head all open below without lining or other art but of them some are most curiously wouen and in colours and on both sides alike Their houses are made round in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses with a louer in the top to euacuate the smoake when they make fire They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco made into little cakes like Pitch of a bad smell with holes through the middle and so laced many vpon a string The people of this Iland as of all Chily are of good stature and well made and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts They are of good vnderstanding and agilitie and of great strength Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Macanas their Bowes short and strong and their Arrowes of a small Reed or Cane three quarters of a yard long with two Feathers and headed with a flint-stone which is loose and hurting the head remaineth in the wound some are headed with bone and some with hard wood halfe burnt in the fire We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes which are dangerous and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts Immediatly when they discouered vs both vpon the Iland and the Mayne wee might see them make sundry great fires which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a readinesse for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards and the shippes they see they beleeue to be their Enemies The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland but eight or ten leagues into the Countrey for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia till thirtie sixe Degrees the Indians haue now in a manner in their hands free from any Spaniards Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland for that little time we stayed which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast and some eight leagues to the North-wards wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay and sent our Boats ashoare with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person and so we set saile againe and towards the Euening the wind began to change and to blow contrary and that so much and the Sea to rise so suddenly that wee could not take in our Boats without spoyling of them This storme continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to endure so long The storme tooke end and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries which lyeth in thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues in the Trade way lieth a Rocke which afarre off seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle This Iland is little and low but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland lieth the Citie Conception with a good Port from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare plentifull of fiâ—h and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast till we were past Lyma otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes for that it
and parting In the warres of France in the time of Queene Marie and in other warres as I haue heard of many ancient Captaines the Companie had but the fourth part and euery man bound to bring with him the Armes with which he would fightâ— which in our time I haue knowne also vsed in France and if the Companie victualed themselues they had then the one halfe and the Owners the other halfe for the ship powder shot and munition If any Prize were taken it was sold by the tunne ship and goods so as the loading permitted it that the Merchant hauing bought the goods hee might presently transport them whither soeuer he would By this manner of proceeding all rested contented all being truly payd for this was iust dealing if any deserued reward he was recompenced out of the generall stocke If any one had filched or stolne or committed offence he had likewise his desert and who once was knowne to be a disordered person or a thiefe no man would receiue him into his ship whereas now a dayes many vaâ—â—t themselues of their thefts and disorders yea I haue seene the common sort of Mariners vnder the name of pillage maintaine and iustifie their robberies most iâ—solently before the Queens Maiesties Commissioners with arrogant and vnseemly termes Opinion hath hold such for tall fellowes when in truth they neuer proue the best men in difficult occasions For their mindes are all set on spoyle and can be well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt whilest they are prolling after pillage the better to gaine and maintaine the aforesaid attributes in Tauernes and disorderly places For the orderly and quiet men I haue euer found in all occasions to be of best vse most valiant and of greatest sufficiency Yet I coâ—demne none but those who will be reputed valiant and are not examine the accusation All whatsoeuer is found vpon the Decke going for Merchandise is exempted out of the censure of pillage Silkes Linnen or Woollen cloth in whole pieces Apparell that goeth to be sold or other goods whatsoeuer though they be in remnants manifestly knowne to bee carried for that end or being comprehended in the Register or Bills of lading are not to be contayned vnder the name of Pillage But as I haue said of the consort so can I not but complaine of many Captaines and Gouernours who ouercome with like greedy desire of gaine condiscend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient discipline the cleanlier to smother their owne disloyalties in suffering these breake-bulkes to escape and absent themselues till the heate be past and partition made Some of these cause the Bills of lading to be cast into the Sea or so to be hidden that they neuer appeare Others send away their prisoners who sometimes are more worth then the ship and her lading because they should not discouer their secret stolne treasure for many times that which is left out of the Register or Bills of lading with purpose to defraud the Prince of his Customes in their conceits held to be excessiue is of much more value then that which the ship and lading is worth Yea I haue knowne ships worth two hundred thousand pounds and better cleane swept of their principall riches nothing but the bare bulke being left vnsacked The like may be spoken of that which the disorderly Mariner and the Souldier termeth Pillage My Father Sir Iohn Hawkins in his instructions in actions vnder his charge had this particular Article That whosoeuer rendred or tooke any ship should be bound to exhibite the Bills of lading to keepe the Captaine Master Merchants and persons of account and to bring them to him to be examined or into England If they should bee by any accident separated from him whatsoeuer was found wanting the prisoners being examined was to be made good by the Captaine and Companie which tooke the ship and this vpon great punishments Running alongst the coast till wee came within few leagues of Arica nothing happened vnto vs of extraordinarie noueltie or moment for wee had the Breze fauourable which seldome happeneth in this climate finding our selues in 19. degrees wee haled the shoare close aboord purposing to see if there were any shippiâ—g in the Road of Arica It standeth in a great large Bay in 18. degrees and before you come to it a league to the Southwards of the Road and Towne is a great round Hill higher then the rest of the land of the Bay neere about the Towne which we hauing discouered had â—ight presently of a small Barque close aboord the shoare becalmed manning our Boat wee toke her being loden with fish from Moormereno which is a goodly head-land very high and lieth betwixt 24. and 25. degrees and whether ordinarily some Baâ—ques vse to goe a fishing euery yeere In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians The Spaniard for that he was neere the shoare swam vnto the Rockes and though we offered to returne him his barke and fish as was our meaning yet he refused to accept it and made vs answere that he durst not for feare lest the Iustice should punish him In so great subiection are the poore vnto those who haue the administration of Iustice in those parts and in most parts of the Kingdomes and Countries subiect to Spaine Insomuch that to heare the Iustice to enter in at their doores is to them destruction and desolation for this cause wee carried her alongst with vs. In this meane while wee had sight of another tall ship comming out of the Sea which wee gaue chase vnto but could not fetch vp being too good of sayle for vs. Our small Prize and Boate standing off vnto vs descried another shippe which they chased and tooke also loden with fish comming from the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica but seeing it cleane without shipping wee haled the coast alongst and going aboord to visite the bigger Prize my Companie saluted mee with a vollie of small shot Amongst them one Musket brake and carried away the hand of him that shot it through his owne default which for that I haue seene to happen many times I thinke it necessary to note in this place that others may take warning by his harme The cause of the Muskets breaking was the charging with two bullets the powder being ordayned to carrie but the weight of one and the Musket not to suffer two charges of powder or shot By this ouersight the fire is restrained with the ouerplus of the weight of shot and not being able to force both of them out breaketh all to pieces so to finde a way to its owne Centre And I am of opinion that it is a great errour to proue great Ordnance or small shot with double charges of powder or shot my reason is for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot which the Peece is to beare and the
build their principall shipping from this Riuer Lima and all the valleyes are furnished with Timber for they haue none but that which is brought from hence or from the Kingdome of Chile By this Riuer passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito it is Nauigable some leagues into the Land and hath great abundance of Timber Those of the Peru vse to ground and trim their Shippes in Puma or in Panama and in all other parts they are forced to carene their Shippes In Puma it higheth and falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water and from this Iland till a man come to Panama in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse keeping the ordinary course which the Tides doe in all Seas The water of this Riuer by experience is medicinable for all aches of the bones for the stone and strangurie the reason which is giuen is because all the bankes and low land adioyning to this Riuer are replenished with Salsaperillia which lying for the most part soaking in the water it participateth of this vertue and giueth it this force In this Riuer and all the Riuers of this coast are great abundance of Alagartoes and it is said that this exceedeth the rest for persons of credit haue certified me that as small fishes in other Riuers abound in scoales so the Alagartoes in this they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within their clutches Some fiue or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma is la Punta de Santa Elena vnder which is good anchoring cleane ground and reasonable succour Being thwart of this point wee had sight of a Shippe which wee chased but being of better saile then wee and the night comming on we lost sight of her and so anchored vnder the Isla de Plata to recouer our Pinnace and Boate which had gone about the other point of the Iland which lyeth in two degrees and fortie minutes The next day we past in sight of Puerto Vicjo in two degrees ten minutes which lying without shipping we directed our course for Cape Passaos It lyeth directly vnder the Equinoctiall line some fourescore leagues to the West-wards of this Cape lyeth a heape of Ilands the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos they are desert and beare no fruite from Cape Passaos we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco which lyeth in one degree to the North-wards of the line and being thwart of it we descried a small Shippe which we chased all that day and night and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her but being a Ship of aduise and full of passengers and our Ship not able to fetch her vp they entreated our people badly and freed themselues though the feare they conceiued caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King as also of particulars into the Sea with a great part of their loading to be lighter and better of saile for the Ships of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters or sand barges presuming vpon the securitie from stormes Being out of hope to fetch vp this Shippe we stood in with the Cape where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards The Cape is high land and all couered ouer with trees and so is the land ouer the Cape and all the coast from this Cape to Panama is full of wood from the Straits of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco In all the coast from head-land to head-land the courses lye betwixt the North and North and by West and sometimes more Westerly and that but seldome It is a bold coast and subiect to little foule weather or alteration of windes for the Brese which is the Southerly winde bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco except it be a great chance Trending about the Cape wee haled in East North-east to fetch the Bay of Atacames which lyeth some seuen leagues from the Cape In the mid way some three leagues from the shore lyeth a banke of sand whereof a man must haue a care for in some parts of it there is but little water The tenth of Iune we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames which on the Wester part hath a round hammock It seemeth an Iland in high Springs I iudge that the Sea goeth round about it To the Eastwards it hath a high sandie Cliffe and in the middest of the Bay a faire birth from the shoare lieth a bigge blacke Rocke aboue water from this Rocke to the sandy Cliffe is a drowned Marsh ground caused by his lownesse And a great Riuer which is broad but of no depth Manning our Boate and running to the shoare wee found presently in the Westerne bight of the Bay a deepe Riuer whose Indraught was so great that we could not benefit our selues of it being brackish except at a low water which hindred our dispatch yet in fiue dayes wee filled all our emptie Caske supplied ouâ— want of wood and grounded and put in order our Pinnasse Here for that our Indians serued vs to no other vse but to consume our victuals we eased our selues of them gaue them Hookes and Lines which they craued and some bread for a few dayes and replanted them in a rarre better Countrey then their owne which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco for victuals growing short with her hauing many mouthes shee was forced to put ashoare fifty of her passengers neere the Cape whereof more then the one halfe died with famine and continuall wading through Riuers and waters the rest by chance meeting with the Indians which we had put ashore with their fishing guide and industry were refreshed sustained and brought to habitation Our necessary businesse being ended we purposed the fifteenth day of May in the morning to setsaile but the foureteenth in the euâ—ning we had sight of a Shippe some three leagues to Sea-wards and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie I condiscended that our Pinnace should giue her chase which I should not haue done for it was our destruction I gaue them precise order that if they stood not in againe at night they should seeke me at Cape San Francisco for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her comming at nine of the clocke in the morning we waied our Anchors and stood for the Cape where we beate off and on two dayes and our Pinnace not appearing wee stood againe into the Bay where we descried heâ— turning in without a maine Mast which standing off to the Sea close by with much winde and a ch 〈…〉 ng Seâ— bearing a taut-sayle where a little was too much being to small purpose sodainely tâ—ey bare it by the bourd and standing in with the shore the winde or rather God blinding thâ—m for our punishment they knew not the
so the torment and danger of the Peece the greater But here will be contradiction by many that dare auouch that longer Peeces are to be preferred for that they burne their powder better and carry the shot further and so necessarily of better execution whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without burning and workes thereby the slenderer effect To which I answere that for Land seruice Forts or Castles the long Peeces are to be preferred but for shipping the shorter are much more seruiceable And the powder in them being such as it ought will be all fired long before the shot come forth and to reach farre in fights at Sea is to little effect For he that purposeth to annoy his Enemie must not shoote at randon nor at point blanke if he purpose to accomplish with his deuoire neither must he spend his shot nor powder but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary how much the neerer so much the better and this duely executed the short Artillery will worke his effect as well as the long otherwise neither short nor long are of much importance but here my meaning is not to approue the ouershort Peeces deuised by some persons which at euery shot they make daunce out of their cariages but those of indifferent length and which keepe the meane betwixt seauen and eight foote The entertainment we gaue vnto our contraries being otherwise then was expected they fell off and ranged a head hauing broken in peeces all our gallerie and presently they cast about vpon vs and being able to keepe vs company with their fighting sailes lay a weather of vs ordinarily within Musket shot playing continually with them and their great Artillerie which we endured and answered as we could Our Pinnace engaged her selfe so farre as that before she could come vnto vs the Vice-admirall had like to cut her off and comming to lay vs aboord and to enter her men the Vice-admirall boorded with her so that some of our company entred our Ship ouer her bow-sprit as they themselues reported Wee were not a little comforted with the sight of our people in safetie within our Ship for in all wee were but threescore and fifteene men and boyes when we began to fight and our enemies thirteene hundred men and boyes little more or lesse and those of the choise of Peru. Here it shall not be out of the way to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline and manner of their gouernment in generall which is in many things different to ours In this expedition came two Generals the one Don Beltran de Castro who had the absolute authoritie and command The other Michael Angell Pilipon a man well in yeares and came to this preferment by his long and painefull seruice who though he had the title of Generall by Sea I thinke it was rather of courtesie then by Pattent and for that he had beene many yeares Generall of the South Seas for the carriage and swaftage of the Siluer from Lyma to Panama Hee seemed to be an assistant to supply that with his counsell aduice and experience whereof Don Beltran had neuer made triall for he commanded not absolutely but with the confirmation of Don Beltran for the Spaniards neuer giue absolute authoritie to more then one A custome that hath beene and is approued in all Empires Kingdomes Common-wealths and Armies rightly disciplined the mixture hath beene seldome seene to prosper as will manifestly appeare if we consider the issue of all actions and iourneys committed to the gouernment of two or more generally The Spaniards in their Armadoes by Sea imitate the discipline order and officers which are in an Army by Land and diuide themselues into three bodies to wit Souldiers Marriners and Gunners Their Souldiers ward and watch and their officers in euery Ship round as if they were on the shoare this is the onely taske they vndergoe except cleaning their Armes wherein they are not ouer curious The Gunners are exempted from all labour and care except about the Artillerie And these are either Almaynes Flemmings or strangers for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art The Marriners are but as slaues to the rest to moyle and to toyle day and night and those but few and bad and not suffered to sleepe or harbour themselues vnder the deckes For in faire or foule weather in stormes sunne or raine they must passe voide of couert or succour There is ordinarily in euery Ship of Warre a Captaine whose charge is as that of our Masters with vs and also a Captaine of the Souldiers who commandeth the Captaine of the Ship the Souldiers Gunners and Marriners in her yea though there be diuers Captaines with their companies in one Shippe which is vsuall amongst them yet one hath the supreame authoritie and the residue are at his ordering and disposing They haue their Mastros de Campo Sergeant Master Generall or Captaine of the Artillery with their Alfere Maior and all other officers as in a Campe. If they come to fight with another Armado they order themselues as in a battell by land In a Vanguard rereward maine battell and wings c. In euery particular Ship the Souldiers are set all vpon the deckes their forecastle they account their head Front or Vangard of their company that abast the Mast the rereward and the waste the maine battell wherein they place their principall force and on which they principally relye which they call their placa de armas or place of Armes which taken their hope is lost The Gunners fight not but with their great Artillerie the Marriners attend onely on the tackling of the Ship and handling of the sailes and are vnarmed and subiect to all misfortunes not permitted to shelter themselues but to be still aloft whether it be necessary or needelesse So ordinarily those which first faile are the Marriners and Sailers of which they haue greatest neede They vse few close fights or fireworks all this proceedeth as I iudge of errour in placing land Captaines for Gouernors and Commanders by Sea where they seldome vnderstand what is to be done or commanded Some that haue beene our prisoners haue perfited themselues of that they haue seene amongst vs and others disguised vnder colour of treaties for ransoming of prisoners for bringing of presents other Imbassages haue noted our forme of shipping our manner of defences and discipline Sit hence which espiall in such actions as they haue beene imployed in they seeke to imitate our gouernment and reformed discipline at Sea which doubtlesse is the best and most proper that is at this day knowne or practised in the whole world if the execution be answerable to that which is known and receiued for true and good amongst vs. In the Captaine for so the Spaniards call their Admirall was an English Gunner who to gaine grace with those vnder whom he serued preferring himselfe and
the Ministers in our behalfe Came wee into the South-sea to put out flags of truce And left we our pleasant England with all her contentments with intention or purpose to auaile our selues of white rags The Captaine and Company were perswaded to resolution and in accomplishment of this promise and determination they perseuered in sustaining the fight all this night with the day and night following and the third day after In which time the Enemy neuer left vs day nor night beating continually vpon vs with his great and small shot Sauing that euery morning an houre before breake of day hee edged a little from vs to breath and to remedie such defects as were amisse as also to consult what they should doe the day and night following This time of interdiction we imployed in repairing our Sayles and Tacklings in stopping our Leakes in fishing and woolling our Masts and Yards in mending our Pumpes and in fitting and prouiding our selues for the day to come though this was but little space for so many workes yet gaue it great reliefe and comfort vnto vs and made vs better able to endure the defence for otherwise our ship must of force haue suncke before our surrendrie hauing many shot vnder water and our Pumpes shot to pieces euery day In all this space not any man of either part tooke rest or sleepe and little sustenance besides Bread and Wine In the second dayes fight the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter William Blanch one of our Masters mates with a luckie hand made a shot vnto her with one of our sterne Peeces it carried away his maine Mast close by the deck wherewith the Admirall beare vp to her to see what harme shee had receiued and to giue her such succour as shee was able to spare which we seeing were in good hope that they would haue now left to molest vs any longer hauing wherewithall to entertaine themselues in redressing their owne harmes And so we stood away from them close by as wee could which wee should not haue done but prosecuted the occasion and brought our selues close vpon her weathergage and with our great and small shot hindered them from repairing their harmes if we had thus done they had beene forced to cut all by the boord and it may be lying a hull or to le-wards of vs with a few shot we might haue sunke her At the least it would haue declared to our enemies that we had them in little estimation when able to go from them we would not and perhaps beene a cause to haue made them to leaue vs. But this occasion was let slip as also that other to fight with them sayling quarter winds or before the wind for hauing stood off to Sea a day and a night we had scope to fight at our pleasure and no man hauing sea roome is bound to fight as his enemy will with disaduantage being able otherwise to deale with equalitie contrariwise euery man ought to seeke the meanes hee can for his defence and greatest aduantage to the anoyance of his contrary Now we might with our fore-saile low set haue borne vp before the winde and the enemy of force must haue done the like if he would fight with vs or keep vs company and then should we haue had the aduantage of them For although their Artillery were longer waightier and many more then ours and in truth did pierce with greater violence yet ours being of greater bore and carrying a waightier and greater shot was of more importance and of better effect for sinking and spoyling for the smaller shot passeth through and maketh but his hole and harmeth that which lyeth in his way but the greater shaketh and shiuereth all it meeteth and with the splinters or that which it encountreth many times doth more hurt then with his proper circumference as is plainely seene in the battery by land when the Saker and Demy-coluerin the Coluerin and Demi-canon being peeces that reach much further point blanke then the Canon are nothing of like importance for making the breach as is the Canon for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficultie yea worketh better effects tormenting shaking and ouerthrowing all whereas the others with their violence pierce better and make onely their hole and so hide themselues in the Wooll or Rampire Besides our ship being yare and good of steeridge no doubt but we should haue plaied better with our Ordnance and with more effect then did our enemies which was a greater terrour being able to fight with lesse disaduantage and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined which I knew not of neither was able to direct though I had knowne it being in a manner senslesse what with my wounds and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded for that had seldome knowne it spoken of but that it came afterwards to be put in execution The General not being able to succour his Vice-admiral except he should vtterly leaue vs gaue them order to shift as well as they could for the present and to beare with the next Port and there to repaire their harmes Himselfe presently followed the Chase and in short space fetched vs vp and began a fresh to batter vs with his great and small shot The Vice-admirall hauing saued what they could cut the rest by the boord and with Fore-sayle and Myson came after vs also and before the setting of the Sun were come vpon our broad side we bearing all our Sayles and after kept vs company lying vpon our weather quarter and anoying vs what shee could Here I hold it necessary to make mention of two things which were most preiudiciall vnto vs and the principall causes of our perdition the errours and faults of late dayes crept in amongst those who follow the Sea and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings I wish that by our misfortunes others would take warning and procure to redresse them as occasions shall be offered The one is to fight vâ—â—â—med where they may fight armed The other is in comming to fight to drinke themselues drunke Yea some are so mad that they mingle Powder with Wine to giue it the greater force imagining that it giueth spirit strength and courage and taketh away all feare and doubt The latter is for the most part true but the former is false and beastly and altogether against reason For though the nature of wine with moderation is to comfort and re 〈…〉 e the heart and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit yet the immoderate vse thereof worketh quite contrary effects In fights all receits which adde courage and spirit are of great regard to be allowed and vsed and so is a draught of wine to be giuen to euery man before he come to action but more then enough is pernicious for exceeding the meanes it offendeth and infeebleth the sences conuerting the strength which should resist the force of the enemy into weakenesse
capacitie that it is able to containe a thousand ships The bottome as I haue said is without mud and hath a blackish coloured sand where withall it is couered There are no gulfes or deepe pits but an assured and easie anchorage in what part soeuer you will from forty to halfe a fathome and it is betweene the mouthes of two Riuers the one whereof is as great as that of Guadalquiuir and hath mud of a fathome deepe ouer which our shallops and boats did passe For the other Riuer when our Skiffe went to water there they found the entrance safe easie And a man may from the very mouth of the riuer take in as much fresh water as he will The place where ships may bee vnloaded hath three leagues of grauell mingled with little flints blackish and very heauy which will serue for ballast for ships The bank is straight and vnited on which much green grasse doth grow and prosper and that makes me to conceiue that the Sea doth not beate or rage thereupon I obserue that the Trees are straight and the branches not dismembred which is a token that there are no tempests there Touching the Port besides the commodities which I haue alreadie discoursed of there is one of maruellous pleasure and contentation And that is that at the dawning of the day you shall heare from a Wood which is neere at hand a sweet and various harmonie of a thousand Birds of all sorts among which we could distinguish the Nightingales Black-birds Quailes Gold-finches Swallowes almost without number Parrochitos and one Parret wee marked there and crâ—atures of sundry other kinds euen downe to Grashoppers and Field-crickets Euery Morning and Euening we receiued a most odoriferous sweet smell sent vnto our nostrels from the infinite diuersitie of Flowres and Herbes which grow there amongst which wee obserued the blossomes of Orange and Basill All which with a number of other varieties doth make vs thinke that the Aire is cleere and healthy and that the nature of the place is of a good temperature The Hauen and the Bay are therefore of the greater estimation because they haue the Neighbourhood of so many goodly Ilands that are there and especially of those seuen which are said to haue two hundred leagues of extent and surely one of them which is some twelue leagues distant from the Hauen is fiftie leagues in circuit In briefe Sir I doe affâ—rme vnto your Maiestie that you may giue command to haue a goodly and great Citie built in this Port and Bay which are 15. degrees and fortie minutes of the Southerne Elâ—uation and those that shall inhabit there shall haue plentie of riches and all other conueniencies which they can desire Time will shew and discouer all these commodities and in this place there may be made the discharge and vnloading of all the wares and merchandizes of the Countries of Chilly Peru Panama Nicaragua Guatimala New-Spaine Terre-natto and the Philippines all which Countries are vnder the command of your Maiestie And if you shall acquire vnto your selfe the Dominion of these Seigniories which I doe now present I doe make so great an esteeme of them that besides their being the Key of all the rest they will in my opinion proue another China or Iapan and equallize the other rich Ilands which are on this side of Asia in trafique of curious and precious merchandizes to speake nothing of the augmentation and extent of your power and the establishment which you may make vnto your selfe of your Dominions by the accession of so great a Countrie That which I haue giuen vnto your view in my discourse is of much slendernesse in regard of that which I doe probably conceiue of this land the which I am ready to make appeare in the presence of Mathematicians Neither will I vexe this paper to demonstrate vnto you that these Countries will be able to nourish two hundred thousand Spaniards In summe this is Sir the world whereof Spaine is the Center and that which I haue related is the nayle by which you may iudge of the whole body which I pray you to take into your obseruation 6. You may iudge by that which I haue already represented what the goodnesse and temperature of the ayre is whereunto this may be added for a further testimonie that although all our Companie were strangers yet neuer a one of them was sicke albeit they were in continuall trauell and labour and did sometimes sweate and sometimes take wet They dranke water fasting and fed many times on that which the earth did there bring forth Neither had they any regard to keepe themselues from the Serenes nor from the Moone or Sunne which indeede in those parts is not ouer-vehement Onely about midnight they couered themselues with Wooll and did lye and repose themselues thereupon And for the Inhabitants they are commonly healthie and many of them very aged although they haue nothing but the bare earth for their pallet which is an argument of the wholesomnesse and purenesse of the soyle For if it were a wet and weeping ground or had any viciousnesse in the mould they would raise their lodgings higher from the earth as they doe that liue in the Philippines and other Countries which I haue viewed And this is further confirmed by their Flesh and Fish which although it be vnsalted yet will it keepe sweete and without corruption two dayes and more And the Fruits which are brought from thence are exceeding good as we had proofe by two that I tooke care to bring along with mee although they had not their full maturitie and growth when I gathered them from the Tree We haue not seene any barren and sandie ground nor any Thistles or trees that are thornie or whose rootes doe shew themselues no Marishes or Fennes no Snow vpon the Mountaines no Snakes or Serpents no Crocodiles in the Riuers no Wormes that vse with vs to hurt and consume our Graine and to worke vs so much displeasure in our houses no Fleas Caterpillers or Gnats This is a Prerogatiue that hath the aduantage of all the priuiledges that nature hath bestowed on other places and is worthy to be compared or rather preferred before any delicacie of the Countries of India some of which are abandoned and vnhabited meerely by reason of these incommodities and of sundry others that are distastfull vnto the Inhabitants as my selfe haue oftentimes beene witnesse 7. These Sir are the greatnesse and goodnesse of the Countries which I haue discouered of which I haue already taken the possession in the name of your Maiestie and vnder your Royall Banner as appeareth by the Acts which I keepe safely in my power whereunto I proceeded after this ensuing manner First Sir we erected a Crosse and built a Church in honour of our Ladie of Loretto Then we caused twentie Masses to be celebrated there and our troopes made haste thither to gaine some Indulgences granted on Whitsunday We also made a
the Citie of Mexico by reason of their shipping although not in so great quantitie as they carry for Lisbone not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands and not by the way of Traffique as the Portugall doth the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come is called Aguatorke in the Coast of China on the North side After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land was this The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine and to the Generall of this Conquest who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis they assigned vnto him a great Valley or as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines which was called Cornouake by which Valley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley where there were great Townes in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer The other part of the Land that remayned was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare and other fortie thousand Duckets and some fiftie thousand Duckets and hee that had least had ten thousand Duckets by the yeare so that now there are very few which haue this Rent for that they are most of them dead so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand wherefore there are many insurrections against the King which cost many a mans life And now to proceed farther along the Coast which is a Land full of great Mountains and very hot with much raine for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there and no Spaniards so that the Countrey is almost desolate The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast is called Veragua this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards In this place the people are alwayes sicke and it raineth continually and the Land yeeldeth no fruit so that all their sustenance commeth from other places all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes or else the Egyptians they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas which issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua to the South Sea for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas and to the Coast of China so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals and sooner made then to goe through the Straits of Magellan which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta the Coast along is called the firme Land not for that the other places are not of the firme Land but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands This Land is very hot and hath much raine and for this cause is very vnhealthfull and the most vilest place of all the rest is called Nombre de Dios which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua There may be in Nombre de Dios about foure hundred houses and hath a very good Port for shipping The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea and for the Trade of Peru that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama eighteene leagues And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping and there discharge them then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called The house of Crosses where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses all which they doe with much labour and great charge because the Land hath great store of raine and full of Mountaines and very vnhealthfull therefore they often want victuals for the victuals they haue come from Peru and Noua Hispania This Towne of Nombre de dios since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine are growne maruellous rich and very well inhabited but in short time the people left the Towne sauing onely the Merchants because of the vnhealthfulnesse thereof The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen which were slaues vnto the Spaniards but runne away from their Masters and ioyned with the Englishmen thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros and did on them great iustice according to their faults committed but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro Which newes being sent vnto the King by his Captaines as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his Souldiers died he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue but if they brought them not that then they should pay for them and to make all quiet in the Mountaines and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon So the Negros dwell in great Townes where they haue Spaniards for their Teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they hold themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their Rulers The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen haue vsed that Coast hee caused two Gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the Coast the first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes and after this was knowne there vsed few Englishmen or French men of warre to come on the Coast vntill this yeere 1586. that the
aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome but God sparing the King of Spaines life he will sufficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations Now to goe forward with our begunne worke the first People that is in this Coast being past Nombre de Dios is called Cartagena it is a healthfuller Countrie and a greater Towne then the other and a better Countrie with plentie of Victuals and a very good Port for shipping passing any of the rest and is called Cartagena for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Cartagena in Spaine there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie it is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home then they lie at Cartagena also it is greatly enriched by the Merchandise that here they doe discharge for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena This new Kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the Land From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land because of the Mountaines and standing waters which lie in their way so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer called The great Riuer of Magdalene they can goe with their Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe but there runneth a great current so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer called Branco de Malambo into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side There is a passage by the New Kingdome and Popayan from Cartagena to Peru by Land which is about fiue hundred leagues so that taking the two hundred leagues which they goe vp the Riuer the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited and quiet trauelling so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro but because the way is long the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru and so into Spaine For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards against the King and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them Santa Marta is a very poore Towne because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen and hath no trade but by a few Indians that dwell about them Here beginneth the great Mountaines couered all with snow which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru vntill you come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea in the bottome of this Wildernesse or Mountains there is a Valley called Tagrona which is the richest place that is knowne but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines and the Inhabitants are very many and withall of a good courage and they vse to poison their Arrowes so that in striking of a man hee cannot escape death Therefore it lieth vncoâ—quered and many Spanish Captaines there haue beene slaine On this Coast of The Firme Land there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo and Cuba and Porto Rico although it be not very great yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians where was good store oâ— Gold and Pearles and Emeralds but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them but Santa Domâ—ngo is an Iland of great bignesse and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Peaâ—les but now all is wasted away for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world yet now are there none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they killed themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards It happened on a time that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines which kinde of labour did most grieue them and would rather doe violence on themselues then to goe which the Spaniard perceiuing he said vnto them seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke I will likewise hang my selfe and goe with you because I will make you worke in the other world but the Indians hearing this said wee will willingly worke with you because you shall not goe with vs so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland there was none escaped death but onely these few which was by the meanes of this Spaniard or else they would haue hanged themselues also There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo called Cuba it is like vnto Santa Domingo although there is not such store of Sugar the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana and is a very good Harbour these people are very rich by reason of the shipping that doth touch there which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers for there is no other Castle in all the Land nor Souldiers but onely here and in Florida There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards neere vnto this which is called Porto Rico it is but little and euery way as plentifull as the other two are I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land and passing once the Iland of Margareta there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards till you come to Fernanboke which is on the Coast of Brasill yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke there is the great Riuer of Maranoyn This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe and withall there are many shelues of sand lying about the mouth of it whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro entring into the Countrie of Peru came into a Land which they named La Canela because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies Proceeding further into the Countrie he came to a great Riuer where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards The Captaine seeing this was desirous to see the
sayings in my heart In old times all this region was vntilled and ouergrowne with bushes and the people of those times liued as wilde beasts without religion or policie without towne or house without tilling or sowing the ground without raiment for they knew not how to worke Cotten or Wooll to make them garments They liued by two and two or three and three in caues and holes of the ground eating grasse like beasts and rootes of trees and wilde fruits and mans flesh They couered themselues with leaues and barkes of trees and skins of Beasts and others in leather Once they liued as wilde beasts and their women were in common and brutish Our Father the Sunne this was the Incas manner of speech because they deriued their pedegree from the Sunne and for any besides the Incas to say so was blasphemie and incurred stoning seeing men liue in this fashion tooke pittie on them and sent from heauen a Sonne and a Daughter of his owne to instruct men in the knowledge of our Father the Sunne and to worship him for their God to giue them lawes also and precepts of humane and reasonable course of life in ciuill fashion to dwell in houses and townes to husband the earth to sowe and set to breede cattle With these ordenances our father the Sunne placed these his two children in the lake Titicaca eightie leagues from Cusco and gaue them a barre of Gold two fingers thicke and halfe a yard long for a signe that where that barre should melt with one blow on the ground there they should place their residence and Court Lastly hee commanded that when they had reduced the people to serue him they should vphold them in iustice with clemencie and gentlenesse behauing themselues as a pittifull Father dealeth with his tender and beloued children like as he himselfe gaue them example in giuing ligh and heate to all the world causing the seedes and grasse to grow and the trees to fructifie the cattle to encrease the seasons to be faire and encompassing the world once euery day that they should imitate him and become benefactors to the Nations being sent to the earth for that purpose Hee constituted also and named them Kings and Lords of all the Nations which they should instruct and ciuilize After these instructions he left them and they went vp from Titicaca trauelling to the North still as they went striking with that barre of Gold which neuer melted Thus they entred into a resting place seuen or eight leagues Southwards from this Citie Cusco now called Pacarec Tampu that is morning sleepe and there slept till morning which he afterwards caused to be peopled and the inhabitants boast greatly of this name which the Inca imposed Thence they trauelled to this valley of Cusco which was then a wilde wildernesse and staid first in the hillocke called Huanacanti in the midst of the Citie and there making proofe his Golden Barre easily melted at one stroake and was no more seene Then said our Inca to his Sister and Wife In this Valley our Father the Sunne commands vs to make our aboade and therefore O Queene and Sister it is meete that each of vs goe and doe his endeuour to assemble and draw hither the people to instruct and benefit them as our Father the Sunne hath enioyned vs. From the hillocke Huanacauri our first Kings went each to gather together the people And because that is the the first place on which they were knowne to haue set their feete and thence to haue gone to doe good to men wee builded there a Temple to worship our Father the Sunne in memorie of this benefit to the world The Prince went to the North and the Princesse to the South to all the men and women which they found in those wilde thickets they spake saying that their Father the Sunne had sent them fromheauen to become instructers and benefactors to all that dwell in that land to bring them from a brutish life to ciuilitie with many other words to like purpose Those Sauages seeing these two persons attired and adorned with ornaments which our Father the Sun had giuen them and their eares bored and open as their descendants haue continued and that in their words and countenance they appeared like children of the Sun and that they came to giue them sustenance they gaue them credit and reuerenced them as children of the Sun and obayed them as Kings and calling other Sauages and acquainting them herewith many men and women came together and followed our Kings whether they would conduct them Our Princes gaue order that some should be occupied in prouiding victuall in the fields least hunger should force them backe to the Mountaines others in making cottages and houses the Inca instructing them how they should doe it In this manner this our Imperiall Citie began to be peopled being diuided into two halues Hanan Cozco and Harin Cozco that is the high and the low Cozco those which the King drew thither dwelling in the high those which followed the Queene in the low One halfe had not more priuiledges then the other but they were all equall but those names remained as a memoriall of those which each had attracted onely those of high Cozco were as the elder and the other reduced by the Queen as the second sons of the same parents or as the right hand and left In like sort the same diuision was held in all the great townes and small of the Empire by the high linages and the low the high and low streetes or wards Moreouer the Inca taught the men to doe the offices pertaining to their sexe as to till the Land to sowe seedes shewing them which were profitable teaching them to make instruments for that purpose to make trenches for the water c. The Queene on the other side taught the women to worke in Cotten and Wooll and to make garments sor their husbands and children with other houshold offices These Indians thus ciuillized went thorow the hils and wilde places to search out others and acquainted them with these affaires telling them what the children of the Sun had done for them shewing for proofe thereof their new garments and meates and so brought much people hither that in sixe or seuen yeares the Inca had trained many to armes for their defence and to force those which refused to come to him He taught them Bowes and Arrowes and Clubs c. And to be short I say that our first Father Inca reduced all the East to the Riuer Paucartampu and Westward conquered eight leagues to the great Riuer Apurimac and nine leagues Southward to Quequesana In this Region our Inca caused to people aboue a hundred Townes the greater of them of one hundred houses These were our first Incas which came in the first ages of the World of whom all the rest of vs haue descended How many yeares haue passed since our Father the Sunne sent these his first
and of the Cloister Where the Idoll of the Sunne was there is now the blessed Sacrament and in the Cloister are Processions and yeerely Festiuals in the Couent of Saint Domingo Hee sent his sonne in another Expedition who comming to the Valley entred Pachacamacs Temple but without Sacrifices or verball Orisons onely professing mentall adoration He visited also the Temple of the Sunne with rich offerings and then the Idoll Rimac and after marched to Huamac where Chimu a great Lord reigned from thence to Truxillo in the Vallies Parmunca Huallmi Santa Huarapu and Chimu Here while Chimu would admit no new Gods a bloudy warre followed which at last ended in his vassallage The Inca now hauing enlarged his estate aboue an hundred and thirty leagues North and South and in breadth from the Hills to the Sea some sixtie or seuenty leagues fell to founding Townes Temples Stâ—re-houses and reformed the Empire ennobled the Schooles augmented the Schoole-masters caused all the Caracas and all Officers to learne the Cusco Language as common and much enlarged Cozco Hee reigned about fiftie yeeres or as others aboue sixtie and left Ynca Yupanqui his successor leauing aboue three hundred sonnes and daughters The Spanish Authours confound the father and the sonne Many of his sentences and lawes are recorded by the authour here omitted as likewise the transplanting of Colonies order of bringing vp the Curacas heires in the Court the common or Court Tongue the description of Cozco the Schooles and the three Royall Palaces Almes c. for all these I remit the curious to the Authour fearing blame for this our length Yet their chiefe Feast of the Sun rites of triall and installing of Knights I haue added Cozco was another Rome in which the Sunne had foure Festiuall solemnities obserued the principall in Iune which they called Yntip Raymi as it were The Sunnes Easter and absolutely Raymi in acknowlegement of the Sunnes Deity ouer all and his being Father of the Incas Manco and his descendants All the principall Captaines which were not then in the warres came to it and all the Curacas not by precept but of deuotion in adoration of the Sunne and veneration of the Inca. And when age sicknesse distance or businesse in the Kings affaires detained them they sent their sonnes or brethren with the chiefe of their kindred to that solemnitie The King did performe the first ceremonies as Chiefe Priest for although they had a high Priest alwaies of the bloud Royall Brother or Vncle to the King legitimate by Father and Mother yet in this Feast proper to the Sunne the King himselfe as first-borne of the Sunne was the principall Solemnâ—zer The Curacas came in their greatest brauerie and best deuises some like Hercules in Lions skinnes with their heads in the Lions head-skinne as boasting of descent from a Lion some like Angels with great wings of a Cuntur fourteene or fifteene foot distant in the extremes stretched out as descended of that Fowle some with vizors of most abominable and deformed formes and those are the Yuncas others with golden and siluer ornaments and others with other inuentions Euery Nation carried the armes which they vsed in fight as Bowes and Arrowes Dâ—rts Slings Clubs Lances Axes c. the pictures also of whatsoeuer exploits they had done in the seruice of the Sunne oâ— Incas Once all came in their best accoultrements and brauerie that they were able They prepared themselues to this festiuitie with a rigorous Fast in three dayes eating nothing but a little white raw Mayz and a few herbs with water not kindling a fire in the Citie or accompanying with their wiues all that time The Fast ended or the night before the Feast the Priests Incas made ready the Sacrifices and Offerings which euery Nation is to prouide The women of the Sunne make that night a great quantity of dowe of Maiz called çancu whereof they make little loues as bigge as a common Apple Neyther do these Indians euer eat their Maiz made into bread but at this Feast and at another called Citua then eating two or three bits at the beginning of the meale their ordinary meales in stead of bread haue çara parched or boyled in graine The Virgins of the Sunne prepare this bread for the Inca and those of his bloud for the rest innumerable other women are appointed which make it with Religious care In the morning early the Inca goeth accompanied with all his kindred 〈…〉 ed according to their age and dignitie to the chiefe street of the Citie called Haucapata and there expect the Sunne rising all barefooted looking to the East with great attention as soone as he peepes forth fall on their elbowes which is as kneeling here adoring him with their armes open and their hands before their faces giuing kisses to the ayre as in Spaine it is the vse to kisse a mans owne hand or the Princes garment so acknowledging him their God The Curacas set themselues in another street next thereto called Cussipata and make the same adoration After this the King riseth on his feet others remaning on their elbowes and taketh two great vessels of Gold full of drinke the one in his right hand as in the name and steed of the Sunne as if he did drinke to his kindred this was their greatest courtesie of the Sâ—perior to the Inferior and amongst friends to giue them drinke and powres it into a pipe of Gold by which it runneth into the house of the Sunne After this he drinketh part of that in his left hand giuing the rest to the Incas in a small Cup or out of the same vessell this sanctifying or giuing vertue to all that is brought forth euery man drinking a draught The Curacas drinke of that which the women of the Sunne haue made This done they went all in order to the House of the Sunne and two hundred paces before they came at the doore they put off their shooes only the King stayed till hee came at the doore Then the Inca and his entred in and adored the Image of the Sunne as naturall Sonnes The Curacas abode in the street before the Temple The Inca offered with his owne hands the vessels in which he had done that ceremony the other Incas gaue their vessels to the Priests for they which were not Priests might not doe the Priestly office although they were of the bloud The Priests hauing receiued the Incas offered vessels went forth to receiue those of the Curacas which brought them in order of their antiquity as they had bin subiect to the Empire they gaue also other things of Gold and Silâ—er with Sheep Lizards Toads Snakes Foxes Tigres Lions variety of Birds and whatsoeuer most abounded in their Countries The offerings ended they returned to their streets in order Then the Incas Priests bring sorth great store of Lambes barren Ewes and Rams of all colours for sheep
in those parts are of al colours as Horses in these all being the Câ—â—tle of the Sun They take a black Lambe which they esteeme the holiest colour for Sacrifices and the Kings weare commonly black and offer that first for Soothsaying a thing vsed by them in all things of moment in peace and warre looking into the heart and lungs for prognostications they set the head to the East not tying any of his feet open him aliue being holden by three or foure Indians and that on the left side to take out his heart and entrals with their hands without cutting The best Augury was if the lungs mooued when they were taken forth the worst if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet ouercomming those which held it If one prooued vnluckie they assayed another of a Ram and another of a barren Ewe if all prooued vâ—â—ucky they gaue ouer keeping the Feast and said the Sunne was angry for some fault which they had done and expected wars Dearth Murrayne c. After this Augury they opened not the other Sacrifices aliue but cut off their heads offering the bloud and heart to the Sun The fire which they vsed must bee new giuen them as they said by the hands of the Sunne which they did by the force of the Sunne beames shining thorow a Iewell which the High Priest held in his hand as by a burning Glasse on Cotton With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and rosted that dayes flesh and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sunne and to the house of Virgins to keepe all the yeere And if the Sunne did not shine they made fire with motion of two smooth round stickes but this absence or refusall of the Sunne they esteemed vnlucky All the flesh of those Sacrifices was rosted openly in the two streets aforesaid they parted it amongst the Incas Curacas and common people which were at the Feast giuing it with the bread çancu After this they had many other Viands and when they had done eating they fell to drinking in which vice they exceeded though now the Spaniards example haue that way done good and this vice is infamous amongst them The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principall in his name to make them drinke first the valorous Captaynes next the Curacas which haue not bin Commanders in war then to Cozco-Incas by priuiledge the manner was this the Inca which brought the drinke said the Capa Inca sends thee banketting drinke and I come in his name to drinke with thee The Captaine or Curaca tooke the Cup with great reuerence and lifted vp his eyes to the Sunne as giuing him thankes for such a fauour and hauing drunke returned the Cup to the Inca with shew of adoration not speaking one word Hee sends to the Captaines in generall but to some speciall Curacas only the rest the Incas in their owne name and not in the Kings cause to drinke The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched them with his hands and lips After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another and after that to dancing the Feast continuing nine dayes with great iollity but the Sacrifices held but the first and after they returned to their Countries Now for their Knights till they had that order they were not capeable of the dignities of warre or peace The youths of the Royall bloud for none else might be in election from sixteene yeeres old vpwards first made experiments of themselues in rigorous tryals whether they could indure the hard Aduentures of warre Euery yeere or each other yeere these noble youths were shut vp in a house where old Masters examined them They were to fast seuen dayes strictly with a little raw 〈…〉 ne and water to try their endurance of hunger and thirst Their Parents and brethren al 〈…〉 ed for them to intreate the Sunne to fauour them They which could not sustaine this fast were reiected as vnsufficient After this they heartned them with meate and tryed their actiuitie in running of a certaine Race a league and halfe long where was a Banner set which he that first came at was Captaine of the rest others also to the tenth were subordinately honoured Their next tryall was in skirmish one halfe to keepe the other to get a Fort and they which were now keepers were another day besiegers where eagernesse and emulation sometimes cost some their liues in that ludicrous warre Then followed wrestling betwixt equals leaping throwing small and great stones also a Launce and a Dart and other Armes shooting casting with a sling and exercise in all weapons of warre They caused them to watch ten or twelue nights as Centinels comming suddenly on them at vncertaine houres shaming those which they found sleeping They tryed with wands how they could indure stripes beating them cruelly on the armes and legs where the Indians goe bare and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they reiected them saying how would they beare their enemies weapons They were to bee in manner vnsensible A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club called Macana another while witâ— a Pike to hit or strike them and if they shrugged or in their eyes or body made shew of feare they were reiected Next they made triall whether they had skill to make their armes of all sorts and shooes called Vsuta like those which the Franciscans weare After all these the Captaines and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sunne the noble Acts of their Ancestors and instruct them in courage clemency and mildenesse to the poore with other parts of morality The Heire apparant indured no lesse rigorous tryals then others except in running for the Banner and all that tryall time which was from one New Moone to another he went in poore and vile habit to teach him to pity the poore These things done the King solemnly attended made a Speech to them and each on their knees receiued at his hand the first Ensigne of dignity which was to boare a hole in their eares The New Knight kissed his hand and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas and put him on gallant shooes of Wooll Then did he goe to another place where other Incas put him on breeches as the token of manhood which before he might not weare after which they put on his head two kinds of flowres and a leafe of another herbe which will long keepe greene No other men might weare those flowres The Prince had the same Ensignes and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wooll which none but he and that first after his tryall might weare and an Axe of Armes with a kinde of Iaueline aboue a yard long which when they put in his hand they said Aucunapac that is for tyrant Traytors The Kings fringe was coloured he ware besides on his head two feathers of a Bâ—rd called Coreqâ—enque which are
the Oracle which promised prosperitie to his designes and the lâ—ke at Ramac hee passed thorow those Vallies to Tumpiz and sent to the Iland Puna twelue leagues in compasse the Lord whereof was called Tampalla a man which kept many women and boyes for his lust besides the Sea their common Deitie they worship Tigres and Lions and sacrificed the heart and bloud of Men These receiued the Incas commands but after killed and threw ouerboord his men as they were conueying them to the Continent and sacrificing some of them which the Inca seuerely reuenged both on them and on their consederates in the Continent and commanded them to keepe the memorie of that dismall execution in mournfull songs enioyning them to obey his Gouernour which kept the Fortresse of Tumpiz From Tumpiz he proceeded in visitation of his Kingdome to the Chichas with intent to doe the like in the Southerne part and sent Presents fine garments to the Gouernours Curacas Captaines and Royall Officers according to the custome of the Incas But hearing that the Chachapuyas were in rebellion to whom hee sent Messengers which receiued ill vsage and answers he made a Bridge and marched ouer the Riuer and came to Cassa marquilla with purpose to destroy them The people not being able to hold out fled into the Mountaines and others more wisely knowing his gentle disposition procured a Matron of their Countrie which had beene Concubine to Tupac Inca Yupanqui to meet him with a multitude of feminine supplicants which so well played her pitifull part in a perswasiue speech seconded with cries and lamentations of that chorus of women that the Yuca relented taking her vp from the ground called her Mamanchic our mother granted her request and gaue her commission to make an end of the businesse sending some vnarmed Incas with her to that purpose The Chachapuyas in remembrance of this fact encompassed the place where shee had met the Inca with three walls not permitting the foot of man or beast to touch so holy ground the vttermost wall of clay the second of stone vnpolished the inmost of polished stone which the couetousnesse of the Spaniards ouerthrew as they did other the best buildings to search for treasure Huayna Capac went to Manta in which Countrie stands the Port which the Spaniards call Puerto Uteio which worshipped the Sea and Fishes Tigres Lions and great Snakes and amongst other things a great Emerald which they say was little lesse then an Estriches egge In their greater Feasts they shewed it publikely the Indians came from farre to adore it and sacrifice to it and to present it with small Emeralds as daughters to the mother the Priests and Cacike telling them that this was the most agreeable offering Thus were many Emeralds gathered here together where Don Pedro de Aluarado and his companions one of which was my father Garcilasso de la Vega found them in the conquest of Peru and brake most of them on an Anuill saying like bad Lapidaries that if they were precious stones they would not breake with the greatest blowes and if they brake they were but Glasse But their goddesse-Emerald the Indians had conueyed away before neither could it since be found by any industrie The people of Manta were open and shamelesse Sodomites and in their marriages the Bridegrooms kinsmen and friends had first hansell of the Spouse They flayed the Captiues which they tooke in Warre and filled the skinnes with ashes and hanged them vp at the doores of their Temples and in their feasting and dancing places These with the Apichiqui Pichunsti Saua and other Nations confining on the Coast he subiected These were more brutish then the Mantans and not onely raced their faces with stones but deformed their children with laying one boord on the fore-head and another in the necke so keeping them in presse from day to day till they were foure or fiue yeeres old to make them broad-faced shauing away the haire of the crowne and necke and letting it growe on the sides making it curle and bush out to more monstrositie From these he went to Saramissu and Passau vnder the Equinoctiall Line where they worshipped nothing at all and had neither Towne nor House but liued in hollow Trees went naked vsed women in common neither did their lusts stay there had their faces quartered into foure coloures yellow azure particoloured and blacke their haire long curled and full of filth I saw them with mine eyes when I came for Spaine and are the sauagest people that can bee imagined Huayna Capac would none of them but said let vs returne for those are not worthie to haue vs to be their Lord. The Indians haue a tradition that at the Point of Saint Elena there came in Boats of Rushes huge Giants higher then common men from the knees vpwards their eyes as bigge as Saucers and other members proportionable they had no women with them and were clothed in beasts skinnes or naked They setled themselues there and digged Wells admirably deepe in the Rocke yeelding very coole water One of them did eate more then fiftie men and were forced to get fish for their diet They killed the women of the Countrie in vsing them were great Sodomites and were therefore at last by fire from Heauen consumed leauing onely some bones of them as memorials which haue beene and still are there found Anno 1550. there were as great bones found at Mexico In this Point of Saint Elena neere to Puerto Uteio are certaine Fountaines of pitchie substance fit to calke ships boiling out very hot Huayna Capac one Raymi or Feast day of the Sunne looked vp to the Sunne which the high Priest one of his Vncles told him was vnlawfull But soone after hee looked vp againe and againe was reproued by the Priest but he answered Answere mee to these questions I am your Lord and which of you dares bid mee rise and goe a long Iourney None said he would bee so mad And if any the greatest Curaca be commanded by me to goe from hence to Chili will he not doe it The Priest answered that none would disobey him in any thing Why then I say said the Inca that our Father the Sunne must needs haue a greater and mightier Lord then himselfe which commands him euery day to take such a Iourney for if he were a superiour Lord he would some time or other rest himselfe The Caranques rebelled and were seuerely chastised and 2000. of them beheaded in a Lake and rherefore called Yahuarcocha or Sea of bloud After this with much griefe that he was forced to such sharpe medicines he went to Quitu and finding his Sonne Atahuallpa wittie wise warlike and comely of personage as vsually were the Incas and Pallas hee much affected him and still would haue him about him and so handled the matter that with consent of his Brother Huascar he set him in possession
of the Kingdome of Quitu and other Prouinces giuing-him experimented Captaines and part of his Armie the better to secure himselfe and to pacifie the vnsettled new-gained Prouinces in his Fathers life time to that end transplanting Nations from one Region to another Huayna Capac made two famous Royall wayes the one alongst the Hills within Land the other by the Sea-side From Cozco to Quitu are fiue hundred leagues by the Sierras rockie and craggie way which hee made plaine breaking downe the high and exalting the lowe places sometimes fifteene or twenty stades or mans heights that a Cart might haue gone on them till the wars of the Indians and Christians much endammaged them By the Plaines he made another of lesse diffiâ—ultie making mud-wals to hold in the way forty foote broade with a high causie both in the Vallies and in the sands driuing stakes therein to know the way which is there so moueable and changeable the like space of 500. leagues Bâ—â—ied in these affaires and great workes he had newes of the Spaniards those which Basco Nunez de Balboa first discouerer of the South Sea had sent vpon discouery 1515. who as before is said imposed the name Peru which filled him with wonder and care Hee liued after this in peace eight yeares and dyed Anno 1523. hauing â—aigned two and fortie yeares not minding the prosecuting of further conquests after he had heard of the Spanish Ship by reason of a Prophesie or ancient Oracle which the Incas had that after so many Kings a strange Nation should come and destroy their Kingdome and Idolatry Three yeares before that Ship was seene as they were celebrating the Sunnes festiuall solemnity an Eagle Royall which they call Anca pursued fiue or sixe kistrels and as many small haukes which set vpon the Eagle and beate her so that hauing no way to escape she fell in the market place amongst the Incas as seeking helpe at their hands They tooke her and did what they could to relieue her but within few dayes she died an augurie seeming to presage some disaster to that state There were also greater earthquakes then the ordinary to which Peru is vsually subiect and the Sea often swelled ouer the shores the aire no lesse terrified them with comets The Moone in a cleere night had three circles round about her very great one of bloud the middlemost blacke the vtmost of smoake Llayca a diuiner told the Inca Onely Lord know that thy mother the Moone aduiseth thee that Pachacamac threatneth the royall bloud and to send great plagues on thine Empire the first circle signifying the bloudy warre which shall follow when thou art gone to rest with thy Father the Sunne betwixt thy posteritie that in few yeares it shall altogether faile the second shewes the destruction of our Religion and republique and alienation of thy Empire which shall turne all into smoake as is signified by the third circle Inca was troubled but put it off saying thou hast dreamed those fooleries last night and saist my Mother hath sent me such intelligence But the Soothsayer answered he might see it with his owne eyes and consult with other diuiners which he did and found the same sight and answere hee yet made seemings not to beleeue saying hee did not beleeue the Sunne would permit that to happen to his progenie He offered notwithstanding many Sacrifices to him and appointed the Soothsayers in all parts to consult with their seuerall Oracles especially with Pachacamac and Rimac whose answers were obscure and doubtfull These things I heard of two Captaines of Huayna Capacs guard then eightie yeares old and baptised speaking hereof with teares Don Iuan Pechuta and Chauca Rimachi as also of Cusihuallpa that old Inca and of my Mother and her Brother Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca. Huayna Capac one day bathing himselfe came forth cold and found himselfe deadly sicke made a testamentall discourse saying that he was now going to heauen to rest with his Father the Sunne which called him out of the bath euer since which time he was so indisposed of body when I am dead you shall burie my body as is vsed to be done with Royall bodies my heart and entrals in Quitu in token of the loue which I beare it my body you shall carrie to Cozco to lay it with my ancestors I commend you to my Son Atahuallpa whom I so much loue who remaineth for Inca in my place in this Kingdome of Quitu and in all the rest which he shall conquer by armes to augment his Empire And for you the Captaines of my armie I charge you in particular to serue him with that fealty loue which you owe to your King in all and euery thing doing what he shall command you which shall be the same that I shall reueale to him by order of our Father the Sunne I likewise commend vnto you iustice and clemencie towards the Vassals that the Title of Louer of the poore giuen vnto vs be not lost and that in euery thing you doe like the Incas Sonnes of the Sunne Hauing made this speech to his children and kinsmen he called the rest of the Captains and Curacas which were not of the bloud royall and gaue them in charge fealty and seruice due to their King and at last concluded It is many yeares since that by reuelation of our father the Sunne we hold that when twelue Kings are passed of his Sonnes there shall come a new and vnknowne people into those parts and shall gaine and subiect to their Empire all our Kingdomes and many others I suspect that they shall be of those whom we know to haue gone alongst the coast of our Sea they shall be a valiant Nation which euery way shall exceede you We well know that in mee is compleat the number of twelue Incas I certifie you that a few yeares after my departure from you that new Nation shall come and fulfill that which our Father the Sunne hath spoken and shall gaine our Empire and rule ouer it I command you that yee obey and serue them as men which euery way shall haue aduantage of you whose Law shall be better then ours and their armes more mightie and inuincible then yours I leaue you in peace for I goe to rest with my Father the Sunne which cals mee All this the Indians held in great veneration and fulfilled euery iot thereof I remember that one day that old Inca speaking in presence of my Mother and rehearsing these things and the Spaniards entrance and their conquest I asked him how their Countrey being so rough their people so warlike and their number so many they lost their Empire to so few Spaniards He answering me repeated the foretelling or prophesie of the Spaniards aforesaid and said that the Inca had commanded them to obey and serue them for euery way they should haue the aduantage of them And for that obiection of cowardise he answered me
him on the face and tooke the Cazique But he hauing his men so neere escaped away and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables which in my iudgement are the best of all the World and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise and Muske is not comparable and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off We saw also other but none like vnto that Now seeing the Gouernour wounded we set him aboord and caused him to bring with him the greater part of the men vnto the Boats and fifty of our men only remayned on land to fight with the Indians who that night assaulted vs three times and with so great violence that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast so that there was not one of our men that was not wounded After this we returned to imbarke our selues and sayled three dayes and hauing taken a little water as much as the few vesiels we had were able to carrie wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first And going on our Voyage we entred into a Strait where abiding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming and as we called vnto them they came and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest demanded water of them who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it so a Greeke Christian called Theodoro of whom mention is made before said that he would goe with them And although the Gouernour and many other laboured to disswade him yet he would needs goe thither and carried a Negro with him and the Indians left for hostages two of their men Those Indians returned in the Euening and brought vs our vessels without water but brought not our two Christians againe and those two men of theirs who remayned for pledges as soone as they spake vnto them would haue cast themselues into the water but our men who had them in the Boat held them and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful for the two Christians which we had lost The morning following many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages The Gouernour answered that he would giue them vnto them so that they would restore vs our two Christians Fiue or sixe Lords came with those people and it seemed to vs that they were of a very good disposition and of greater authority and retinue then all the rest wee had found hitherto although they were not of so tall a stature as the other before mentioned They wore their haire loose and very long and were couered with mantles of Martinets of the same sort whereof we spake before and some of them were made of a very strange fashion hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes which seemed very faire They prayed vs that we would goe with them and they would giue vs our two Christians and water and many other things and many Canoas came continually vpon vs endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage and so therefore because the place was very dangerous we went out to Sea where we stayed with them vntill noone But not being willing to restore our Christians and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages they began to cast stones at vs with slings making shew also that they would shoot at vs although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them And while wee continued thus a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe and they went their way So we sayled all that day vntill the euening at what time my Boat that went before discouered a point which the Land made and at the other end I saw a Riuer then I anchored at a small Iland which maketh that point to stay for the other Boats The Gouernour would not come neere it but put into a flat shoare very neere thereunto where many small Ilands were and there wee all met together and tooke fresh water within the Sea because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually and with great violence And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought because for two dayes before we had eaten it raw we went aland on that Iland but finding no wood there we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer which was behind the Point one league from thence And as wee went the current of the Riuer was so great that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue but droue vs backe from the Land §. II. Misery pursues them at Sea and betrayes them to the Indians their miserable liues and death WEe sayled foure dayes euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement At the end of these foure dayes a tempest tooke vs which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs we were not wholly drowned And being Winter and exceeding cold and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea the day following the men began very much to faint in such manner that when the Sunne went downe all those that were in my Boat were fallen one vpon the other so neere vnto death that few of them had any sense and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe that could mannage the Boat and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee that I should take charge of my Boat because he was in such case that he held it for certainty that hee should die that night And so I tooke the rudder and midnight being past I went to see if the Master were dead who said vnto me that suddenly he was better and that hee would guide the Boat vntill day Then surely I found my selfe in such state that much more willingly I would haue receiued death then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little but very vnquietly because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea because being a very lowe Coast it raged much whereupon when I heard this I called to the Master who answered me that he supposed we were now neere vnto the Land and sounding we found our selues in seuen fathome and he thought it fit that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side which we found one league distant and put the stearne to the Sea And being neere to the Land a waue tooke vs which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might well fling a stone and with the great blowe which it gaue almost all the men who remained there as dead
receiued their senses againe and seeing vs so neere vnto the Land beganne to arise and goe on their hands and feete And hauing landed wee made fire in certaine trenches and boyled some of the Maiz which wee had brought and found raine-water and with the heate of the fire the men beganne to recouer and take strength and the day that we arriued there was the sixth of Nouember After the men had eaten I commanded Lopez de Ouiedo who was the best able and strongest of all the rest that he should goe close to any tree of them that were there at hand and climing vp into one of them he should discouer the Land where we were and see if hee could haue any knowledge thereof He did so and saw that we were in an Iland and found certaine poore Cottages of the Indians which stood solitary because those Indians were gone vnto the field And so he tooke a pot a young whelpe and a little Thorn-backe and returned vnto vs. About halfe an houre after an hundred Indian Archers came suddenly vpon vs who though they were great yet feare made them seeme to be Giants and they stood round about vs where the first three were It had beene a vaine thing amongst vs to thinke that there were any to defend vs because there were scarce sixe that were able to rise from the ground The Controller and I came towards them and called vnto them and they came neere vnto vs and wee endeauoured the best we could to secure them so we gaue them Crownes and Bells and euery one of them gaue mee an Arrow which is a token of friendship and they told vs by signes that they would returne vnto vs in the morning and bring vs somewhat to eate because at that time they had nothing The next morning at the breake of day which was the houre whereof the Indians had spoken they came vnto vs and brought vs much fish and certaine Roots which they eate and are like vnto Nuts some bigger and some lesse which they digge vnder the water with much trouble At the euening they returned againe and brought vs more fish and some of the same Roots and brought also their wiues and little children with them that they might see vs and so they returned rich in Crownes and Bells which we gaue them and the next day they returned to visite vs with the same things which they had done before Then seeing we were now prouided of fish of those roots and water and other things which we could get we agreed to embarke our selues and proceed on our Voyage so wee digged the Boat out of the sand where it was fast moored and were constrained to strippe our selues naked and indured great labour to launch her into the water Being embarked about two Cros-bow shots within the Sea there came such a waue of water that it washed vs all and being naked and the cold extreme wee let goe the Oares and another blowe which the Sea gaue vs ouerturned the Boat whereupon the Controller and two other went out to escape by swimming but the cleane contrary befell them because the Boat strucke them vnder water and drowned them That Coast being very faire the Sea cast vs all aland on the same Coast all tumbled in the water and halfe drowned so that we lost not a man but those three whom the Boat smote vnder water Wee which remained aliue were all naked hauing lost all that which wee had which although it were but a little yet was it much for vs at that time and being then Nouember and the cold very extreme and being in such case that a man might easily tell all our bones we seemed to be the proper and true figure of Death As for my selfe I am well able to say that from the moneth of May past I had not eaten any other thing then parched Maiz and sometimes I was in so great necessitie that I haue eaten it raw because although the Horses were killed while they made the Boats yet I could neuer eate them and I did not eate fish ten times I speake this that euery one might consider how we could continue in that case and aboue all the North wind blew that day so that we were neerer vnto death then life It pleased God that seeking the brands of the fire which we had made before wee embarked wee found light there and so making great fires we stood crauing mercy from our Lord God and pardon of our sinnes with many teares euery one of vs grieuing not onely for himselfe but for all the rest that hee saw in the same state At the setting of the Sunne the Indians supposing that we had not beene gone came to finde vs and brought vs somewhat to eate but when they saw vs thus in so differing an habite from the first and in such strange manner they were so afraid that they turned backe againe but I went towards them and called them who beheld mee with much feare Hereupon I gaue them to vnderstand by signes that the Boat was caft away and three men drowned and there they themselues saw two dead and the rest of vs that were now remayning were going the high way to death The Indians seeing the misfortune which had befallen vs and the lamentable case wherein we were with so great calamitie and miserie came amongst vs and through great griefe and compassion which they had of vs beganne mightily to weepe and lament and that from the heart insomuch that they might be heard farre from thence and they thus lamented more then halfe an houre And surely seeing these men so depriued of reason and so cruell after the manner of brute beasts so bewayled our miseries it caused that in me and all the rest of our men the compassion and consideration of our miseries should be much more increased The mournfull lamentation being somewhat appeased I demanded of the Christians whether they thought it fit that I should intreate those Indians to bring vs to their houses whereunto some of them that were of Noua Spagna answered me that I should not speake a word thereof because if they brought vs home to their houses they would haue sacrificed vs to their Idols Now seeing there was no other remedie and that what other way soeuer death was more certaine and more neere I cared not for that which they said but prayed the Indians that they would bring vs to their houses and they shewed vs that it pleased them very well and that wee should tarrie a little and they would doe as much as wee desired presently thirty of them laded themselues with wood and went vnto their houses which were farre from thence and wee remained with the rest vntill it was almost night and then they tooke vs and conducting vs we went with much anguish and heauinesse vnto their houses And because they feared lest through the extreme coldnesse of the way any of vs should die or swound and faint they
and then they wash themselues and shift all the apparell which they wore They bewayle all their dead in this manner except the aged whom they esteeme not for say they that they haue now passed their time and are no more good for any thing but occupie the earth and take away the maintenance from Infants and little children They vse to bury the dead vnlesse they be such as are Physicians among them whom they burne and while the fire flameth they stand all dancing with great ioy and make powder of the bones and when the yeere is past wherein they performe the honourable rites vnto their dead they all tumble and wallow vpon the earth and giue that powder of the bones to the kinsfolke to drinke in water Euery one haue their proper and peculiar wiues The Physicians are they that haue most libertie who may keepe two or three wiues and among them there is great friendship and conformitie When any marrieth his daughter hee that taketh her bringeth vnto the wife whatsoeuer he taketh by hunting or fishing euen vnto the day wherein he is espoused vnto her who carrieth it vnto the house of the father without daring to take or eate any thing thereof and afterward they bring food to the house of the father-in-law for him to eate and in all this time neither father-in-law nor mother-in-law enter into their house nor are they to enter inâ—o their house nor the houses of their kindred And if by chance they meete each other in the way they goe a Cros-bow shot off one from the other and so long time as they thus goe farre off they hang downe their heads and cast their eies on the ground for they hold it a wicked and an euill thing to be seene and to be spoken vnto The women haue libertie to conuerse with the fathers-in-law and other kinsfolke and they of that Iland haue this custome more then fiftie leagues within the Land They haue another custome and that is this that when any of their brethren or children die for three moneths they prouide nothing to eate for them of the house where they died but let them die through hunger if the kinsfolke and neighbours prouide them not somewhat to eate Whereupon at the time that we were there many people dying there was very great famine In the most part of the houses because they strictly obserue their customes and ceremonies and they who prouided food for them it being a very hard time could finde but a little And vpon this occasion those Indians that had mee went out of the Iland and in their Canoas passed ouer vnto the firme Land vnto certaine flat shoares where they had many Oysters and for three moneths in the yeere they eate no other thing and drinke very bad water They haue great scarcitie of wood and great multitudes of Flies their houses are made of mats spread vpon the sh lls of Oysters and ouer them they sleepe vpon the hides of beasts which yet they haue not but by a chance And so we continued vntill the middle of Aprill that wee went to the Sea-coast where wee eate Mulberries all that moneth wherein they end their sports and festiuall iollitie In that Iland whereof I haue spoken they would make vs Physicians without examining vs or demanding the titles of our profession and because they heale the infirmitie with blowing vpon the diseased and cure them with that and with their hands they would that wee also should doe the like and serue them in any thing whatsoeuer But wee laughed thereat saying it was a iest and mockery and that wee knew not how to heale whereupon they tooke away our food vntill we did that which they said And seeing our vnbeliefe an Indian said vnto me that I knew not what I said because stones and herbes that growe in the fields haue vertue and that he with an hot stone laying it vpon the stomacke cured the paine and that wee who are men must of a certaintie haue greater vertue then all other things of the world In the end seeing our selues in so great necessitie we were constrained to doe it yet not hoping to helpe any at all the manner and meanes which they obserue in curing is this that seeing themselues sicke they send for the Physitian to whom after they are cured they giue all that they haue and besides procure other things from their kindred to giue them The cure which the Physitians doe vnto them is to cut certaine gashes where the disease or griefe is and sucke it round about They seare it also with fire which among them is held a verie profitable thing and I haue proued it and it succeeded well After this blowing in the place where the griefe is they suppose the disease thereby to be remoued The meanes whereby we cured them was to blesse them and blow vpon them and say a Pater noster and an Auâ— Mary and pray the best we could vnto our Lord God that he would giue them their health and put it into their hearts to vse vs well It pleased his mercy that all they for whom he praied as soone as wee had blessed and hallowed them said vnto the rest that they were sound and well and for this they vsed vs verie curteously and left eating themselues to giue it vnto vs and gaue vs skins and other trifling things The famine was so exceeding great in that place that many times I continued three dayes without eating any thing at all and so did they also insomuch as I thought it impossible to bee able to liue although afterward I found my selfe in farre greater famine and necessitie as I shall hereafter speakeÌ„ The Indians who had Alonso del Castiglio and Andrea Dorante and the rest that remayned aliue being of another Language and other parentage passed ouer to another part of the firme Land to eate Oysters where they abode vntill the first day of Aprill and presently after they returned vnto an Iland neere vnto it about two leagues for that it yeelded more water and the Iland is halfe a league ouer and fiue in length All the people of that Countrey goe naked and the women only haue some parts of their bodie couered with a certaine kind of Cotton which they gather from certaine trees and the Damsels couer themselues with the skinnes of wild beasts The people differ much one from another in their Garments There is not any Lord or Cazique among them and all they who are of one Family and stocke goe together Two sorts of Languages dwell there one of them that are called Capoques and the other Han they haue a custome that if at any time they see such as they know they stand halfe an houre lamenting before they speake and after that he that is visited ariseth first and giueth vnto the other whatsoeuer hee possesseth and he receiueth it and a little after he goeth away with that Garment and
ouer and that passing those Riuers which are foure and very great the many currents tooke the Boat wherewith they went to Sea and foure of them were drowned the rest with much labour passed the Gulfe and that fifteene leagues further they found another and as soone as they met together there two of their companions died in the time that they had trauelled sixtie leagues and that all the rest were yet at the point of death and that all that iournie they had eaten nothing but Creuises and Herbs of the wall and comming to this last Gulfe they said that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberies who when they saw the Christians they went vnto the other end and so they standing still and deuising meanes to passe the Gulfe an Indian and a Christian came vnto them and being come they knew it was Figheroa one of the foure we had sent before from the Iland of Malhado who recounted vnto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine because they were come thither in the hardest time of the yeere and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himselfe and Mâ—ndes which Mendes fled afterwards trauelling the best hee could towards Paâ—â—co and that the Indians followed after him and slue him And that abiding thus with those Indians hee vnderstood that with the Marianes there was a Christian who had passed to the other side and he found him with them whom they call Queuenes Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquiuel a Natiue of Badaioa who came in the company of the Commissary and that from Esquiuell hee vnderstood what end the Gouernour had together with the Auditor and the rest telling them how the Auditor and the Friers had lanched their Boat into the Riuers and comming along the Coast the Gouernour landed his people and went with his Boat vntill they came vnto that great Gulfe where he turned to take in his men and passe ouer to the other side and returned for the Auditor and the Friers and all the rest And he declared that being thus imbarked the Gouernour reuoked the authoritie of his Lieutenant which the Auditor had and gaue that charge vnto a Captaine that went with him called Pantossa And that the Gouernor stayed that night in his Boat would not come on Land and the Master abode with him and one Page who was not well and they had neither water nor any thing to eate in the Boat so about midnight so hard a gale of winde from the North tooke them that it droue the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it for he had nothing to releeue him but one flint stone and they knew not that he had any other thing besides And when the men who remained on the land saw this they went along the Coast and finding the water so rough they made floats with much trouble and paines and so passed ouer vnto the other side And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side and found Indians there who when they saw them comming put their things into their Canowes and passed ouer to the other side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in Nouember abode in that Mountaine because they found water wood and certaine Creuises there where through cold and famine by little and little they beganne to die And beside this Pantossa who remained Lieutenant vsed them very ill and not being able to indure it the Sergeant Maior Brother of Vasquez Porealle who came in the fleete from Cuba Master of the Campe reuolted from Pantossa and smote him with a piece of wood with the which blow hee died and such as died became the morsels of the other and the last that died was the Sergeant Maior and Esquiuel did the like and eating him maintained himselfe vntill the first of March that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead and after brought Esquiuel away from thence with him who being in subiection to this Indian Figheroa spake with him and vnderstood all this of him which wee haue before declared and prayed him to come with him that they might goe together towards Pamico but Esquiuel would not doe it saying that hee vnderstood by Friers that Pamico was behind them and so he remained there and Figheroa went to the Coast where he vsed to abide All this Figheroa reported vnto vs by the relation which Esquiuel made vnto him and so from hand to hand it came vnto me Whereby hee might see and know the end which all that fleete had and the particular mischances which happened to euerie one of the rest And hee further said that if the Christians at any time should goe through those parts it might bee that they should see Esquiuel bâ—cause hee knew that hee was fled from that Indian with whom hee abode vnto the other which are called Marianes who were their Neighbours And so hauing ended his Discourse he and Asturiano were about to goe vnto the other Indians that were further beyond but those Indians who kept them perceiuing them went forth and came to giue them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturianâ— and wounded him on the arme with an Arrow but yet in the end they fled and the other Christians remained and procured those Indians to take them for slaues although abiding with them and seruing them they were as euilly intreated as euer any slaues were or other men of the World Because of sixe which they were not being contented continually to buffet and â—udgell them and plucke off their beards with the skinne only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another they killed three who are those of whom I spoke before to wit Diego Dorante Ualdeuiesso and Diego de Helua and the other three that remained expected that they also should make the like end and not being able to indure that life Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes who were they with whom Esquiuel abode and they themselues reporâ—ed that they had kept Esquiuel there who afterward would haâ—e fled because a woman had dreamed that hee should kill a childe of hers the Indians pursued him and slue him and they afterward shewed Andrea Dorante his Sword Crowne Booke and other things which he had They haue this custome also euen to kill the same male children while they sleepe and when the female children are borne they leaue them for the Dogs to eate and cast them away in those places And the reason why they doe it is this because they say that all they of the Countrey are their enemies and make very great warres with them Wherefore if by chance they should marrie their Daughters their enemies should be the more increased who would subiect them and hold them all in captiuitie And for this cause they would rather kill them then haue any
among them But not being able to remedy the same and chastise those that did it wee were then to suffer it vntill we saw we had more authoritie among them And so euen they themselues who lost their wealth seeing we were displeased comforted vs saying that we should not conceiue any displeasure thereat considering they were so well contented that they had seene vs and that they had bestowed their substance very well and would hereafter be paid of others who were exceeding rich The next day they brought all their people before vs the greatest part whereof are squint-eyed and other of the same people are blinde whereat we greatly maruelled they are well set and of good behauiour and whiter then all the rest that we had seene vntill then There we began to see Mountaines which seemed to extend themselues towards the Sea from the North and by the relaâ—â—â—n which the Indians made I suppose they are fifteene leagues from the Sea We departed thence with those Indians towards the Mountaines whereof I now spake And they brought vs where some of their kindred were for they would not bring vs but to their kinsfolk because they were vnwilling that their enemies should receiue so great a benefit as they thought it was to see vs. And when wee were come thither they that came with vs spoiled the other who knowing the custome had hid certaine things before we came thither And after they had receiued vs with much ioy and gladnesse they tooke out that which they had hidden and presented it vnto vs and they were Crownes Magra and certaine small plates of Siluer We according to our custome gaue them all presently to the Indians that came with vs and hauing giuen vs that which they had they began their dancing and festiuall iollitie and sent to call other people neere thereabouts that they might come to see vs who came all about the euening and brought vs Garlands Bowes and other trifling things which for the most part we diuided among those other Indians And the day following we being desirous to depart they would all bring vs to their friends who remained on the top of the Mountaines laying that there are many houses and people that they would giue vs many things but because it was out of our way we would not goe thither and therefore tooke our iourney through the plaine neere vnto the Mountaines which we supposed should not be very farre from the coast All those people are very poore and miserable wherefore we held it better to crosse ouer the land because the people that dwelt further into the Countrey were better conditioned and would vse vs better and we werâ— certainely perswaded that we should finde a more populous Countrey and of better sustenance And lastly we therefore did it because crossing ouer the land we saw more particularities so that if it should please our Lord God to bring some of vs out of that Countrey and to conduct vs into the land of the Christians wee might be able to make relation and report thereof The Indians seeing that we were determined to goe whither they would not told vs that there was neither people nor Tune nor any other thing to eate and therefore praied vs that we would stay there for that day and so we did Then they sent two Indians to discouer the people that way which we purposed to goe and the next day we departed carrying many of them with vs and the women went laden with water and our authoritie was so great among them that none durst presume to drinke without our leaue Two of their Phisicians gaue vs two Gourds and from that time we afterward began to carry Gourds with vs ioyning this ceremony to our authority which among them is very great They who accompanied vs rifled the houses but the houses being many and they but few they could not carry all away but should haue bin forced to haue lost the halfe and so we went thence through many Mountaines entring within the land more then fiftie leagues at the end whereof we found fortie houses and among other things which they gaue vs Andrea Dorante had a thicke and great Bell of copper with a visage ingrauen in it which they seemed greatly to esteeme saying that they had gotten it of their other neighbours who being demanded whence they had it they said that they brought it from the Northward and that it was much worth and greatly esteemed there Whereupon we knew that from what place soeuer it came the art of casting and melting of mettals must needes be there And hereupon we departed the day following and crossed ouer a Mountaine of six leagues and the stones which were there were of the scumme of Iron and late in the euening we came to many houses seated on the side of a most pleasant Riuer and the Lords of the same came into the middle of the high way to receiue vs with their children in their armes and gaue vs many small plates of Siluer and Antimonie made in powder wherewith they annoint their faces and gaue vs many garlands and many mantles of the hides of Kine and laded all them that came with vs with such as they had they eate Tune and Pine apples They told vs that in the place where the Bell was made were many plates of that mettall vnder ground and that that Bell among them was a thing greatly esteemed and that houses were built there and wee supposed that it was the South Sea for we alwayes knew that that Sea was alwayes richer then that of the North. So we departed from them and went through so many sorts of Nations and diuers languages that the memory of man is not able to reckon them and one people alwayes spoyled the other and so both they that lost and they who gained remained well contented Through those Valleyes where we passed euery one of them carried a sticke or cudgell of three handfuls long and they went all in troopes and if any Hare arose whereof there are many in that Countrey they turned her suddenly and so many cudgels fell vpon her that it was a marueilous matter to behold and in this manner they made her goe from one to another so that in my iudgement it was the goodliest hunting that could be imagined because sometimes they came euen into their hands And when wee setled our selues at night we had so many of them that were giuen vs that euery one of vs carried eight or ten and such as carried Bowes appeared not among vs but went apart through the Mountaines to seeke deere and when they came in the euening they brought fiue or six for euery one of vs and many Fowles and Quailes and other hunting game and finally whatsoeuer all those people tooke they presented before vs not daring to touch or take thereof for themselues although they should dye for hunger because they accustomed so to doe since they came with
had deliuered him from the fire how her father was determined to sacrifice him the day following who willed him to flee to Mocoço for she knew that he would vse him well for she heard say that he had asked for him and said he would be glad to see him and because he knew not the way she went with him halfe a league out of the Towne by night and set him in the way and returned because she would not be discouered Iohn Ortiz trauelled all that night and by the morning came vnto a Riuer which is in the Territorie of Mocoço Three or foure Indians carried the newes to their Lord who came forth a quarter of a league from the Towne to receiue him and was very glad of him He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the Christians that he would not runne away from him to any other Lord and promised him to entreate him very well and that if at any time there came any Christians into that Countrie he would freely let him goe and giue him leaue to goe to them and likewise tooke his oath to performe the same according to the Indian custome He dwelt with Mocoço nine yeeres with small hope of seeing any Christians Assoone as our Gouernour arriued in Florida it was knowne to Mocoço and straightway he signified to Iohn Ortiz that Christians were lodged in the Towne of Vcita And Mocoço gaue him ten or eleuen principal Indians to beare him company and as they went to the Pâ—rt where the Gouernour was they met with Baltasar de Gallegos as I haue declared before Assoone as hee was come to the Campe the Gouernour commanded to giue him a sute of apparell and very good Armour and a faire Horse and enquired of him whether hee had notice of any Countrie where there was any Gold or Siluer He answered No because hee neuer went ten leagues compasse from the place where he dwelt But that thirty leagues from thence dwelt an Indian Lord which was called Parocassi to whom Mocoço and Vcita with all the rest of that Goast payed Tribute and that he peraduenture might haue notice of some good Countrie and that his Land was better then that of the Sea-coast and more fruitfull and plentifull of Maiz. Whereof the Gouernour receiued great contentment and said that hee desired no more then to find victuals that he might goe into maine Land for the Land of Florida was so large that in one place or other there could not choose but bee some Countrie The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to visit the Gouernour The Gouernour answered him That although in freeing and sending him the Christian he had preserued his honour and promise yet he thanked him and held it in such esteeme as it had no comparison and that he would alwayes hold him as his Brother and would fauour him in all things to the vtmost of his power Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him and other things wherewith the Cacique being very well contented to his leaue of him and departed to his owne Towne From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Gouernour lay he sent the Alcalde Maier Baltasar de Gallego with fiftie Horsemen and thirtie or fortie Footmen to the Prouince of Paracossi to view the disposition of the Countrie and informe himselfe of the Land farther inward and to send him word of such things as he found Likewise he sent his ships backe to the Iland of Cuba that they might returne within a certaine time with victuals Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa which went with the Gouernour as Captaine Generall whose principall intent was to send slaues from Florida to the Iland of Cuba where he had his goods and Mynes hauing made some In-rodes and seeing no Indians were to be got because of the great Bogges and thicke Woods that were in the Countrie considering the disposition of the same determined to returne to Cuba And though there was some difference betweene him and the Gouernour whereupon they neither dealt nor conuersed together with good countenance yet notwithstanding with louing words hee asked him leaue and departed from him Baltasar de Gallegos came to the Paracossi There came to him thirty Indians from the Cacique and said that their Lord was ill at ease and therefore could not come but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded Hee asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Country where there was Gold or Siluer They told them they did and that toward the West there was a Prouince which was called Cale and that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie where the most part of the yeere was Summer and that there was much Gold and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Cale these Inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of Gold in manner of Head-pieces Baltasar de Gallegos seeing that the Cacique came not thinking all that they said was fained with intent that in the meane time they might set themselues in safetie fearing that if he did let them goe they would returne no more commanded the thirtie Indians to be chained and sent word to the Gouernour by eight Horsemen what had passed whereof the Gouernour with all that were with him at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great comfort supposing that that which the Indians reported mght be true Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port with thirtie Horsemen and seuentie Footmen with prouision for two yeeres and himselfe with all the rest marched into the mayne Land and came to the Paracossi at whose Towne Batasar de Gallegos was and from thence with all his men tooke the way to Cale He passed by a little Towne called Acela and came to another called Tocaste and from thence he went before with thirtie Horsemen and fiftie Footmen toward Cale And passing by a Towne whence the people were fled they saw Indians a little from thence in a Lake to whom the Interpretor spake They came vnto them and gaue them an Indian for a guide and hee came to a Riuer with a great current and vpon a Tree which was in the midst of it was made a Bridge whereon the men passed the Horses swamme ouer by a Hawser that they were pulled by from the otherside for one which they droue in at the first without it was drowned From thence the Gouernour sent two Horsemen to his people that were behind to make haste after him because the way grew long and their victuals short He came to Cale and found the Towne without people He tooke three Indians which were Spies and tarried there for his people that came after which were sore vexed with hunger and euill wayes because the Countrie was very barren of Maiz low and full of water bogs and thicke woods and the victuals which they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo were spent Wheresoeuer
any Towne was found there were some Beets and he that came first gathered them and sodden with water and salt did eate them without any other thing and such as could not get them gathered the stalkes of Maiz and eate them which because they were young had no Maiz in them When they came to the Riuer which the Gouernour had passed they found Palmitos vpon low Palme-trees like those of Andaluzia There they met with the two Horsemen which the Gouernour sent vnto them and they brought newes that in Cale there was plentie of Maiz at which newes they all reioyced Assoone as they came to Cale the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field which was sufficient for three moneths At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians and one of them which were taken told the Gouernour that within seuen dayes iourney there was a very great Prouince and plentifull of Maiz which was called Apalache And presently hee departed from Cale with fiftie Horsemen and sixtie Footmen He left the Master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso with all the rest of the people there with charge that he should not depart thence vntill he had word from him And because hitherto none had gotten any slaues the bread that euery one was to eate hee was fame himselfe to beate in a Morter made in a piece of Timber with a Pestle and some of them did sift the flowre through their shirts of Mayle They baked their bread vpon certaine Tileshares which they set ouer the fire It is so troublesome to grinde their Maiz that there were many that would rather not eat it then grind it and did eate the Maiz parched and sodden The eleuenth day of August 1539. the Gouernour departed from Cale hee lodged in a little Towne called Yâ—ara and the next day in another called Potano and the third day at Vtinama and came to another Towne which they named the Towne of Euill peace because an Indian came in peace saying That he was the Cacique and that he with his people would serue the Gouernour and that if he would set free eight and twentie persons men and women which his men had tathe night before he would command prouision to be brought him and would giue him a guide to instruct him in his way The Gouernour commanded them to be set at libertie and to keepe him in safegard The next day in the morning there came many Indians and set themselues round about the Towne neere to a Wood. The Indian wished them to carrie him neere them and that he would speake vnto them and assure them and that they would doe whatsoeuer he commanded them And when he saw himselfe neere vnto them he brake from them and ranne away so swiftly from the Christians that there was none that could ouertake him and all of them fled into the Woods The Gouernour commanded to loose a Greyhound which was alreadie fleshed on them which passing by many other Indians caught the counterfeit Cacique which had escaped from the Christians and held him till they came to take him From thence the Gouernour lodged at a Towne called Cholupaha and because it had store of Maiz in it they named it Villa farta Beyond the same there was a Riuer on which he made a Bridge of Timber and trauelled two daies through a desert The seuenteenth of August he came to Caliquen where hee was informed of the Prouince of Apalache They told him that Pamphilo de Naruaez had beene there and that there he tooke shipping because he could find no way to goe forward That there was none other Towne at all but that on both sides was all water The whole company were verie sad for these newes and counselled the Gouernour to goe backe to the Port de Spirito Santo and to abandon the Countrie of Florida lest he should perish as Naruaez had done declaring that if he went forward he could not returne backe when he would and that the Indians would gather vp that small quantitie of Maiz which was left Whereunto the Gouernour answered that he would not goe backe till he had seene with his eies that which they reported saying that he could not beleeue it and that wee should be put out of doubt before it were long And he sent to Luys de Moscoso to come presently from Cale and that hee tarried for him heere Luys de Moscoso and many others thought that from Apalache they should returne backe and in Cale they buried their Iron Tooles and diuers other things They came to Caliquen with great trouble because the Countrie which the Gouernour had passed by was spoiled and destitue of Maiz. After all the people were come together he commanded a Bridge to bee made ouer a Riuer that passed neere the Towne Hee departed from Caliquen the tenth of September and carried the Cacique with him After hee had trauelled three dayes there came Indians peaceably to visit their Lord and euery day met vs on the way playing vpon Flutes which is a token that they vse that men may know that they come in peace They said that in our way before was there a Cacique whose name was Vzachil a Kinsman of the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord wayting for him with many presénts and they desired the Gouernour that hee would loose the Cacique But hee would not fearing that they would rise and would not giue him any Guides and sent them away from day to day with good wordes He trauelled fiue daies passed by some small Townes came to a Towne called Napetuca the fifteenth day of September There were thirtie or fortie Indians slaine The rest fled to two very great Lakes that were somewhat distant the one from the other There they were swimming and the Christians round about them The Calieuermen and Crosse-bowmen shot at them from the banke but the distance being great and shooting afarre off they did them no hurt The Gouernour commanded that the same night they should compasse one of the Lakes because they were so great that there were not men enow to compasse them both beeing beset assoone as night shut in the Indians with determination to runne away came swimming very softly to the banke and to hide themselues they put a water Lilly leafe on their heads The Horsemen assoone as they perceiued it to stirre ranne into the water to the Horses breasts and the Indians fled againe into the Lake So this night passed without any rest on both sides Iohn Ortiz perswaded them that seeing they could not escape they should yeeld themselues to the Gouernour which they did enforced thereunto by the coldnesse of the water and one by one hee first whom the cold did first ouercome cried to Iohn Ortiz desiring that they would not kill him for he came to put himselfe into the hands of the Gouernour By the morning watch they made an end of yeelding themselues only
sometimes one Crosse-bow shot sometimes two Crosse-bow shot ouer The branches are very broad and both of them may be waded ouer There were all along them very good Medowes and many fields sowne with Maiz. And because the Indians stayed in their Towne the Gouernour only lodged in the houses of the Cacique and his people in the fields where there was euer a tree euery one tooke one for himselfe Thus the Campe lay separated one from another and out of order The Gouernour winked at it because the Indians were in peace and because it was very hot and the people should haue suffered great extremitie if it had not beene so The horses came thither so weake that for feeblenesse they were not able to carry their Masters because that from Cutifa-chiqui they alwayes trauelled with very little Prouender and were hunger-starued and tired euer since they came from the Desert of Ocute And because the most of them were not in case to vse in battell though need should require they sent them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Campe. The Christians were there in great danger because that if at this time the Indians had set vpon them they had beene in euill case to haue defended themselues The Gouernour rested there thirtie dayes in which time because the Countrie was very fruitfull the horses grew fat A Cacique of a Prouince called Coste came to this Towne to visit the Gouernour After he had offered himselfe and passed with him some words of tendring his seruice and courtesie the Gouernor asking him whether he had notice of any rich Countrie he said yea to wit that toward the North there was a Prouince named Chisca and that there was a melting of Copper and of another metal of the same colour saue that it was finer and of a far more perfect colour and far better to the sight and that they vsed it not so much because it was softer And the selfe same thing was told the Gouernour in Cutifa-chiqui where we saw some little Hatchets of Copper which were said to haue a mixture of Gold But in that part the Countrie was not wel peopled and they said there were Mountaines which the horses could not passe and for that cause the Gouernour would not goe from Cutifa-chiqui directly thither And he made account that trauelling through a peopled Countrie when his men and horses should bee in better plight and hee were better certified of the truth of the thing he would returne toward it by Mountaines and a better inhabited Countrie whereby he might haue better passage He sent two Christians from Chiaha with certain Indians which knew the Countrie of Chisca and the language thereof to view it and to make report of that which they should find where he told them that he would tarrie for them In seuen dayes he came to Coste The second of Iuly he commanded his Campe to be pitched two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne and with eight men of his guard he went where hee found the Cacique which to his thinking receiued him with great loue As he was talking with him there went from the Campe certaine Footmen to the Towne to seeke some Maiz and not contented with it they ransacked and searched the houses and took what they found With this despite the Indians began to rise and to take their armes and some of them with cudgels in their hands ranne vpon fiue or sixe Christians which had done them wrong and beat them at their pleasure The Gouernour seeing them all in an vprore and himselfe among them with so few Christians to escape their hands vsed a stratagem farre against his owne disposition being as he was very franke and open and thought it grieued him very much that any Indian should bee so bold as with reason or without reason to despise the Christians he tooke vp a cudgell and tooke their parts against his owne men which was a meanes to quiet them And presently hee sent word by a man very secretly to the Campe that some armed men should come toward the place where he was and he tooke the Cacique by the hand vsing very milde words vnto him and with some principall Indians that did accompany him he drew them out of the Towne into a plaine way and vnto the sight of the Campe whither by little and little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them Thus the Gouernour led the Cacique and his chiefe men vntill he entred with them into the Campe and neere vnto his Tent hee commanded them to be put in safe custodie and told them that they should not depart without giuing him a guide and Indians for burthens and till certaine sicke Christians were come which he had commanded to come down the Riuer in Canoes from Chiaha and those also which he had sent to the Prouince of Chisca for they were not returned and he feared that the Indians had flaine the one and the other Within three dayes after those which were sent to Chisca returned and made report that the Indians had carried them through a Countrie so poore of Maiz and so rough and ouer so high Mountaynes that it was impossible for the Armie to trauell that way and that seeing the way grew very long and that they lingred much they consulted to returne from a little poore Towne where they saw nothing that was of any profit and brought an Oxe hide which the Indians gaue them as thin as a calues skin and the haire like a soft wool betweene the course and fine wooll of sheepe The Cacique gaue a guide and men for burdens and departed with the Gouernours leaue The Gouernour departed from Coste the ninth of Iuly and lodged at a Towne called Tali The Cacique commanded prouision necessary for two dayes while the Gouernour was there to be brought thither and at the time of his departure he gaue him foure women and two men which he had need of to beare burthens The Gouernour trauelled sixe dayes through many Townes subiect to the Cacique of Coça and as he entred into his Countrie many Indians came vnto him euery day from the Cacique and met him on the way with messages one going and another comming He came to Coça vpon Friday the sixe and twentieth of Iuly The Cacique came forth to receiue him two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne in a chaire which his principall men carried on their shoulders sitting vpon a cushion and couered with a garment of Marterns of the fashion and bignesse of a womans Huke hee had on his head a Diadem of feathers and round about him many Indians playing vpon Flutes and singing There was in the Barnes and in the fields great store of Maiz and French Beanes The Countrie was greatly inhabited with many great Townes and many sowne fields which reached from the one to the other It was pleasant fat full of good Meadowes vpon Riuers There were
fore-parts then behind which is like wooll a mane like a Horses on their backe bone and long haire from the knees downward with store of long haire at the chinne and throat a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes The Horses fled from them of which they slue some being enraged They are 〈…〉 eat drinke shooes houses fire vessels and their Masters whole substance Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their fiue wooll called Sheepe one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals A N 〈…〉 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz with two other Friers and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards where vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine the Souldiers returned The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren procured Antonio de Espeio a rich Mexican with Frier Bernardine Beltran and others licensed to follow him to set â—orth on the said Discouerie in Nouember An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses and store of prouisions Hee passed the Conchos and the Passaguates and Tobâ—sos and Iumanos finding many Siluer Mines in the way and then came to people which for want of Language they could not name and heard by one of the Conchos of a great Lake and Townes neere it with houses of three or foure stories but went not thither Fifteene dayes they trauelled thorow Woods of Pine-trees and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Walâ—uts still keeping by the Riuer of the North as they called it till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer which vsed them kindly Their houses are of foure stories well built with Stoues for Winter their apparel of Cotton and Deeres skinnes both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill where they set him meate for whose ease as they say they erect Chappels also in the high-way Thence they came to Tiguas in which were sixteene Townes in Poala they had slaine the two Friers and now therefore fled to the Mountaines They fouâ—d many Hennes in the Countrey and many metals Hearing that there were rich Townes Eastwards they trauelled two dayes and found eleuen Townes and as they thought fortie thousand people There are signes of rich Mines They heard of a Prouince Quires sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer which they visited and found fiue Townes They saw there a Pie in a Cage and certaine tirasols or shadowes such as they vse in China in which were painted the Sunne Moone and Starres They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe Fourteene leagues more to the North they came to the Cunames which had fiue Townes the greatest was Câ—a with eight Market places the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes and in them thirtie thousand soules Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma a Towne of sixe thousand persons seated on a Rocke fifty paces high without any passage to it but by staires hewen in the Rocke all their water was kept in Cisternes They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola where Vasquez had beene and erected Crosses still standing Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here which told Espeio of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold Whereupon the rest returning hee with nine companions determined to goe thither and came to a populous Prouince called Mohotze and being well entertained hee perswaded the Indians to build a Fort to secure them from the Horses which hee said would otherwise eate them which they did Here he left some of his companie and went to discouer certaine rich Mines whereof he had heard fiue and fortie leagues Westward which hee found rich of Siluer He had further intelligence also of that great Lake and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos populous Prouinces being so few they returned in Iuly 1583. by another way downe a Riuer called De las Vaccas or Of Kine an hundred and twenty leagues still meeting with store of those cattell and thence to Conchos and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay Bartholmew Canâ— writ from Mexico in May 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio Gouernour of New Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola NOw for Cortez his three ships they set forth from Acapulco the eighth of Iuly 1539. and sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo as they stiled it and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands and sayled so farre in the same that I am loth to follow them the particulars being both in Ramusio and Master Hakluyt Fernando Alarchon Anno 1540. was sent by Mendoza the Vice-roy with two ships who sayth hee went to the bottome of the Bay of California and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie I remit the desirous Reader to the Authours aforesaid To mee Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands and to haue sayled within a great way and after out of them this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay and therefore goeth vp the Riuer later Maps make it an Iland as wee haue said a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos calleth them Ilands and sayth they are rich and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them But I am Sea-sicke and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers In which wee haue a Iesuite first to entertaine you and after that a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America All which may be of vse one day when our Virginian Plantation which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation with so much cost and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie and shake her glorious lockes and disparkle her triumphant lookes thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean And indeed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses of whose Acts this Chapter had beene the last but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues they had a faire caueat 1588. and to auoide the like with others I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Traueller Frier Bishop to discouer their Discouerers which shall cast vp
Indians stirred vp with the fame of new men came by flockes vnto our lodging and witnessed their loue with exceeding great signification of good will with salutation and words which yet we vnderstood not staying so long with vs till they were friendly dismissed by vs neither neglected they the opportunitie offred vpon the first occasion to shew how greatly they affected the Christian religion for as soone as we entred into the first Villages of this Prouince the day following there assembled a great number of old and yong folkes to be baptized which was a great comfort vnto vs we christened full fourescore boyes and girles we raised the mindes of the rest with good hopes that assoone as they were instructed with necessary doctrine they should be partakers of the same Sacrament Wee found foure hundred Christians which hauing bin baptized by the Franciscane Fathers which came into these parts twelue yeares past when at length they were slaine by the Inhabitants were left destitute of a teacher neither can all of them be instructed by vs vnlesse some helpe be sent vs for besides that the people are many they also differ in language and tongues although there be two chiefe and most generall We learne two tongues with great celeritie which albeit they be not so vulgar and generall yet are they more necessary and we haue profited so much in three moneths that wee could easily vnderstand the Indians when they spake Wherefore wee began to instuct in the Catechisme and with godly speeches to exhort the Nation to keepe them within the compasse of their duetie and to deliuer them of all feare when they see that they receiue of vs the seruice and formes of praying to God not in a strange but in their owne language the which together with the Catechisme they learne with great care and shortnesse of time And now wee haue Christened aboue sixteene hundred as well those of yeares as boyes besides those foure hundred which being christened by the aforesaid Fathers almost in their infancie and fully twelue yeares neglected had scarsely any shew of Christendome but were married with Pagans after their Countrey fashion From many of them we tooke away their Concubines because such is the custome of this Nation that they take as many as they are able to keepe Many of them we likewise married There are also many more which desire to be baptized but since the people be exceeding many and the workemen but two onely we are not able to sustaine the labour The last of Nouember I visited the people of this tract or Riuer and in the space of twelue or thirteene miles there are foure thousand Indians at the least which vse Bowes and Arrowes besides women and children Among these are certaine of bad name and fame which haue familiarity and acquaintance with the Diuell with whom they commit abominable and very horrible sinnes Many of them fled into the Mountaines that their children might not be Christened because the Diuell had reported abroad that all they should die that were Baptized Not withstanding in seuen or eight dayes we Christened two hundred and fortie children Necessitie enforced me to leaue them and to goe to another place to helpe our neighbours yet I am greatly desirous to returne moued with a certaine pitie because I see this people so strongly possessed by the Diuell being vtterly ignorant of the faith There are now thirteene Churches in these three Riuers besides those which are erected by little and little neither haue we any more holy Vestments for them then those which we carry about with vs and one other furniture of an Altar which belongeth to the Spaniards we haue neuer a Bell in any of these Churches We furnished an Alter with one Crosse and certaine paper Images which were brought hither from Culhuacan because we want other furniture which we looke from your Reuerencies and it will be very profitable since this Nation is so delighted with outward ornaments We celebrated the dedication of a Church at Petatlan on the day of the conception of the Virgin the Mother of God In the same I set vp a certaine small Image consecrated to the conception of the blessed Virgin We went on Procession wherein the Boyes sang the Te Deum laudam 〈…〉 in the vulgar language I added a Prayer and then red Masse because the singers are yet ignorant of Song and can sing nothing else but Amen with a rude and vntuned voyce Many of the Pagans were present which were inuited to this holy day from other places and were almost amazed beholding these first beginnings wishing that the like solemnitie might be kept in their Villages As farre as hitherto we are able to gather the Indians the inhabitants of these and the neighbour Pagan Castles where there is greater store of people and lesse diuersitie of languages are quicke and prompt tractable and of easier conuersion then any that I haue hitherto seene or knowne I could wish that I might sometime liue priuately with my selfe but such is the concourse of commers that they loue me not thus quiet and though I be silent yet they minister diuers speeches inquiring of our things and rehearsing their owne and come to vs in the night to prayer They are ingenious and docile although they haue no teacher by whose instruction this force of nature should be exercised They liue in Castles and Countrey villages in houses ioyned neere the one to the other and builded of chalke and timber which they adore with Mats and couerings of reedes In the marriages which they make when they take many wiues it seemeth not inconuenient or indecent vnto them to take their sister mother or daughter because they thinke that this maketh much for domesticall peace and that thereby all emulation may be auoided And though they make no account of affinitie yet they haue exceeding great regard of consanguinitie They loue their children most tenderly for a certaine time and teach them nothing else but such things as they know themselues and neuer beate them nor chastise them for any thing and so they liue like beasts They marrie them at their time and this is the forme of their marriage The Parents of each partie meete together and after conferences had betweene them they dance according to their Countrie custome and giuing hands returne home if the Bridegroome or Bride be vnder age they stay certaine moneths and sometime a yeare neuer seeing one the other afterward at time conuenient the Father of the spouse giueth an house to his daughter and son in law with furniture thereto belonging They also make the Bridegroome a Knight if he be of a worthy familie with diuers rites whereof these be the chiefest ceremonies They deliuer him a Bowe and instruct him how to vse his new weapons and to shew a signe of his industrie and abilitie he is turned out to some yong Lyon or
wilde beast which when he hath killed he is aduanced to some honour and dignitie whereby he excelleth others which are not Knights Among the things belonging to policie this is one which they doe obserue that they adopt other mens children for their owne but this adoption into another familie hath very seuere and dangerous ceremonies for they thrust a sticke into their mouthes into the bottome of their throates wherewith they are almost choaked if it fall out well they vomit vp all the meate in their stomacke and so they passe ouer into the right of another man Whatsoeuer time remaineth from labour and trauaile they spend in a play which is like to Dice but consisteth of diuers signes They play with exceeding great moderation and patience of minde being most cunning in this kinde of sport no oath is heard among them nor any contentions or brabling word though they loose their apparell and all that they haue and goe home naked as sometime it falleth out When they be sicke if the disease be sore and dangerous they digge a place for their buriall and sometimes it standeth fiue or sixe dayes open which custome was very profitable to a certaine woman for when I came into a certaine Village and saw the ground digged very deeply knowing what the matter was I came vnto her lying on her Couch and sicke and hauing instructed her in the Catechisme which I had written in the vulgar Tongue in the principles of Christian Religion I baptised her but she recouered Now the cause why they open the places of their burials is this That presently they may couer the bodie or ashes of him that is dead for somtimes they burne the bodies with all the house and household stuffe They sprinkle the Sepulchre with a certaine dust whereof they make a drinke and bring meate with them and after they haue wept ouer the Graue they make themselues drunke the Kinsfolke of the dead making a Feast for them that doe assist them And these be their Funerals The Vicar of the Church of Culiacan which is fortie two leagues from Cinoloa where the foresaid Fathers liue in his Letters sent to a certaine friend writeth after this manner In Cinaloa the Fathers labour painfully in the Lord in conuerting the Indians vnto the Faith so fruitfully and happily that we all hold it for a Miracle Neither can it be beleeued both with what celeritie they haue learned and speak the tongue of that Countrie and with what facilitie and contentment The Inhabitants come to bee baptized and desire to bee instructed in the Articles of our faith Doubtlesse it is the worke of God wherefore the Diuine Maiestie doth fauour and promote the same A Letter written from Valladolid by LVDOVICVS TRIBALDVS TOLETVS to Master RICHARD HAKLVYT translated out of Latine touching IVAN de ONATE his Discoueries in new Mexico fiue hundred leagues to the North from the old Mexico WHen you shall see the English returned home out of our Spaine and can finde no Letters sent vnto you from vs perhaps and that worthily you will accuse vs of breach of our friendship and also as little mindfull of our promise Yet we as free from this fault salute you most willingly For it is not long since we arriued here that is to say in this Court a little after the departure of your Countrimen into England Yet we made our iournie by Sea and by Land indifferent pleasantly and according to our desire After we had rested our selues a small while we desired nothing more then to visit Andrew Garsia Cespedes a man for many respects linked vnto vs in most straight bands of friendship He greatly reioyced of your good will toward him And shewed me a certaine briefe yet very perspicuous Relation of things atchieued by Don Iuan de Onate among the Indians of New Mexico For therein is written that he departed from old Mexico in the yeere 1599. with an Armie and carriages of fiue thousand men in which number boyes women youngmen and Souldiers are included He carried also great store of victuals with him flockes of Sheepe and Goates Herds of Oxen and all things necessarie for life also Horses and Armour and other things which in these kind of Expeditions ought to be prouided Therefore hauing trauelled through diuers Countries fiue hundred leagues hee found diuers Nations by the way noble for their builded Townes and reasonable ciuill manners All which he receiued into the friendship of the King of Spaine and they openly testified the same by publike instruments and giuing of their faith And when with his company he came vnto a Towne very strong by situation of the place built vpon a most high and mightie Rocke and was freely receiued by the Inhabitants giuing their right hands to each other they courteously supplied them with all things necessarie for their reliefe and promised within a while after that they would furnish them with more sufficient to make a very long iournie When Onate had waited for this thing at the day appointed hee sent his Nephew by his sister with a few Souldiers who entring the Towne came into the Market place where almost all the multitude of the Townesmen were assembled together Now while hee with his company was busie in buying of things suddenly the Traitours from all parts rushed vpon him and his fellowes vnawares and by most wicked treason cut off the Captaines head and sixe others the rest being wounded hardly escaped by flight from so great a multitude that assaulted them yet some of the enemies were slaine and thrust through When speedily the fame hereof came to Onate taking with him a choice number of Souldiers in a great furie he came vnto the Towne besiged it and after a long fight by maine force he tooke the same slue most part tooke the rest burnt the Towne and razed it to the ground that no tokens might remaine of so great a wickednesse committed against him The Townes name was Acoma and none of our men was slaine in the siege thereof After this he easily proceeded forward on his iournie as he did before till he came to a mightie great Citie he inforced this City with the villages adioyning to sweare obedience to the King of Spaine not altogether vnwilling yet feared by the example and ruine of the towne that was destroyed From hence he came to a greater Citie which likewise after hee had obtained it by great friendship he sent certain men from thence to search out the oxen of Cibola long since known by the report of one to wit of Vasquez de Coronado whether they were such indeed or no. Who when they had found a great multitude of these oxen and would compasse them about and force them into certaine inclosures or toiles their enterprize preuailed but a little they are so wild and so swift Yet after they had killed many of them bringing store of them with them as though they
they should catechise them whom they loue as the Apple of their eye They made for them also Churches and Temples and houses Moreouer some other Prouinces sent and inuited them to the end that they might come to them also to preach and giue them the vnderstanding of God and of him whom they said to bee the great King of Castile And being perswaded and induced by the Religious and did a thing which neuer yet before hath beene done in the Indies Twelue or fifteene Lords which had very many subiects and great dominion assembling euery one for his owne part his people and taking their aduise and consent of their owne voluntarie motion yeelded themselues to the subiection and to be vnder the domination of the Kings of Castile admitting the Emperour as King of Spaine for their Liege Souereigne Whereof also they made certaine Instruments by them consigned which I keepe in my charge together with the Testimonies thereunto of the said Religious The Indians being thus onward in the way of the faith with the great ioy and good hope of the Religious Brethren that they should be able to winne vnto Iesus Christ all the people of the Realme that were the residue being but a small number of the slaughters and wicked wars passed There entred at a certaine Coast eighteene Spaniards Tyrants on horsebacke and twelue on foot driuing with them great loades of Idols which they had taken in the other Prouinces of the Indians The Captaine of those thirtie Spaniards called vnto him a Lord of the Countrie therabouts as they were entred and commandeth him to take those Idols and to disperse them throughout all his Countrie selling euery Idoll for an Indian man or an Indian woman to make slaues of them with threatning them that if he did not doe it he would bid them battaile That said Lord being forced by feare distributed those Idols throughout all the Countrie and commanded all his subiects that they should take them to adore them and that they should returne in exchange of that ware Indies and Indisses tomake slaues of The Indians beeing affraid those which had two chldren gaue him one and hee that had three gaue him two This was the end of this Sacrilegious Trafficke and thus was this Lord or Cacique faine to content these Spaniards I say not Christians One of these abominable Chafferers named Iohn Garcia being sicke and neere his death had vnder his bed to packs of Idols and commanded his Indish Maid that serued him to looke to it that she made not away his Idols that there were for Murlimeus for they were good stuffe and that making vent of them shee should not take lesse then a slaue a piece for one of them with another and in fine with this his Testament and last Will thus deuised the Catiffe died The Indians perceiuing that that which the Religious had promised them was as good as nothing namely that the Spaniards should not enter those Prouinces and seeing the Spaniards which had laded thither Idols from other places there to make vent of them they hauing put all their Idols afore into the hands of the Friars to the end they should bee burned and to the end the true God should be by them adored all the Country was in a mutinie and a rage against the Religious Friars and the Indians comming vnto them say Why haue you lied vnto vs in promising vs by deceits that there should not enter any Spaniards into these Countries And why haue you burnt our gods seeing the Spaniards doe bring vs other Gods from other Nations Were not our Gods as good as the Gods of other Prouinces The Friars pacified them in the best manner that they could not knowing what to answere them and went to seeke out those thirty Spaniards to whom they declared the euill which they had done praying them to get them thence which the Spaniards would not doe but said to the Indians that those Religious men had caused them to come thither themselues of their owne accord which was rightly an extreme maliciousnesse In the end the Indians deliberated to kill the Religious men By occasion whereof the Friers fled away in a night hauing aduertisement of the case by some of the Indians Of the Prouince of Saint Martha THe Prouince of Saint Martha was a Countrie where the Spaniards gathered Gold in all plentie the Land being with the Regions adiacent very rich and the people industrious to draw out the Gold Wherefore also infinite Tyrants haue made thither continually with their ships ouer-running and ranging along the Country killing and spoyling those the Inhabitants and ramping from them that gold that they had with speedie returne euer to their ships which went and came oftentimes And so wrought they in those Prouinces great wasts and slaughters and cruelties horrible and that most commonly on the Sea-coast and certaine leagues within the Country At what time there went Spanish Tyrants to inhabite there And for as much as the Country was exceeding rich as hath beene said there euer succeeded Captaines one in anothers roome euery one more cruell then other in such sort that it seemed that euery one inforced himselfe for the masterie in doing of euils The yeere 1529. there went a great Tyrant very resolute with great troupes but without any feare of God or compassion of the nature of man who wrought such wastes and slaughters so great that he exceeded all others that had gone before him himselfe robbing for the space of sixe or seuen yeeres that he liued great Treasures after being deceassed without confession and fled from the place of his residence there succeeded him other murdering Tyrants and Theeues which made an end of the rest of the people that from the yeere 1529. vnto this day they haue reduced into a Wildernesse in those same quarters more then 400. leagues of Land which was no lesse peopled then the other Countries which we haue spoken of Verily if I had to make a bed-roll of the Vngraciousnesses of the Slaughters of the Desolations of the Iniquities of the Violencies of the Massacres and other great Insolencies which the Spaniards haue done and committed in those Prouinces of Saint Martha against God the King and against those innocent Nations I should write an Historie very ample But that may be done if God spare me life hereafter in his good time onely I will set downe a few words of that which was written in a Letter by a Bishop of this Prouince to the King our Souereigne and the Letter beareth date the twentieth of May 1541. The which Bishop amongst other words speaketh thus I say sacred Maiestie that the way to redresse this Countrie is that his Maiestie deliuer her out of the power of Stepfathers and giue vnto her an husband which may intreate her as is reason and aâ—cording as shee deserueth otherwise I am sure hereafter as the Tyrants which now haue the gouernment doe torment and tormoyle her she
yea fauouring and supporting all the matter as likewise they haue had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite which haue beene done in all this coast of the Firme land which are about foure hundred leagues the which haue beene and now are vnder their iurisdiction like vnto Venesuela and Saint Martha all which the said Court might very well haue empeached and remedied Of the Prouinces of the firme land or quarter that is called Florida INto these Prouinces went three tyrants at three diuers times since the yeere 1510. or 1511. there to put in vre the acts which others and two of them from among themselues haue committed in other quarters of the Indians to the end to aspire to high degrees in no respect conuenient to their persons higher then their merits in the Common-wealth could conceiue with the bloud and destruction of their neighbours and they are dead all three of an euill death and their houses likewise haue beene destroyed with them the which they had builded in times past with the bloud of mankind as I can be a sufficient witnesse of all three and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth as if they had neuer beene in this world The fourth tyrant that came last in the yeere 1538. cunningly aduised and being fully furnished it is three yeeres since there is no tidings concerning him Sure he is one of the notoriousest and best experimented amongst them that haue done the most hurts mischieues and destructions in my Realmes with their consorts wherefore I beleeue that God hath giuen him like end vnto the others Of the Riuer of La Plata that is to say Of Siluer SIthence the yeere one thousand fiue hundred and two or three and twenty certaine Captaines made three or foure Voyages vp the Riuer of Plata where there are great Prouinces and Realmes and Nations well ordered and endued with vnderstanding In generall wee vnderstood that they haue made there great butcheries and inuasions but like as this Countey is farre discoasted from the Indies most famous so we are not able to quote the notablest points in particular Of the mighty Realmes and large Prouinces of Peru. IN the yeere 1531. went another great tyrant with certaine other consorts to the Realmes of Peru where entring with the same title and intention and with the same proceedings as all the rest before gone forasmuch as he was one of them which had of long time beene exercised in all kindes of cruelties and murders which had beene wrought in the firme land â—ithence the yeere 1510. hee tooke encouragement to accrue in cruelties murders and robberies being a man without loyaltie and truth laying waste Cities and Countries bringing them to nought and vtterly vndoing them by slaying the Inhabitants and being the cause of all the euils which ensued in that Countrie He slue and laid waste at his first arriuall with a mischiefe certaine boroughes from whom he pillaged a great quantitie of Gold In an Iland neere to the same Prouinces named Pagna well peopled and pleasant the Lord thereof with his people receiued them as it had beene Angels from heauen and six moneths after when as the Spanish had eaten vp all their prouision They discouered also vnto them the corne which they kept vnder ground for themselues their wiues and their children against a dry time and barren making them offer of all with trees plentifull to spend and eate at their pleasure The recompence in the end which they made them was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance a great quantitie of those people And those whom they could take aliue they made slâ—ues with other cruelties great and notable which they committed dispeopled as it were all that I le From thence they make to the Prouince of Tumbala which is in the firme land where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by And because all the people were fled as affrighted by their horrible acts they said that they made an insurrection and rebelled against the King of Spaine This tyrant had this policie and kept this order of proceeding that vnto all those whom he tooke or vnto others which presented him with Gold and Siluer or other things which they had he commanded them to bring more vntill such time as he perceiued that either they had no more or that they brought him no more And then he would say that he accepted them for the vassals and lieges of the King of Spaine and made much of them and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets that from thenceforth they would take them no more and that they would doe them no manner harme at all setting it downe for good ando lawfull all whatsoeuer he had robbed from them A few dayes after the King and Emperour of those Realmes named Atabaliba came accompanied with a number of naked people bearing their ridiculous armour not knowing neither how Swords did carue nor Speares did pierce nor Horses did run nor who or what were the Spaniards Hee commeth to the place where they were saying Where are these Spaniards Let them come I will not stirre a foote till they satisfie me for my Subiects whom they haue slaine and my boroughs which they haue dispeopled and for my wealth which they haue bereaued me The Spaniards set against him and slew an infinite sort of his people they tooke him also in person who came carried in a Litter borne vpon mens shoulders They treate with him to the end that he should ransome himselfe The King offereth to performe foure millions of Castillans and performeth fifteene they promise to release him notwithstanding in the end keeping nor faith nor truth as they neuer kept any in the Iudies vnto the Indians they laid to his charge altogether vntruely that by his commandement the people assembled The King answered that in all the Countrie there moued not a leafe of a tree without his good will that if there assembled any people they were to beleeue that it was by his commandement and as touching himselfe that he was prisoner and they might slay him All this notwithstanding they condemned him to be burnt aliue but at the request of some certaine the Captaine caused him to be strangled and being strangled hee was burned This King vnderstanding his sentence said Wherefore will you burne me What trespasse haue I done yee Did not you promise me to set me at libertie if I gaue you the Gold And haue I not performed more then I promised Seeing you needes will haue it so send me to your King of Spaine speaking other things to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards vsed whom in the end they burned Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare the imprisonment of this Prince the sentence and the execution of his death and the conscience whereby they possesse great treasures as
bare sway and ruled that was nine yeares there was no more care of teaching or bringing the Indians to saluation neither was there any more labor employed or once thought of to that purpose then if they had beene Trees Stones Dogs or Cats He wasted great townes and fortresses he gaue to one Spaniard a hundred Indians to another fiftie to another more or lesse as euery man was in liking or fauour and as it pleased him to grant He gaue children and old men women with childe and in childebed men of countenance and commons the naturall Lords of the Townes and Countries he parted them among those to whom hee wished most wealth and commoditie vsing in his Letters of command this speech following To you such a man are giuen so many Indians with their Cacique them to vse in their Mines and affaires So as all great and small yong and old that could stand on their feete men women with childe or in childebed one or other trauailed and wrought so long as they had any breath in their bodies He gaue leaue to take away married men and to make them draw Gold tenne twenty thirtie fortie or eightie leagues or farther The women remained in farme houses and granges in great labours So that the man and wife should not see one another in eight or ten moneths or a whole yeare And at their meeting they were so worne with labour and hunger that they had no minde of cohabitation whereby their generation ceased and their poore children perâ—â—hed because the mothers through hunger and trauaile had no milke wherewith to nourish them This was a cause that in the I le of Cuba one of vs being there there perished in the space of three moneths for hunger 7000. children some desperate women strangled and killed their owne children others finding themselues with childe did eate certaine hearbes thereby to loose their fruit so that the men died in the Mines the women perished in the farme houses their whole generation in a short space decayed and all the Countrey lay desolate The said Gouernour to the end without release to keepe them in continuall labour still gaue them away and yet besides their great labors he suffered them rigorously and very austerely to be misused For the Spaniards that had them in command appointed certaine hangmen ouer them some in the Mines whom they tearmed Miniero others in the Farmes that were called Estanciero vnnaturall and pittilesse persons that beate them with staues and cords boxing them pricking them with needles and still calling them dogges neither did they euer shew any signe of humanity or clemencie but all their dealings did consist of extreame seueritie riot and bitternesse The Gouernour had also in the Spanish Townes and Forts certaine of the most honorable and principall persons about him whom he called Visitors vnto whom also besides their other ordinary portions that he had giuen them he gaue in respect of their offices one hundred Indians to serue them These in the Townes were the greatest executioners as being more cruell then the rest before whom Athuaziles del camoo brought all such as had bin taken in this chase The accuser he that had them in command was present and accused them saying This Indian or those Indians are dogs and will doe no seruice but doe daily run to the Mountaines there to become loyterers and vagabonds and therefore required that they might be punished Then the Visitor with his owne hands bound them to a Pale and taking a pitched cord in the Gallies called an Eele which is as it were an iron rod gaue them so many stripes and beate them so cruelly that the bloud running downe diuers pâ—rts of their bodies they were left for dead God is witnesse of the cruelties committed among those lambs Throughout the yeare they neuer knew holiday neither might be suffered from labour little or much Besides that during all this toyle they neuer had sufficient food no not of Caçabi Some therâ— were that through niggardlinesse wanting meate to giue them would send them two or three dayes abroad into the fields and Mountaines to feede where they might satisfie themselues with such fruite as hang on the trees and then vpon the force of that which they brought in their guts would force them to labour two or three dayes more without giuing them any one morsell to eate The Gouernour commanded they should be paid their day wages and expences for any labour or seruice that they should doe to the Spaniard and their wages was three blankes euery two dayes which in the yeare amounted to halfe a Castelin Thus grew they into sickenesse through long and grieuous trauailes and that was soone caught among them When the Spaniards perceiued the sickenesse increase so as there was no profit or seruice to be looked for at their hands then would they send them home to their houses giuing them to spend in some thirty forty or eightie leagues trauaile some halfe dozen of Radish or Refortes that is a kinde of nauet roote and a little Caçabi wherewith the poore men trauailed not farre before they should desperately dye some went two or three leagues some ten or twenty so desirous to get to their owne home there to finish their hellish life that they suffered that they euen fell downe dead by the wayes so as many times we found some dead others at deaths doore others groning and pittifully to their powers pronouncing this word hunger hunger Then the Gouernour seeing that the Spaniard had in this wise slaine halfe or two third parts of these Indians whom hee had giuen them in command he came a fresh to draw new lots and make a new distribution of Indians still supplying the number of his first gift and this did hee almost euery yeare Pedrarias entred into the firme land as a Wolfe that had long beene starued doth into a flocke of quiet and innocent Sheepe and Lambs and as Gods wrath and scourge committing infinite slaughters robberies oppressions and cruelties together with those Spaniards whom he had leuied and laid waste so many Townes and Villages which before had bin replenished with people as it were Ant hils as the like was neuer seene heard of or written by any that in our daies haue dealt in Histories He robbed his Maiestie Subiects with those whom he tooke with him and the harme that he did amounted to aboue foure yea six Millions of Gold hee laid aboue fortie leagues of land desart namely from Darien where he first arriued vnto the Prouince of Nicaraga one of the fruitfullest richest and best inhabited lands in the world From this cursed wretch sprang first the pestilence of giuing the Indians in command which afterward hath infected all those Indies where any Spaniards doe inhabit and by whom all these Nations are consumed so that from him his commands haue proceeded the certaine waste and desolation that your Maiestie haue sustained in these so great lands and dominions
Garonne Gironde Belle Grande and after that Belle a Voire and Port Royal. In this last they anchored the Riuer at the mouth is three French leagues broad hee sayled vp many leagues and erected another like Pillar of stone Ribalt hauing built a Fort and furnished it with prouisions called it Charles Fort and left a Golonie there vnder Captaine Albert. These found great kindnesse with their Indian Neighbours till dissention happened amongst themselues the Captaine for a small fault hanging a Souldier and exercising seueritie ouer the rest which thereupon in a mutinie slue him and hauing chosen a new Captaine they built a Pinnasse and furnished it as well as they could to returne for France but surprized in the way with calmes and expence of their prouision they first did eare their shooes and Buffe Ierkins and yet continuing famished they killed one of their fellowes called La Chere and made cheere of him and after met with an English Barke which releeued them and setting some on Land brought the rest to Queene Elizabeth The cause of their not releeuing according to promise was the Ciuill warres which beeing compounded the Admirall procured the King to send three ships to Florida vnder the command of the Author Rene Landonniere which see saile in Aprill 1564. He went on shoare at Dommica in which Iland his men killed two Serpents nine foote long and as bigge as 〈◊〉 legge The two and twentieth of Iune they landed in Florida ten leagues aboue Capo Francois and after in the Riuer of May where the Indians very ioyfully welcommed them and the stone Piller 〈…〉 rected by Ribalt was crowned with bayes and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot and they kissed the same with great reuerence One of Parâ—coussy or the King his Sonnes presented 〈◊〉 Captain with a wedge of siluer With another Parcâ—ussy they saw one old Father blind with age but liuing and of his lomes sixe generations descended all present so that the Sonne of the eldest was supposed two hundred and fiftie yeeres old They planted themselues on this Riuer of May and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles Landonniere sent Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa whence that siluer wedge had comne and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina to whom fortie Kings were vassals Saturioua was said to haue thirtie and to be enemie to Vtina A fearefull lightning happened which burned fiue hundred acres of ground and all the fowles after which followed such a heat that as many fish were dead therewith at the mouth of the Riuer as would haue laden fiftie Carts and of their putrifaction grieuous diseases The Sauages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance He got some prisoners of Vtinas subiects which Saturioua had taken and sent them to him some of his men assisting Vtina in his warres against Potanou one of his enemies and returning with some quantitie of Siluer and Gold Whiles things continued in good termes with the Sauages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French some conspiring to kill the Captaine others running away with the Barks one of which robbed by Sea and after was driuen by famine to seeke to the Spaniards at Hauana and when two other Barkes were a building a third Conspiracie seized on the Captaine detained him Prisoner and forced him to subscribe their passe with these two Barkes Away they went and the next diuision was amongst themselues one Barke departing from the others One of them after diuers Piracies came backe and the chiefe mutinies were executed Francis Iean one of the other Barke was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them The Indians vse to keepe in the Woods Ianuarie Februarie and March and liue on what they take in hunting so that the French neither receiuing their expected reliefe from France nor from the Sauages which had no Corne hauing before sold them what they had suffered grieuous famine they resolued to build a vessell able to carrie them into France the Sauages making aduantages of their necessities according to the wonted perfidiousnesse of those wilde people whereupon they tooke King Vtina Prisoner with his Sonne to get food for his ransome The famine was so sharpe that it made the bones to grow thorow the skinne and when the Maiz by the end of May came to some ripenesse food it selfe ouercame their weake stomacks Some reliefe they had by Sir Iohn Hawkins who came thither with foure ships guided by a man of Deepe which had been there in Ribalts Voyage who also offered to transport him and set them all on land in France This he refused but made good aduantage hereof with the Sauages telling them that this was his brother which brought him great reliefe and plentie whereupon all sought his friendship His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery wanting both apparell and victuall and meanes to returne so wrought with him that not daring to giue the Siluer and such things as he had gotten in the Countrie which might bring an English Plantation into those parts he bought a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins who partly sold and partly gaue them prouisions also of apparell and victuall for their returne and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man saued their liues Whiles thus they were preparing to set saile Captaine Ribalt came into the Riuer with seuen saile foure greater and three lesse whom the Admirall had sent hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannicall and insolent manner and was solemnely welcommed in the end of August 1565. A while after when as the Indians had filled Captaine Ribalt with golden hopes of the Mynes at Apalatci some proofes whereof were found to be perfect gold sixe great ships of Spaniards came into the Riuer on the fourth of September and made faire shew to the French which trusted them neuer the more but let slip their Anchors and fled being no way matchable but in swiftnesse of saile whereby they escaped the pursuite of the Spaniards and obserued their course sending word thereof to Captaine Ribalt The High Admirall Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt that he had intelligence out of Spaine of Don Pedro Melendes his Expedition to Florida iust before his comming from France Captaine Ribalt embarkes himselfe the eight of September pretending to goe seeke the Spaniards which soone after came to seeke the French at their Fort guided by Francis Iean before a Mutiner now also a Traytour who shewed the Captaine to the Spaniards Notwithstanding their assault Laudonniere made an escape with some others ouer the Marishes into the ships and so returned first into England and after into France Captaine Ribalt was surprized with a Tempest which wracked him vpon the Coast and all his ships were castaway himselfe hardly escaping drowning but not escaping the
more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France by Captaine Gaurgues Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships and entring the Riuer Tacaâ—acourn which the French called Seine he made league with eight Sauage Kings which had beene much dispighted by the Spaniards and were growne as dispightfull to them The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Riuer of May the greatest begun by the French two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance especially Olotocara Nephew to Saturioua As they went to the Fort he said that he should die there and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe that it might bee buried with him for his better welcome to the Village of the Soules departed This Fort was taken the Spaniards some slaine others taken and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans Gourgues set vp another I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners but as to Traitors Robbers and Murtherers The Forts he razed not hauing men to keepe them and in Iune following arriued in Rochel Comming to the King with expectation of reward the Spanish King had so possessed him that he was faine to hide himselfe This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier once imprisoned and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships and in May arriued at Newfoundland On the one and twentieth of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about so full of Birds as if they were sowed there and a hundred times as many houering about it some as bigge as Iayes blacke and white with beakes like Crowes lying alway on the Sea their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand which makes that they cannot flie high In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat with them These they named Aporatz another lesse Port which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater they called Godetz a third bigger and white byting like Dogges they called Margaulx Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent Beares come thither to feed on those Birds One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming and found her good meate Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune which they called the Ilands of Margaulx There also they found Morses Beares and Wolues But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen then that I should mention his French names which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay and so to the Riuer of Hochelaga They went to Canada and to the Towne of Hochelaga They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer and were told of three more therein The Scorbute that Winter killed fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda which was thought to be Sassafras These reports of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga caused King Francis to send him againe Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne whose Notes as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes and two hundred persons men women and children Master Hakluyt hath recorded He built a Fort and wintered there and then returned These were the French beginnings who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeerly Voyages to that Coast to these times for fishing and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and other Commodities One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia and additions thereto part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts added with Champleins Discoueries CHAP. VI. The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie c. High Admirall of France WE departed from Houfleur the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into the Roade of New Hauen because the winde was contrary The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said moneth we set saile to proceed on our Voyage The seuenteenth day following we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey which are Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England The eighteenth of the said moneth wee discryed the Coast of Britaine The nineteenth at seuen of the clocke at night we made account that we were thwart of Ushent The one and twentieth at seuen of clocke in the morning we met with seuen ships of Hollanders which to our iudgement came from the Indies On Easter day the thirtieth of the said moneth wee were encountred with a great storme which seemed rather to be thunder then winde which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes but not so great as it was the two first dayes and during the said time we rather lost way then gained The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease and the Sea became more calme then before to the contentment of all the Company in such sort as continuing our said course vntill the eighteenth of the said moneth we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice which continued aboue eight leagues in length with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice which hindred our passage And by the iudgement of our Pilot the said flakes or Ice were one hundred or one hundred twenty leagues from the Country of Canada and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts we found passage in 44. deg The second of May at eleuen of clocke of the day we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part The sixt of the said moneth we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore
Wester part is not passing a mile at most altogether vnpeopled and disinhabited It is ouer-growne with Wood and Rubbish viz. Okes Ashes Beech Wal-nut Weech-halse Sassafrage and Cedars with diuers other of vnknowne names The R 〈…〉 sh is wild Peaze young Sassafrage Cherie trees Vines Eglentine Goose-berie bushes Hawâ—â—orne Honisuckles with others of like qualitie The herbs and Roots are Strawberies Raspis Ground Nuts Alexander Surrin Tansie c. without count Touching the fertilitie of the soyle by our owne experience made we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse it sprowted out in one fortnight almost halfe a foot In this Iland is a stage or Pond of fresh water in circuit two miles on the one side not distant from the Sea thirtie yards in the Centre whereof is a Rockie Islet contayning neere an Acre of ground full of wood on which wee beganne our Fort and place of abode disposing it selfe so fit for the same These Indians call Gold Wassador which argueth there is thereof in the Countrey The nine and twentieth we laboured in getting of Sassafrage rubbishing our little Fort or Islet new keeling our shallop and making a Punt or Flat bottome Boate to passe to and fro our Fort ouer the fresh water the powder of Sassafrage in twelue houres cured one of our Company that had taken a great Surfet by eating the bellies of Dog-fish a very delicious meate The thirtieth Captaine Gosnoll with diuers of his company went vpon pleasure in the shallop towards Hills Hap to view it and the Sandie Coue and returning brought with him a Canoa that foure Indians had there left being fled away for feare of our English which we brought into England The one and thirtieth Captaine Gosnoll desirous to see the Maine because of the distance hee set sayle ouer where comming to anchor went ashoare with certaine of his companie and immediatly there presented vnto him men women and children who with all curteous kindnesse entertayned him giuing him certaine skinnes of wilde beasts which may be rich Furres Tobacco Turtles Hempe artificiall Strings câ—â—oured Chaines and such like things as at the inâ—â—ant they had about them These are a faire conditioned people On all the Sea coast along we found Mussell shells that in colour did represent Mother-of-pearle but not hauing meanes to dredge could not apprehend further knowledge thereof This Maine is the goodliest Continent that euer we saw promising more by farre then we any way did expect for it is replenished with faire fields and in them fragrant Flowers also Medowes and hedged in with stately Groues being furnished also with pleasant Brookes and beautified with two maine Riuers that as wee iudge may haply become good Harbours and conduct vs to the hopes men so greedily doe thirst after In the mouth of one of these Inlets or Riuers lieth that little I le before mentioned called Happes Hill from which vnto the Westermost end of the Maine appearing where the other Inlet is I account some fiue leagues and the Coast betweene bendeth like a Bow and lyeth East and by North. Beyond these two Inlets we might perceiue the Mayne to beare vp South-west and more Southerly Thus with this taste of Discouery we now contented our selues and the same day made returne vnto our Fort time not permitting more sparing delay The first of Iune we employed our selues in getting Sassafrage and the building of our Fort. The second third and fourth we wrought hard to make readie our house for the prouision to bee had ashore to sustaine vs till our ships returne This day from the Mayne came to our ships side a Canoa with their Lord or chiefe Commander for that they made little stay only pointing to the Sunne as in signe that the next day hee would come and visit vs which hee did accordingly The fifth wee continued our labour when there came vnto vs ashoare from the Mayne fiftie Sauages stout and lustie men with their Bowes and Arrowes amongst them there seemed to be one of authoritie because the rest made an inclining respect vnto him The ship was at their comming a league off and Captaine Gosnoll aboord and so likewise Captaine Gilbert who almost neuer went ashoare the company with me only eight persons These Indians in hastie manner came towards vs so as we thought fit to make a stand at an angle betweene the Sea and a fresh water I mooued my selfe towards him seuen or eight steps and clapt my hands first on the sides of mine head then on my breast and after presented my Musket with a threatning countenance thereby to signifie vnto them either a choice of Peace or Warre whereupon hee vsing mee with mine owne signes of Peace I stept forth and imbraced him his company then all sate downe in manner like Grey-hounds vpon their heeles with whom my company fell a bartering By this time Captaine Gosnoll was come with twelue men more from aboord and to shew the Sauage Seignior that he was our Captaine we receiued him in a guard which he passing thorow saluted the Seignior with ceremonies of our salutations whereat he nothing mooued or altered himselfe Our Captaine gaue him a straw Hat and a paire of Kniues the Hat awhiles hee wore but the Kniues he beheld with great maruelling being very bright and sharpe this our courtesie made them all in loue with vs. The sixt being raine we spent idlely aboord The seuenth the Seignior came againe with all his troupe as before and continued with vs the most part of the day we going to dinner about noone they sate with vs and did eate of our Bacaleure and Mustard dranke of our Beere but the Mustard nipping them in their noses they could not indure it was a sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith In time of Dinner the Sauages had stolne a Target wherewith acquainting the Seignior with feare and great trembling they restored it againe thinking perhaps we would haue beene reuenged for it but seeing our familiaritie to continue they fell a fresh to roasting of Crabs Red Herrings which were exceeding great ground Nuts c. as before Our Dinner ended the Seignior first tooke leaue and departed next all the rest sauing foure that stayed and went into the Wood to helpe vs digge Sassafrage whom we desired to goe aboord vs which they refused and so departed The eighth wee diuided the victuals viz. the ships store for England and that of the Planters which by Captaine Gilbert allowance could be but sixe weekes for sixe moneths whereby there fell out a controuersie the rather for that some seemed secretly to vnderstand of a purpose Captaine Gilbert had not to returne with supplie of the issue those goods should make by him to be carried home Besides there wanted not ambitious conceits in the mindes of some wrangling and ill disposed persons that ouerthrew the stay there at that time which vpon consultation thereof had about fiue dayes after was
and Shooes Sawes Pick-axes Spades and Shouels Axes Hatchets Hookes Kniues Sizzers Hammers Nailes Chissels Fish-hookes Bels Beades Bugles Looking-glasses Thimbles Pinnes Needles Threed and such like They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth day of March. We set saile from Milford Hauen where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight in which space we heard of Queene Elizabeths death the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores had first sight of the Pike and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia in the latitude of 43. degrees the 〈◊〉 of Iune which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees as Cedars Spruce Pines and Firre-trees Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods which are better then those of New-found-land and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon also we see no reason to the contrary but that Salt may bee made in these parts a matter of no small importance We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest One of them we named Foxe Iland because we found those kind of beasts thereon So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west we found very safe riding among them in sixe seuen eight ten and twelue fathomes At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe we ranged the same to the South-west In which course we found foure Inlets the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth but hauing passed ouer the barre wee ranne vp into it fiue miles and for a certaine space found very good depth and comming out againe as we sailed South-westward wee lighted vpon two other Inlets which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land the fourth and most Westerly was the best which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles In all these places we found no people but signes of fires where they had beene Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes Beeches Pine-trees Firre-trees Hasels Wich-hasels and Maples We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts as Stags Deere Beares Wolues Foxes Lusernes and Dogges with sharpe noses But meeting with no Sassafras we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands shaping our course for Sauage Rocke discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold where going vpon the Mayne we found people with whom we had no long conuersation because here also we could find no Sassfras Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before coasting and finding people on the North side thereof Not yet satisfied in our expectation we left them and sailed ouer and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes where we went on Land in a certaine Bay which we called Whitson Bay by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll and one of the chiefe Aduenturers and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning wee called it Mount Aldworth for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage aswell with his Purse as with his trauell Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras At our going on shore vpon view of the people and sight of the place wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in for the aduertizement and succour of our men while they should worke in the Woods During our abode on shore the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten twentie fortie or threescore and at one time one hundred and twentie at once We vsed them kindly and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men Their owne victuals were most of fish We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne in whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight and would giue him many things as Tobacco Tobacco-pipes Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long which they vse for Girdles Fawnes skinnes and such like and danced twentie in a Ring and the Gitterne in the middest of them vsing many Sauage gestures singing Io Ia Io Ia Ia Io him that first brake the ring the rest would knocke and cry out vpon Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long and halfe a foote broad before their breasts Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell painted blacke and yellow the strings of three twists of sinewes bigger then our Bow-strings Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle Vulture or Kite as closely fastened with some binding matter as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on Their Quiuers are full a yard long made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue and one handfull beneath with prettie workes and compartiments Diamant wise of red and other colours We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues of whom the Indians were more afraid then of twentie of our men One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes and returned safely And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away These people in colour are inclined to a swart tawnie or Chestnut colour not by nature but accidentally and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind in which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women for we saw not past two of them who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people strong swift well proportioned and giuen to treacherie as in the end we perceiued Their Boats whereof we brought one to Bristoll were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad made of the Barke of a Birch-tree farre exceeding in bignesse those of England it was sowed together with strong and tough
want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands to the great discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships From Tercera Southeast about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael which is about twenty miles long and is likewise full of Townes and Villages inhabited by Portugals for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera The chiefe Towne is called Punta del Gada where there is great traffique of English Scots and Frenchmen onely as in Tercera because of the woad which is more abundant in that Iland then in all the rest of them for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath likewise great abundance of Corne so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers but onely the broad Sea and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera but there they lye not vnder the commandement of any Fort so that many set sayle with all the windes and put to Sea which in the road of Tercera they may not doe and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing but what they will themselues to doe There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles lyeth the Island Santa Maria which is about ten or twelue miles compasse hath no traffique but onely of pot earth which the other Ilands fetch from thence It hath no Woad but is full of all victuals like Tercera and inhabited by the Portugals There are no Spaniards in it because it is a stony Country like Tercera and hard to boord whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it While I remained in Tercera the Earle of Cumberland came thither to take in fresh water and some other victuals but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it but wounded both himselfe and diuers of his men whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles lyeth a little Iland called Gratiosa and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse a very pleasant and fine Iland full of all fruits and all other victuals so that it not onely feedeth it selfe but also Tercera and the other Ilands about it and hath no other kinde of Merchandise it is well built and inhabited by Portugals and hath no Soldiers in it because it is not able to beare the charge The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera came vnto that Iland where himselfe in person with seuen or eight in his company went on land asking certaine Beasts Hens and other Victuals with Wine and fresh water which they willingly gaue him and therewith he departed from thence without doing them any hurt for the which the inhabitants thanked him and commended him for his curtesie and keeping of his promise From Tercera West North-west eight or nine miles lyeth the Iland of Saint George It is about twelue miles long but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth it is wooddy and full of hils it hath no speciall traffique but onely some Woad and yet very little of it The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera it hath likewise many Cedar trees and other kindes of wood that from thence are brought vnto Tercera and sold vnto the Ioyners which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera From Saint George West South-west seuen miles lyeth the Iland called Fayael which is seuenteene or eighteene miles in compasse it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera and Saint Michaels it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals both flesh and fish so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera it hath likewise much Woad so that many English Ships doe traffique thither The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land as they doe before all the other Ilands by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse but of small importance and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all enemies the Soldiers discharged from thence which before that time lay in the Fort complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them The same time that the Earle of Cumberland was in the Iland of Gratiosa he came likewise to Fayael where at the first time that hee came they began to resist him but by reason of some controuersie among them they let him land where he rased the Castle to the ground and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road with prouision of all things that hee wanted and therewith departed againe to Sea Whereupon the King caused the principall actors therein to be punished and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe which went out of Tercera with all kinde of warlike munition and great shot making the Fortresse vp againe the better to defend the Iland trusting no more in the Portugals In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring yet they vse the Portugals language by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead they are greatly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers From Fayael Southeast three miles and from Saint George South-west foure miles and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles lyeth the Iland called Pico which is more then fifteene miles in length It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico which is so high that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria When it is cleare weather it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera as if it were not halfe a mile from thence and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael The top of it is seene cleare and bright but the nether part is couered with clouds and with the Horizon whereby the Iland is much spoken of It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals like Fayael and hath great store of wood as Cedars all other kindes and also the costly wood Teixo There they build many Caruels and small Ships and from thence by reason of the abundance of wood they serue the other Ilands with wood It is also inhabited as the rest are their chiefe traffique being Cattle husbandry It hath much Wine the
he came whereupon the Gouernor of Tercera did him great honor and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their Ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to conuey them either to Siuil or Lisbone where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiesty of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the Siluer with good and safe conuoy Wherepuon the said Aluaro Flores staied there vnder colour of keeping the Siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue fifty thousand Ducats in Pearles which he shewed vnto vs and sought to sell them or barter them with vs for Spices or bils of exchange The said two Ships set saile with three or foure hundred men as well Soldiers as others that came with them and not one man saued Tke Vice-admirall cut downe her Mast and ranne the Ship on ground out of India and being at Sea had a storme wherewith the Admirall burst and sunke in thâ— Sea hard by Sentuual where it burst in peeces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within halfe a mile of the Road of Tercera they met with an English shippe that after they had fought long together tooke them both About seuen or eight moneths before there had beene an English ship in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffique in the Iland there to lade wood and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the Kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streets to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deed as safe in that Iland as if they had beene in prison But in the end vpon a Sunday all the Sailers went downe behind the Hils called Bresill where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the Sea to the Earle of Cumberlands ship which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Iland and anchored with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Ilands which lye about a Bases shot from the Iland and are full of Goats Buckes and Sheepe belonging to the Inhabitants of the Iland of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their Boats and lying at Anchor that day they fetched as many Goats and Sheepe as they had neede of which those of the Towne and of the Iland well saw and beheld yet durst not once go forth so there remayned no more on Land but the Master and the Merchant of the said English ship This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got licence of the Queene of England to set forth a ship therewith to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish shippes before the Towne The Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance the shipss being taken that were worth three hundred thousand Duckets he sent all the men on Land sauing only two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a Letter to the Gouernour of Tercera wherein he wrote that hee should deliuer him his brother and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentleman might make that suite to the King of Spaine him selfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where hee shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fighting as also for their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuary 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firme Land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the Coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing only escaped wherein there were great riches and many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of two hundred and twentie ships that for certaine were knowne to haue put out of Noua Spaigna Santo Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. In the yeere 1989. to sayle for Spaine in Portugall there were not aboue fourteene or fifteene of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same Moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera fifteen or sixteene ships that came from Siuilia which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries and some Brittons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of Souldiers and well appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the Kings commandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there is alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had anchored were forced to cut downe their Masts and were in danger to bee lost and among the rest a ship of Biscay ranne against the Land and was stricken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the Sea and separate themselues one from the other where winde and weather would driue them vntill the fifteenth of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anchor in whereby they indured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meete with small English ship of about fortie tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flagge in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the Hauen as if they had conquered all the Realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flagge vpon her sterne was entring into the Road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paid her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt had taken her if she had beene but a mile further
called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed had only gotten to India as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea and neuer saw Land and came in great misery to Malacca In this ship there died by the way two hundred and eightie men according to a note by himselfe made and sent to the Cardinall at Lisbon with the names and surnames of euery man together with a description of his Voyage and the misery they had indured which was only done because he would not lose the gouernment of India and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life or to arriue in India as indeed he did afterwards but to the great danger losse and hinderance of his company that were forced to buy it with their liues and onely for want of prouision as it may well bee thought for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall as the other ships did hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him for his proude and loftie minde And among other things that shewed his pride the more behind aboue the Gallery of his ship he caused Fortune to be painted and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her as it were threatning Fortune with this Poesie Quero que vencas that is I will haue thee to ouercome which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen that to honour him aboord his ship it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues specially when they are in authoritie for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India being a Souldier and a Captaine where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them and much honoured and beloued of all men as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy hee changed so much from his former behauiour that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before he departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The twentieth of Ianuary Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Tercera that the Englishmen had taken a ship that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies with aduise to the Vice-roy for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India and because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight besides other wares It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen with whom for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lishone where the Captaine was committed Prisoner but hee excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe and he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold and two ships laden with Pepper and Spices that were to saile into Italie the Pepper onely that was in them being worth 170000. Duckets all these ships were carried into England and made good prize In the moneth of Iuly An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting and praying with great sorrow for that many of their houses fell downe and a Towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The Land in some places rose vp and the Cliffes remooued from on place to another and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The Earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the Road and on the Sea shaked as if the World would haâ—e turned round there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of foure dayes there flowed a most cleare water and after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together so that it seemed to turne about but there happened no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The fiue and twentieth of August the Kings Armada comming out of Farol arriued in Tercera being in all thirty Ships Biskates Portugals and Spaniards and ten Dutch flye-boates that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King besides other small Ships Pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the Seas This Nauie came to stay for and conuoy the Sâ—â—ps that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy it to Lisbone The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about sixteene Ships as then lay staying for the Spanish Fleete whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong the Admirall being the Lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall Sir Richard Greenfield being in the Ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish Fleete and shot among them doing them great hurt and thinking the rest of the company would haue followed which they did not but left him there and sailed away the cause why they could not know which the Spaniards perceiuing with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least twelue houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes and Admirall of the Flie-boates the other a Biscaine But in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse
for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue foure hundred men and of the English were slaine about a hundred Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was borne into the Sâ—ip called the Saint Paul wherein was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish Surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondring at his courage and stout heart for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor changing of coloâ—r But feeling the houre of death to approach he spake these words in Spanish and said Here dye I Richard Greenfield with a ioyfull and quiet minde for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe that hath fought for his Countrey Queene Religion and honour whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier that hath done his duetie as hee was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage and no man could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England and had great yearely reuenewes of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde and greatly affected to warre in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Qâ—eene He had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowne of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse and spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue sailed away for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them and followed not after commanded the great saile to be cut that they might make away but Sir Richard Greenfield threatned both him and all the rest that were in the Ship that if any man laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight and in the end were taken He was of so hard a complexion that as hee continued among the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and swallow them downe so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the Ship as the Captaine of the Souldiers the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them one taking the chiefe Ancient and the other the Flagge and the Captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera there to repaire themselues where being arriued I and my chamber-fellow to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine and one of the twelue Apostles whose Captaine was called Bertandono that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the Gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him and had on a sute of blacke Veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a little speake The English Captaine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the least ten or twelue wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at Sea betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died The Captaine wrote a Letter wherein he declared all the manner of the fight and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the Lord Admirall of England The English Captaine comming to Lisbone was there well receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual and from thence sayled into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September to assemble the rest of the Fleete together which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships partly comming from India and partly of the Army and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme that those of the Iland did affirme that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the Cliffes which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the Sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde but seuen or eight dayes continually the winde turning round about in all places of the compasse at the least twice or thrice during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at Sea so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue twelue Ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner whereby nothing else was heard but complaining crying lamenting and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme they did nothing else but fish for dead men that continually came driding on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon
a Cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in a hundred peeces and sunke to the ground hauing in her seuenty men Gallegos Biscaines and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the Cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shriuen and thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire Brasse Peeces that were all sunke in the Sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to weigh vp againe the next Summer following Among these Ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boate one of those that had bin arested in Portugall to serue the King called the White Doue The Master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland and there were in her one hundred Souldies as in euery one of the rest there was He being ouer ruled by the Captaine that he could not be Master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safety onely to consist in putting into the Road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the Master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoiled but the Captain called him drunkard Heretick and striking him with a staffe commanded him to do as he would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it said well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away I can but loose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shoare and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing else but hard stones and Rockes as high as Mountaines most terrible to behold where some of the Inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throw them downe vnto the men that they might lay hold vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in peeces before they could get to the wall The Ship sailed in this manner as I said before towards the Iland and approaching to the shoare the Master being an old man and full of yeares called his Sonne that was in the ship with him and hauing imbraced one another and taken their last farewell the good old father willed his Sonne not to take care for him but seeke to saue himselfe for said he sonne thou art yong and may haue some hope to saue thy life but as for me it is no great matter I am old what become of me and therewith each of these shedding many teares as euery louing father and kinde childe may well consider the ship fell vpon the Cliffes and brake in peeces the Father on the one side the sonne on the other side falling into the sea each laying hold vpon that which came next to hand but to no purpose for the sea was so high and furious that they were all drowned and onely foureteene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming with their legges and armes halfe broken and out of ioynt among the which was the Masters sonne and foure other Dutch Boyes the rest of the Spaniards and sailers with the Captaine and Master were drowned whose heart would not melt with teares to behold so grieuous a sight specially considering with himselfe that the greatest cause thereof was the beastlinesse and insolency of the Spaniards as in this onely example may well be seene whereby may be considered how the other ships sped as we our selues did in part behold and by the men that were saued did heare more at large as also some others of our Countrimen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera for on the Iland of Saint George there were two Ships cast away on the Iland of Pico two Ships on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships besides those there came euerywhere round about diuers peeces of broken ships other things fleeting towards the Ilands wherewith the Sea was all couered most pittifull to behold On the Iland of Saint Michael there were foure Ships cast away and betweene Tercera and Saint Michaels three more were sunke which were seene and heard to crie out whereof not one man was saued The rest put into the Sea without Masts all torne and rent so that of the whole Fleete and Armado being one hundred and forty ships in all there were but thirty two or thirty three ariued in Spaine and Portugall yea and those few with so great misery paine and labour that not two of them arriued there together but this day one and to morrow another next day the third so one after the other to the number aforesaid All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands and ouerwhelmed in the sea whereby may be considered what great losse and hinderance they receiued at that time for by many mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more then was leftby their Armie that came for England and it may well be thought and presumed that it was no other but a iust plague purposely sent by God vpon the Spaniards and that it might truely be said the taking of the Reuenge was iustly reuenged vpon them and not by the might or force of man but by the power of God as some of them openly said in the Isle of Tercera that they beleeued verily God would consume them and that he tooke part with Lutherans and Heretickes saying further that so soone as they had throwne the dead body of the Viceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord they verily thought that as he had a diuellish Faith and Relion and therefore the Diuels loued him so he presently sunke into the bottome of the Sea and downe into Hell where he raised vp all the Diuels to the reuenge of his death and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards because they onely maintained the Catholike and Romish Religion such and the like blasphemies against God they ceased not openly to vtter without that any man reproued them therein nor for their false opinions but the most part of them rather said and affirmed that of truth it must needes be so As one of those Indian Fleetes put out of Noua Spaigna there were fiue and thirty of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea being fiftie in all so that but fifteene escaped Of the Fleete that came from Santo Domingo there were foureteene cast away comming out of the Channell of Hauana whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two of them and from Terra Firma in India there came two ships laden with Gold and Siluer that were taken by the Englishmen and before the Spanish Armie came
Iland we saw a Whale chased by a Thresher and a Sword-fish they fought for the space of two houres we might see the Thresher with his flayle layon the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold in the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Marâ—galanta and the next day wee sailed with a slacke saile alongst the I le of Guadalupa where we went ashore and found a Bath which was so hot that no man was able to stand long by it our Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be put in it which boyled it so in the space of halfe an houre as no fire could mend it Then we went aboord and sailed by many Ilands as Mounserot and an Iland called Saint Christopher both vnhabited about about two a clocke in the afternoone wee anchored at the I le of Meuis There the Captaine landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets and other conuenient Armes marched a mile into the Woods being commanded to stand vpon their guard fearing the treacherie of the Indians which is an ordinary vse amongst them and all other Sauages on this I le we came to a Bath standing in a Valley betwixt two Hils where wee bathed our selues and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England some places hot and some colder and men may refresh themselues as they please finding this place to be so conuenient for our men to auoid diseases which will breed in so long a Voyage wee incamped our selues on this Ile sixe dayes and spent none of our ships victuall by reason our men some went a hunting some a fouling and some a fishing where we got great store of Conies sundry kinds of fowles and great plentie of fish We kept Centinels and Courts de gard at euery Captaines quarter fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians that were on the other side of the Iland wee saw none nor were molested by any but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Iland They would not come to vs by any meanes but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine tops so we lost the sight of them whereupon we made all the haste wee could to our quarter thinking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there abouts We past into the thickest of the Woods where we had almost lost our selues we had not gone aboue halfe a mile amongst the thicke but we came into a most pleasant Garden being a hundred paces square on euery side hauing many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance of Cotton-wooll and many Guiacum trees wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden as though they had beene set by Art which made vs maruell very much to see it The third day wee set saile from Meuis the fourth day we sailed along by Castutia and by Saba This day we anchored at the I le of Virgines in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred Ships if this Bay stood in England it would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land On this Iland wee caught great store of Fresh-fish and abundance of Sea Tortoises which serued all our Fleet three daies which were in number eight score persons We also killed great store of wilde Fowle wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon and very hot in the mouth This Iland in some places hath very good gâ—â—â—nd straight and tall Timber But the greatest discommoditie that wee haue seene on this Isand is that it hath no Fresh-water which makes the place void of any Inhabitants Vpon the sixt day we set saile and passed by Becam and by Saint Iohn deportorico The seuenth day we arriued at Mona where wee watered which we stood in great need of seeing that our water did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to indure it Whilst some of the Saylers were a filling the Caskes with water the Captaine and the rest of the Gentlemen and other Soldiers marched vp in the I le sixe myles thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our victualling as wee marched we killed two wild Bores and saw a huge wild Bull his hornes was an ell betweene the two tops Wee also killed Guanas in fashion of a Serpent and specklâ—d like a Toade vnder the belly These wayes that wee went being so trouble some and vilde going vpon the sharpe Rockes that many of our men fainted in the march but by good fortune wee lost none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman whose fat melted within him by the great heate and drought of the Countrey we were not able to relieue him nor our selues so he died in that great extreamitie The ninth day in the afternoone we went off with our Boat to the I le of Moneta some three leagues from Mona where we had a terrible landing and a troublesome getting vp to the top of the Mountaine or I le being a high firme Rocke step with many terrible sharpe stones After wee got to the top of the I le we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground full of goodly grasse and abundance of Fowles of all kindes they flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Hale besides they made such a noise that wee were not able to heare one another speake Furthermore wee were not able to set our feet on the ground but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke in the grasse Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three houres to our great refreshing The tenth day we set saile and disimboged out of the West Indies and bare our course Northerly The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer The one and twentieth day about fiue a clocke at night there began a vehement tempest which lasted all the night with winds raine and thunders in a terrible manner Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night because we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee were The next morning being the two and twentieth day wee sounded and the three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day but we could find no ground The fiue and twentieth day we sounded and had no ground at an hundred fathom The six and twentieth day of Aprill about foure a clocke in the morning wee descried the Land of Virginia the same day wee entred into the Bay of Chesupioc directly without any let or hinderance there wee landed and discouered a little way but wee could find nothing worth the speaking of but faire meddowes and goodly tall Trees with such Fresh-waters running through the woods as I was almost rauished at the first sight thereof At night when wee were going aboard there came the Sauages creeping vpon all foure from the Hills like Beares with their Bowes in their mouthes charged vs very desperately in the faces hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both his hands
of his Crowne His body was painted all with Crimson with a Chaine of Beads about his necke his face painted blew besprinkled with siluer Ore as wee thought his eares all behung with Braslets of Pearle and in either eare a Birds Claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold he entertained vs in so modest a proud fashion as though he had beene a Prince of ciuill gouernment holding his countenance without laughter or any such ill behauiour he caused his Mat to be spred on the ground where hee sate downe with a great Maiestie taking a pipe of Tabacco the rest of his company standing about him After he had rested a while he rose and made signes to vs to come to his Towne Hee went formost and all the rest of his people and ourselues followed him vp a steepe Hill where his Palace was settled Wee passed through the Woods in fine paths hauing most pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountaines Wee also went through the goodliest Corne fieldes that euer was seene in any Countrey When wee came to Rapahannos Towne hee entertained vs in good humanitie The eight day of May we discouered vp the Riuer We landed in the Countrey of Apamatica at our landing there came many stout and able Sauages to resist vs with their Bowes and Arrowes in a most warlike manner with the swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones and pieces of yron able to cleaue a man in sunder Amongst the rest one of the chiefest standing before them crosse-legged with his Arrow readie in his Bow in one hand and taking a Pipe of Tobacco in the other with a bold vttering of his speech demanded of vs our being there willing vs to bee gone Wee made signes of peace which they perceiued in the end and let vs land in quietnesse The twelfth day we went backe to our ships and discouered a point of Land called Archers Hope which was sufficient with a little labour to defend our selues against any Enemy The soile was good and fruitfull with excellent good Timber There are also great store of Vines in bignesse of a mans thigh running vp to the tops of the Trees in great abundance We also did see many Squirels Conies Black Birds with crimson wings and diuers other Fowles and Birds of diuers and sundrie collours of crimson Watchet Yellow Greene Murry and of diuers other hewes naturally without any art vsing We found store of Turkie nests and many Egges if it had not beene disliked because the ship could not ride neere the shoare we had setled there to all the Collonies contentment The thirteenth day we came to our seating place in Paspihas Countrey some eight miles from the point of Land which I made mention before where our shippes doe lie so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water The fourteenth day we landed all our men which were set to worke about the fortification and others some to watch and ward as it was conuenient The first night of our landing about midnight there came some Sauages sayling close to our quarter presently there was an alarum giuen vpon that the Sauages ran away and we not troubled any more by them that night Not long after there came two Sauages that seemed to be Commanders brauely drest with Crownes of coloured haire vpon their heads which came as Messengers from the Werowance of Paspihae telling vs that their Werowance was comming and would be merry with vs with a fat Deare The eighteenth day the Werowance of Paspihae came himselfe to our quarter with one hundred Sauages armed which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowes and Arrowes thinking at that time to execute their villany Paspihae made great signes to vs to lay our Armes away But we would not trust him so far he seeing he could not haue conuenient time to worke his will at length made signes that he would giue vs as much land as we would desire to take As the Sauages were in a throng in the Fort one of them stole a Hatcket from one of our company which spied him doing the deed whereupon he tooke it from him by force and also strooke him ouer the arme presently another Sauage seeing that came fiercely at our man with a wooden sword thinking to beat out his braines The Werowance of Paspiha saw vs take to our Armes weat suddenly away with all his company in great anger The nineteenth day my selfe and three or foure more walking into the Woods by chance wee espied a path-way like to an Irish pace wee were desirous to knowe whither it would bring vs wee traced along some foure miles all the way as wee went hauing the pleasantest Suckles the ground all flowing ouer with faire flowers of sundry colours and kindes as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard in England There be many Strawberries and other fruits vnknowne wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse trees with other trees which issues out sweet Gummes like to Balsam wee kept on our way in this Paradise at length wee came to a Sauage Towne where wee found but few people they told vs the rest were gone a hunting with the Werowance of Paspiha we stayed there a while and had of them Strawberries and other things in the meane time one of the Sauages came running out of his house with a Bowe and Arrowes and ranne mainly through the Woods then I beganne to mistrust some villanie that he went to call some companie and so betray vs wee made all the haste away wee could one of the Sauages brought vs on the way to the Wood side where there was a Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and herbes he gathered Tobacco and distributed to euery one of vs so wee departed The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent fortie of his men with a Deere to our quarter but they came more in villanie than any loue they bare vs they faine would haue layne in our Fort all night but wee would not suffer them for feare of their treachery One of our Gentlemen hauing a Target which hee trusted in thinking it would beare out a slight shot hee set it vp against a tree willing one of the Sauages to shoot who tooke from his backe an Arrow of an elle long drew it strongly in his Bowe shoots the Target a foote thorow or better which was strange being that a Pistoll could not pierce it Wee seeing the force of his Bowe afterwards set him vp a steele Target he shot again and burst his arrow all to pieces he presently pulled out another Arrow and bit it in his teeth and seemed to bee in a great rage so hee went away in great anger Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell their strings of Leather their Arrowes of Canes or Hasell headed with very sharpe stones and are made artificially like a broad Arrow other some of their Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres
some fortie or fiftie men These as also Apamatuck Irrohatocke and Powhatan are their great Kings chiefe Alliance and inhabitance The rest as they report his Conquests Before we come to the third Riuer that falleth from the Mountaines there is another Riuer some thirtie miles nauigable that commeth from the In-land the Riuer is called Payankatanke the Inhabitants are about some fortie seruiceable men The third nauigable Riuer is called Toppahanock This is nauigable some one hundred and thirtie miles At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoackes amongst the Mountaines but they are aboue the place we describe Vpon this Riuer on the North side are seated a people called Cuttatowomen with thirtie fighting men Higher on the Riuer are the Moraughtacunds with eightie able men Beyond them Toppahanocke with one hundred men Farre aboue is another Cuttatawomen with twentie men On the South farre within the Riuer is Nautaughtacund hauing one hundred and fiftie men This Riuer also as the two former is replenished with fish and fowle The fourth Riuer is called Patawomeke and is sixe or seuen miles in breadth It is nauigable one hundred and fortie miles and fed as the rest with many sweet Riuers and Springs which fall from the bordering Hils These Hils many of them are planted and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit then the Riuer exceedeth with abundance of fish This Riuer is inhabited on both sides First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath some one hundred and thirtie men beyond them Sekacawone with thirtie The Onawmanient with one hundred Then Patawomeke with one hundred and sixtie able men Here doth the Riuer diuide it selfe in to three or foure conuenient Riuers The greatest of the least is called Quiyough trendeth Northwest but the Riuer itselfe turneth North-east and is still a nauigable streame On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with fortie men On the North of this Riuer is Secowocomoco with fortie men Some what further Potapaco with twentie In the East part of the bought of the Riuer is Pamacacack with sixtie men After Moyowances with one hundred And lastly Nacotchtanke with eightie able men The Riuer tenne miles aboue this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant Vally ouer-shadowed in many places with high Rockie Mountaines from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant Springs The fift Riuer is called Pawtuxunt and is of a lesse proportion then the rest but the channell is sixteene or eighteene fadome deepe in some places Here are infinite skuls of diuers kinds of fish more then elsewhere Vpon this Riuer dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak Pawtuxunt and Mattapaxient Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceiued But they inhabit together and not so dispersed as the rest These of all other were found the most ciuill to giue entertainment Thirtie leagues Northward is a Riuer not inhabited yet nauigable for the red Earth or Clay resembling Bole Armoniack the English called it Bolus At the end of the Bay where it is sixe or seuen miles in breadth there fall into it foure small Riuers three of them issuing from diuers bogges inuironed with high Mountaines There is one that commeth due North three or foure dayes iourney from the head of the Bay and fals from Rockes and Mountaines vpon this Riuer inhabit a people called Sasquesahanocke They are seated two dayes higher then was passage for the Discouerers Barge which was hardly two tunnes and had in it but twelue men to performe this Discouery wherein they lay aboue the space of twelue weekes vpon those great waters in those vnknowne Countries hauing nothing but a little Meale or Oat-meale and water to feed them and scarce halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time but that by the Sauages and by the plenty of fish they found in all places they made themselues prouision as opportunity serued yet had they not a Mariner or any that had skill to trimme their Sayles vse their Oares or any businesse belonging to the Barge but two or three The rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour yet necessitie in a short time by their Captaines diligence and example taught them to become so perfect that what they did by such small meanes I leaue to the censure of the Reader to iudge by this Discourse and the annexed Map But to proceed sixtie of those Sasquesahanocks came to the Discouerers with Skinnes Bowes Arrowes Targets Beades Swords and Tobacco-pipes for Presents Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene for they seemed like Giants to the English yea and to the Neighbours yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition with much adoe restrained from adoring the Discouerers as Gods Those are the most strange people of all those Countries both in Language and Attire for their Language it may well beseeme their proportions founding from them as it were a great voyce in a Vault or Caue as an Eccho Their Attire is the Skinnes of Beares and Woolues some haue Cassacks made of Beares heads and Skinnes that a mans necke goes through the Skinnes necke and the Eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders behind the Nose and Teeth hanging downe his breast and at the end of the Nose hung a Beares Pawe the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes were the neckes of the Beares and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their Noses One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a Chaine for a Iewell his Tobacco-pipe three quarters of a yard long prettily carued with a Bird a Beare a Deere or some such deuice at the great end sufficient to beate out the braines of a man with Bowes and Arrowes and Clubs sutable to their greatnesse and conditions These are scarce knowne to Powhatan They can make neere sixe hundred able and mightie men and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomckes their mortall enemies Fiue of their chiefe Werowanccs came aboord the Discouerers and crossed the Bay in their Barge The Picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe The calfe of whose legge was three quarters of a yard about and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion that hee seemed the goodliest man that euer wee beheld His haire the one side was long the other shorne close with a ridge ouer his crowne like a Cockes Combe His Arrowes were fiue quarters long headed with flints or spinters of stones in forme like a Heart an inch broad and an inch and a halfe or more long These hee wore in a Woolues Skinne at his backe for his Quiuer his Bow in the one hand and his Clubbe in the other as is described On the East side the Bay is the Riuer of Tockwhogh and vpon it a people that can make one hundred men seated some seuen miles within the Riuer where they haue a Fort very well
in but they hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan vnto whom they pay tribute of Skins Beads Copper Pearle Deare Turkies wild Beasts and Corne. What hee commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing It is strange to see with what great feare adoration all these people do obey this Powhatan For at his feet they present whatsoeuer hee commandeth at the least frowne of his brow their greatest spirits will tremble with feare and no maruell for hee is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him For example hee caused certaine malefactors to bee bound hand and foot then hauing many fires gathering great store of burning coles they rake these coles round in the forme of a cock-pit and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death Somtimes hee causeth the heads of them that offend him to bee laid vpon the altar or sacrificing stone and one with clubs beat out their braines When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor hee causeth him to bee tied to a tree and with Muscle shels or Reeds the executioner cutteth off his ioynts one after another euer casting what they cut off into the fire then doth hee proceed with S 〈…〉 els and Reeds to case the skin from his head and face then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all Thus themselues reported they executed George Cassen Their ordinary correction is to beat them with cudgels Wee haue seene a man kneeling on his knees and at Powhatans command two men haue beat him on the bare skin till hee hath fallen senselesse in a sound and yet neuer cry nor complained In the yeere 1608 he surprised the people of Payankatank his neere neighbours and subiects The occasion was to vs vnknowne but the manner was thus First he sent diuers of his men to lodge amongst them that night then the Ambusacodes inuironed all their houses and at the hour appointed they all fel to the spoile twenty foure men they slew the long haire of their one side of their heads with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds they brought away They surprised also the women the children and the Werowance All these they present to Powhatan The Werowance women and children became his prisoners and doe him seruice The lockes of haire with their skins he hanged on a line vnto two trees And thus hee made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco shewing them to the English men that then came vnto him at his appoitment they expecting prouision he to betray them supposed to halfe conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthy of note which I haue purposely collected to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia Yet some bad natures will not stick to slander the Countrey that will slouenly spit at all things especially in company where they can find none to contradict them Who though they were scarce euer ten miles from Iames Towne or at the most but at the Falls yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action their actions were nothing exclaime of all things though they neuer aduentured to know any thing nor euer did any thing but deuoure the fruits of other mens labours Being for most part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall accidents because they found not English Cities nor such faire houses nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties with Feather-beds and Down-pillowes Tauernes and Ale-houses in euery breathing place neither such plentie of Gold and Siluer and dissolute libertie as they expected had little or no care of any thing but to pamper their bellies to fly away with our Pinnaces or procure their meanes to returne for England For the Countrey was to them a misery a ruine a death a hell their reports here and their owne actions were there according Some other there were that had yeerely stipends to passe to and againe for transportation who to keepe the mystery of the businesse in themselues though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselues yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie as they could make their ignorances seeme much more then all the true actors could by their experience And those with their great wordes deluded the world with such strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the rest For the businesse being builded vpon the foundation of their fained experience the planters the Money Tin and meanes haue still miscarried yet they euer returning and the Planters so farre absent who could contradict their excuses which still to maintaine their vain-glory and estimation from time to time they haue vsed such diligence as made them passe for truths though nothing more false And that the aduenturers might be thus abused let no man wonder for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting verball and idle contemplators and those so deuoted to pure idlenesse that though they had liued two or three yeeres in Virginia lordly necessitie it selfe could not compel them to passe the Pninsula or Pallisadoes of Iames Town those wittie spirits what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our transporters to get victuall from their ships or obtaine their good words in England to their passes Thus the clamors and the ignorance of false informers are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia and our ingenious Verbalists were no lesse plague to vs in Virginia then the Locusts to the Egyptians For the labour of thirtie of the best only preserued in Christianitie by their industry the idle liuers of neere two hundred of the rest who liuing neere ten months of such naturall meanes as the Countrey naturally of it selfe afforded notwithstanding all this and the worst fury of the Sauages the extremitie of sicknesse mutinies faction ignorances and want of victuall in all that time I lost but seuen or eight men yet subiected the Sauages to our desired obedience and receiued contribution from fiue and thirtie of their Kings to protect and assist them against any that should assault them in which order they continued true and faithfull and as subiects to his Maiestie so long after as I did gouerne there vntill I left the Countrey since how they haue reuolted the Countrey lost and againe replanted and the businesses haue succeeded from time to time I refer you to the relations of them returned from Virginia that haue beene more diligent in such obseruations gathered out of the Writings of diuers of that Plantation by Doctor William Simons CHAP. IIII. The proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia taken faithfully out of the writings of THOMAS STVDLY Cape-Merchant ANAS TODKILL Doctor RVSSELL NATHANIEL POWELL WILLIAM PHETIPLACE and RICHARD POT
laid her selfe to wind-ward if either we should passe forward or anchor short againe so that we perceiued they meant to assault vs on all hands for she let flye a whole broad-side vpon vs and came furiously vp to our lee quarter without damage or resistance of our parts But when we were thus terrified and threatned by them and thus encombred and disanimated amongst our selues knowing withall by reason of our ill prepared Ordnance the disaduantage and hazard to be boorded at anchor by two good Ships well prepared for spoyle and ruine we hoysed vp our sailes and determined to set forward had not the vice-Admirall come on our star-boord side and beate vpon vs so hardly that we fell to our businesse and answered their vnkndenesse accordingly with many faire shot which proued most effectuall especially from a demy-culuering which at last shot her betweene winde and water so that shee was compelled from vs and bare off to Sea leauing her Admirall onely single with vs who at last came fairely in our quarter to winde-ward taking in her Holland flagge and aduanced her Spanish colours and so haled vs. We quietly and quickly answered both what we were and whither wee were bound discouering the effect of our Commission and relating the cause of our tarying there for water neither purposing to annoy any subiect of the King of Spaines nor by way of affront to braue either Merchant or man of Warre Then she charged vs to strike our sailes for the King of Spaine and vaile the bonnet according to the prerogatiue they had in those Seas we replyed with enlarging the particulars of the league betweene the King our Master and their King adding with all that as we intended no ill we would take no wrong Whereupon the Master left the poope and sequestred himselfe from such open conference had they not called for the Captaine againe who at last presented himselfe till they commanded him to come aboord with his Commission which he refused yet wished them to send their Boat aboord and then they should see it most willingly But instead either of answering vs further with kinde words or accepting of our reply in good part they made two great shot at vs and poured among vs such a volley of small shot before we could get off the poope that we thanked God they did no more harme yet we were much amazed they did so much not thus content they waued vs with their bright swords and reuiled vs with opprobrious tearmes mis-tearming vs dogs and inuenting more odious names against vs then we could imagine that Christians durst vrge one another withall at last they laid vs aboord which enforced vs to raise vp our maine sayle and to giue the word to our small shot which all this while lay close well resolued and prepared but sodainely breaking forth wee plyed them in such sort that wee made them giue backe and shrinke from their former forwardnesse The fight continued some halfe houre in our quarter and according to the terrour of such encounters wee were compast as it were in fire and smoake vntill they discouered the waste of our Ship naked and were encouraged with the hope of reciprocall damage whereupon they brauely ranne vpon our side and laid vs aboord loofe to loofe hastning with Pikes and Swords to enter to which was added such fury that if they had not beene preuented we should haue shrunke vnder the rage of a barbarous slaughter but it pleased God so to direct our Master with aduice and encourage our men with valour that our Pikes being formerly placed vnder our halfe decke and certaine shot lying close for that purpose vnder the portels of the Shippe encountred them so brauely that their fury was not onely rebated but their hastinesse intercepted and the whole Company beaten backe especially vpon the wind-ward side where the charge was hottest and the fight bloodiest for theâ—e the throng was great and men had worke enough to make proofe of their courages and fortunes Diuers of our men were hurt and many fell on their side In the end they were violently repulsed by vs enforced to a retreat vntill they were reinforced backe againe by their Commanders who standing vpon tearmes of honor as being men of Warre and designed for that purpose thought it an indignity to be so afronted and countermanded which caused a second charge and that was answered with a second beating backe till the Captaine himselfe grew enraged as not brooking to be so much ouermated and constrained them to come on a fresh which they did so effectually that questionlesse it had wrought an alteration if the God that tosseth Monarchies and teareth the Mountaines in his fury had not taught vs to tosse our Pikes with prosperous euent and poured out a sodaine volley of small shot vpon them whereby that worthy Commander was slaine at the foote of a Pike and many of his Souldiers dropped downe on the top of the hatches Presently our Master tooke aduantage of their discomfiture though with some commiseration for their valiant Captaine so slaine that hee not onely plyed them a fresh with great Ordnance but had more false shot vnder the Pikes which were bestowed to good purpose and amased our enemies with the sodainnesse Amongst the rest one Lucas our Carpenters mate must not be forgotten who perceiued a way how to annoy them as they were thus pusled and in a confusion drue out a minion which hee nobly set a worke vnder the halfe decke till at the last hee brought it to the doxe of the halfe decke and there bent it vpon them but in such a manner that when it was fiered the cases full of stones and peeces of Iron fell vpon them like haile and cleared their decke in such a sort that it slue many and in short time we saw few assailants but onely such as crept from place to place very couertly and seemed willing to obscure themselues from the fury of our shot which now was thicker then theirs For although as farre as we may commend our enemies they had done some things worthy of admiration yet either wanting men or ouertaken with the vnlooked for valour of our company they now began to shrinke and gaue vs leaue to be wanton with our aduantage Yet were our great Ordnance onely foure that we could vse in this fight but it should seeme they serued the turne as well as foure times foure for they shot her diuers times betweene winde and water and so preuailed that at last we saw many signes of their willingnesse to leaue vs but by reason she was fast in a slach of our cable which in haste of weighing our anchor hung loose she could not be diuided nor make that way shee purposed vntill one of our men cut it with an Axe without direction and was slaine for his labour But when she perceiued she was loose after she had beene a
master-peece of workes their conuersion And by this meanes that fatall Friday morning there fell vnder the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhumane people contrary to all lawes of God and Men of Nature and Nations three hundred and forty seuen men women and children most by their owne weapons and not being content with taking away life alone they fell after againe vpon the dead making as well as they could a fresh murder defacing dragging and mangling the dead carkasses into many peeces and carrying some parts away in derision with base and bruitish triumph Neither yet did these Beasts spare those amongst the rest well knowne vnto them from whom they had daily receiued many benefits and fauours but spitefully also massacred them One instance of it amongst too many shall serue for all That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorpe Esquire Deputie of the Colledge lands sometimes one of his Maiesties Pensioners and in one of the principall places of command in Uirginia did so truely and earnestly affect their conuersion and was so tender ouer them that whosoeuer vnder his authority had giuen them but the least displeasure or discontent hee punished them seuerely He thought nothing too deare for them and as being desirous to binde them vnto him by his many courtesies he neuer denied them any thing that they asked him insomuch that when these Sauages complained vnto him of the fiercenesse of our Mastiues most implacable and terrible vnto them knowing them by instinct it seemes to be but treacherous and false-hearted friends to vs better then our selues he to gratifie them in all things for the winning of them by degrees caused some of them to be killed in their presence to the great displeasure of the owners and would haue all the rest guelt had he not beene hindered to make them the gentler and the milder to them Hee was not onely too kinde and beneficiall to the common sort but also to their King to whom he oft resorted and gaue many presents which he knew to be highly pleasing to him And whereas this King before dwelt onely in a Cottage or rather a denne or Hog-stye made with a few poles and stickes and couered with Mats after their wilde manner to ciuilize him he first built him a faire House according to the English fashion in which as before is said he tooke such ioy especially in his Locke and Key which hee so admired as locking and vnlocking his doore an hundred times a day he thought no deuice in all the world was comparable to it Thus insinuating himselfe to this King for his Religious purposes he conferred after with him oft and intimated to him matters of our Religion and thus farre the Pagan confessed moued by naturall Principles that our God was a good God and better much then theirs in that hee had with so many good things aboue them endowed vs. He told him if he would serue our God he should be partaker of all those good things we had and of farre greater then sence or reason euer could imagine He won vpon him as he thought in many things so as hee gaue him faire hearing and good answer and seemed to be much pleased with his discourse and in his companie And both he and his people for the daily courtesies this good Gentleman did to one or other of them did professe such outward loue and respect vnto him as nothing could seeme more but all was little regarded after by this Viperous brood as the sequell shewed for they not onely wilfully murdered him but cruelly and felly out of a diuellish malice did so many barbarous despights and foule scornes after to his dead corps as are vnbefitting to be heard by any ciuill eare One thing I cannot omit that when this good Gentleman vpon his fatall houre was warned by his man who perceiued some treachery intended to them by these hell-hounds to looke to himselfe and withall ran away for feare of the mischiefe he strongly apprehended and so saued his owne life yet his Master out of the conscience of his owne good meaning and faire deserts euer towards them was so voide of all suspition and so full of confidence that they had sooner killed him then he could or would beleeue they meant any ill against him At the time of this Massacre there were three or foure of our Ships in Iames Riuer and one in the next Riuer and daily more to come in as three did within foureteene daies after one of which they endeuoured to haue surprised but in vaine as had also beene their whole attempt had any the least fore-knowledge beene in those places where the Massacre was committed yet were the hearts of the English euer stupid and auerted from beleeuing any thing that might weaken their hopes of speedy winning the Sauages to Ciuilitie and Religion by kinde vsage and faire conuersing amongst them Hee and the whole Counsell writ further That Almighty God they doubt not hath his great worke to doe in this Tragedy and will thereout draw honour and glory to his great Name safety and a more flourishing estate to themselues and the whole Plantation there and the more speedy conuersion of the Children of those Sauages to himselfe since he so miraculously preserued so many of the English whose desire to draw those people to Religion by the carelesse neglect of their owne safeties seemes to haue beene the greatest cause of their owne ensuing destruction Yet it pleased God to vse some of them as instruments to saue many of their liues whose soules they had formerly saued as at Iames Citie and other places and the Pinnace trading in Pamounkey Riuer all whose liues were saued by a conuerted Indian disclosing the plot in the instant These wilde naked Natiues liue not in great numbers together but dispersed and in small companies and where most together not aboue two hundred and that very rare in other places fifty or forty or thereabouts and many miles distant from one another in such places among the Woods where they either found or might easeliest make some cleared plots of ground which they imploy wholly in setting of Corne whereby to sustaine their liues These small and scattered Companies as I haue said had warning giuen from one another in all their habitations to meete at the day and houre appointed for our destruction at all our seuerall Townes and places seated vpon the Riuer some were directed to goe to one place some to another all to be done at the same day and time which they did accordingly some entring their Houses vnder colour of trucking and so taking aduantage others drawing our men abroad vpon faire pretences and the rest suddenly falling vpon those that were at their labours By Letters and those that returned it is certified that besides Master George Thorpe before mentioned Master Iohn Berkeley Captaine Nathaniel Powel and his wife daughter of Master William Tracy and great with childe and
Mynes made them the seruants of Rome and Carthage and what their Mynes and mindes doe now I leaue them to others Once as the Mynes are in barrennest soyle and couetous men haue least euen when they are had of most money medijs vt Tantalus vndis so I haue heard that in Spaine is lesse Gold and Siluer then in other parts of Europe I dare not mention the proportions from both Spanish and English relation their vsuall money also to meddle with no more is of base mettall and their greatest summes computed by Marauedis lesse then our later tokens except which deuised for poorer vses of the poorest England of long time knowes no base monyes and hath seene plentie of Siluer and Gold of Wine and Oyle which grow not in her when Spaine which produceth these is fed with salads and drinketh water helped now and then with Hogges-kinne vnsauoury Wine The Indian Fountaines runne with golden and siluer streames sic vos non vobis not to themselues but into that Spanish Cisterne and these Cisternes are like those of the London Water-house which hath the Conduit Pipes alway open in the bottome so that a thousand other Cisternes hold more water then it so may it be said of the other it is not Concha but Canalis a Pipe rather then Cisterne a Cash-keeper rather then Owner and which is spoken of better things remaining poore makes many rich To proceed are not Myners the most miserable of Slaues toyled continually and vnto manifold deaths tired for others in bringing to light those Treasures of darknesse and liuing if they liue or if that bee a life in the suburbs of Hell to make others dreame of Heauen Yea Paradise the modell of heauen had in it no Minerals nor was Adam in his innocency or Noah after the Worlds recouery both Lords of all employed in Mines but in those happy workes which Uirginia inuiteth England vnto in Vines Gardening and Husbandry Neither let any man thinke that I pleade against the sourenesse of the Grapes like the Foxe which could not reach them but I seriously shew that they are calues and not men which adore the golden Calfe or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue as if the body were not more then raiment and those things to be preferred to money for whose sake mony the creature of man base Idolatry where the Creator worships his creature was first ordained and still hath both vse and being Doe we not see in this respect that the Silkes Calicos Drugges and Spices of the East swallow vp not to mention the Belgian whirlepoole all the Mines of the West and that one Carricke carrieth more Rials thither then perhaps some whole Region in Spaine retaineth for vulgar vse And whence are English Portugals or Dutchmen fitted for that commerce as if America had ominously for other iust reason there is none beene called India as if the West were but drudge and factor for the East And what hath dispeopled the New World not leauing in some places one of Millions but Auri sacra fames others killing them in the Mines or they killing themselues to preuent the Mines Let it be riches enough that Sir Thomas Dale testified by Letters from thence and after his returne to me that foure of the best Kingdomes of Christendome were not for naturall endowments comparable to Virginia and which I haue heard of one which hath trauelled in all the best Regions of Europe and hath seene more of Virginia then perhaps any man else and which needes not speake for any gaine there or thence gotten as no reputed fauourite or fauourer of that Society and their actions that he hath seene no Country to be preferred for soile nor for commodious Riuers to be compared And if successe hath not beene correspondent to English hopes who seeth not the causes of those diseasters Diuision that taile-headed Amphisbana and many-headed monster deformed issue of that difformed old Serpent in some of the Colony there CoÌ„pany here hath from time to time thrust in her forged venomous tongue wherby they haue swolne with deadly poison of great thoughts of heart onely by pride doe men make contention with blinde-staring eyes of self-loue abounding in their own sense whence suspicions iealousies factions partialities to friends and dependants wilfull obstinacies and other furious passions haue transported men from Uirginias good and their owne Couetousnesse hath distorted others to minde earth and not heauen in hastinesse of more then speedy returne and present gaine forgetting that Godlinesse is the best gaine and that they are planting a Colony not reaping a haruest for a publike and not but in subordinate order priuate wealth A long time Uirginia was thought to be much encombered with Englands excrements some vicious persons as corrupt leuin sowring or as plague sores infecting others and that Colony was made a Port Exquiline for such as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke worthy to be euacuated from This Body whence not only lazie drones did not further the Plantation but wicked Waspes with sharking and the worst that is beggerly tyrants frustrated and supplanted the labours of others Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt A prodigious Prodigall here is not easily metamorphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter nor can there neede wiser choise or more industrious course in any vndertaking then is requisite in a Christian Colonies plantation amongst Infidels Which I suppose hath beene carefully by many Aduenturers practised and whatsoeuer faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings neglect of seasons riot slâ—ath occasionall wants of or in Gouernours or Gouernment abuses of Mariners trechery of Fugitiues and Sauages and other diseases which haue in part attended all new Plantatâ—ons and consumed many experience I hope by this time hath taught to preuent or remedy The late barbarous Massacre hinc illa lachrymâ— still bleedeth and when things were reported to be in better forwardnesse then euer in great part blasted those hopefull blossomes di 〈…〉 ointed the proceedings in the Iron workes Vineyards Mulberry plants and in sudden shifts for life exposed them to manifold necessities insomuch that many of the Principals being slain the rest surprised with feare reduced themselues almost from eighty to eight Plantations whereby pestered with multitude and destitute of Corne and other forsaken necessaries they incurred a grieuous and generall sicknesse which being increased by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-passage with corrupt Beere there followed a mortality which consumed about fiue hundred persons besides three hundred and fifty or thereabouts murthered in that Sauage-Massacre All which notwithstanding there remaine some haue if truely calculated and coniectured eighteene hundred persons for whose security and prouision it hath pleased his Maiesty to haue a Royall care as lâ—kewise the Honorable Lords of his Maiesties priuy Councell besides the honorable endeuours of the Councell and well affected members of that Society
very little at all because the said ships being cast away on the ebbe The goods were driuen off into the Sea the dead bodies of many that were drowned I my selfe saw â—ast on the shore with the sundry wrackes of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards with other wracke of Caske Chists and such like in great abundance The fourteenth day of Nouember the winde being faire wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke belonging to Bidâ—ford called the Marget and on the foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth where I shewed vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diuers others the Aduenturers the whole Discourse of our vnhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had and did indure vnder the Spaniards hands And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England where I was assured to my great comfort that they either were alreadie or very shortly should bee deliuered Before my departure from Siuill I should haue remembred that about Whitsontide last there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there two young men brought out of the West Indies in one of the Kings Gallions which were of Captaine Iohn Legats company of Plimmouth which departed out of England about the latter end of Iuly 1606. bound for the Riuer of Amazons as hee told me before his going forth where hee had beene two yeeres before And comming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men the name of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere Plimmouth reported vnto mee whether falling to the leeward of the Riuer of Amazons or deceiued by his Master they knew not And not being able to recouer the said Riuer were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies in which time there fell a great disorder betweene the said Captaine Legat and his company so as one of his company in a broyle within themselues aboard there ship slue the said Captaine Legat whether in his owne priuate quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the Company they could not tell mee But this is the more to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages dealt very straitly with his company After his death his company comming to the I le of Pinos on the Southside of Cuba to refresh themselues being eighteene persons were circumuented by the trecherie of the Spaniards and were there betrayed and taken Prisoners and within foure dayes after of eighteene persons fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were saued to serue the Spaniards whereof two of them refusing to serue longer in there ships were put into the Prison at Siuill the other two remayne still as slaues to the Spaniards This I had the rather noted to the end that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men haue gone out of England since the conclusion of peace betweene England and Spaine in the way of honest Trade and Traffique and how many of them haue miserably miscarried Hauing beene slaine drowned hanged or pittifully captiued and thrust out of their ships and all their goods REader I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas Hanham written by himselfe vnto Sagadahoc also the written Iournals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in that vnseasonable Winter fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation of Iames Dauies Iohn Eliot c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomackes for which cause I haue omitted them euen after I had with great labour fâ—â—ted them to the Presse as I haue also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diuers Letters from Cap. Popham and others You must obserue that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia and the Northerne Plantation or Colonie But Captaine Smith a man which hath so many Irons in our fire presented a Booke of the Countrie to Prince Charles his Highnesse with a Map of the Countrey who stiled it as our hopes are he will one day make it New England and altered the Sauage names of places to English Hee made one Voyage thither Anno 1614. and the next yeere beganne another which taken by Frenchmen he was not able to make vp but in testimonie of his loue to his Countrey here and of his hopes there hath written diuers Bookes One called A Description of New England in which his said Uoyages are described with the description of the Countrey and many Arguments to incite men to that vndertaking which I had also prepared for the Presse but for the former feares haue omitted the other called New Englands Trials twice or thrice printed out of which I haue added thus much that the World may see the benefit to bee made by fishing and may also be better acquainted with the successe and succession of New Englands Affaires CHAP. III. Extracts of a Booke of Captaine IOHN SMITH printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls and continuing the Storie thereof with Motiues to the businesse of fishing there The benefit of fishing as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie HE saith that it is more then foure and fortie yeeres agoe and it is more then fortie yeeres since he writ it that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries vnder the King of Spaine were siue hundred besides one hundred Frenchmen and three or foure hundred Sayle of Flemmings The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by three hundred Sayle of strangers Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred Sayle of Spaniards where King Edward the Sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle because of the Strait to haue Tribute for fishing Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure hundred Sayle of Spaniards Portugals and Biskiners Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and Fish-mongers with whom I haue conferred report The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring Cod and Ling 3000000. pounds English and French by Salt-fish Poore Iohn Salmons and Pilchards 300000. pounds Hamborough and the Sound for Sturgion Lobsters and Eeles 100000. pounds Cape Blacke for Tunny and Mullit by the Biskiners and Spaniards 30000. pounds But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say though it may seeme incredible That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny Mullit and Purgos more then 10000. pounds Lubeck hath seuen hundred Ships Hamborough six hundred Embden lately a Fisher Towne one thousand foure hundred whose Customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they bee Holland and Zealand not much greater then Yorkeshire hath thirtie walled Townes foure hundred Villages 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes thirtie sixe thousand are Fisher-men whereof one hundred are Doggers seuen hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates seuen hundred Frand Boates Britters and Tode-boats with one thousand three hundred Busses besides three hundred
lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable no place hath more Goose-berries and Straw-berries nor better Timber of all sorts you haue in England doth couer the Land that affords Beasts of diuers sorts and great flockes of Turkies Quailes Pigeons and Partridges Many great Lakes abounding with Fish Fowle Beauers and Otters The Sea affoords vs as great plentie of all excellent sorts of Sea-fish as the Riuers and Iles doth varietie of wild Fowle of most vsefull sorts Mynes we find to our thinking but neither the goodnesse nor qualitie wee know Better Graine cannot be then the Indian Corne if we will plant it vpon as good ground as a man need desire Wee are all Free-holders the rent day doth not trouble vs and all those good blessings we haue of which and what wee list in their seasons for taking Our company are for most part very religious honest people the Word of God sincerely taught vs euery Sabbath so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want I desire your friendly care to send my Wife and Children to mee where I wish all the Friends I haue in England and so I rest Your louing Kinsman William Hilton From the West Countrey went ten or twelue Ships to Fish which were all well fraughted those that came first at Bilbow made seuenteene pounds a single share besides Beauer Otters and Martins skins but some of the rest that came to the same Ports that were already furnished so glutted the Market their price was abated yet all returned so well contented they are a preparing to goe againe There is gone from the West of England onely to fish thirtie fiue Ships and about the last of April two more from London the one of one hundred Tuns the other of thirtie with some sixtie Passengers to supply the Plantation with all necessary prouisions Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie would all the Christian Princes but bee truly at vnitie as his Royall Maiesty our Soueraigne Lord and King desireth seuentie saile of good Ships were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the Leuant and make such a guard in the straits of Hellespont as would make the Great Turke himselfe more afraid in Constantinople then the smallest Red Crosse crosses the Seas would be either of any French Piccaroun or the Pyrates of Argere An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in New England Iuly sixteene 1622. Since the newes of the Massacre in Virginia though the Indians continue their wonted friendship yet are wee more wary of them then before for their hands haue beene embrued in much English bloud onely by too much confidence but not by force Here I must intreat a little your fauours to digresse They did not kill the English because they were Christians but for their weapons and commodities that were rare nouelties but now they feare we may beat them out of their Dens which Lions and Tygers would not admit but by force But must this be an argument for an Englishman or discourage any either in Virginia or New England No â—or I haue tried them both For Virginia I kept that Countrey with thirtie eight and had not to eate but what we had from the Sauages When I had ten men able to goe abroad our Common-wealth was very strong with such a number I ranged that vnknowne Countrey fourteene weekes I had but eighteen to sâ—bdue them all with which great Army I stayed sixe weeks before their greatest Kings habitations till they had gathered together all the power they could and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray mee Of their numbers wee were vncertaine but those two honourable Gentlemen Captaine George Percie and Captaine Francis West two of the Phittiplaces and some other such noble Gentlemen and resolute spirts bore their shares with me and now liuing in England did see me take this murdering Opechankanough now their Great King by the long lock on his head with my Pistoll at his breast I led him among his greatest forces and before wee parted made him fill our Barke of twentie Tuns with Corne. When their owne wants was such I haue giuen them part again in pitty others haue bought it again to plant their fields For wronging a Souldier but the value of a peny I haue caused Powhatan send his own men to Iames Town to receiue their punishment at my discretion It is true in our greatest extremity they shot me slue three of my men and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner yet God made Pocahontas the Kings Daughter the meanes to deliuer me and thereby taught mee to know their treacheries to preserue the rest It was also my chance in single combate to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner and by keeping him forced his subiects to worke in Chaines till I made all the Countrey pay contribution hauing little else-whereon to liue Twice in this time I was their President none can say in all that time I had a man slain but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and heere yet I left fiue hundred behind mee that through their confidence in sixe monethes came most to confusion as you may reade at large in the description of Virginia When I went first to those desperate designes it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to goe and procrastination caused more runne away then went But after the Ice was broken came many braue Voluntaries notwithstanding since I came from thence the Honorable Company haue beene humble Suters to his Maiestie to get Vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither nay so much scorned was the name of Virgnia some did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither and were yet for all the worst of spite detraction and discouragement and this lamentable Massacre there are more honest men now suters to goe then euer haue been constrained knaues and it is not vnknowne to most men of vnderstanding how happy many of those Callumners doe thinke themselues that they might bee admitted and yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia and had I but meanes to transport as many as would goe I might haue choice of ten thousand that would gladly bee in any of those new places which were so basely contemned by vngratefull base minds To range this Countrie of New England in like manner I had but eight as is said and amongst their bruite conditions I met many of their silly incounters and without any hurt God be thanked when your West Countrie men were many of them wounded and much tormented with the Sauages that assaulted their Ship as they did say themselues in the first yeare I was there 1614. and though Master Hunt then Master with me did most basely in stealing some Sauages from that coast to sell when he was directed to haue gone for Spaine yet that place was so remote from
water in her Hereupon the Gouernour caused the Corne to be made in a round stacke and bought Mats and cut Sedge to couer it and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it promising him that dwelt next to it a reward if he would keepe vermine also from it which he vndertooke and the Sachim promised to make good In the meane time according to the Gouernors request the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke hauing many things remaining in her but vnseruiceable for the present whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken And hauing procured a Guide it being no lesse then fiftie miles to our Plantation set forward receiuing all respect that could be from the Indians in his iourney and came safely home though weary and surbated whether some three dayes after the Ship also came The Corne being diuided which they had got Master Westons Company went to their owne Plantation it being further agreed that they should returne with all conuenient speede and bring their Carpenter that they might fetch the rest of the Corne and saue their Shallop At their returne Captaine Standish being recouered and in health tooke another Shallop and went with them to the Corne which they found in safety as they left it also they mended the other Shallop and got all their Corne aboard the Ship This was in Ianuary as I take it it being very cold and stormy insomuch as the harbour being none of the best they were constrained to cut both the Shallops from the Ships sterne and so lost them both a second time But the storme being ouer and seeking out they found them both not hauing receiued any great hurt Whilest they were at Nauset hauing occasion to lye on the shoare laying their Shallop in a Creeke not farre from them an Indian came into the same and stole certaine Beads Câ—ssers and other trifles out of the same which when the Captaine missed he tooke certaine of his company with him and went to the Sachim telling him what had hapned and requiring the same againe or the party that stole them who was knowne to certaine of the Indians or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure and so tooke leaue for that night being late refusing whatsoeuer kindnesse they offered On the morrow the Sachim came to their randeuow accompanied with many men in a stately manner who saluting the Captaine in this wise He thrust out his tongue that one might see the roote thereof and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end withall bowing the knee striuing to imitate the English gesture being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum his men did the like but in so rude and Sauage a manner as our men could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter After salutation he deliuered the Beads and other things to the Captaine saying he had much beaten the party for doing it causing the women to make Bread and bring them according to their desire seeming to be very sorry for the fact but glad to be reconciled So they departed and came home in safety where the Corne was equally diuided as before After this the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes with another Company and bought Corne likewise of them the one is called Namasket the other Manomet That from Namasket was brought home partly by Indian women but a great sicknesse arising amongst them our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachims custody this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles and stands vpon a fresh Riuer which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset and cannot be lesse then sixty miles from thence It will beare a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place Hither the Dutch or French or both vse to come It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards the Towne The heads of the Riuer and this Creeke are not farre distant This Riuer yeeldeth thus high Oysters Muscles Clams and other Shel-fish one in shape like a Beane another like a Clam both good meate and great abundance at all times besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons The Gouernour or Sachim of this place was called Canacum who had formerly as well as many others yea all with whom as yet we had to doe acknowledged themselues the Subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King This Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians For whilest the Gouernour was there within night in bitter weater came two men from Manamoick before spoken of and hauing set aside their Bowes and Quiuers according to their manner sat down by the fire and tooke a pipe of Tobacco not vsing any words in that time nor any other to them but all remained silent expecting when they would speake At length they looked toward Canacum and one of them made a short speech and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim which was a basket of Tobacco and many Beades which the other receiued thankfully After which he made a long speech to him the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock who then accompanied the Gouernour for his Guide to be as followeth It hapned that two of their men fell out as they were in game for they vse gaming as much as any where and will play away all euen their skin from their backs yea and for their wiues skins also though it may be they are many miles distant from them as my selfe haue seene and growing to great heat the one killed the other The actor of this fact was a Powah one of speciall note amongst them and such an one as they could not well misse yet another people greater then themselues threatned them with warre if they would not put him to death The partie offending was in hold neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weightie a matter After this there was silence a short time at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best Amongst others he asked Hobbamock what he thought Who answered he was but a stranger to them but thought it was better that one should die then many since he had deserued it and the rest were innocent whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him Not long after â—auing no great quantitie of Corne left Captaine Standish went againe with a Shallop to Mattachiest meeting also with the like extremitie of weather both of winde Sâ—ow and Frost insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same Here they pretended their wonted loue and spared them a good quantitie of Corne
them will chase almost an hundred men for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people and are of the Sachims Councell without whom they will not warre or vndertake any weightie businesse In warre their Sachims for their more safetie goe in the midst of them They are commonly men of greatest stature and strength and such as will endure most hardnesse and yet are more discreet courteous and humane in their carriages then any amongst them scorning theft lying and the like base dealings and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men And to the end they may haue store of these they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their child-hood in great hardnesse and make them abstaine from daintie meat obseruing diuers orders prescribed to the end that when they are of age the Deuill may appeare to them causing to drinke the juyce of Sentry and other bitter Hearbs till they cast which they must disgorge into the platter and drinke againe and againe till at length through extraordinary pressing of nature it will seeme to bee all bloud and this the boyes will doe with eagernesse at the first and so continue till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs and then must goe forth into the cold also they beat their shins with sticks and cause them to run through bushes stumps and brambles to make them hardy and acceptable to the Deuill that in time he may appeare vnto them Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings but onely some few of them to whom the rest resort for protection and pay homage vnto them neither may they warre without their knowledge and approbation yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serueth Of this sort is Massassowat our friend and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy Euery Sachim taketh care for the widdow and fatherlesse also for such as are aged and any way maymed if their friends be dead or not able to prouide for them A Sachim will not take any to wife but such an one as is equall to him in birth otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble and though they haue many other wiues yet are they no other then concubines or seruants and yeeld a kind of obedience to the principall who ordereth the family and them in it The like their men obserue also and will adhere to the first during their liues but put away the other at their pleasure This Gouernment is successiue and not by choyce If the father dye before the sonne or daughter bee of age then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them who ruleth in his stead till hee be of age but when that is I know not Euery Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limits of his owne Countrey extendeth and that is his owne proper inheritance out or that if any of his men desire land to set their Corne hee giueth them as much as they can vse and sets them in their bounds In this circuit whosoeuer hunteth if any kill any venison bring him his fee which is foure parts of the same if it bee killed on the Land but if in the water then the skin thereof The Great Sachims or Kings know not their owne bounds or limits of land as well as the rest All Trauellers or Strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims when they come they tell them how long they will stay and to what place they goe during which time they receiue entertainment according to their persons but want not Once a yeere the Pnieses vse to prouoke the people to bestow much Corne on the Sachim To that end they appoint a certaine time and place neere the Sachims dwelling where the people bring many baskets of Corne and make a great stack thereof There the Pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the Sachims behalfe and after acquainteth the Sachim therewith who fetcheth the same and is no lesse thankfull bestowing many gifts on them When any are visited with sicknesse their friends resort vnto them for their comfort and continue with them oftentimes till their death or recouery If they die they stay a certaine time to mourne for them Night and morning they performe this dutie many daies after the buriall in a most dolefull manner insomuch as though it bee ordinary and the Note Musicall which they take one from another and altogether yet it will draw teares from their eyes and almost from ours also But if they recouer then because their sicknesse was chargeable they send Corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time whereat they feast and dance which they call Commoco When they bury the dead they sowe vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth If the partie be a Sachim they couer him with many curious mats and bury all his riches with him and inclose the graue with a pale If it bee a childe the father will also put his owne most speciall Iewels and Ornaments in the earth with it also he will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very much in token of sorrow If it bee the man or woman of the house they will pull downe the mats and leaue the frame standing and bury them in or neere the same and either remoue their dwelling or giue ouer house-keeping The men imploy themselues wholly in hunting and other exercises of the Bow except at some times they take some paine in fishing The women liue a most slauish life they carry all their burdens set and dresse their Corne gather it in and seeke out for much of their food beate and make readie the Corne to eate and haue all houshold care lying vpon them The younger sort reuerence the elder and doe all meane offices whilst they are together although they be strangers Boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women but are distinguished thereby A man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act or shew forth such courage and resolution as becommeth his place The men take much Tobacco but for boyes so to doe they account it odious All their names are significant and variable for when they come to the state of men and women they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions When a maide is taken in marriage shee first cutteth her haire and after weareth a couering on her head till her haire be growne out Their women are diuersly disposed some as modest as they will scarce talke one with another in the company of men being very chaste also yet other some light lasciuious and wanton If a woman haue a bad husband or cannot affect him and there bee warre or opposition betweene that and any other people shee will runne away from him to the contrary partie and there liue where they neuer come
septentrionem per directam lineam introitum siue oâ—tium magnae illius stationis nauium traijcientem quae excurrit in terrae orientalem plagam inter Regionis Suriquorum Etechemmorum vulgo Suriquois Etechemines ad fluuium vulgo nomine Santae Crucis appellatum Et ad scaturiginem remotissimam siue fontem ex occidentali parte eiusdem qui se primum praedicto fluâ—io immiscet vnde per imaginariam directam lineam quae pergere per terram seu currere versus septentrionem concipietur ad proximam nauium stationem fluuium vel scaturiginem in magno flunio de Cannada sese exonerantem Et ab co pergendo versus orientem per maris oras littorales eiusdem fluuij de Cannada ad fluuium stationem nauium portum aut littus communiter nomine de Gachepe vel Gaspie notum appellatuÌ„ Et deinceps versus Euronotum ad insulas Bacalaos vel Cap. Briton vocatas Relinquendo casdem Insulas à dextra voraginem dicti magni fluuij de Cannada siue magne stationis naâ—ium terras de New-found-land cum insulis ad easdem terras pertinentibus à sinistra Et deinceps ad Caput siue promentorum de Cap. Briton praedictum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta quinque gradnum aut eo circa Et à dicto promentorio de Cap. Briton versus meridiem Occidentem ad praedictum Cap. Sable vbi incipit per ambulatio includenda comprehenda intra dictas maris oras littorales ac carum circumferentias à mari ad omnes terras continentis cum fluminibus torrentibus sinubus littoribus insulis aut maribus iacentibus prope infra sex lucas ad aliquam earundem partem ex occidentali boreali vel orientali partibus ororum litteralium praecinctuum earundem Et ab Euronoto vti iacet Cap. Britton ex australi parte eiusdem vbi est Cap. de Sable omnia maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earundem magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Ile de Sable vel Sablon includen iacen versus carban vulgo South South-east circa triginta leucas à dicto Cap. Britton in mari existen in latitudine quadraginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa Quae quidem terrae praedictae omni tempore affuturo nomine Noua Scotia in America gauâ—lebunt Quas etiam praefatus Dominus Willelmus in partes portiones sicut et visum fuerit diuidet ijsdemque nemiâ—â— pro beneplacito imponet Vua cum omnibus fodinis tum regalibus auri argenti quam alijs fodinis ferri plumbi cupri stanni aeris c. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti Chartae nostrae magnum Sigillum nostrum apponipraecepimus Testibus praedict is nostris consanguineis Confiliarijs Iacobo Marchione de Hamilton Comite Arraniae Cambridge Domino Auen Innerdail Georgio Mariscalli comite Domino Keith alt regni nostri Mariscallo Alexandro Comite de Dunfermling Domino Fyviae vrquhant nostro Cancellaris Thoma Comite de Melâ—os Domino Byres Bynning nostro Secretario Dilectis nostris familiaribus Consiliarijs Domino Richardo Ko Kburne Iuniore de Clerkington nostri Secreti Sigills custode Georgio Hay de Knifarunis nostrorum Rotulorum Registrorum ac Concilij Clerico Ioanne Cockburne de Ormestoun nostrae lustitiariae Clerico Ioanne Scot de Scottistaruet nostrae Cancellariae Directore Militibus Apud Castellum nostrum de Winsore decimo die mensis sebtembris Anno Domini milesimo sex entesimâ— vigesimo primo Regnorumque nostrorum annis quinquagesimo quinto decimo nonâ— This Scale conteineth 150 English Leagues The three and twentieth of Iune they loosed from Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-Land and sayled towardes New Scotland where for the space of fourteene dayes they were by Fogges and contrarie Windes kept backe from spying Land till the eight of Iuly thereafter that they saw the West part of Cape Breton and so till the thirteenth day they sayled to and fro alongst the Coast till they came the length of Port de Muton where they discouered three very pleasant Harbours and went a shoare in one of them which they called Lukes Bay where they found a great way vp to a very pleasant Riuer being three fathoms deepe at low water at the entry thereof and on euery side of the same they did see very delicate Meadowes hauing Roses white and red growing thereon with a kind of wild Lilly which had a very daintie smell The next day they resolued to coast alongst to discouer the next Harbour which was but two leagues distant from the other where they found a more pleasant Riuer being foure fathom water at a low water with Meadowes on both sides thereof hauing Roses and Lillies growing thereon as the other had They found within this Riuer a very fit place for a Plantation both in regard that it was naturally apt to bee fortified and that all the ground beweene the two Riuers was without Wood and was good fat earth hauing seuerall sorts of Berries growing thereon as Gooseberry Strawberry Hyndberry Rasberry and a kinde of Red-wineberry As also some sorts of Graine as Pease some eares of Wheat Barley and Rye growing there wild the Pease grow euery where in abundance very big and good to eate but taste of the Fitch This Riuer is called Port Iolly from whence they coasted alongst to Port Negro being 12. leagues distant where all the way as they sailed alongst they found a very pleasant Countrey hauing growing euery where such things as they did see in the two Harbours where they had beene They found like wise in euery Riuer abundance of Lobsters and Cockles and other small fishes and also they found not onely in the Riuers but all the Coast alongst numbers of seuerall sorts of Wild-fowle as Wild-goose Black-Duck Woodcock Herron Pigeon and many other sorts of Fowle which they knew not They found likewise as they sailed alongst the Coast abundance of great God with seuerall other sorts of great fishes The Countrey is full of Woods not very thick and the most part Oake the rest Fir-tree Spruce Birch and many other sorts of wood which they had not seene before Hauing discouered this part of the Countrey in regard of the voyage their Ship was to make to the Straits with fishes they resolued to coast alongst from Lukes Bay to Port de Muton being foure leagues to the East thereof where they encountred with a Frenchman that in a very short time had a great voyage hauing furnished one Ship away with fishes and had neere so many ready as to load his owne Ship and others And hauing taken a view of this Port which to their iudgement they found no wayes inferiour to the rest they had seene before they resolued to retire backe to New-found-land where their Ship was to receiue her loading of fishes the twentieth of Iuly they
the coast of France The Generall of this mightie Nauie was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina Sidonia Lord of S. Lucar and Knight of the golden Fleece by reason that the Marquesse of Santa Cruz appointed for the same dignity deceased before the time Iohn Martines de Ricalde was Admirall of the Fleete Francis Bouadilla was chiefe Marshall who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar generall of the Inquisition being accompanied with more â—hen a hundreth Monkes to wit Iesuites Capuchines and Friers Mendicant Besides whom also there were Phisitians Chirurgians Apothecaries and whatsoeuer else pertained vnto the Hospitall Ouer and besides the forenamed Gouernours and Officers being men of chiefe note there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen which went voluntarily of their owne costs and charges to the end they might see fashions learne experience and attaine vnto glory Amongst whom was the Prince of Ascoli Alonzo de Leiua the Marquesse de Pennafiel the Marquesse de Ganes the Marquesse de Barlango Count de Paredes Count de Yeluas and diuers other Marqueses and Earles of the honorable families of Mendoza of Toledo of Pachicco of Cordono of Guzman of Manriques and a great number of others I haue by me the Dukes Orders for the whole Nauie during this Voyage made aboord the Gallion Saint Martin May 28. the beginning whereof I haue added the whole would be too long Don ALONSO PERES DE GVSMAN the good Duke of Medina Sidonia Countie of Nebla Marquesse of Casheshe in Africa Lord of the Citie Saint Lucar Captaine Generall of the Occian Sea of the Coast of Andaluzia and of this Armie of his Maiestie and Knight of the honorable Order of the golden Fleece I Doe ordaine and command that the generall Masters of the field all Captaines of the Sea Pilats Masters Souldiers Mariners and Officers and whatsoeuer other people for the Land or Sea seruice commeth in this Armie all the time that it indureth shall be thus gouerned as hereafter followeth viz. First and before all things it is to be vnderstood by all the aboue named from the highest to the lowest that the principall foundation and cause that hath moued the King his Maiestie to make and continue this iournie hath beene and is to serue God and to returne vnto his Church a great many of contrite soules that are oppressed by the Heretikes enemies of our holy Catholike faith which haue them subiects to their sects and vnhappinesse and for that euery one may put his eyes vpon this marke as we are bound I doe command and much desire euery one to giue charge vnto the inferiors and those vnder their charge to imbarke themselues being shriuen and hauing receiued the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sinnes by the which contrition and zeale to doe God such great seruice he will carry and guide vs to his great glory which is that which particularly and principally is pretended In like manner I doe charge and command you to haue particular care that no Soldier Marriner or other that serueth in this Armie doe blaspheme or rage against God or our Lady or any of the Saints vpon paine that he shall therefore sharply be corrected and very well chastened as it shall seeme best vnto vs and for other oathes of lesse qualitie the Gouernours in the same Ships they goe in shall procure to remedy all they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine or otherwise as they shall thinke good And for that the most occasions come by play you shall publikly prohibit it especially the games that are forbidden and that none doe play in the night by no meanes Articles follow to suppresse quarrels to auoid disgracing any man and all occasions of scandall forbidding carriage of common women with other orders for watchwords attendance on the Admirall for fire and wilde-fire and lights armours shâ—â— powder match and other necessary instructions too long to be here particularised that in the height of humaine policie and religious hypocrisie the hand of God in Englands preseruation may be made euident While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Nauie the Duke of Parma at the direction of King Philip made great preparation in the low Countries to giue aide and assistance vnto the Spaniards building Ships for the same purpose and sending for Pilots and Ship wrights out of Italy In Flanders he caused certaine deepe channels to be made and among the rest the channell of Yper commonly called Yper-lee employing some thousands of workemen about that seruice to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled aboue a hundreth small Ships called Hoyes being well stored with victuals which Hoyes he was determined to haue brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueied them by the said Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the Riuer of Waten he caused 70. Ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to carry 30. horses hauing each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on boord or to goe forth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk he procured 28. Ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emdâ—n and at other places He put in the ballast of the said Ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath but on each side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together He had likewise at Graueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a Bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of Bridges and for the barring stopping vp of Hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not far from Neinport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagots to be laid and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a Mount The most part of his Ships contained two Ouens a peece to bake Bread in with a great number of saddles bridles and such other like apparell for Horses They had Horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neeere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which hee had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of ten bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neere vnto Dixmud there
Shot returned backe for England leauing behinde them certaine Pinasses onely which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards aloofe and to abserue their course And so it came to passe that the fourth of August with great danger and industry the English arriued at Harwich for they had beene tossâ—d vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet being as I said before so maimed and battered The English now going on shoare prouided themselues forth with of Victuals Gunpowder and other things expedient that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleete if it chanced any more to reâ—urne Bu â—eing afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren Seas and not there to hunt after them The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons and likewise hauing lost ten or twelue of their principall ships they consulted among themselues what they were best to doe being now escaped out of the hands of the English because their victuals failed them in like sort they began also to want cables cordage ankerâ— masts sailes and other nauall furniture and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance who verily hoping vndoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish fleet was continually occupied about his great preparation commanding abundance of ankers to be made and other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided they thought it good at length so soone as the winde should serue them to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne for Spaine For they well vnderstood that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland that they should not haue any succour or assistance there Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants Wherefore hauing taken certaine Scottish and other fisherboats they brought the men on boord their owne ships to the end they might be their guides and Pilots Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61. degrees of latitude being distant from any land at the least 40. leagues Here the Duke of Medina Generall of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean returned safely home The residue of his ships being about forty in number and committed vnto his Vice-admirall fell neerer with the coast of Ireland intending their course for Cape Clare because they hoped there to get fresh water and to refresh themselues on land But after they were driuen with many contrary windes at length vpon the second of September they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west vpon diuers parts of Ireland where many of their ships perished And amongst others the ship of Michael de Oquendo which was one of the great Galliasses and two great ships of Venice also namely la Ratta and Belanzara with other 36 or 31. ships more which perished in sundry tempests together with most of the persons contained in them Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channell of England whereof some were taken by the English vpon their coast and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France Moreouer there arriued at Newhauen in Norm andy being by tempest inforced so to doe one of the foure great Galliasses whereby they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway one of them being of a great burthen howbeit all the persons in the said great ship were saued insomuch that of 134 ships which set saile out of Portugall there returned home 53. onely small and great namely of the foure Galliasses but one and but one of the foure Gallies Of the 91. great Galleons and Hulkes there were missing 58. and 33. returned of the Pataches and Zabraes 17. were missing and 18. returned home In briefe there were missing 81. ships in which number were Galliasses Gallies Galeons and other vessels both great and small And amongst the 53. ships remaining those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English channell Two Galeons of those which were returned were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the hauen and such like mishaps did many other vndergoe Of 30000. persons which went in this expedition there perished according to the number and proportion of the ships the greater and better part and many of them which came home by reason of the toiles inconueniences which they sustained in this voiage died not long after their arriuall The Duke of Medina immediately vpon his returne was deposed from his authority commanded to his priuate house and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious enemies and backbiters Many honorable personages and men of great renown deceased soone after their returne as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde with diuers others A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight diseases or drowning before their arriuall and among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman being Earle of Cantebroi and son vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother Vpon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell brother vnto the Marquesse de Tamnares and kinsman vnto the Earle of Bencuâ—ntum Calua and Colonell ouer 32. bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland Into England as we said before Don Pedro de Valdez a man of singular experience and greatly honoured in his country was led captiue being accompanied with Don Uasques de Silua Don Alonzo de Sayas and others Likewise vpon the Scottish Westerne Isles of Lewis and Ila and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land there were cast away certaine Spanish Ships out of which were saued diuers Captaines and Gentlemen and almost foure hundred souldiers who for the most part after their shipwracke were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland and being miserably needy and naked were there cloathed at the liberalitie of the King and the Merchants and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine but the Scottish Fleete wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolke were there staied for a time vntill the Counsels pleasure was knowne who in regard of their manifold miseries though they were enemies winked at their passage Vpon the
neuer seene before And all to ioyne the Kingdome of that land Vnto the Kingdomes that he had in hand Now if you aske what set this King on fire To practise warre when he of peace did treat It was his Pride and neuer quencht desire To spoile that IlaÌ„ds wealth by peace made great His Pride which far aboue the heauens did swel And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell But well haue winds his proud blasts ouerblown And swelling waues alaid his swelling heart Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs vnknown Deuoured the deuourer to his smart And made his ships a pray vnto the sand That meant to pray vpon anothers land And now O Queene aboue all others blest For whom both winds waues are prest to fight So rule your owne so succour friends opprest As farre from pride as ready to doe right That England you you England long enioy No lesse your friends delight then foes annoy I haue thought good to adde here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends touching the successe of their Armada as they were printed in Spaine and after published and scorâ—ed in England The true Relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie against their Enemies by the Letters of the Post-master of Logrono of the fourth of September and by Letters from Roan of the one and thirtieth of August and by Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there wherein he declareth the imprisonment of Francis Drake and other great Nobles of England and how the Queene is in the Field with an Armie and of a certaine Mutinie which was amongst the Queenes Armie with the successe of the said Catholike Armie since they entred in the Groyne till they came on the Coast of England with two Ballets compounded by Christouer Brauo a blind man of Cordowa Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer THe newes of England is confirmed here by a Letter of the Gouernour of Roan Hee writeth hee hath in his power the chiefe Pilot of Captaine Drake and that he knoweth that all the English Armie remained ouerthrowne hauing sunke two and twentie Ships and taken fortie and imprisoned Francis Drake hauing giuen them chase almost as high as Abspurge and slaine many by the sword and likewise saith that there was foâ—â—d in Captaine Drakes Ship a Peece of Ordnance of fiue and twentie foot long which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose with one onely Shot to sinke our Spanish Admirall and it pleased God although shee was somewhat battered yet was shee repaired againe and ouerthrew the English Armie THe English haue lost aboue fortie Ships in one encounter where they could not flye which was in Luxaten a Hauen in Scotland to the which place since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis the English Armie followed and supposing they went to take that Hauen they got before ours to defend the entrance wee seeing them so neere the English Fleet and that they could not retire as they alwaies did when they pleased to the English Hauen they set vpon them so valiantly that they sunke twentie of their Ships and they tooke twentie 〈◊〉 whole and sound and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great losse of men and their Ships very much battered and with this they say the Spanish Armie tooke the Hauen where they are very well lodged as euery one affirmeth and so the newes is here I pray God giue them good successe Wee vnderstand by the Post come from Calleis that in England it is forbidden vpon paine of death and losse of goods that no bodie doe write newes from thence to any place which confirmeth the newes aboue I Doe not write newes of the Spanish Armie because they are diuers and would gladly write the very truth Now by the newes which runneth from diuers places as Calleis Deepe and Holland and presumptions from England and other places it is holden for certaine that they fought with the English and broken their heads hauing sunke many of their Ships and taken others and the rest which they say were twentie seuen Ships returned very much battered to the Riuer of London which are all those that could escape There goeth with this Post another Post of Iorge Seguin of Calleis which saith that certaine Masters and Mariners of Zeland did affirme to the Gouernours of Calleis Mounsier de Gorden that our Fleet is in a Hauen or Riuer in Scotland called Trifla where they say there may ride two thousand Ships this is that which commonly is currant here BY newes from London the thirtie six of August it is knowne for most certaine from persons of credite that the Queens Admiral Generall was arriued in the Riuer of London with twentie fiue ships onely without his Admirall Ship which was taken by our Admirall Saint Iohn and it is well knowne in England that to hide the losse of their Admirall Ship they say bee put himselfe in a smaller Ship the better to follow our Armie and it is knowne for certaintie that he saued himselfe in a Boat when he lost his Ship That Drake for certaintie is taken or slaine The same is confirmed by the way of Holland by a Pinnace of theirs And from Austerland that the Queene commanded vpon paine of death that no body should speake of her Fleet and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England and that the Queene had in the field thirtie thousand raw Souldiers betwixt Douer and Margate and that the Catholikes vnderstanding that all their Fleet was dispersed moued a certaine Mutinie which forced the Queene to goe her selfe into the Field and for certaine it is knowne that there is not brought into England neither Ship nor Boat of ours more then the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez and that our Fleet was gone into Scotland and arriued in a Hauen called Trapena Euxaten AFter that I had written this here is arriued a Scottishman which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arriued in Scotland and that Scottishmen haue taken Armes against the English THat vpon the thirtieth of Iuly without seeing any sayle of the Enemies in the Sea hee came to the Channell sixe leagues from Plimouth where vnderstanding the Enemies were hee gathered together and set in order all the Fleet and sayling the first of August there was discouered some Sayles of the Enemies the which the second day were numbred to bee three score Sayle of which the Duke tooke the wind and passed without any fight although he presented the same to them howbeit they began to shoot at the Rearward but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies the which being succoured by twentie others fled away of this fight and first encounter there was sunke three Galeasses and foure mightie Galeons of the Queenes there was burnt of ourâ— by negligence of a Gunner the Admirall of
water it was not able to bee held and therefore vpon the discouery of our Boates they of the high Towne should make a signall by fire from thence that all the low Towne might make their retreat thither but they whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought vpon them or forgetting their decree omitted the fire which made them guard that place till we were entred on euery side Then the Towne being entred in three seuerall places with an huge cry the Inhabitants betooke them to the high Towne which they might with lesse perill doe for that ours being strangers there knew not the way to cut them off The rest that were not put to the sword in fâ—rie fled to the Rocks in the Iland others hid themselues in Chambers and Sellers which were euery day found in great numbers Amongst those Don Iuun de Luna a man of very good commandement hauing hidden himselfe in a house did the next morning yeeld himselfe There was also taken that night a Commissarie of victuals called Iuan de Vera who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entrie fiue hundred Souldiers being in seuen Companies which returned very weake as appeareth by the small numbers of them from the iourney of England The rest falling into the hands of the common Souldiers bad their throats cut to the number of fiue hundred as I coniecture first and last after wee had entred the Towne and in the entry thereof there was found euerie Seller full of Wine whereon our men by inordinate drinking both grew themselues for the present senslesse of the danger of the shot of the Town which hurt many of them being drunk and tooke the first ground of their sicknesse for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie There was also abundant store of Victualls Salt and all kind of prouision for shipping and the warre which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victualls taken there to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of prouision for a new Voyage into England whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs and preiudiced the King of Spaine The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their Ships And hauing ouercharched the Artillery of the Gallion left her on fire which burnt in terrible sort two daies together the fire and ouercharging of the Peeces being so great as of fiftie that were in her there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire were taken out in broken pieces into diuers Ships The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Towne entred by vs which ioyned verie neere to the wall of the Town out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketiers The next day in the afternoone there came downe some two thousand men gathered together out of the Countrey euen to the gates of the Towne as resolutely led by what spirit I know not as though they would haue entred the same but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approach and with greater speed then ours were able to follow notwithstanding wee followed after them more then a mile The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the Countrey with three or foure hundred men who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheepe for our reliefe The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded vpon their wall opening towardes vs which would haue giuen great aduantage against them but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs burnt it in the beginning of the euening which put him to a new councell for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Towne which had it not bin by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger as next vnto them had burnt all the prouisions we found there to our wonderfull hinderance The fourth day were planted vnder the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons and two Coluerings against the Towne defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall thorow which our battery lay the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall down so as all the Ordnance lay open to the Enemy by reason wherof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine The Lieutenant also of the Ordnance M. Spencer was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris Master thereof whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vnto him neuer left that place till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery which he presently did leauing a guard vpon the same for that day and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery as after there were very few or none annoyed therein That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall that when the assault should be giuen to the Towne he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the other side where he held his guard but he mistaking the signall that would haue beene giuen attempted the same long before the assault and was shot in the mouth The same day the Generall hauing planted his Ordnance ready to batter caused the Towne to be summoned in which summons they of the Towne shot at our Drum immediately after that there was one hanged ouer the wall and a parle desired wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand that the man hanged was hee that shot at the Drum before wherein they all intreated to haue faire wars with promise of the same on their parts The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna and some other prisoners and somewhat of the rendring of the Towne but not much for they listned not greatly thereunto Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the Towne which is almost all seated vpon a Rocke found one place thereof mineable did presently set workemen in hand withall who after three daies labour and the seuenth after we were entred the base Towne had bedded their Powder but indeed not farre enough into the wall Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable and Companies appointed as well to enter the same as that which was expected should be blowne vp by the Mine namely to that of the Canon Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Philpot who led the Generalls Foot-company with whom also Captaine Yorke went whose principall commandement was ouer the Horse-men And to that of the Mine Captaine Iohn Sampson and Captaine Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the Master of the Ordnance with certaine selected
neerest Streets of the Suburbs the Battel and the Arrereward stood in Armes all the night in Field neere to Alcantara Before morning Captaine Wingfield by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams held guard with Sir Edward Norris his Regiment in three places very neere the Towne wall and so held the same till the other Regiments came in the morning About midnight they within the Towne burnt all their houses that stood vpon their wall either within or without least we possessing them might thereby greatly haue annoyed the Towne The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted but not without perill to take a Church called S. Antonio which ioyned to the wall of the Towne and would haue been a very euill neighbor to the Towne but the enemy hauing more easie entry into it then wee gained it before vs. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the Battell and Arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Uista and in placing Musquetiers in houses to front their Shot vpon the wall who from the same scowred the great Streets very dangerously By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march and the last nights watch were desirous of rest whereof the enemy being aduertised about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the Town and made their approach in three seuerall Streets vpon vs but chiefly in Colonell Brets quarter who as most of the Armie was being at rest with as much speed as he could drew his men into Armes and made head against them so thorowly as himselfe was slain in the place Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh of which hurt hee died within foure dayes after Captaine Carre slaine presently and Captaine Caue hurt but not mortally who were all of his Regiment This resistance made as well here as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell Mâ—dkerk commanded put them to a sudden foule retreat insomuch as the Earle of Essex had the chase of them enen to the gates of the high Town wherin they left behind them many of their best Commanders their troupe of Horsemen also came out but being charged by Captain Yorke withdrew themselues againe Many of them also left the streets and betooke them to houses which they found open for the Sergeant Maior Captain Wilsonâ—lew â—lew in one house with his owne hands three or foure and caused them that were with him to kill many others Their losse I can assure you did triple ours as well in qualitie as in quantitie During our march to this place Generall Drake with the whole Fleet was come into Cascais and possessed the Town without any resistance many of the Inhabitants at their discouery of our Nauie fled with their baggage into the Mountaines and left the Towne for any man that would possesse it till Generall Drake sent vnto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord to offer them all peaceable kindnesse so farre forth as they would accept of their King and minister necessaries to the Armie he had brought which offer they ioyfully imbraced and presently sent two chiefe men of their Town to signifie their loyaltie to Don Antonio their honest affections to our people Whereupon the Generall landed his Companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo but not without perill of the shot of the Castle which being guarded with sixtie fiue Spaniards held still against him As our Fleet were casting anker when they came first into that Road there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence which bare with them and seemed by striking her sailes as though she would also haue ancred but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe and would haue passed vp the Riuer but the Generall presently discerning her purpose sent out a Pinnace or two after her whâ—ch forced her in such sort as she ran her selfe vpon the Rocks all the men escaped out of her and the lading being many chests of Sugar was made nothing worth by the Salt water In his going thither also he tooke Ships of the Port of Portugall which were sent from thence with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant Maior of the same place laden with men and victualls to Lisbon the rest that escaped put into Setâ—â—el The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together and to aduise with them whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the forces of the Portugall Horse and Foot whereof the King had made promise and to march some conuenient number to Cascais to fetch our Artillery and Munition which was all at our ships sauing that which for the necessity of the seruice was brought along with vs whereunto some carried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio that the most part of the Town stood for vs held it best to make our abode there and to send some three thousand of our Artillery promising to themselues that the Enemy being well beaten the day before would make no more sallies some others whose vnbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall perswaded rather to march wholly away then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things whereof there was so little appearance The Generall not willing to leaue any occasion of blot to be laid vpon him for his speedie going from thence nor to lose any more time by attending the hope of Don Antonio told them that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their iburney but an aduenture therein which if it succeeded prosperously might make them sufficiently rich and wonderfull honourable and that they had done so much alreadie in triall thereof as what end soeuer happened could nothing impaire their credits yet in regard of the Kings last promise that hee should haue that night three thousand armed men of his owne Country he would not for that night dislodge The King of Portugall whether carried away with imagination by the aduertisements he receiued from the Portugalls or willing by any promise to bring such an Armie into his Countrey thereby to put his fortune once more in triall assured the Generall that vpon his first landing there would be a reuolt of his subiects After two nights staying at Lisbon the King as you haue heard promised a supply of three thousand Foot and some Horse but all his appointments being expired euen to the last of a night all his Horse could not make a Cornet of fortie nor his Foot furnish two Ensignes fully although they carried three or foure colours and these were altogether such as thought to inrich themselues by the ruine of their neighbours for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoile then any of our owne The Generall as you see hauing done more then before his comming out of England was required by the King and giuen credite to his many promises euen to the breach of the last he
the company that the Captaine that had taken this Indian Prize had already sent the Admirall a Letter to the same effect Yet the Reare-Admirall for the more suretie doubting that a Letter might miscarry or that no such Letter might bee sent being but an excuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet being a matter of great importance commanded one of his small Men that at that time followed vs to deliuer the same aduertisement to our Admirall as hee had receiued it by word of mouth and to vse all diligence to seeke him and the Fleet and to deliuer the report truly in manner as it was related and withall to signifie vnto his Lordship that wee there attended him in that height according to the directions and so would obserue all places and times appointed and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to heare of vs vpon any occasion to wait on him This message and Messenger could sufficiently witnesse that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet or to sequester our selues being at the place set downe in the generall instructions This small Man that had this message in charge to deliuer to his Lordship the next day by good hap found out the Fleet and vpon deliuery of this newes within two dayes after our Reare-Admirall receiued two seuerall Letters to one effect from the Admirall one after another First somewhat taxing him for not writing then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Ilands whether he said he would by Gods helpe hasten to find the Adelantado not doubting but to giue his Mistresse a better account of that seruice then the Adelantado should yeeld his Master so or much to that effect the Letters went for I my selfe read them with the Reare-Admirall his permission and therefore can truly report their contents Vpon this suddaine and strict message we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape to hast to the Ilands and therfore we presently gaue notice to Sir William Brooke and the rest of our consorts of our Admirall his Letters and what way he meant to take and so instantly without any further delay we shaped our course for the Ilands But in this passage of ours towards the Ilands as wee had a franke wind so met wee with other lets For our Maine-yard began againe to cracke insomuch that wee were inforced to strengthen it with more fishing And as commonly misfortunes neuer come alone so in the necke of this trouble our Mayn-mast began to shrinke also springing great flawes in diuers places in so much that at last we greatly doubted with euery high blast or wind that it would haue beene blowne ouer-boord This sudden disaster much troubled vs and the more to thinke what vnequall constructions would bee made thereof Wee acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischiefe and desired Sir William Brooke in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company seeing that our ship was so defectiue that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast seruiceable but would vse all our best means to come speedily after desiring him and all the rest to hast to our Admiral and to signifie our misfortunes and withal to make the more speed for that if the Adelantado were at the Ilands our Admirals Forces would be wel helped by their companies so for a few hours we and our consorts parted only we retained two little small Men with vs for our better comfort Yet notwithstanding this order and direction giuen so great were our desires to go on our labor such as that the same night wee had new fished our crased Maine-mast with a spare Maine top Mast that lay by vs and then so plied our sayles as that the next day towards the euening wee ouertooke Sir William Brooke againe and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Ilands as was directed And on the eight of September in the yeere 1597. being Thursday wee made the I le called the Tercera and weathered it to the North-west where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint Michaels and had layen trading about those Ilands some six weekes together but could not tell vs any newes of our Admirall and the Fleet albeit they were passed by but two dayes before Which shewes how easie a matter it is for shipping to passe by amongst those Ilands vnseene and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Ilands as would shelter themselues from men of Warre and couet not to bee met withall seeing that so great a Fleet could passe by vnseene or vnheard of by one that came iust from the Ilands at the same time that our Generall came thither And therefore it is a necessary obseruation for all such men of Warre as would meet or intercept any shipping that doth touch at those Ilands or do come from thence to keep in the maine sea and so to attend their comming forth and not to puzzle themselues with running in amongst those Ilands to seeke for purchase except they haue others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receite if they chance to slip by which is easily done This Merchant informed vs of certaine West Indian men and two Carracks that a month before had touched there bound for Spaine And by this Merchant wee wrote into England how affaires went In passing thus onwards we discouered Saint Georges Ilands and there we dispatched two of our small men with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleete and to enforme our Admirail that we were going for Flores and Cueruos in hope to meete him there withall willing those small men to come thither vnto vs. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtfull and laid great wagers that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands for that this Merchant could make no report thereof Whilest we were before Saint Georges we were very much becalmed for a day or two and the weather extreamely hot insomuch as the winde could not beare the sailes from the mastes but were faine to hull in the Sea to our great discontentment that before had vsed such great diligence and haste to meete with our Admirall and the rest of the Fleete Notwithstanding the winde began againe to be fauourable and so setting forwards the next of the Ilands that we made were Gratiosa Pyke and Fayall And as we ranged by Gratiosa on the tenth of September about twelue a clocke at night we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moone light in the bignesse and forme of all other Rainbowes but â—n colour much differing for it was more whitish but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire This made vs expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather but indeede it fell out afterward to be very calme and hot This Rainbow by the Moone light I
actions of seruice and in his times of chiefest recreations he would euer accept of his counsell and company before many others that thought themselues more in his fauour And as touching the Aduertisement that was sent into England from the Isles of Bayon by Master Robert Knolles in a Pinnace called the Guiana concerning vs that were forsaken and left alone vpon the breaking of our Maine yard whereupon was pretended that many great exploits should haue bin performed vpon the coast of Spaine if wee had not fallen from them as was vntruely suggested and reported his Lordship promised the reare Admirall then to send another aduertisement how we were all metagaine and had bin formerly seuered by misfortunes onely and not by any wilfull default in the reare Admirall as was doubted And that Aduertisement sent formerly by Master Knolles we well knew proceeded not out of any particular malice of the Generall to vs but onely to take that as a fit excuse to free himselfe from the enterprises of Ferall or the Groine which he had promised her Maiestie to vndertake but saw it impossible to performe by reason of the former crosses and our long stay in Plimmonth and therefore was glad to take the opportunity of any colour to satisfie her Maiestie and to discharge himselfe of that burthen which we did all perceiue and therefore did striue the lesse the publish our Apologies or to contest with a man of his place and credit which though in a right had bin but bootelesse and meere folly and therefore we left him to his best excuse and our apparant innocencie And for the more plaine manifesting of the Message I haue thought it not amisse here to insert the true copie of the Instructions verbatim that our Generall sent by Master Robert Knolles into England vpon these accidents before the Isles of Bayon That we weighing Ancor and setting saile from the sound of Plimmouth the seuenteenth of this moneth of August hauing sometimes calmes but for the most part Westerly and Northeasterly windes we fellon thursday the fiue and twenty of this moneth with the Land which is to the Eastward of the Cape Ortingall which land we made in the morning about ten of the clocke and stood in with the shoare till three in the afternoone Then finding the winde scant to ply to the Southward I stood all night into the Sea and the next morning in againe to the Land By which boords by reason of the head-sea and the bare winde we got nothing On Friday night I stood off againe to the Sea and about midnight the winde comming all Northerly we got a good slant to lye all along the coast on Saturday in the morning I discouered the Saint Andrew whom we had lost sight of two or three dayes before I bare with her and had no sooner got her vp but Sir Walter Rawleigh shot off a peece and gaue vs warning of his being in distresse I presently bare with him and found that he had broken his maine yard Whereupon I willed him to keepe along the coast that birth that he was till he got in the height of the North Cape and my selfe hauing a desperate leake broke out as euer ship swam withall which I was fame to lye by the lee and seele to stop it which how it held vs you can report and God be thanked that night we ouercame it and stopped it The next morning we all came to Cape Finister sauing the Saint Matthew who vpon breaking of her fore maste went home and the Wastspight with whom the Dreadnaught went without stop to the South Cape This is all that is hapned to me If her Maiestie aske you why there was no attempt vpon the Fleete at Teral you may say I neither had the Saint Matthew which was the principall ship for that execution nor the Saint Andrew till mine owne ship was almost sunke and I not able to make saile till Sir Walter Rawleigh with his owne ship the Dreadnaught and very neere twenty saile were gone Wee are now gone to lye for the Indian Fleete for by Spaniards wee haue taken wee finde the Adelantado is not put to Sea this yeere Of our successe her Maiestie shall from time to time be aduertised you shall acquaint Master Secretarie with this instruction and both to him and all our friends you must excuse our haste We being thus met all at Flores desired our Generall to giue vs and our consorts leaue to water there before we departed thence as his Lordship and the rest had done before which he yeelded vnto and very nobly lent vs his owne long Boate for our better speede willing vs there to water whilest he with the rest of the Fleete did ply vp and downe to looke out for the Adelantado or any Indian Fleete that being the very fit place and season for them Hereupon whilest our men and Mariners were prouiding to water our Reare-admirall with Sir William Brooke my selfe and diuers other Gentlemen went ashoare to stretch our legs in the Isle of Flores and to refresh our selues with such victuals as we could there get for our monie And at our first landing there we met with the Lord Gray Sir Gylly Merricke and other Gentlemen and wee altogether walked a mile or two into the Countrie and there dined in a little Village where the bare-legged Gouernour caused such things to be brought vnto vs for our monie as the Island afforded In other sort we tooke nothing which was very faire wars This Island seemes to be somewhat mountainous yet hauing very good store of Fruits Wheat and other Corne. Their Corne they doe all keepe in large hollow vaults within the earth hauing no other way nor entrance into them but by a round hole in the top of the vault onely so big as a man may creepe into it and when it is closed vp with a planke and ouerstrewed with earth is very hard to be found out by strangers for the which purpose they are so made and much like the Caues in Gascoyne and Languedocke and such as are mentioned by Caesar to be vsed in Affricke This Island lies more subiect to the inuasion of Sea-faring men then any of the rest for there all traders of the Indies doe vsually water and refresh themselues But here I must not forget to relate that before we had our leaue to water or were departed from the Generall a Counsell was called and holden for the taking in of some of the Islands and an orderly course set downe for the same which was in this sort concluded on The Admirall and Reare-admirall to vndertake Fayall the Lord Thomas Howard Vice-admirall and the Marshall Uere to vndertake Gratiosa The Lord Mountioye Lieutenant Generall and Sir Christopher Blunt Coronell Generall of the Foote to Saint Michaels and the Netherland Squadron was quartered to Pyke where the greatest store of Wines doe grow and therefore would not be taken in ill part of them as we presumed The
the Lions hath beene bitten by the Adder the Spanish Dominions being coasted braued spoiled of thousands of their people besides wealth and security by the basest of enemies the Algier Pirates Thus at home doth Great Britain enioy this Gem of Goodnes the best part of the Ring of the worlds Greatnes abroad we see that as Gods Steward to others also His Maiestie hath ballanced the neerer World by his prudence by iustice of commerce visited the remoter by truest fortitude without wrong to any man conquered the furthest North and by iustest temperance disposed the ouerflowing numbers of his Subiects not in Intrusions and Inuasions of weaker Neighbours but in the spacious American Regions some thinly others not all inhabited to breed New Britaines in another World We haue giuen Voyages thorow this Booke and being now returned home and fixed on so illustrious a Name I meane to trauell no more here I hang vp my Pilgrims weeds here I fixe my Tabernacle it is good to bee here wee haue brought all the World to England England it selfe to the greatest of her Soueraignes King IAMES But yet the mention of his Maiesties Plantations makes me gratefully to mention his gracious care of the same euen since the former Virginian Relations were printed I then left Virginia with some griefe and sorrow because of her distracted Children and Fathers the diuisions and mutuall distasts of the Company here and Planters there sighing to God for them who hath put in his Maiesties heart to compassionate these his Subiects and hauing appointed the Gouernment to be according to a Commission in that Case directed hath to further Virginias gaine beene content to suffer the losse of many thousands yeerly in his Royall Customes arising out of Tobacco so I haue heard deliuered in open Court that so only that of the New Plantations may bee vendible till the Colonie may recouer greater strength His Maiestie is also pleased to send a Running Armie of Souldiers to scoure the Countrey of the vnneighbourly malicious Naturalls and to secure the planters from their priuie ambushments For openly they dare not attempt but lurking in secret places attend aduantages I feare not but so bright a Sunshine will quickly produce blessed effects Of their vndertakers for three yeeres Tobacco I lust not to speake because I wish and euen from that vndertaking shortly expect better commodities from thence then Tobacco I cannot but magnifie His Maiesties care and manifest that also of the Honorable Lords of the Councel who after diligent search of Virginian Affaires the last yeere 1623. appointed Captaine Iohn Haruey Master Iohn Porey Master Abraham Persey Master Samuel Matihews to search further into the diseases and possible remedies of that plantation In Februarie and March last a generall Assembly was summoned and questions propounded to Sir Francis Wiat Gouernour and the said Assembly First what places in the Countrey were best and most proper to be fortified or maintayned both against Indians or other Enemies Secondly concerning the present state of the Colonie in reference to the Sauages Thirdly touching the hopes really to be conceiued of the Plantation and fourthly touching the Meanes thereunto c. Their answere I know not whether I may publish in other things In this one I presume for better confirmation of what hath beene said before to incite and confirme Mens affections to Virginia namely their answere to the third subscribed as the rest by about thirty chiefe mens hands We hold it to be one of the goodliest parts of the Earth abounding with Nauigable riuers full of varietie of Fish and Fowle falling from high and sleepe Mountaines which by generall relation of the Indians are rich with Mines of Gold Siluer and Copper another Sea lying within sixe dayes iourney beyond them into which other Riuers descend The soile fruitfull and apt to produce the best sorts of commodities replenished with many Trees for seuerall vses Gums Dyes Earths and Simples of admirable vertues Vines and Mulberry Trees growing wild in great quantities the Woods full of Deare Turkies and other Beasts and Birds Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dales reports to the Company concerning those praises were in no part hyperbolicall nor any Countrey more worthy of a Princes care and supportance Other reports concerning the healthfulnesse of the aire especially where the ground is cleered of woods and other needfull prouisions of the plantation in numbers of Men and Armes which some had hyperbolically disgraced and in all other necessaries seeing the late massacre hath not permitted it better I am glad reioyce that it is no worse and hope and pray for the fortunate increase thereof daily I reioyce also to heare by one lately returned thence Master Morell a Minister and man of credit that the affaires of New England are thriuing and hopefull which two Colonies of Virginia and New England with all their Neighbours God make as Rachel and Leah which two did build the house of Israel that they may multiply into thousands and there inlarge the Israel of God and the Churches Catholike confines doing worthily in America and being famous in Great Britaine These with the rest of his Maiesties Dominions and his neerest and deerest possession Prince Charles his Highnesse the Count Palatine the Lady Elizabeth more shining more pure in her fiery trialls and like the pressed palme and her Royall Godmother spreading her boughes the more by greater weight with the sweet and princely Fruits of her wombe still multiplied like the Israelites vnder the Crosse God preserue and prosper vnto the Maiesty of our Dread Soueraigne the mighty Defender of the True Faith KING IAMES Amen O AMEN The end of the tenth Booke FINIS AN ALPHABETICALL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL things contained in the fiue Bookes of the fourth Part of Purchas his Pilgrimes A AAys a Prouince in Florida 1553 Abayâ—a formozo a Harbour in Brasile where is found great store of Amber greice Coral Brasil-wood Fish c. 1240 Abausango Retambuero a great mountaine in Brasile 1240 Abausanga the name of a valiant Caniball 1228 Abermot a great Lord of Mawooshen 1874 Aborollas dangerous Sands clifts in the West-Indies betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo 1222 Abraham Cock an Englishman maried in America 1141 Abrioio great Shoalds in the Latitude of 21 and 22 Degrees from Hispaniola westward 1834 Acara a towne in Peru 1446 Acacoustomed a Riuer in Mawooshen 1874 Acapulea the situation and description thereof 1418. 1446. 1562 Acarewanas Indian Kings Lords so called 1247 Acari a Towne where is made the best and greatest store of wine in all Peru 1446 Accomack a Riuer in Virginia 1694 Acela a Towne in Florida 1531 Achese a Towne in Florida 1536 Achneres a certaine people so called their natures habitations fashions and commodities 1357 Acle a Gulph so called 1244 Acoma a Towne of 6000 Indians the passage to which is by stayres â—â—wen out of a rocke 1561 1562 Acuco a Prouince in America 1560 Acus a
Women well vsed Desire of the Spaniards blessing Conceit that they came from heauen Many languages 〈…〉 popolo de Câ—ori A thousand leagues of a populous Countrey Great Deere Poisonous tree Newes of Spaniards Countries dispeopled by Spaniards Gentlenesse fitter then crueltie R. Petutan P 〈…〉 r Shewâ—s of Gold He speakith wihh his countrey-men Ingratefull crueâ—tie 〈…〉 〈…〉 Sauage insidelâ—â—y oâ— Christians were â—hâ—n Infidels and Sauages Manner of Spanish 〈◊〉 ing to the Indians 200. leagues betwixt the coast of the North and South Seas He could not weare apparell for many daies nor sleepe on the ground He also describeth his voiage to Spaine which is here omitted This Preface is contained more at large in the sixe first Chapters of the authors Booke which being no part of Florida discouery I haue here reduced to a Preface None of those men prospered which were guilty of Atabalipa or Atuhalpas death but by ciuill wars or otherwise were consumed And so it happened to this Soto Cabeza de Vacâ— was the Gouernour of the Riuer of Plate 600. men went with Soto into Florida Ynca in his large story of this voiage containing six Books saith he had 1000. men with him Great Figs. Ananes Great Pine-apples * Erua babosa Mameis an excellent fruit Guayabas Plantanos Batatas or Potatos The Cassani root Store of good Horses The length and breadth of Cuba A wittie stratagem May 18. 1539. Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega hath written a story of this voyage He saith Soto had with him 950. souldiers besides Mariners which he had entertained for the conquest of Florida and came with him in this Fleet from Saint Lucars This Author hath but 600. The ships came vp to the Towne of Vcita The Towne of Vcita Iune Some Pearles found Iohn Ortiz liued 12 yeeres among the Floridians of Vcita and Mocoço Naruaez Wolues Mocoço dwelleth two dayes iournie from Vcita Humane Sacrifice A Riuer Par 〈…〉 ssi 30. leagues from Puerto de Spirito Santo Paracossi Cale Paracossi Acela Tocaste Another Towne A Lake A swift Riuer Cale Boggie countrey Trauelling Souldiers shifts for bread Ytara Poâ—ano Vtinama The Towne of Euill peace Greyhound catcheth the fugitiue Cholupaha A Riuer Caliquen A Riuer Some small Townes Napetuca Two very great Lâ—kes Indian subtlety A new Conspiracie Two hundred 〈◊〉 takâ—n A Riuer H 〈…〉 a a 〈…〉 at Towne Vzachil * Aboboraâ— Axille A Riuer Uitachuco October 25. V 〈…〉 a. A 〈…〉 a Apâ—â—acâ—â— Ap 〈…〉 withi 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Sea 〈◊〉 The Sea The Port de Spiritu Santo ten daies iournie from Apalache Ochus sixtie leagues West of Apalache Chap. 11. Abundance of Cold. Death of Indian slaues A great Riuer Capach 〈…〉 Toalli Their houses for winter and summer A grasse like flaxe Excellent colours A small Riuer Achese Sâ—to preteuds to be the Son of the Sunne A Riuer very well inhabited Mannerof Spaniards praying Atamacâ— Ocute Conies Partriges Hens Dogges Cofaqui Patofa An excellent Countrie for fiâ—tie leagues Barren Countrie Two swift Riuers Another greater Riuer Nine dayes iourney The great increase of swinâ— Aymay An Indian b 〈…〉 ned for his falsehood A great cordon of Pea 〈…〉 They passe the Riuer Walnut trees Mulbery trees for silke The Sea two dayes iournie off Mantles of the barkes of trees Mantles of Feathers Pearles found in graues Three hundred nintie two pounds of Pearles found This Towne was but two daies iournie from the hauen of Santa Helena In the yeere 1525. It is in 32. deg and a halfe Chiaha twelue daies iournie from Santa Helena and Coste seuen daies iournie from Chiaha at which towne of Coste they had an Oxe hide Chap. 16. Baggage of the Campe. Chalaque seuen dayes iournie from Cutifa-chiqui 700. Hens Xualla fiue dayes off Rough and high hils Guaxule fiue dayes off Canasagua two dayes iourney off Great store of Mulberie trees to make silke The fat of Beares Oyle of Walnuts Hony of Bees Chiaha seated in an Iland The Desert of Ocute chap. 8. Thirtie dayes rest Mines of Copper and Gold in Chisca toward the North. Hatchets of Copper holding Gold Chisca is directly North from Cutifâ—-chiqui which is with in two daies of Santa Helena Two Christians sent from Chiaha to seeke Chisca Coste seuen dayes from Chiaha chap. 14. A wise Stratagem Those which were sent to seeke Chisca returne High Mountaines A little poore Towne An Oxe Hide with haire like wooll cap. 215. saith so Tali one day from Coste Many Townes of Coça Coça Iuly 26. Marterns Many great Townes Many Plum-â—â—ees of diuers sorts Two sorts of Grapes Note 20. of August Tallimuchase a great Towne Ytaua A great Riuer Vllibahali Vllibahali wâ—lled about The fashion of their wals Great store of good Grapes Toasi Hee trauelled o 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 leagues a day Tallise a great Towne Septem 18. A maine riuer Casiste a great Towne Tascaluca Piache A great Riuer The course of Soros trauels whereby it appeareth that hee iourneved not farre from Uirginia Mauilla 18. of October Mauilla walled Three mantles of Marterns A gowne of Marterns All the clothes and Pearles of the Christians were lost A consultation of the Indians to send away their Cacique The death of 2500. Indians The Port of Ochuse 6. dayes iourney from Mauilla Great and walled Towns 18 oâ— Nouember Taliepataua Cabusto A great Riuer Canauarales Some Towns A Riuer December 17. Chicaça Snowe and much cold Conies An Indian stratagem Saquechuma A walled Towne March 1541. C 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fiâ—◠〈◊〉 the Indians The increase of Hogs The Towne where the Cacique lay Ash trees Aprill 2â— Alimama Blacke white yellow and red colours A Desert of seuen dayes A Towne of Quizquiz An old Prophesie Another Towne Riâ— Gâ—â—nde or 〈◊〉 de Espiâ—itu Santo Aquixâ— a great Lord on the West side of Rio Grande 200. Canoes Loaues made of Prunes Goodly great Canoes Foure Barges made They passe ouer Rio Grande Pâ—caha neerâ— vnto Chiscâ— Great townes The first towne of Casqui Walnut trees with soft she is Many Mulberie trees and Plum trees Many great Townes The châ—eâ—â— Towne of thâ— Cacique of Câ—squi Spanish Indiaâ— Preaching A Towne belonging to Casqui Other townes Targets of raw Oxe hides Pacaha a verie great Towne beset with Towres Great walled Townes Nets found The diuers sorts of excellent fish in Rio Grande Gold Copper in Chisca A poore towne Great store of Oxen toward the North of Pacaha This is like Quiuera Quigaute The greatest Towne seene in Florida Cloth Coligoa neere to certaine Mountaines North-west A new way to take fish Coligoa A Riuer Two oxe hides Store of oxen toward the North. The Prouincs of Palisema Tatalicoya Cayas Tanico A Lake of hot and somewhat brackish â—â—ter Store of Salt made at Cayâ—â— Many Oxe hides with wool on them as soâ—t as 〈◊〉 sheeps wooll Gomara Histor. Geâ—â—â— cap. 2â—5 Many Oxen toward the North. The great eloquence of the Indians A winter of two or three moneths Quipana fiue
fellow Aâ— 14. or 〈◊〉 miles Christall Rock Ayre and Seasons Note well Feare is the beginning of piety ciuility What vse may be made of the Natiues Possown a strange beast Flying Squirrels Fowle Fish Nets The Lottery * To 100. 200. 300. 1000. 2000. and the highest 4500. crownes Spanish Ships aâ— Virginia English Pilatâ— oâ— Iudas rather suspended and exalted together according to his meâ—â—â— Cap Y 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ◠〈◊〉 Hitherto from Capt. Smith See my Pil. l. 8. c. 5. See my Pilg. vbi sup Powhatans remoue Virginian yeers which perhaps occasioned the conceits of their longevity A. 1617. Cap. Argolls gouernment 1618. Great drought L. De-la-Wars last voyages and death Plowing and Corne in Virginia Killingbeck slain Powhatans death Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer Sir George Yerdley Gouernour Profit to be made in Virginia Seuerall Burroughs Patent three times renewed Ships People Commodities Gifts Patents Cap. I. Smith Sir Edw. Sands was Treasurer from Ap. 1619. till Iun. 16â—0 Master Stockams Letter to Master Whitaker before 1620. Hollanders colours The Spaniards shot at the boat They shot at the Ship English vnprepared for fight Spanish aduantages Spanish colors Their conference Insolence of the Spaniards The English fight Spaniards seeke to enter Their repulse Second charge Third charge Their Captain slaine Lucas his braue act The case altered Omnium reâ—urâ— vicissitudo The English could 〈◊〉 but foure Ordnance Spaniards fall off Brauado turned English Next dayes fight The Vice-Admirall seeketh to recouer the Iland and the qualitie Sana Doctor Bohune and seuen others slaine out-right Spanish losse Spanish ships described Beads Maids Magazine Furre-trade Boat-builders East Indie Schoole Iron Cotton Indico Vines Silke and Mulberies Plum-drinke Salt-workes New Discoueties by M. Pory Copper Mine Summer Iland Plants 3570. people sent to Virginia in the three last yeeres 42. Saile of ships 1200. Mariners imployed 1500. To the Summer Ilands Nine ships 240. Mariners imployed Forrest of Pines M. Hariot in his Booke of Virginia A. 1585. Vines planted Note A China Boxe seene with the Sauages M. Berkley M. G. Sandys French Vignerous Mulberies The Booke is printed containing many good rules both for Silk works Vines othâ—r husbandry but too long here to be inserted Hasty security Opachankanoes dissimulation occasioned by English security 347. slaine and basely murthered some think more He had written letters the year before May 17 testifying the plentiful comming vp of the Cotten seede c. attributing the ill successe of things to the not seeking of Gods glory in conuerting the Natiues which he said were peace able wanted but meanes indeed to murther them which this conceit procured Sure binde sure find Pitty such an Abel should be so Kaiâ— deceiued Conuerted Indian Manner of the Sauages life Gunpowder sowne practised before in Captain Smiths time Cap. Ioh Smith M. Pâ—rie Naked breast concealed beast Prouident Sauages Iack of the Feather Câ—uâ—e of the Massacre M. Gookins M. Iordan Mistris Procter Sup. cap. 6. Saint Georges Iland Three men had staied behind and went not to Virginia Harter Water and Chard Commodites of the Countrie Fishes Tortoises great and of great vse Fowle Hogs by reason of their food there and our mens stomackes extraordinarily sweet The weather Fruits Peares not hurtfull Cedar Berries Palmitos Pepper Palme-liquor Ambergreece and Pearle Tobacco Silk-spider Timber Trees * I haue omitted the rest of this discourse as being better knowne to later Writers Ambergreece Rat-plague How vaine a thing is man whose best wits and industry are triumphed ouer by silly Rats Great God giue vs grace to feare thee that we may feare nothing else else shall we feare with Pharao Frogs Lice Flies Grashopper or with others Fleas Sparrowes â— Yea a few Rats in despite of Cats Dogs Traps poisons shall starue vs. The Feagâ— Cap. Tucker Whales Shares Wels. The Aire TeÌ„perature of the Countrey Spiders Inueniuntur opes irritamenta malorum Flies Ants. Wormes Lizards Spiders Fowles Moores Forts Master Keath Church built Supplies sent An. 1613. M. Barklie Increase of Potatos Spanish Ships Escapes from dangers Rats M. Barklies second coming 1614. Famine and sicknesse Rauens Contrary extreme Gouernment by a Counsell Caldicots lot M. Keath and M. Hughes Strange accident Andrew Hilliaras aduentures M. Tucker 1616. Tribes laid oâ—â— Assises The Gouernours Admirable voyage His course was neerer shoare with all prouisions fitting Small Boat from Bermudas commeth to Ireland Sanders his fortunes Cap. Powell 1617. Hurt by Rats filling all the Iland Gallowes clappers fate 1618. Magazines not so profitable as intended Escapers not escaping Two ships sent Cap. Butler Gouernour 1619. Great stormes Ambergreece New platforme Ministers scruples Sir George Summers memorial Their first Parliament Spanish Wrack These made false reports in England the Spanish Embasadoâ—r also vrging the same till the contraâ—ie was manifested Weauells cure Forts Ordnance in Bermudas M. Bernard Gouernour 1622. M. Harrison Gouernour 1623. Wormes noysome He mentions in other letters 3. s. a pound of Butter 6. d. rea dy monie for a pinte of Milke 10 s. or 12. s. a day for a workman Carpenter besides meate and lodging Corteregalis made a voiage to thosâ— parts An. 1500. and another 1501. After that his brother but both lost Gomes another Portugal sought straits ther. An. 1525. The land was called Terra Corteregalis from 60. deg to S. Laurence Iesuites * I haue heard that Sir T. Dale was the Gouernor of Virginia and â—â—â—t him Iesuite killed The South Sea suspected as before in Dermers l 〈…〉 ter by Sauages relations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—at Of God and the image of God in Man Gen. 1. 1. Eph. 4. 24. Gen 1. 28. Gen. 9. 2. Gen. 2. Esay 53. 1. Cor. 3. Apoc. 21. 〈◊〉 Cor. 15. Of the right of Christians and that of Heathens to the world See these things more fully handled in To. 1. l. 1. c. 1. §. 3 4. 5. Ioh. 8. 35. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Tim. 1. 6. Christians may not spoile Heathens Gal. 3. 17. Tit. 1. Matth. 5. Iohn 19. 36. 2. Cor. 10. 4. Matth. 16. Iud. 8. 2. Pet. 2. 19. Iohn 19. 11. Rom. 13. 1. Gen. 11. Acts 17. 27. Deut. 2. 9 19. 1. Cor. 3. 1. Cor. 13. Matth. 5. 1. Pet. 3. Mans naturall right in places either wholly or in great part not inhabited Abraham Lot Iacob c. I haue heard by one which I thinke hath more searched the Countrie then any other Cap. Smith that in â—eere so much as all England they haue not aboue 5000. men able to bear armes which manured and ciuilly planted might well nourish 1500000. and many many more as appeareth by this oâ—â— câ—untrie not hauing so rich a naturall Inheritance Right of Merchandise 1. Cor 11. 21. Securitie of Ports Gen. 10. Rom. 2. 14. Right Nationall Ius gentium Lucan Right by righâ— conquest 2. Sam. 10. Deut. 2. 19. Englands ma 〈…〉 〈…〉 hts to Virginia First discouery Mercator D. d ee Ortel c. M. Thorne
ended by the women Moussacat that is the Master of the Familie being busily employed in making of an Arrow casts not so much as his eyes for a certaine time vpon the Guest as if hâ— marked nothing At length comming vnto the Guest hee speaketh vnto him in these words Ere Ioube that is Are you come then how doe you what seeke you c. After hee demandeth whether you be hungrie if you grant that you are presently he commandeth meates of diuers kindes to be set before you in earthen vessels to wit Meale which with them supplieth the place of bread Venison Fowle Fish and other things of that kinde but because there is no vse with them for Tables and Benches all those things are set on the ground As touching Drink if you desire Cao-uin that it be in the house it shall presently be giuen you Lastly after the women haue stoutly solemnized the comming of the Guests with weeping they come vnto them bringing Fruits and other trifling Presents and so secretly demand Coâ—bes Looking-glasses and little Beades of glasse which they winde about their armes Moreouer if you will lodge all night in that Village the Moussacat commandeth a very neat and cleane bed to be hanged vp for you round about which he will cause smal fires to be kindled and often quickned in the night with Bellows which they call Tatapecoua not much vnlike the little round Fannes wherewith the nicer and more delicate sort of women with vs defend the scorching of fire from their faces Not because that Countrie is subiect vnto cold but by reason of the moisture of the night and especially because it is their vsuall manner Now seeing we haue chanced to mention Fire which they call Tata and Smoake Tatatin I thinke it needfull that I declare the excellent manner of kindling the same They haue two kindes of wood whereof the one is very soft but the other very hard which they vse after this manner to kindle fire They sharpen a twig of a foot long of that hard wood at the one end like a Spindle and sticke the point thereof in any piece of that soft wood then laying it on the ground or vpon a stocke they turne that twig swiftly about with the palmes of their hands as if they would pierce an hole through the piece of wood which lieth vnder Through that so swift and violent motion smoake is not onely raised but also fire putting Cotton vnto it or certaine drie leaues in stead of our Countrie tinder fire is very aptly ingendred whereof I my selfe haue made triall After that the Guests haue refreshed themselues with meate and lodged after the manner which we haue declared if they be liberall they vse to giue vnto the men Kniues Scizzers and Pinsers fit for the plucking out of the haires of their beards to the women Combes and Looking-glasses and to the children Fish-hookes But if the Guest want victuals when he hath agreed of the price he may carrie them away Moreouer because they want all kinde of beasts of burden they are all of necessitie to trauell on foot If Strangers bee wearie and giue a Knife to any of the Barbarians he presently offereth his helpe to carrie him that is wearie I my selfe when I liued in those Countries was diuers times carried by those Porters and that surely two miles iourney together And if wee admonished them to rest a little they laughed at vs with these words What Thinke you that wee are so effeminate or of so weake a courage that wee should faint and lie downe vnder our burden I would rather carrie you all the day without any intermission But we breaking out into laughter wondered at those two legged Hackneyes and encouraging them said let vs therefore proceed on the way They exercise naturall charitie abundantly among themselues for they daily giue one vnto another both Fish Meale and Fruits and also other things nay they would be very sorrie if they saw their neighbours want those things which they haue They also vse the like liberalitie towards Strangers whereof it shall be sufficient to bring one example In the tenth Chapter of this Booke I made mention of a certaine danger which my selfe and two other Frenchmen escaped to wit that we were in great perill of death by reason of an huge Lizard which met vs in the way at that time wee wandred two dayes through the middle of the Woods out of the way and indured no meane hunger and at length came vnto a certaine Village called Pauo where wee had lodged before There wee were most liberally entertained by the Barbarians For hauing heard the troubles which wee had suffered and specially the great danger wherein we were that we were likely to haue beene deuoured by wilde beasts but chiefly that wee were in danger to bee slaine by the Margaiates our common enemies neere vnto whose borders wee approached vnawares and seeing also the hurts and scratches of thornes wherewith our skâ—n was miserably rent they tooke our harmes so grieuously that I may here truly affirme that the faigned flatteries wherewith our Countrie people vse to comfort the distressed are farre from the sincere humanitie of that Nation which we call Barbarous For they washed our feet with cleare water which put me in minde of the ancient custome euery one of vs sitting apart vpon an hanging Bed Then the Masters of the Families who had alreadie prouided meates to be prepared for vs and caused new Meale to be ground which as I elsewhere said is nothing inferiour vnto the crumme of white bread in goodnesse presently after wee had beene a little refreshed commanded all the best meates to wit Venison Fowle Fish and the most exquisite and choicest Fruits wherewith they continually abound to bee set before vs. Moreouer the night approching the Moussacat our Host remoueth all the children from vs that wee might the more quietly rest The next day after early in the morning he commeth vnto vs and demandeth goe to Atourassap that is dearly beloued Confederates haue you quietly rested this night wee answered very quietly Then saith he my sonnes rest your selues yet a while for yesterday I perceiued that you were very wearie To be briefe I am not able to expresse with words how friendly and curteously wee were entertained But wee neuer trauelled farre from home without a Sachell full of Merchandises which might serue vs in stead of money among those Barbarians Departing therefore thence we gaue our Hosts what wee thought good to wit Kniues Sizzers Pinsers to the men Combes Looking-glasses Bracelets and glassen Beades to the women and Fish-hookes to the children I one day turned out of the way to lodge in a certaine Village and was requested by my Moussacat to shew him what I had in my Sachell who commanded a great earthen vessell to bee brought wherein to put my merchandises I tooke them all out and set them in order
whereat he greatly wondring calleth the rest of the Barbarians vnto him and saith See I pray you my good friends what manner of man I haue entertained with me doth it not manifestly appeare that he is very rich seeing he carrieth so great wealth about him yet those would scarce haue beene sold at Paris for two siluer Cardicues Then because as we haue said they loue liberall men that I might procure authoritie and fauour among them I gaue my Monssacat the best of my Kniues before them all which he esteemed no lesse then any one with vs would regard a golden chaine of very great price bestowed vpon him If peraduenture it happen that any of them fall sicke when the inward and familiar friend of the sicke person hath declared the grieued part one sucketh it with his mouth sometimes also that seruice is performed by certaine impostors which they call Pages that is Physicians or Surgeans But they are a kinde of People differing from the Caraibes whereof I haue spoken before And they also say that they draw out the paine and prolong the life They are sometimes sicke of Feuers and other common diseases but not so often as wee vse to bee Moreouer they are troubled with a certaine incurable disease which they call Pians This for the most part proceedeth of lust yet I haue seene the little children infected therewith not vnlike the manner of our Countrie Measels This contagion breaketh out into pustles broader then a thumbe which ouer spread the whole bodie and also the face it selfe They neuer giue meate to the sicke vnlesse he desire it although he be readie to perish through hunger Moreouer although it be the most grieuous disease they that are healthie neuer cease dansing singing and drinking after the accustomed manner to dull and wearie the miserable sicke person with the noise nor doth he complaine because he knoweth that he shall not preuaile at all But if hee die that singing especially if he be a Master of any familie is suddenly turned into teares and so great lamentation is made that if by chance we turned into a certaine Village at the time of that mourning we were of necessitie to goe to some other place or passe the night without sleepe First of all not without admiration the women are heard which so crie out and exclaime that you would say they were the howling of Wolues or Dogs and no humane voices But they powre forth these complaints with a trembling voice That most valiant man is dead who sometimes gaue vs so many Captiues to be deuoured Then the rest say O notable Hunter O most excellent Fisher O valiant Killer of the Portugals and Margaiates To be briefe those women prouoking one another to mourning and embracing armes together desist not from these lamentations and praises before the dead bodie be brought forth Lastly these Barbarian women imitate the Bearneansian custome in bewayling their dead men whom as I haue heard they follow with these complaints La mi amon la mi amon cara rident oeil desplendou camaleuge bet dansadou La me balen lo m'esburbat mati depes fort tard congat that is My friend my friend with a merrie countenance shining eyes swift legs notable danser strong and valiant thou diddest arise early and goe late to bed The Vascone women also who adde these things to the former Yere yere o le bet renegadou o le bet iougadou qu'bere that is Alas alas how stout and deepe a Swearer was hee how notable a Gamester Moreouer to those complaints whereof we spoke the Barbarian women often adde this burden of the Song He is dead he is dead whom we now lament Then the men answere Alas he is dead and wee shall see him no more vntill wee danse with him behind the Mountaines as our Caraibes teach Those howling lamentations are prolonged for sixe houres for they vse not to keepe their Dead any longer vnburied Then digging a Trench not long as we vse but circular like a great Drie-fat they burie the dead bodie bolt vpright The dead Masters of Families they burie in the middest of their houses wrapped in their Cotton bed with feathers and other things wherein they delighted in their life time laide in the Graue Since their commerce with the French they haue forborne to put precious things in the Graues but they retained a strange and very deuillish Superstition The first night after the Funerall the Barbarians who are thus perswaded that Aygnan vnlesse he found other meates prepared would digge vp the dead bodie and deuoure it set no small store of vessels with Meale Fish Flesh and other meats carefully prepared and also great pots full of their drinke Cao-uin about the Graue Which Sacrifice they performe so long vntill they thinke that the dead bodie bee wholly consumed From the which errour they were the more hardly remoued because certaine Neustrian Interpreters by example of the Sacrifices of Bell diuers times before our comming priuily fâ—ole away those meates Through which fact they so confirmed the Barbarians in errour that although we shewed them that those meates set downe in the euening remained in the morning yet with great labour and difficultie we disswaded very few from that errour As often as the Barbarians transport their Villages vnto another place after the manner which wee haue declared they put certaine couerings of the herbe Pindo vpon the Graues of the Dead Whereby it commeth to passe that Trauellers may take notice of a certaine forme of a place of buriall At which places if at any time wandring in the Woods they remember the dead men they make so great lamentation that they may be heard farre off Worse then their howlings here worse then their former man-eatings is the tragicall famine which attended Lerius and his fellowes in their returne besides dangers of shipwracke resolution of some to kill their fellowes for food Thether by Sea in 500. fathome depth seeming like a Marish the horbes yellowish with Berries like those of Iuniper the leaues like Rue with threads like grownd Inie floting on the Saa but not safely handled in some places redde filth like concombes swimming the touching of which caused the hand presently to swell as also his Brasilian Dictionarie c. for brenitie I haue omitted Villagagnons Apostasie from the Religion was the cause of their departure whose malice pursued them homewards to pronounce them to bee burned for Heresie vpon his accusation at home as they were faine to line from him in Brasill Wee will leaue this Religions Frenchman and acquaint you with a Germane CHAP. IIII. The trauels of HVLDERIEE SCHNIRDEL in twentie yeeres space from 1534. to 1554. abbreuiated §. I. His Voyage vp the Riuer of Plate foundation of Townes their expedition vp the Riuer of Parana and Parabol the people of these parts ANno 1534. I went from Antwerpe to Cadiz and there found fourteene ships furnished for the Riuer
receiue all such as turne vnto him and straight way hee commanded him to make a very high Crosse of wood which was set vp in the highest place of the Towne declaring vnto him that the Christians worshipped the same in resemblance and memorie of that whereon Christ suffered The Gouernour and his men kneeled downe before it and the Indians did the like The Gouernour willed him that from thenceforth he should worship the same and should aske whatsoeuer they stood in need of of that Lord that he told him was in Heauen Then he asked him how farre it was from thence to Pacaha He said one dayes iournie and that at the end of his Countrie there was a Lake like a Brooke which falleth into Rio Grande and that hee would send men before to make a Bridge whereby hee might passe The same day that the Gouernour departed thence hee lodged at a Towne belonging to Casqui and the next day he passed in sight of other Townes and came to the Lake which was halfe a Crosse-bow shot ouer of a great depth and current At the time of his comming the Indians had made an end of the Bridge which was made of timber laid one tree after another and on one side it had a course of stakes higher then the Bridge for them that passed to take hold on The Cacique of Casqui came to the Gouernour and brought his people with him The Gouernour sent word by an Indian to Caciqui of Pacaha that though he were enemie to the Cacique of Casqui and though he were there yet hee would doe him no disgrace no◠hurt if hee would attend him peaceably and imbrace his friendship but rather wouldintreate him as a Brother The Indian which the Gouernour sent came againe and said that the Cacique made none account of that which he told him but fled with all his men out at the other side of the Towne Presently the Gouernour entred and ranne before with the Horsemen that way by which the Indians fled and at another Towne distant a quarter of a league from thence they tooke many Indians and assoone as the Horsemen had taken them they deliuered them to the Indians of Casqui whom because they were their enemies with much circumspection and reioycing they brought to the Towne where the Christians were and the greatest griefe they had was this that they could not get leaue to kill them There were found in the Towne many Mantles and Deere skinnes Lions skinnes and Beares skinnes and many Cats skinnes Many came so farre poorely apparelled and there they clothed themselue of the Mantles they made them Coates and Cassocks and some made Gownes and lined them with Cats skinnes and likewise their Cassocks Of the Deeres skinnes some made them also Ierkins Shirts Hose and Shooes and of the Beare skinnes they made them very good Clokes for no water could pierce them There were Targets of raw Oxe Hides found there with which Hides they armed their Horses Vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of Iune the Gouernour entred into Pacaha He lodged in the Towne where the Cacique vsed to reside which was very great walled and beset with Towres and many loope-holes were in the Towres and Wall And in the Towne was great store of old Maiz and great quantitie of new in the fields Within a league and halfe a league were great Townes all walled Where the Gouernour was lodged was a great Lake that came neere vnto the wall and it entred into a ditch that went round about the Towne wanting but a little to enuiron it round From the Lake to the great Riuer was made a weare by the which the fish came into it which the Cacique kept for his recreation and sport with Nets that were found in the Towne they tooke as much as they would and tooke they neuer so much there was no want perceiued There was also great store of fish in many other Lakes that were thereabout but it was soft and not so good as that which came from the Riuer and the most of it was different from the fresh water fish of Spaine There was a fish which they called Bagres the third part of it was head and it had on both sides the gils and along the sides great prickes like very sharpe Aules those of this kind that were in the Lakes were as bigge as Pikes and in the Riuer there were some of an hundred and of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight and many of them were taken with the hooke There was another fish like Barbels and another like Breames headed like a delicate fish called in Spaine Besugo betweene red and grey This was thereof most esteeme There was another fish called a Pele fish it had a snowt of a Cubit long and at the end of the vpper lip it was made like a Peele There was another fish like a Westerne Shad And all of them had scales except the Bagres and the Pele fish There was another fish which somtimes the Indians brought vs of the bignesse of an Hogge they call it the Pereo fish it had rowes of teeth beneath and aboue From thence he sent thirtie Horsemen and fiftie Footmen to the Prouince of Caluça to see if from thence he might trauell to Chisca where the Indians said there was a worke of Gold and Copper They trauelled seuen dayes iournie through a Desert and returned very wearie eating greene Plums and stalkes of Maiz which they found in a poore Towne of sixe or seuen houses From thence forward toward the North the Indians said That the Countrie was very ill inhabited because it was very cold And that there were such store of Oxen that they could keepe no Corne for them and that the Indians liued vpon their flesh The Gouernour seeing that toward that part the Countrie was so poore of Maiz that in it they could not bee sustained demanded of the Indians which way it was most inhabited and they said they had notice of a great Prouince and a very plentifull Countrie which was called Quigaute and it was toward the South The Gouernour tooke his iournie toward Quigaute The fourth day of August hee came to the Towne where the Cacique vsed to keepe his Residencie on the way hee sent him a Present of many Manties and Skinnes and not daring to stay for him in the Towne hee absented himselfe The Towne was the greatest that was seene in Florida They tooke many men and women Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their Rebellion they came to see what the Gouernour would command them and passed to and fro many times and brought Presents of Cloth and Fish The Cacique and his two wiues were in the lodging of the Gouernour loose and the Halbardiers of his Guard did keepe them The Gouernour asked them which way the Countrie was most inhabited They said that toward the South downe the Riuer were great Townes and Caciques which commanded great Countries and much
people And that toward the North-west there was a Prouince neere to certaine Mountaines that was called Coligoa The Gouernour and all the rest thought good to goe first to Coligoa saying that peraduenture the Mountaines would make some difference of soile and that beyond them there might be some Gold or Siluer As for Quigaute Casqui and Pacaha they were plaine Countries fat grounds and full of good Medowes on the Riuers where the Indians sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande or the great Riuer is about three hundred leagues it is a very low Countrie and hath many Lakes From Pacaâ—a to Quigaute may bee an hundred leagues The Gouernour left the Cacique of Quigaâ—te in his owne Towne And an Indian which was his Guide led him through great Woods without any way seuen dayes iournie through a Desert where at euery lodging they lodged in Lakes and Pooles in very shoald water there was such store of fish that they killed them with cudgels and the Indians which they carried in chains with the mud troubled the waters and the fish being therewith as it were astonied came to the top of the water and they tooke as much as they listed The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the Christians and when they came so neere the Towne that the Indians saw them they fled vp a Riuer which passed neere the Towne and some leaped into it but the Christians went on both sides of the Riuer and tooke them There were many men and women taken and the Cacique with them And by his commandement within three dayes came many Indians with a Present of Mantles and Deeres skinnes and two Oxe hides And they reported that fiue or sixe leagues from thence toward the North there were many of these Oxen and that because the Countrie was cold it was euill inhabited That the best Countrie which they knew the most plentifull and most inhabited was a Prouince called Cayas lying toward the South From Quiguate to Coligoa may be fortie leagues It was a fat soile and so plentifull of Maiz that they cast out the old to bring in the new There was also great plentie of French Beanes and Pompions The French Beanes were greater and better then those of Spaine and likewise the Pompions and being roasted they haue almost the taste of Chestnuts The Cacique of Coligoa gaue a Guide to Cayas and stayed behind in his owne Towne We trauelled fiue dayes and came to the Prouince of Palisema The house of the Cacique was found couered with Deeres skins of diuers colours and workes drawne in them and with the same in manner of Carpets was the ground of the house couered The Cacique left it so that the Gouernour might lodge in it in token that hee sought peace and his friendship But hee durst not tarrie his comming The Gouernour seeing he had absented himselfe sent a Captaine with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke him He found much people but by reason of the roughnesse of the Country he tooke none saue a few women and children The Towne was little and scattering and had very little Maiz. For which cause the Gouernour speedily departed from thence He came to another Towne called Tatalicoyâ— he carried with him the Cacique thereof which guided him to Cayas From Tatalicoya are foure dayes iournie to Cayas When he came to Cayas and saw the Towne scattered he thought they had told him a lye and that it was not the Prouince of Cayas because they had informed him that it was well inhabited He threatned the Cacique charging him to tell him where he was and he and other Indians which were taken neere about that place affirmed that this was the Towne of Cayas and the best that was in that Country and that though the houses were distant the one from the other yet the ground that was inhabited was great and that there was great store of people and many fields of Maiz. This Towne was called Tanico he pitched his Campe in the best part of it neere vnto a Riuer The same day that the Gouernour came thither he went a league farther with certaine Horsemen and without finding any he found many skinnes in a pathway which the Cacique had left there that they might bee found in token of peace For so is the custome in that Countrey The Gouernour rested a moneth in the Prouince of Cayas In which time the horses fattened and thrined more then in other places in a longer time with the great plentie of Maiz and the leaues thereof which I thinke was the best that hath beene seene and they dranke of a Lake of very hot water and somewhat brackish and they dranke so much that it swelled in their bellies when they brought them from the watering Vntill that time the Christians wanted Salt and there they made good store which they carried along with them The Indians doe carrie it to other places to exchange it for Skins and Mantles They make it along the Riuer which when it ebbeth leaueth it vpon the vpper part of the sand And because they cannot make it without much sand mingled with it they throw it into certaine baskets which they haue for that purpose broad at the mouth and narrow at the bottome and set it in the Aire vpon a barre and throw water into it and set a small Vessell vnder it wherein it falleth Beeing strained and set to boyle vpon the fire when the water is sodden away the Salt remayneth in the bottome of the Pan. On both sides of the Riuer the Countrie was full of sowne fields and there was store of Maiz. Immediately the Gouernour with certaine Horsemen and fifty Footmen departed toward Tulla hee found the Towne abandoned for the Indians durst not tarrie his comming The Caâ—â—que came and eightie Indians with him He brought a Present of many Oxe hides which because the Countrie was cold were very profitable and serued for Couerlets because they were very soft and woolled like sheepe Not farre from thencee toward the North were many Oxen. The Christians saw them not nor came into the Countrie where they were because those parts were euill inhabited and had small store of Maâ—z where they were bred The Cacique of Tulla made an Oration to the Gouernour wherein he excused himselfe and offered him his Country subiects and person Aswell this Cacique as the others and all those which came to the Gouernour on their behalfe deliuered their message or speech in so good order that no Oratour could vtter the same more eloquently §. III. His departure to Autiamque ORTIZ his death and disasters following SOTO takes thought and dieth MOSCOSCO succeedeth They leaue Florida and arriue at Panuco THe Gouernour informed himselfe of all the Countrie round about and vnderstood that toward the West was a scattered dwelling and that toward the South-east were great Townes especially in a Prouince called Autiamque ten daies iouâ—â—ie from