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A67922 Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.; Actes and monuments Foxe, John, 1516-1587. 1583 (1583) STC 11225; ESTC S122167 3,006,471 816

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good horses which before by their old law they might not do nor ride but onely a Mare so destroied al the altars of the maumentrye their temple of Idoles which was at Godmundham not far from Yorke and this was the xi yeare of his raigne From that time ●orth during the life of Edwyne which was the terme of vj. yeares moe Paulinus christened continually in the riuers of Gweny Swala in both prouinces of Deira and in Bernicia vsing the said riuers for his fountes and preached in the shire of Lincesey where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincolne In this time was so great peace in the kingdome of Edwyne after his conuersion that a womā laden with gold might haue gone from the one side of the sea to the other and no man molest hir Moreouer by the hye waye sydes through al his kingdom he caused by euery wel or spryng to be chayned a dish or bole of brasse to take vp water for the refreshing of such as went by the way which boles of brasse there remained safe that no man touched them during all the life of the said Edwyne Such was then the tender care and study of Christen Princes for the refreshing of their subiectes But that was then the Brasen worlde which now is growne to yron and leade called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea This Edwyne who first brought in the fayth in the North partes continuing after his Baptisme vj. yeres at length was slaine in battell by Cedwalla king of the Britaines and by wicked Penda king of the Mercians wyth his sonne also Offricus in the field called Hatfield This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of Yorke and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Caunterbury ordained Archbyshop of the sea of Yorke so he againe after the discease of Iustus ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Caunterbury Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne seing vnmerciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britaines and wycked Penda with the Idolatrous merciās to spoile the land in such sort as they made no spare neither of age nor sexe nor Religion was compelled to fle with Edelburg the Queene and Euflede her daughter by water into Kent where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester the space of xix yeares And so the Churche of Northumberland lacked a Byshop for the space of xxx yeares after Notwithstanding he lett there one Iames his Deacon a good man who continued their baptising and preaching in the North parts till that peace being recouered the number of the faithfull increasing the church came againe to his stay Hunting Lib. 3. By the meanes of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles sonne to Redwaldus aboue mentioned was reduced to Christes faith After the decease of Edwyne and his sonne Offrike both slayne in battell reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra the other in Bernicia Osricus was the sonne of Elfricus which was brother to Ethelfride Eaufridus was the eldest sonne of Ethelfride for Ethelfride had three sonnes to wit Eaufridus Oswaldus Osricus These two kinges of Desyra and Bernicia Osricus and Eaufride beyng fyrst Christened in Scotlande after being kinges returned to their old idolatry so in the yeares following were slaine one after the other by the foresaide Cedwalla and wycked Penda as is in the table aboue expressed After whō succeded in Northumberlaad the seconde sonne of Ethelfride named Oswaldus hauing rule on both the Prouinces as well Deyra as of Bernicia Whereof when the foresaide Cedwalla or Cadwallo the Brytayne king had vnderstanding who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to haue rooted them vtterlye out of England he sent king Penda with a mighty host of the Brittaines thinking to slea also Oswald as he had before slaine his brother Eaufride and King Edwyne before them But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal and Penda made his prayes to God and besought him meekely of helpe to withstand his enimie for the saluation of his people Thus after Oswald had prayed for the sauing of his people the two hostes met in a fielde named Denesburne some say Heuenfield where was faught a strōg battell But smally the armye and power of Penda Cedwall which were farre exceeding the number of Oswaldus host was chased and most part slaine by Oswaldus after he reigned ouer the Britanes xxij yeares leauing after him a sonne whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus the last king of the Britanes Of this Oswald much praise and commendation is written in authors for his feruent zeale in Christes Religion mercifull pitty toward the poore with other great vertues moe As touching the miracles of S. Oswald what it pleased the people of that time to reporte of him I haue not here to affirme This I find in stories certaine that he being well and vertuously disposed to the setting foorth of Christes faith and doctrine sent into Scorlande for a certeine Bishop there called Aidanus which was a famous preacher The king what time he was in Scotland banyshed had learned the scotish toung perfectly wherfore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish toung to the Saxons the king himselfe interpreting that which hee had said disdayned not to preach expounde the same to his nobles subiects in the English toung Moreouer toward the poore and needy his pitty tendernes was such being notwithstanding of so highe Princely calling that vpon a time being then Easter day he sitting with the saide Aidanus at meate and serued after the maner of kings in siluer there commeth to him one of the seruitures bringing him word that there was a great multitude of poore people sitting in the strete which desired some almes of the king Hee hearing this commaundeth not only the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them but also taking a Siluer platter whiche stode before him brake it in peeces and sent it among thē And so relieued his pore subiectes not onely with the meate of his table but with his dishes also Aidanus the Byshop seing this and marueiling therat taketh him by the hand wishing and praying in this wise This hand sayth he I pray God may continue and neuer putrifie What the stories say more concerning this hand of Oswald I entēd not to medle farther then simple true and due probalitie will beare me out In those dayes and partly by the meanes of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was cōuerted to Christes faith especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England and was then made Bishop of Dorchester To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also receiued baptisme of the said Berinus gaue to him the sayd Citie to make there his sea And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gaue after to
I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument the kyng said to Colman Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter And Colman aunswered yea Then sayde the King Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter without any controuersie and that these wordes were principally spoken to Peter and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen And they both aunswered yea Then concluded the king on this wise for asmuch as S. Peter is the doore keper of heauen I will not gainesay him but in that I am able I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen he shut them against me Upon this simple rude reason of the king the multitude eftsoones consented and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer Onely Colmanus the Sto● beyng thē Archbishop of Yorke in displeasure left the Realme departed into Scotlande carying with him the bones of Aidanus Bed Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter After the decease of Oswy Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv yeares By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the I le of Farne And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury and Cedda possessed that sea Wilfride when he was put out went to Rome complained of him to Agathon the Bishop and was well allowed in some things But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes that hee returned without speeding of hys cause Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv yeares The king of the Southsaxons at that time Ethelwold to whom he declared a little before that Wolferus king of the Mercians gaue the I le of wight vpon condition that he would be Christened and so was baptised by Berinus the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law both in on day Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king preached vnto his nobles people of Southsexe and conuerted thē to Christ. In the tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together was giuen them plentifully whereby their great famine slaked and the countrey was made frutefull which before was dried vp with barēnes In so much that as in some storyes is said the people penured with famine would go xl together vpon the rocks by the seaside and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea Moreouer where they lacked before the arte of fishing the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ of whome these Southsaxons with the I le of wight was the last After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland next succeeded Alfride his brother and bastarde sonne to Oswy raigned xviij or xix yeres in Northumberland This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke whom his brother had before expelled put in Cedda Notwithstanding the same king within v. yeares after expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe the Archbishop of Yorke and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia The which prouince of Mercia the said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdē at Hatfield did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes that is one to Chester the second to worceter the third to Lichfield the fourth to Cederna in Lindesey the fift to Dorchester which was after translated to Lincolne Neare about this time in the yeare of our Lord 666. the detestable sect of Mahumet begā to take strēgth place Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares accoūteth the beginning of this sect somwhat before but the most diligent searchers of thē which write nowe refer it to this yeare which wel agreeth with the number of the beast signed in the Apocalips 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is 666. Of this Mahumet came the kingdome of Agarenes whome hee after named Saracenes to whom he gaue sondry lawes patched of many sectes religions togither he taught thē to pray euer to the South And as we keepe the Sonday so they keepe the friday which they call the day of Venus He permitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine to haue as many concubines as they list to abstaine from vse of wyne except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres to haue worship onely one God omnipotent saying that Moses the Prophetes were great men but Christ was greater and greatest of all the Prophets as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God without mans seede and at last was taken vp to heauen but was not slaine but an other in his likenes for him with many other wicked blasphemies in his law cōtained At length this kingdome of the Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes in processe of time wholy subdued to them But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope to bee Archbyshop of Caunterbury with him diuers other monks of Italy to set vp here in Englād Latine seruice Masses ceremonies letanies with such other Romishe ware c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitane of Canterbury began to play the rex placing dysplacing the byshops at his pleasure As for Cedda Wilfride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence that they were not lawfully consecrated notwithstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges and were placed against their willes Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome but could haue no redres of his cause yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie being so violently molested as he was because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie and also for the good example of other in case any such be whome good examples will mooue to well doing This Wilfride therefore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost yet in prosecuting his complaint how hee tempered himselfe what wordes of modestie he vsed rather to defende his innocencie then to impugne his aduersary by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome may appeare whose words
No say they thou shalt not anoyd though thou wouldest and so the departing with many wordes the arch followeth them out of the chamber dore crying after them here here here shall you finde me laying his hand vpon hys crowne The name of these foure souldiours aboue mentioned were these 1. Reignald Beresō 2. Hugh Morteuil 3. William Thracy and 4. Richard Brito who going to harnesse themselues returned the same day agayne But finding the hall dore of the palace of Canterbury shut against them they went to an inward backe dore leading into the Orcharde there brake they vp a window and opened the dore and so issued into the place The Monkes beyng about Euensong tyme had got the Archbishop into the Church who beying perswaded by them caused hys crosse to be borne before hym and so through the Cloyster by a doore which was broke vp for him proceeded into the quire The harnest men following after at length came to the Church doore whiche doore the monkes woulde haue shut agaynst them but as the story sayth the Archbishop would not suffer them So they approching into the Church and the Bishop meeting them vpon the stayres there was slayne euery one of the foure souldiors striking him with his sword into the head Who afterward flying into the North at length with much adoe obtayning their pardon of the Pope through the kinges procurement as some storyes recorde went to Ierusalem Thus you haue heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket of whom what is to be iudged let his owne actes and facts declare And albeit the scripture ought to be onely the rule to vs to iudge all thinges by yet if any shall require farther testimony partly to satisfy their minds therin ye shal heare the iudgementes of certayn men in yeres and tymes almost as auncient as himself what they writ and affirme of him And first to begin with the testimony of one of his owne religion and also not farre as it appeareth frō hys owne tyme who writing of his martyrdome myracles thus testifieth of the iudgement and sentence of diuers cōcerning his promotion and behauiour The Chronicle being written in lattin hauing the name of the author cut out thus beginneth Quoniam verò multi c. And in the first booke cap. 8. it follo with in this maner Nonnullis tamen id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicū quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia quàm cleri vel populi vota Praesumptionis quoque vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est quòd qui remū tenere vix idoneus videbatur primum gubernaculi locum suscepit c. mox magis etiam secularia tū sapiens tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise sed vltroneus ascendisse creditus Aliter dei amicus Moses c. With much more as in latine insueth whiche for the Englishe Reader here foloweth translated Diuers notwithstāding there be which as touching his promotion suppose the same not to be canonicall For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his vtilitie then by the assent eyther of the clergy or of the people Farther it is noted in him for a poynt of presumption and lack of discretion for that he beyng scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane would take vpō him to sit at the healm and guide the ship namely in that church where the Couent being in gesture and vesture religious be wont to haue their prelate taken out of the same profession Where as he scant bearing the babite of a Clarke and goyng in hys chaunges and soft apparell is more conuersaunt among the delicate rufflers in the court sauoring rather of wordly thinges not refusing moreouer without any dread to clime vp to the high preferment of suche an holy dignitie but rather willingly of hys owne accord to aspire vnto it Moles we read did otherwise who beyng the frend of God and sent of him to cōduct his people Israell out of Egipt trembled at the message and sayd Who am I Lord that I shoulde goe to Pharao and bring thy people Israell out of Egipt And agayne I pray thee sayth hee O Lorde I am nothing eloquent send him whome thou wilt send Likewise Ieremias also being sent to the Lord to prophecy agaynst Ierusalem was abashed to take the office vpon hym answering agayn with much dread of hart A a a. Lorde I cannot vtter my minde for I am a Childe After like maner we reade of the saintes of the newe testament wherof many were preferred oftētimes to their bishopriks and functions of the Churche by meere ●orcement and compulsion rather of other then by their owne willes So was blessed Gregory after hys flight and goyng away brought backe agayne and placed in the sea chayre of Rome Likewise S. Ambrose fore agaynst hys mynde who also of purpose accusing and contessing hys owne defectes because he would be repealed yet by the cōmaundement of Valentinian the Emperour was inforced to take the burden vpō him which he could by no wise shake of S. Martine in like sorte vnknowing of any such matter was circumuented by a certayne godly trayne and wile of the Citizens before he could be brought to hys cōsecration which he did not so much take as he was thrust into it with much pensiuenes and sorrow of hart By these and such other exāples this Chancellour likewise shoulde haue rather excused himselfe as vnworthy and vumeet for that romthe shewing himselfe more willing to refuse then to take it To the which this archbishop is iudged to doe cleane contrary c. Haec ex Chronico Cui tutulus De passione miraculis beati Thomae And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō yet let vs heare what Neuburgensis an auncient Historiographer sayth who in the dayes of the sonne of thys K. Henry the ij prosecuting his history vnto King Richard the first hath these wordes writing of Thomas Becket Sanè cum plerique soleant in his quos amant laudant affec●u quodam propensiori sed prudentia parciori quicquid ab eis geritur approbare planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt quum nulla exindè proueniret vtilitas sed feruor tantùm accenderetur regius ex quo tot mala postmodum pullulasse noscuntur laudanda nequaquam césuerim licet ex laudabilizelo processerint Sicut in beatiff apostolorum principe quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse licèt cum constet Laudabili hoc pietate fecisse c. That is in English Whereas many be wont in them whome they loue or prayse iudging them more by
pontif Lib. 4. Ex Roger. Ho 〈◊〉 Eabia c. Anno. 1116. Assemble of the nobles at Salisbury Thurstine refuseth to professe subiection to the Arch. of Cant. Thurstine promiseth to renounce hys archbishopricke Anno. 1118. Pope Calixtus breaketh promise with the king Thurstine sacred archbishop of Yorke by the Pope agaynst the kinges minde Concision Rhemense Actes of the councell of Rhemes The Actes sent to the Emperour The Emperour agreeth not to the popes inuesting The councell deuided Ex Rog. Houed Henry the Emperour excommunicated Agreed that England shoulde haue no other Legate from Rome but onely the Archb. of Cant. England spoyld by the popes legates All the custome of the Realme graunted of the pope Anno. 1120. The popes letter to the King The king compelled to receaue Thurstinus for feare of the popes curse Thurstinus restored Anno. 1122. Wil. Archb. of Cant. The gray Friers first came into England Anno. 1125. Priestes payd for their wiues Ex Roger. Houed El Guliel Gisburnēsi Ex Henrie Hunting lib. 7. The Abbey of Gilburne bailded S. la ues hand Reading Abbey foūded Matilde daughter of K. Henry heyre to the crowne Geffry Plātagenet Henry 2. borne of Matilde the Empresse Anno. 1130. The priorie of Norton founded Three terrible visiōs of the king Three vowes made of King Henry Anno. 1131. Danegelt released The Church relieued Iustice rightly administred Bishoprike of Carlile newly erected by king Henry The Citie and Paules Church of London burned Honorius the 2. Mathaeus Partsiensis A romishe statute concerning priestes wiues and Concubines Mariage forbid to the seuenth degree The Popes Legate geuing preceptes of chastitie was found with an harlot Lotharius Emperour Arnulphus Martyred at Rome The history of Arnulphus Arnulphus Martyr Ex Tretimio A booke called Tripartitum written 400. yeares agoe Number of holy dayes Curious singing in Cathedrall Churches The world ouercharged with begging Religions Promotion of euill prelates Supersluitie of apparell in Bishops families Byshops seales abused to get mony Non residentes in benefices Rash bestowing of benefices Wastefull spending of the Church goods Old bookes of Councels lost by the negligence of the clerkes The vnchaste lyfe of priestes condemned by the nature of the storkes Amendment of lyfe ought first to begin with the priestes The realme of Fraunce interdited King of Portingale deposed The Knights of the Rhodes and Templars Pope 〈◊〉 centius the second Hurly 〈◊〉 betweene Popes The pope curse proclaymed agaynst 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 any priest The death of K. Henry Anno. 1135. Periury iustly punished Ex Chris. Anglico in certi aut●ris The Bishop of Sarum and of Lincolne take● prisoners of the king and led with ropes about their neckes Roger. ●eued in 〈◊〉 Steph. Ex Fabian In vita Step. Anno. 1136. K. Stephen Building of Castles in England The cruelty of the Scots agaynst the Englishe man Anno. 1140. Maude the Empresse came into England agaynst Steuen King Steuē●ken prisoner What it is for princes to be hard and straite to their subjectes K. Stephen and Robert Erle of Glocester deliuered by exchaunge Ex incerti autoris chronise The decease of Geffry Plantagenet Henry Duke of Normandy Henry entereth into England Theobalde Archbishop of Cant. Peace betwene king Steuen and Duke Henry concluded The death of K. Steuen S. William of Yorke Gracianns the compiler of the popes decrees Petrus Lombardus maister of the sentence Petrus Comestet Hugo de sancto Victore Bernardus Clareualensis Hildegare Ioannes detemporibus The fewes crucified a christen body at Norwich The order of the Gilbertines The Lordes prayer and the Creede in Englishe Matthaeus Pariensis lib. Chron. 4. Steuen king of England Cursing with booke bell and candle Anno. 1138. Pope Lucius the ij warring agaynst the Senators Spirituall excommunication abused in temporall causes Hadrianus a Pope an Englishman Anno. 1154. King Henry the second Thomas Becket chauncellor of England Anno. 〈◊〉 Gerhardus Dulcinus Preaches agaynst Antichrist of Rome Ex 〈◊〉 Gisbaron si Anno. 11●● Fredericus Barbarosa Emperor The pope displeased that the Emperour did not held his right stirrup The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup The Popes old practice in setting Princes together by the eares War more gaynefull to the Pope then peace Warre stirred vp by the Pope The pope driuen to entreate for peace The godly proceedings of Frederick the Emperour agaynst the pope A letter of Pope Hadrian to the Emperour Fredericke The Emperours name before the Popes A seditious and proud letter of the pope to the Bishops of Germany Well bragged and like a Pope Scripture well wrasted Ex Radenuico in appendice Frisingensis See the ambitious presumption of a proude priest Note here a couragious hart in a valiaunt Emperour An example for all princes to follow Note The order of Erenu●● Anno. 1159. The saying and iudgement of P. Adrianus of the papall sea The popes rather successors to Romulus then to Peter Pope Alexander the third Alexander curseth the Emperour Anno. 1164. Volateran ●ken with a ●tradiction Concilium 〈◊〉 The clergie ●ounde to ●he vowe of ●hastitie Papi●tes are not so much in pro 〈◊〉 chastitie as in desining chastitie Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant. Becket no martyr Herberturde busebam Ioan. Charnot A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury Gulselmus Cantuariensis Tho. Becked described What commeth of blinde zeale destitute of right knowledge The life of Tho. Becket Polydorus mistaketh the mother of Becket Ex Roberto Cri●eladensi Ex Florilego 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 of van●● recited betweene 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 Archb. The kings custome Out of an Englishe Chronic●● as it appearreth 〈◊〉 en cured French●● Erle ●●lord 〈◊〉 The lawes of Claredoun Beckets additiō Saluo ordine suo The Bishop of Chichester The stubberne wilfulnes of T. Becket T. Becket relenteth to the king Becket yeldeth to the king Saluo ordine left out in the composition Becket repenteth of hys good deede A letter of pope Alexander to T. Becket Becket enterprising agaynst the king● 〈◊〉 to flye out of the realme Becket taunted of the king Ex Rogero Houed pr● parte historia continuas a post Bedam The kinge to be the Pope Legate The ce●sty dissimulation of the Pope The popes secret letters to Becket More then an C. murthers done by the clergye Guliel Neuburg lib. 2. ca. 16. Becket cited to Northampton The Archbish. condemned in the Councell of Northamtō in the lo●●e of all hys moueables Becket required to geue an accompt The verdite of Winchester The counsell of the Bishop of London Canterbury Winchester Chichester Moderate counsell Lincolne Exceter Worcester Becket the Archbishop replyeth agaynst the Byshops A great ●●ielle growen in the church because that Byshop may no●●● aboue 〈◊〉 and prince Becket destitute and forsaken Becket 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 nes when he should appeale A masse of S. Steuen 〈◊〉 saue hym from hys enemies Becket answere to the Bishops ●●c●●t appealeth to Rome London appealeth from the Archbish. A masse to charme away persecutors Becket caryeth with hym the sacrament going
This Peregrinus aboue mentioned had bene sent before by Xistus Byshop of Rome into the parties of Fraunce to supply there the rowme of a Bishop and teacher by reason that for the continual and horrible persecutions there aboue touched those places were left desolat and destitute of ministers and instructors where after he had occupied hym selfe with much frute among the flocke of Christ and had stablished the congregation there returning home againe to Rome there finished at last as it is said his martirdome Now remaineth likewise to speake of Iulius which Iulius being as is afore described a Senator of Rome and now won by the preaching of these blessed men to the fayth of Christ did eftsoones inuite them brought them home to his house where being by them more fully instructed in christian religiō he beleued in the gospel And sending for one Ruffinus a Priest was with all his family by him baptised who not as the common sort was wont to do kept close and secret his faith but incensed with a marueylous and sincere zeale openly professed the same altogither wishing and praying to be giuen to him by God not only to beleue in Christ but also to hasarde his life for him Which thing the Emperour hearing how that Iulius had forsakē his old religion and became a christian forthwith sent for him to come before him vnto whom he spake on this wise O Iuly what madnes hath possessed thee that this thou doest fall from the olde common Religion of thy forefathers who acknowledged and worshipped Iupiter Hercules their gods now doest embrace a new fond kind of Religion of the Christians At which time Iulius hauing good occasion to shew and opē his faith gaue straight way accompt thereof to him and affirmed that Hercules Iupiter were false Gods how the worshippers of thē should perish with eternall damnation punishmentes Which the Emperour hearing how that he condemned despised his Gods being then inflamed with a great wrath as he was by nature very cholericke committed him foorthwith to Vitellus the master of the souldiours a very cruell fierce man to see Iulius either to sacrifice to mighty Hercules or refusing the same to slea him Vitellus as hee was commaunded exhorted Iulius to obey the Emperors cōmaundement and to worship his Gods Alledging how that the whole Empire of Rome was not onely constituted but also preserued and maintained by them Which Iulius denied vtterly to do admonishing sharply in like maner Vitellus to acknowledge the true God and obey hys commaundementes least he with his maister should dye some greeuous death Whereat Vitellus being moued caused Iulius with cougels to be beaten vnto death These things being thus briefly recited touching such holy martirs as hetherto haue suffered nowe remayneth that wee returne againe to the order of the Romaine Byshops such as followed next after Alexander at whome we left whose succeder next was Xistus or Sixtus the sixt Byshoppe counted after Peter and gouerned that ministerye the space of x yeares as Damascus other do write Vrspergensis maketh mention but of ix yeares Platina recordeth that he died a Martir and was buried at Uaticane But Eusebius speaking of his discease maketh no word mentiō of any Martyrdome In the 2. tome of the Councelles certaine Epistles be attributed to him whereof Eusebius Damasus Hierome and other olde authors as they make no relation so seeme they to haue no intelligence nor knowledge of any such matter In these coūterfeit epistles in Platina appeareth the Xistus was the first author of these ordinaunces First that the holy misteries and holy vessels shoulde be touched but onely of persons holy and consecrated especially of no woman Itē that the corporas cloth should be made of no other cloth but of fine linnen Item that bishops such as were called vp to the Apostolicke sea returning home againe should not be receiued at their returne vnlesse they brought with them letters from the bishop of Rome saluting the people Itē at the celebration he ordained to be song this verse Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus Dominus Deus Sabaoth Where moreouer is to be noted that the saide Platina in the life of thys Xistus doeth testifie that Peter ministred the celebration of the cōmunion onlie wyth the Lordes prayer These tryflyng ordinaunces of Xistus who is so rude that seeth not or may not easly cōiecture to be falsly fathered of Xistus or of anye father of that time first by the vniforme rudenes and stile of all those decretal letters nothing sauouryng of that age but rather of the later dunsticall times that followed Also by the matter and argument in those leters contained nothing agreing with the state of those troublesome daies Neither againe is it to be supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the Apostolicall sea of Rome that it was not lawfull to returne without their letters when as the persecution against the Christians was then so hoate in the daies of Hadrian that the Bishoppes of Rome themselues were more glad to flee out of the Citie then other bishops were to come to them vnto Rome And if Xistus added the Sanctus vnto the Masse cannon what peece then of the canon went before it when they which put to the other patches came after Xistus And if they came after Xistus that aded the rest why did they set their peeces before his seing they that began the first peece of the canon came after him The same likewise is to be iudged of the Epistles ordinaunces of Telesphorus who succeded next vnto Xistus and being Bishop of that congregation the terme of a 11 yeares the first yeare of the raigne of Antoninus Pius dyed Martyr about the yeare of our Lorde 138. His Epistle like vnto the rest containing in it no great matter of doctrine hath these ordinaunces First he cōmaundeth al that were of the Clergy to fast and abstaine from flesh eatyng vij weekes before Easter That three Masses shoulde bee said vpon the Natiuity day of the Lord. That no lay man should accuse either bishop or priest He ordained moreouer Gloria in excelsis to be added to the Masse c. but these things falsely to be fained vpon him may easely be coniectured For as touching the vij weekes fast neither doth it agree with the old Romane terme cōmonly receaued calling it Quadragesima that is the xl daies fast neither with the example of our Sauiour who fasted not seuen wekes but onelye xl dayes Moreouer as concernyng this xl daies fast wee reade of the same in the Epistle of Ignatius which was lōg before Telesphorus wherby it may appere that this Telesphorus was not the first inuentour thereof And if it be true that is lately come out in the name of Abdias but vntruly as by many coniectures may be proued there is read that in the daies of S. Mathewe this Lent
fast of xl dayes was obserued long before Telesphorus by these wordes that followe In the dayes sayd he either of Lente or in the time of other lawfull fastinges he that abstaineth not as well from the eating meate as also from the mixture of bodies doth incurre in so doing not onely pollution but also cōmitteth offence which must be washed away with the teares of repentaunce Agayne Apollonius affirmeth that Montanus the heretike was the first deuiser and brynger in of these lawes of fasting into the Churche which before was vsed to be free Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. but especially by Socrates wryter of the Ecclesiasticali story who lyued after the daies of Theodosius maye bee argued that this vij wekes fast is falsely imputed to Telesphorus For Socrates in his first booke speaking of this time hath these wordes Romani namque tres ante Pascha septimanas praeter Sabbatum Dominicam continuas ieiuuant that is the Romanes saith he doe fast three weekes continually before Easter beside the Sabbaoth and the Sonday And moreouer speaking of the diuers and sundry fastings of Lent in sundry and diuers Churches he addeth these words And because that no man can bring forth any commaundement written of this matter it is therefore apparant that the Apostles left this kind of fast free to euery mans will and iudgement least anye should be constrayned by feare and necessitie to doe that which is good c. With this of Socrates agreeth also the wordes of Sozomenus liuing much about y● same time in his seuenth voke where he thus writeth The whole fast of Lent saith he some comprehend in sixe weekes as doe the Illyrians and the west churches with al Libia Egipt Palestina some in vij weekes as at Cōstantinople the parties bordering to Phoenicia other some in three weekes next before the day of Easter some againe in ij weekes c. By the whiche it may be collected that Telesph neuer ordained any such fast of vij wekes whiche otherwise neither woulde haue ben neglected in Rome in the west churches neither againe woulde haue bene vnremembred of these auncient Ecclesiasticall writers if any such thing had bene The like is to be thought also of the rest not onely of his constitutions but also of the other auntient Byshops Martyrs which followed after him as of Higinus an 142. who succeding him dying also a Martyr as Volateranus Lib. 22. declareth is saide or rather fained to bring in the creame one Godfather and Godmother in Baptisme to ordayne the dedication of Churches when as in his time so far it was of that anye solemne Churches were standing in Rome that vnneth the Christians could safely conuent in their own houses Likewise they distincting the orders of Metropolitanes Byshops and other degres sauour nothing lesse then of that tyme. After Higynus followed Pius who as Platina reporteth was so precisely deuout aboute the holye misteries of the Lords Table that if any one croome therof did fall downe to the grounde he ordained that the Priest shoulde doe penaunce xl daies If any fell vpō the Superalter he should doe penaunce iij. daies if vpon the linen Corporas cloth iiij daies if vpon any other linnen cloth ix daies And if any drop of the bloude saith he should chaunce be spilled wheresoeuer it fell it should be licked vp if it were possible if not the place should be washed or pared so being washed or pared should be burned and layd in the vestry All which toies may seeme to a wise man more vaine and trifling then to fauour of those pure and straight times of those holy Martyrs This Pius as is reported was much conuersaunt with Hermes called otherwise Pastor Damasus saith he was his brother but how is that like that Hermes being the disciple of Paule or one of the lx disciples could be the brother of this Pius Of this Hermes of the reuelations the foresaid Pius in his Epistle decretall if it be not forged maketh mentiō declaring that vnto him appeared the aungel of God in the habite of a shepherde commaunding him that Easter day should be celebrated of al men vpō no other day but vpon a sonday whereupon saith the Epistle Pius the Byshop by his authoritie Apostolicall decreed and commaunded the same to be obserued of al men Then succeeded Anicetus Soter and Eleutharius about the yeare of our Lord. 180. This Eleutherius at the request of Lucius king of Britanes sent to him Damianus and Fugatius by whom the king was conuerted to Christes saith and baptised about the yeare of our Lorde 179. Nauclerus Lib. Chro. Gen. 6. saith it was an 156. Henr. de Erfodia saith it was 169. in the xix yeare of Verus the Emperour some say it was in the vj. yeare of Commodus which shoulde be about the yeare of our Lorde 185. Timotheus in his storye thinketh that Eleutherius came himself but that is not like And as there is a variaunce among the writers for the count of yeres So doth there rise a question among some whether Eleutherius was the first that brought the faith from Rome into this lande or not Nicephorus Lib. 2. cap. 4. saith that Symō Zelotes came into Britaine Some other alledge out of Gildas de victoria Aurel Ambrosi that Ioseph of Aramathie after the dispersion of the Iewes was sent to Philip the Apostle from Fraunce to Britaine about the yeare of our Lord 63. and here remained in this land al his time and so with his fellowes laide the first foundation of christian fayth among the Britaine people Whereupon other preachers and teachers cōming afterwarde confirmed the same increased it more And therefore doth Petrus Cluniacensis call the Scotishmen so doth count them as more auntient Christians For the confirmation hereof might be alledged the testimonie of Origene of Tertulian and the wordes also of the letter of Eleutherius whiche importe no lesse but that the faith of Christ was here in Englande among the Britaine people before Eleutherius time before the king was cōuerted but hereof more shal be spokē hereafter Christ willing when after the tractation of these .x. persecutiōs we shal enter the matter of our English stories About this time of Commodus aforementioned among diuers other learned men and famous teachers whō God stirred vp at that time as he doth at all other times rayse vp some in his church to confound the persecutors by learning and writing as the Martirs to confirme the truth with their bloud was Serapion Byshop of Antioche Egesippus a writer of the Ecclesiasticall historye from Christes Passion to his time as witnesseth Hierome Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 8. 22. which bookes of his be not nowe remayning And those that be remaining which be 5. de excidio Hierosol be not mentioned neither of Hierome nor of Eusebius Miltiades which also wrote his Apology in defence of christian Religion
diligence and deuotiō to induce all men to an vniforme life so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custome by a straunge maner of liuing shoulde exhibite to the immortall Gods their due and proper worshipp but the wilfull and obstinate minde of diuers so much and so cōtinually resisted the same that by no lawfull meanes they might be reuoked from their purpose neither made afraid by any terror or punishment Because therefore it so came to passe that by this meanes many put themselues in perill and ieoperdy The maiestie of our soueraigne Lordes the Emperours according to their noble pietie considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely maiesties that suche thinges should be whereby so many men and muche people should be destroyd gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto you that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion that in no wise you molest the same neither for that cause you doe iudge any man worthy of punishment for that in all this time it hath euidentlye appeared that by no meanes they might be allured from such wilfulnesse It is therefore requisite that your wisdome write vnto the Questors Captaynes and Constables of euery City and village that they may know it not to be lawfull for them or any of them to do contrary to the prescript of this commaundement neither that they presume to attempt the same Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1. The gouernours therefore of euery prouince supposing this to be the determinate pleasure and not fayned of the Emperour did first aduertise thereof the rusticall Pagan multitude After that they released and set at libertye all suche prisoners as were condempned to the mettall mines to perpetuall imprisonmēt for their fayth thinking therby where in deed they were deceiued that the doing thereof would well please the Emperor This therfore seemed to them as vnlooked for and as light to trauellers in a darcke night They gather themselues together in euery City they call their Synodes and counsels much maruell at the sodden chaunge and alteration The Infidels themselues extoll the onely and true God of the christians The Christians receiue agayne all their former libertie and such as fell away before in the tyme of persecution repent themselues and after penaunce done they returned agayne to the congregation Nowe the Christians reioyced in euery Citty praying God with hymnes and Psalmes Eusebius ibidem This was a maruailous sodaine alteration of the Church from a most vnhappy state into a better but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vj. monethes vnuiolated to continue For whatsoeeuer seemed to make for the subuersion of the same peace yet scarcely hatched that did he onely meditate And first of all he tooke from the Christians all libertie and leaue for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes vnder a certayne coulour After that he sent certayne Miscreants vnto the Athenians to sollicite them agaynst the Christians and to prouoke them to aske of him as a recompence and great reward that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabite in their countrey and amongest them was one Theotechnus a most wicked miscreant an inchaunter and a most deadly enemy agaynst the Christians He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credite and accused to the Emperour to which fraud also he erected a certayne Idoll of Iupiter to be worshipped of the inchaunters and coniurers and mingled the same worship with ceremonies full of deceiueable witchcra●t Lastly he caused the same Idoll to geue this sound out of hys mouth That is Iupiter commaundeth the christians to be banished out of the Citie and suburbes of the same as enemies vnto him And the same sentence did the rest of the gouernors of the prouinces publish against the Christians and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them Maximinus appoynted and instituted high priestes and bishops in euery citie to offer sacrifice vnto Idoles inueigled all those that were in great offices vnder him that they should not onely cease to pleasure them to do for them but also that they should with new deuised accusatiōs agaynst thē at their pleasure put as many to death as by any meanes they might They also did counterfet certaine practises of Pilate against our sauiour Christ full of blasphemie and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters commaunding that the same shoulde be published and set vp in euery citie and suburbes of the same and that they should be deliuered to the scholemaisters to cause their scholers to learne by roate the same After that one named Praefectus castrorum whome the Romaines do call captaine allured certaine light womē partly by feare and partly by punishment dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia and taken out of the court wherein they were accused that they shoulde openly say in wryting that they were once Christians and that they knewe what wicked lasciuious actes the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselues vpon the sondaies what other things they thought good to make more of their own head to the slander of the Christians The capitaine sheweth vnto the emperour theer words as though it had bene so in deede and the Emperour by and by commanded the same to be published throughout euery city Furthermore they did hange vp in the midst of euery Citie which was neuer done before the Emperours edicts against the Christians grauen in tables of brasse And the children in the scholes with great noise and clapping of handes did euery day resound the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate vnto Iesus what other things so euer were deuised of the magistrates after most despitefull maner Euseb. lib. 8 cap. 3.4.5.6.7 And this is the copie of the edict which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillers fraught with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ. The weake and imbecil rebellion of mans minde all obscuritie and blindnesse of ignorance set aparte which hetherto hath wrapped the mindes of impious and miserable men in the pernitious darkenesse of ignoraunce is now at the length able to discerne that the same is gouerned as also corroborated by the prouidence of the immortall gods the louers of vertue which thing how acceptable it is to vs howe pleasant and gratefull and howe much proofe the same hath declared of your wel disposed willing minds is incredible to be tolde Although this was not vnknown before with what diligence and deuotion yee serued the immortall Gods whose wonderfull and constant faith is not knowen by bare and naked wordes but by your worthy notable deeds Wherefore worthely is your Citie called the habitation and seate of the immortall Gods and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth and prospereth by the presence of the celestiall Gods For beholde your Citie
cap. 13. There was betweene him and Constantinus in the beginning great familiaritie and such agreement that Constantinus gaue vnto him his sister Constantia in Matrimonie as Aurelius Victor wryteth Neither woulde any man haue thought him to haue bene of any other Religion then Constantinus was of hee seemed in all thinges so well to agree with him Wherupon he made a decree with Constantinus in the behalfe of the Christians as we haue shewed Eusebius Lib. 9. cap. 9. And such was Licinius in the beginning But after arming him selfe with tyrannie began to cōspire against the person of Constantinus of whom he had receaued so great benefites neither fauorable to the law of nature nor mindful of his othes his bloud nor promises But when hee considered that in his conspiracies he nothing preuailed for that he saw Cōstantinus was preserued and safely defended of God And partly being puffed vp with the victory against Maximinus he began vehemētly to hate him and not onely to reiect the Christian religion but also deadly to hate the same Hee saide he would become an enemy vnto the Christiās for that in their assemblies and meetinges they prayed not for him but for Constantinus Therefore first by litle and litle and that secretely he went about to wrong and hurt the christians banished them his Court which neuer were by any meanes preiudiciall to his kingdom Then he commāded that all those should be depriued which were knights of the honourable order vnlesse they would do sacrifice to deuils Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwardes stretched he from his court into all his prouinces which with most wicked and deuised lawes hee set forth First that for no cause the Byshops shoulde in any matter communicate together neither that any man should come at the Churches next vnto them or to call any assemblies and consult for the necessary matters and vtilitie of the Church After that the men women together should not come in companies to pray nor that the women should come in those places where they vsed to preach and read the worde of God neither that they should be after that instructed any more of the Byshops but should chuse out such women amongest them as shoulde instruct them The thirde most cruell and wickedst of all was that none should helpe and succour those that were cast in prison nor shoulde bestowe any almes or charitie vpon them though they shoulde die for hunger and they which shewed any compassion vpon those that were condemned to death should be as greatly punished as they to whome they shewed the same shoulde be Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini These were the most horrible cōstitutions of Licinius which went beyond and passed the boundes of nature After this he vsed violence against the Byshops but yet not openly for feare of Constantinus but priuely and by conspiracie by which meanes hee slewe those that were the worthiest men amongest the Doctours and Prelates And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus he razed the Churches euen to the ground Other some he shut vp that no man should come after their accustomed maner to pray and worship God and therefore as we sayde before his conscience accusing him all this hee did for that he suspected they prayed for Constantinus and not at all for him And from this place in the East parties vnto the Libians which bordered vpon the Egyptians the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Licinius which hee had conceaued against them Zozomenus Lib. 1. cap. 2. Furthermore the flattering officers that were vnder him thinking by this meanes to please him slewe made out of the way many byshops and without any cause put them to death as though they had bene homicides hainous offenders and such rigorousnes vsed they towards some of them that they cut their bodyes into gobbets and small peeces in maner of a Boucher and after that threwe them into the Sea to feede the fishes Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speake of the exiles confiscations of good and vertuous men For he tooke by violence euery mans substaunce and cared not by what meanes he came by the same But threatned them with death vnlesse they would forgoe the same Hee banished those which had committed none euill at all He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour should be made out of the way neither yet herewith content but gaue their daughters that were vnmaried to varlets and wicked ones to be defloured And Licinius himselfe although that by reason of his yeres his body was spent yet shamefully did hee vitiate many women mens wiues maids Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly mē of their owne accorde to forsake their houses and it was also seene that the woodes fieldes desert places and mountaines were faine to be the habitations and resting places of the poore and miserable Christians Eusebius Lib. 10. cap 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs which in this persecution founde the way to heauen Nicephorus Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus who first being hanged vpon the crosse had nawles thrust into his arme pits and after that his head striken of Also of another Theodorus being the Byshop of Tyre the thirde was a man of Perga Basilius also the Byshop of Amasenus Nicolaus the Byshop of Mirorus Gregorius of Armenia the great After that Paule of Neocaesaria which by the impious commandemēt of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing yron Besides these were in the Citie of Sebastia xl worthy men Christian souldiours in the vehemēt cold time of winter soused and drowned in a horse pond whē Locias as yet of whom we spake before and Agricolaus executing the Shrieues office vnder Licinius in the East parts were aliue and were in great estimation for inuenting of new and strange torments against the Christians The wiues of those 40. good men were caried to Heraclea a Citie in Thracia and there with a certaine Deacon whose name was Amones were after innumerable torments by them most constauntly indured slaine with the sworde These thinges wryteth Nicephorus Also Zozomenus in his ninth booke 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs And Basilius in a certaine Oration seemeth to intreate of their history sauing that in the circumstances he somwhat varieth And surely Licinius was determined for that the first face of this persecution fel out according to his desire to haue ouerrunne all the Christians to which thing neither counsell nor good will nor yet oportunitie perchance wanted vnlesse God had brought Constantinus into those parties where he gouerned where in the warres which hee himselfe began knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy treason ioyning battaile with him was most cowardly ouercome Diuers battailes betweene them
and condemned by any person or persons let the indifferent Reader iudge simply As touching the decretal epistles which be intituled vnder the name of these foresaide bishops who so well aduiseth them and with iudgement will examine the stile the time the argument the hanging togither of the matter the constitutions in them contained little seruing to anye purpose and nothing seruing for those troublous dayes then present may easely discerne them either in no part to be theirs or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other which liued in other times speciallye seing al the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting vp and to exalt the sea of Rome aboue al other Bishops and churches and to reduce all cames appeals to the said sea of Rome So the epistle of Caius beginnyng with the commendation of the authoritie of his sea endeth after the same tenor willing and cōmaunding all difficult questions in al prouinces whatsoeuer emerging to be referred to the sea Apostolicall Moreouer the greatest part of the said epistle from this place Quicunque illi sunt ita obcaecati c. to the ende of this periode Quoniam sicut ait B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis c. is conteyned in the epistle of Leo vnto Leo the Emperour so rightly agreeth in al poynts with the stile of Leo that euidēt it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo out of the epistle of Caius or to bee patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo. Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authoritie with the reader is admixed with a great part of S. Paules epistle to the ephesians worde for worde And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. yeare of Dioclesian coulde write of consubstantialitie of the diuine persons when that controuersie and terme of Consubstantialitie was not heard of in the Church before Nicene councell which was 23. yeares after him But especially the two epistles of Marcellus bewray themselues so that for the confuting therof needeth no other probation more then onely the reading of the same Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appeere as it is easie to be vnderstoode not to proceede either frō such an humble Martir or to sauour any thing of the misery of such a time His wordes of hys first epistle written to the brethren of Antioche and alleaged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these We desire you brethren that ye doe not teach nor conceiue any other thing but as yee haue receiued of the blessed Apostle S. Peter and of other Apostles fathers For of him ye were first of all instructed wherefore you must not forsake your owne father and followe others For hee is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord sayd Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will build my church c. whose seate was first with you in Antioche which afterward by the commaundement of the Lord was trāslated frō thence to Rome of the which church of Rome I am this day placed by the grace of god to be the gouernour Frō the which church of Rome neither ought you to separate your selues seeing to the same church all maner causes ecclesiasticall being of any importance Gods grace so disposing are commonded to be referred by the same to be ordered regularly from whence they tooke their first beginning c. And followeth consequently vpon the same And if your Church of Antioche which was once the 1. wil now yeld her self vnto the sea of Rome ther is no other Church els which will not subiect it selfe to our dominion to whom all other Byshops who so euer listeth and as they must needes do according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors ought to flee vnto as to their head and must appeale to the same there to haue their redresse and their protection from whence they tooke their first instruction and consecration c. Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr in those so dreadfull dayes I say no more but onely desire thee gētle reader to iudge In hys second Epistle moreouer the sayd Marcellus writing to Maxentius the bloudy tyraunt first reprehendeth him for his crueltie sharpely admonishing him howe what to do to learne and seeke the true religion of God to mayntayne hys Churche to honor and reuerence the Priestes of God and specially exhorteth him to charitie and that he would cease from persecution c. All this is possible and like to be true but now marke good reader what blanched stuffe here followed withall as where hee alledging the statutes and sanctions of hys predecessors declareth and discusseth that no byshop nor minister ought to be persecuted or depriued of hys goodes And if they be then ought the to haue their possessions and places againe restored by the law before they were bound by the law to aunswere to their accusations layd in agaynst thē And so after that in conuenient tyme to be called to a councell The which councell notwithstanding without the authoritie of the holy sea cannot proceede regularly albeit it remayne in hys power to assemble certayne Byshops together Neyther can he regularly condemne any Byshop appealing to this hys Apostolicall sea before the sentence diffinite do proceede from the foresayd sea c. And it followeth after and therefore sayth he let no Byshop of what crime soeuer he be attached come to hys accusation or be heard but in hys owne ordinary Synode at hys conuenient time the regular and Apostolicalll authoritie beyng ioyned withall Moreouer in the sayd Epistle writing to Maxentius hee decreeth that no lay men or any suspected Byshop ought to accuse Prelates of the Church so that if they be either laye men or men of euill conuersation or proued manyfest enimies or incensed with anye hatred their accusations against any Byshops ought not to stande Wyth other such matters moe concerning the disposition of iudiciall court Which matter if Pope Gregory the seuenth had written to Henrye the third Emperour or if Pope Alexander the third had written to the Emperour Predericus the first it might haue stand with some reason and opportunity of time But nowe for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Churche to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruell Emperour howe vnlyke it is to bee true and howe it serued then to purpose the Reader may soone discerne And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal whereby vnder the pretensed title of the fathers al churches of late time al ecclesiastical causes haue beene yet are in this realme of england to this day gouerned directed and disposed The like discussion examination I might also make of the other epistles that followe of Eusebius and Miltiades which al tende to the same scope
of the same And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine declareth his will minde to him in letters concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same that all suche goodes houses and gardens belonging before to the right of Churches shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise and that hee therein might be certified with speede c. Moreouer he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter signifieth vnto him in this effect that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion is hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name people of Rome as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales Therfore he in consideration therof hath taken that order geueth to him in charge that through the prouince where he hath to doe which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was Byshop he should there see prouide that all such ministers and Clerkes whose vocation was to serue in the Church should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens whereby they being so priuileged and all impediments remoued which shoulde hinder their diuine ministration thereby the cōmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish c. Furthermore the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades Byshop of Rome and to Marcus declareth in his letters to them howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his colleages and fellow byshops Wherfore his will is that the sayd Cecilianus with x. byshops his accusers with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades Rheticus Maternus Marinus and of other their fellowe Colleages the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde and rightly examined so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from among them wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie may well appeare Upon the lyke cause and argument also he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage To the prouinces likewise of Palestina those partes about hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christians for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie and for the restoring againe of them which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie or molestation for their confession sake declaring in the sayd Edict howe that his whole body life and soule and what soeuer is in hym hee oweth to God and to the seruice of him c. Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius for the edifying of newe Christian Churches restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius In which hys letters hee most lamentably vttered the great griefe of his hear● to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken the Synode prouoked resisted the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes contrary to the office of good and circumspect men whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question some might dissent from other yet in the vnitie of their profession they did all ioyne as fellowes together In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions or rather peeces of questiōs to keepe them in the conceptions of their mindes in silence vnto themselues and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine trifling termes vile causes and light questions and peeces rather of questions about such matters as neither are to be moued nor to be answered vnto being mooued more curious to be searched and perillous to be expressed then necessary to be inquired magisque puerilibus ineptijs quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia as he there doth terme them Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them doth entreate them and perswade them not onely with reasons but also with teares and sighing sobbes that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church and quietnesse to the rest of his life which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reuerent Councell Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention would be sorye to see with his eyes that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares with much more in the same Epistle contained but this is the effect of the whole Euseb. de vita Constant Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehende whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes for them to learne by hys example what zeale and care they ought to beare toward the Church of Christ how gently to gouerne and how to be beneficiall to the same Many other Edicts Epistles wrytten to other places and parties be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare Wherof in a briefe recapitulation such specialities we haue collected as here followeth and is to be seene in Zozo Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9 First hee commaunded all them to be set free who soeuer for the confession of Christ had bene condemned to banishment or to the mines of metall or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place or put out of theyr wages were put to their liberty eyther to serue againe in theyr place or quietly to lyue at home Whatsoeuer honour place or dignitie had bene taken away frō any man should be restored to them againe The goods and possessions
and copied out to remayne in bublique Churches to the vse of posteritie Whereupon writing to Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia in a speciall letter recorded in the 4. booke of Eusebius De vita Constant. he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cōpacted wherein he shoulde cause to be written out of the scripture in a fayre legeable hād such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church And alloweth him for that busines two bublique Ministers Also writeth concerning the same to the generall of hys army to support and further hym with such necessaries as thereunto should appertayne c. ¶ In vewing perusing and writing this story and in considering the Christian zeale of this Emperour I wish that eyther this our Printing and plēty of books had bene in his dayes or that this so heroycal hart toward Christes Religion as was in this so excellent Monarche might something appeare in inferiour Princes raigning in these our Printing dayes c. The liberal hand of this Emperor borne to do al men good was no lesse also open and ready towarde the needie pouertie of such which either by losse of parents or other occasions were not able to helpe them selues to whom he commaunded and prouided dew subuention both of corne and raiment to be ministred out of his owne coffers to the necessary reliefe of the poore men women children orphanes and widowes Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4. Finally among al the other monuments of his singular clemencie and munificence this is not to be pretermitted that through all the Empire of Rome and prouinces belonging to the same not only he diminished such taxes reuenewes and impostes as publickly were comming to him but also clearely remitted and released to the contributers the fourth part of the same This present place would require somthing to be sayd of the donation of Constantine whereuppon as vpon their chiefest anchor holde the Byshops of Rome doe grounde theyr supreame dominion and right ouer all the politicall gouernement of the West partes the spiritual gouernement of all the other Seas and partes of the world Which donation to be falsly fained and forged and not to procede from Constantine many arguments might heere be inferred if laisure from other matters would suffer me 1. First for that no ancient history nor yet Doctour maketh any mention thereof 2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the hystorie of Isidorus but in the olde copies of Isidorus no such thyng is to be founde 3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees reciteth that decree not vpon any auncient authoritie but only vnder the title of Palea 4. Gelasius is sayd to geue some testimony therof in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana but that clause of the said distinction touching that matter in the olde ancient bookes is not extant 5 Otho Phrisingensis who was about the time of Gracian after hee hath declared the opinion of the fauourers of the Papacie affirming this donation to be geuen of Constantine to Siluester the Pope induceth consequently the opinion of them that fauour the Empire affirming the contrary 6. How doth thys agree that Constantine did yeelde vp to Siluester all the politicall dominion ouer the West when as the sayd Constantine at hys death deuiding the Empire to his three sonnes gaue the West part of the Empire to one the East part to the secōd the middle part to the third 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them being a iust and a religious Prince would or could haue occupyed the Citie of Rome if it had not bene his right but had belonged to the pope so did many other Emperors after him 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred with the phrase and stile of Constantine in his other Edictes and letters aboue specified doth nothing agree 9. Seeing the papists themselues confesse that the decree of this donation was writtē in Greeke how agreeth that with truth when as both it was written not to the Gretians but to the Romanes and also Constantine himselfe for lacke of the Greeke toung was faine to vse the Latine toung in the Councell of Nice 10. The contents of this donation who soeuer was the forger thereof doeth bewray it selfe For if it be true which there is confessed that he was Baptised at Rome of Siluester the iiij day after his baptisme this patrimonie was giuen which was before his battaile against Maximinus or Licinius An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth howe then accordeth this wyth that which followeth in the donation for him to haue iurisdiction geuen ouer the other iiij principall seas of Antioch Alexandria Constantinople and Hierusalem when as the Citie of Constantinople was not yet begun before the death of Maximinus or Licinius and was not finished before the xxviij yere of the raigne of Constantine an 339. or if it be true as Hierome counteth it was finished the xxiij yere of his raigne which was the yere of our Lorde 334. long after this donation by their owne accōpt 11. Furthermore where in the sayde constitution is sayd that Constantine was baptised at Rome of Siluester therby was purged of Leprosie the fable thereof agreeth not with the trueth of historie for so much as Eusebius lib. 4. De vita Constantini Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin lib. 1. cap. 11. Socrates lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus lib 2. cap. 34. doe altogether consent that hee was Baptised not at Rome but at Nicomedia and that moreouer as by theyr testimonie doth appeare not of Siluester but of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia not before his battaile against Maximinus or Licinius but in the xxxj yeare of his raigne a litle before his death 12. Againe where as Constantine in this donation appoynted him to haue the principalitie ouer the other iiij Patriarchall Seas that maketh Constantine contrary to himselfe Who in the Councell of Nice afterwarde agreed with other bishops that al the iiij patriarchal seas should haue equall iurisdiction euery one ouer his owne territorie and precinct 13. In summe briefly to conclude who so desireth more aboundantly to be satisfied touching this matter let hym read the bookes of Marsilius Patauinus intituled defensor pacis An 1324. of Laurētius Valla An. 1440. of Antoninus archbishop of Florence who in hys hystorie plainely denieth the tenour of thys donation to be founde in the old bookes of the decrees Of Cusanus Cardinalis Lib. 3. Cap. 2. wryting to the Councell of Basil Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Syluius in Dialogo of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus An. 1496. of Raphael Volateranus An. 1500. of Lutherus An. 1537. c. all which by many and euident probations dispute and proue this donation taken out of a booke De gestis Syluestri and translated as they faine by one Bartholomeus Picernus out of Greke into Latine not to proceede from Constantinus but to be a thing vntruely
and Antoninus who in playne termes likewyse report the same Nowe hauing sayd the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter let vs come to examine how truely our latter writers do say which write that Editha and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enioined to the king 7. yeares penaunce and also how truely they report Edward to be a lawfull heyre and Elflede to bee a lawfull wyfe to king Edgar For first touching Editha this is confessed by the sayd writers themselues that she was of good yeares at what tyme Edgar her father was enioyned his penaunce After the which seuen yeares of his penaunce expyred he lyued at the most but in yeares and a halfe Which seuen yeares and 3. yeares and a halfe make in all but x. yeres a halfe But now the said authors themselues do graunt that she was made Abbas by her father he beyng then alyue And how can this then stand with her Legend which sayth that she was not lesse then 15. yeares of age By which account it must needes fall out that she could not be so little as v. yeres old before the birth of that chyld for whom the kyng did penaunce And thus much touching Editha Now in like maner to consider of the tyme of Edward First this by all writers is graunted that he was slayne in the 15. yeare of his age Which yeares do well agree to that chyld which king Edgar begate in bastardy for the which he did hys penance For the more euidence whereof let vs come to the supputation of yeares in this sort First the penaunce of the king after the byrth of this child lasted 7. yeres Then the king after the same lyued 3. yeres a halfe After whose death Edward raigned other 3. yeres and a half which in all make the full summe of 14. yeres About the count of which age the said Edward goyng on his 15. yeres by their owne reckoning was slaine And thus haue ye by manifest demonstration prooued by the right casting of the yeres after their owne graunt rekoning that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward for whom the king was enioyned penance but that Edward rather was borne after Editha and was the childe for whom the penance was enioined contrary to the opinion commōly receiued in the church which for ignorance of the story hath hetherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr and right heyre vnto the crowne Which error and opinion how it first sprang and by whom albeit it pertaine not to my story to discusse yet were it no hard matter to coniecture First after that Dunstane and Oswolde wyth other Bishops Abbots and certayne Lordes Dukes of that faction for the maintenaunce of Monkery had aduaunced Edward to be king against Queene Alfrith mother of Ethelred Alferus duke of Mercia and certaine other Nobles which held with the contrary side of the Priestes agaynst the Monkes In processe of tyme the monkes that came after to write stories perceiuing Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint and the sayd king Edward for an holy Martyr and partly also to bolster vp their owne religion of Monkery so muche as they could to the intent therfore they would saue the credite both of Dunstane and of the kyng and especially bearing fauour to their owne religion and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening the truth of this matter either did not see or would not confesse herein what they knew but rather thought best to blanch the story and colourably to hide the simple truth therof making the people falsly beleue that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar and Edward to be lawfully borne and also that Editha was born after Edward to be the child for which the king was enioyned penance All which is false and cōtrary both to the order of tyme aboue declared and also to the plaine words of Malmesbury which speaking of king Edgars last concubine sayth in plaine wordes Dilexit vnicè integram lecto vni deferens sidem quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride filiam Ordgari That is he had a concubine whom he loued entirely keping true faith of his bed to her alone vntil the tyme he maried for his lawfull wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare c. Wherby we haue to vnderstand that whatsoeuer concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off certaine it is that Edgar liued in whoredome till tyme he maried his lawfull wyfe Furthermore and finally to conclude beside these arguments and allegations aboue recited let this also be perpended how the said Dunstan with his complices after the killing of king Edward leauing the right heyre of the crowne which was Ethelred went about as Capgraue and their owne Legend cōfesseth to set vp Editha the other bastarde to possesse the crowne but that she more wise then her brother Edward refused the same Wherby what is to be thought of the doyngs of Dunstane and what should be the cause why hee preferred both Edward and Editha to the crowne rather then the lawfull heyre I leaue to all indifferent Readers therof to iudge After that Dunstane and his fellowes had thus set vp Edward for their king they were now where they would be supposing all to be sure on their side and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for euer through the helpe of the young king and the Duke of Eastangles and certaine other nobles whom they had drawn to their part Howbeit this matter passed not so wel with them as they hoped For shortly after the coronation of this yong king Alferus duke of Mercia who folowed much the deedes of the Queene with other great men stoutly standing on the contrary side droue out the Monkes from the Cathedrall churches which king Edgar before had set in and restored agayne the Priests as Ranulphus sayth with their concubines but in the historie of the Librarie of Iornall I find it plainly expressed with their wiues The wordes of the very author be these Alferus princeps Merciorum caeterique plures eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt That is Alterus duke of Mercia with other great men mo droue out the Monkes from the great monasteries whom king Edgar had there set in before restored againe the priests with their wyues Wherby it doth euidently appeare that priests in those dayes were maried and had their lawfull wiues The like before that in king Inas tyme is plaine that Bishops then had wiues and children as appeareth by the words of the lawe then set forth extant in the history of the said Iornalensis which be these Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum sit simile cognationi
them also that willingly assist them or be wicked doers with them in the sauie till such time as they may deserue absolution by penance and confession So that whatsoeuer he be that is noised or prooued to be of this wickednesse if he be a religious person he shall from thence foorth be promoted to no degree of honor and that which he hath shal be taken from him If he be a lay person he shal be depriued of all his freedome within the land and be no better then a foreiner And because it shal be known the absolution of such as be secular to belong onely to byshops it was therefore enacted that on euery sonday in euery parish church of England the said excommunication should be published c. But marke in this great matter what followed For as Ranulphus Lestrensis witnesseth this grieuous general curse was soone called backe againe by the sute of certaine which persuaded Anselme that the publication or opening of that vice gaue kindlings to the same in the heartes of lewde persons ministring occasion of more boldnes to thē to do the like And so to stop the occasiō of filthie Sodomitry the publication thereof was takē away but the forbidding and restreinement of Priestes vnlawfull mariage which chiefly was the cause thereof remained still And thus euer since horrible Sodomitry remained in the clergic both for lacke of mariage more vsed and for lack of publication lesse punished Besides all these Synodall acts aboue comprehended and geuen out by Anselmus in his Councels before heeralso in this present Coūcell at Westminster and in the yere of this king aforesaid he also directed other newe Iniuncetions to the Priests First that they and their wiues shoulde neuer more meete in one house neither yet haue dwelling in their territories Item that the Priests deacons and subdeacons shuld keepe no women in their house vnlesse they were of their next kinne Item for suche as had disseuered themselues from the societie of their wiues yet for some honest cause they had to common with them they might so it were without doore and with ij or iij. lawfull witnesses Item if any of them should be accused by ij or iij. witnesses and could not purge himselfe againe by sixe able mē of his owne order if he be a Priest or if he be a Deacon by iiij or if he be a Subdeacon by ij then he should be iudged a transgressor of the statutes depriued of his benefice be made infamous or be put to open reproche of all men Item he that rebelled as in contempt of this new statute held still his wife and presumed to say masse vpon the viij day after if he made not due satisfaction should be solemnly excommunicated Item all Archdeacons and Deacons to be straightly sworne not to wink or dissemble at their meetings nor to beare with them for money And if they would not be sworne to this then to loose their offices without recouery Item such priests as forsaking their wiues were willing to serue still and remaine in their holy order first must cease 40. dayes from their ministration setting Uitars for them in the meane time to serue and taking such penaunce vpon them as by their Bishop should be enioyned them Thus haue ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselmus how superstitious in his Religion how stubburne against his Prince he was what occasion of warre and discorde he ministred by his complaintes if they had ben taken what zeale without right knowledge what feruencie without cause he pretended what paines without profite he tooke Who if he had bestowed that time and trauel in preaching Christ at home to his flock which he tooke in gadding to Rome to complaine of his countrey in my minde he had bene better occupied Moreouer what violent and tyrannical iniunctions he set forth of inuesting and other thinges ye haue heard but specially against the lawfull and godly mariage of Priests Wherin what a vehement aduersary he was here may appeare by these minutes or peeces extracted out of his letters which we haue here annexed in forme and effect as followeth A letter of Anselme Anselme archbishop to his brethren and dearest sonnes the Lord prior and other at Canterburie AS concerning Priests of whom the king cōmanded that they should haue both their Churches their women as they had in the time of his father and of Lanfrancus Archbishop both because the king hath reuested reseazed of the whole Archbishopricke and because so cursed a mariage was forbidden in a Coūcel in the time of his father and of the saide Archbishop Boldely I command by the authoritie which I haue by my Archbishoprike not onely within my Archbishoprike but also throughout England that all Priests which keepe women shal be depriued of their Churches and Ecclesiastical benefices A letter of Pope Paschalis to Anselme Paschal Bishop Seruaunt of Gods Seruants to his reuerend brother Anselme Archb. of Cant. greeting and Apostolical blessing WE beleue your brotherhode is not ignorāt what is decreed in the Romish Church concerning Priests children But because there is so great multitude of such within the Realme of England that almost the greater and better part of the Clerks are reckened to be on this side therfore we commit this dispensation to your care For we graunt these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time and for the profit of the church such as learning and life shal commēd among you that yet notwithstanding the preiudice of the Ecclesiasticall decree be taken heede to hereafter c. An other letter of Anselme for Inuesting To the reuerend Lord and louing father Paschal high bishop Anselme seruant of Canterbury church due subiection and continual prayers AFter that I returned to my bishopricke in Englande I shewed the Apostolicall decree which I being present heard in the romish Councel 1. That no man should receiue inuesting of churches of the kinges hand or any lay person or shoulde become his man for it and that no man shoulde presume to consecrate him that did offend herein when the K. and his nobles and the bishops themselues and other of the lower degree hearde these things they tooke them so grieuously that they sayde they woulde in no case agree to the thing and that they woulde driue me out of the kingdome and forsake the Romish Churche rather than keepe this thing wherefore reuerende father I desire your counsell by your letter c. An other letter of Anselme Anselme Archbishop to the reuerend Gudulphus Bishop and to Ernulphus Prior and to William Archdeacon of Canterburie and to all in his Dioces greeting WIlliam our Archdeacon hath writtē to me that some priests that be vnder his custodie taking againe their women that were forbidden haue fallen vnto the vnclennesse from the which they were drawne by wholesome counsel and commaundement
as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket which was the yeare of the Lord. 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit vtrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis magne sāctitatis essent eius miracula quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat c. In English There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned To this question answereth Roger a Norman that he was worthy death and damnation for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary Peter Cantor a Persian disputed saying affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō and also of great holines in that man affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome for the which Church he dyed And thus haue ye the iudgement and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question for the saincting of Thomas Becket In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death let vs therefore pause a little vpon y● same to try and examine these his miracles In the tryall wherof we shall finde one of these two to be true that eyther if they were true they were wrought not by God but by a cōtrary spirit of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell saying whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue if it were possible the elect Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches profit of their powches whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thēselues set forth by one of his own Monks of his owne time who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation vertues and miracles of this archb the which bookes as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London I haue seen and perused wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his miracles to the number of 270 being so far of from all trueth reason some ridiculous some monstrous vayne absurd some also blasphemous some so impudēt that not onely they deserue no credit altogether sauoring of mere forgery but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē First if miracles serue for necessity for infidels what cause or necessity was there in a Christian realme hauing the word of God for God to worke such miracles after his death who neuer wrought any in all his life Thē to consider the end of these miracles whether do they tend but onely to bring men to Canterbury with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so many that they lose theyr owne credit what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not bene wrought by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as feuers fistula the gout toothache palsey consumption falling sicknesse leprosie headache broken armes maymed legs swelling throates the raysing vp of the dead which haue bene two dayes departed with infinite other And as all these haue healed for the most part by one kinde of salue as a certayne panacea which was with the water onely of Caunterbury like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall finde the matter so conueyed that the power of this dead Saynt was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease but euery diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop were nothing els but to write a legend of lies to occupy the people with tristes Which because it pertaineth rather so the idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers that haue nothing els to maintain that religion withal I will not take their profession out of theyr hands Wherfore to omit all suche vayne lying apparitions and miracles as how this angry sainct 3. dayes after his death appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus commaunding the quere not to sing but to say this office of his masse Exurge quare obdormis Domine c. Which vision the author himselfe of the book doth say he did see To omit also the blasphemous lye how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God more then the bloud of iust Abell Itē in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles aboue Stephen Laurence Uincent and al the other Martyrs whereof of this cause is rendered for that ● Stephen Laurence and such other suffered only for their own cause But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church Item how it was shewed to a certayne young man Ormus by name xij yeares before the death of this Becket that among the Apostles martyrs in heauen there was a vacaunt place left for a certayne priest as he sayd of England which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket Item how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe All these I say with such other like to omit the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest In the fourth book of this fabulous author and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn countryman of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston whose name was Gilwardus which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house which was his debter took out of his house a great whetstone a paire of hedging gloues The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cōdemnation by the councell of the towneclerk entred an action of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides as for stealing
life by reasō of their ignorance or simplicity after their entrance become subtle false deceiuing hipocrites entring together with the rest into poore mens houses yea oftentimes become worsse then the other wherupō Mat. 22. wo be vnto you Scribes Phareseis hypocrits which go about c. Therfore they which do this are no true messengers but false Apostles The 3. signe is that the true Apostles if they be reproued suffer the same patiently 2. Cor. 12. saying the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you in all patience sufferance meaning that patience which pertayneth to the maners of the preachers Therfore they which suffer not correction or punishment be no true Apostles but rather shew themselues to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Iesus is the Lord but by the holy ghost Glossa It is meet that christians should be hūbled to the intēt that they may suffer themselues to be reproued and not to be holden vp with yea and nay And also such men do shew themselues to be carnall and not spirituall at all although they fayne themselues to be spirituall Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemye vnto you Notwithstanding the Glossa sayth no carnall man will be reproued although he erre Wher efore those preachers which suffer not coroection seeme not to be true Apostles but false Prophets The 4. signe is that true Apostles commend not them selues 2. Cor. 4. For we dare not ioyne our selues nor yet compare our selues vnto others which commend boast many of theyr actes when God alloweth none of them at all Also true preachers although they be in deede prayse worthy for theyr good desertes In the consciences of men are they prayse worthy not to the outward shew alone 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selues sayth the Apostle to the consciences of all men Then they do not commend them selues in cōparison of other wherfore the glose saith vpon the same place those that deserue no commendation but in comparison of other do chalenge to thēselues other mens desertes and prayse wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is sayd Euen as our welbeloued brother Paule according to the wisedome that God hath geuen vnto him hath written vnto you Glossa The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papall authority and also his keies that were deliuered vnto him For he is astonied as it were at the great wisedom geuen vnto his brother Paule For in deede it is the maner of the elect children of God to be more in loue with the vertues of other men then with their owne wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writtē Let those that are superiors esteeme of themselues in all humility They therefore that do the contrary ●●ving that their state or doings be better then other mens although they be preachers yet are they no true Apostles in deed but false prophets The 5. signe is that true Apostles neede no letters of commendation nor yet desire to haue themselues praysed of men as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle sayth we neede not the letters of commendatiō of any man that is to say of false prophets The 6. signe is that true Apostles doe not preach vnlesse they be sent as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach vnlesse they be sent Glossa There be no true Apostles but those that be sent For they haue no neede of Signes which are true witnes bearers but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets The 7. signe is for as much as false Prophetes haue their authority in their owne names wherfore in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written For we dare not boast of our selues or make comparison Glossa That is to say with those that be false prophets not taking their authority frō God but vsurping the same desirous to beare rule clayming in their owne name their authority And therefore although peraduenture by presumption they say that they are sent of God as all hereticks will say yet notwithstanding vnlesse they shal proue theyr sending either by spirituall prophecy as Iohn Baptist did saying I am the voyce of a cryer in the desert As out of the prophet Esay in the first chapter of S. Iohns Gospell is alledged Or els by myracles as Moyses did which turned his rod into a Serpent and againe from a Serpent to a rod as in the 7. chap. of Exodus they ought for to be excommunicated till such time they cease from preaching Yet notwithstanding a miracle ought not to be a sufficiēt testimony of theyr sending for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of euill and wicked men 1. q. 1. we may perceiue towards the end But miracles ought to be suspected for as much as our Sauiour sayth in the 23. of Mathew Then shall false prophets arise c. Therfore they which do chalenge authority in their owne name for as much as they haue not theyr authority from God they are not true Apostles but false preachers The 8. signe is that false Prophets pretending great wisedome and holynes to be in superstition haue named theyr owne traditions to be religion the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery and doe vsurpe vnto themselues the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among straunge vnknown people Wherfore the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. sayth According to the precepts of men which hauing a face of wisedome consist in superstition interlaced with humility Glose That is to say mingled with fained religion that it might be called religion when in very deede it is nothing els but sacrilege because it is cōtrary to all authoritye that is contrary to God himselfe that any man should desire to haue gouernment of a multitude without publicke commaundement as in Deuteronomi●● 23. chap. Thou hast entred into thy neighbors vineyarde Glose that is to say into the Church of an other Bishop May a man warne admonish others or els correct that congregation which is not lawfull for him to gouern nor yet to take so great a charge vpon him no. And that it is not lawfull to enter into an other bishops Dioces it is apparant because it is not lawfull for the Archbishopp so to doe To this effect appertayneth that which is red 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out Therefore those preachers which agaynst God and his diuine Scriptures do call their owne traditions religiō are not are Apostles but false Prophets The 9. signe is by the authority which they haue For as much as they be no preachers of the gospell or ministers of the Sacraments yet they will liue by the Gospell and not by the labour of theyr owne handes against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither haue we
done they suppressed diuers monasteries pharisaicall temples and idolatrous phanes beginning first with the great monasterie of the blacke Friers eight miles from Prage and driuing away the wicked and vicious Priests Monkes out of them or compelling them vnto a better order And thus their number more and more encreasing vnder the conduict of a certaine noble man named Nicholas they went againe vnto the King requiring to haue more and ampler Churches graunted vnto them The King seemed at the first willingly and gently to giue care vnto the said Nicholas intreating for the people and commaunded them to come againe the next day When the people were departed the kyng turning himselfe to that noble man Nicholas which taried still behynde said Thou hast begun a webbe to put me out of my kingdome but I will make a rope of it wherewithall I will hang thee Whereupon he immediatly departed out of the Kings presence and the King himselfe went into the Castle of Uissegrad within a while after into a new Castle which he himselfe had builded fiue stones cast frō thence sending Ambassadours to his brother to require aide These Protestants beeing assembled in the Towne of Pra●e holding their conuentions the king sent forth his Chamberlaine with CCC horsemē to runne vpō them but he hauing respect vnto his life fled Whē newes thereof was brought vnto the king all that were about him being amased vtterly detested the fact but the Kings cup-bearer stāding by said I knew before that these thynges would thus come to passe Whom the king in a rage taking hold of threw him downe before his feete and with hys dagger would haue slaine him but being letted by such as were about him with much ado he pardoned him his life Immediatly the king being taken with a palsey fell sicke and within 18. daies after whē he had marked the names of such whom he had appointed to put to death incessantly calling for aide of his brother and other his frends he departed this life before the Princes which he had sente vnto were come with aide whē he had raigned 55. yeares and was about the age of 57. yeares The story of Zisca IMmediatly after the death of Wenceslaus there was a certaine noble man named Zisca borne at Trosnouia which from his youth vpwarde was brought vp in the kyngs court and had lost one of his eies in a battel where as he had valiantly borne himselfe This man beeing sore greeued for the death of I. Hus and Hierome of Prage minding to reuenge the iniuries which the Councell had done greatly to the dishonour of the kingdom of Boheme vpon their complices and adherēts he gathered together a number of mē of warre and subuerted the Monasteries and idolatrous temples pulling downe and breaking in peeces the images and idols driuing away the Priestes and Monkes which he saide were kept vp in their Cloysters like swine in their styes to be fatted After this hys army beeing increased hauing gathered together aboute fortie thousande men hee attempted to take the Castle of Uissegrade which was but slenderly warded Frō thence the said Zisca vnder the conduict of Coranda wente speedely vnto Pelzina whereas he knew he had many frends of his faction and tooke the towne into his power fortifieng the same very strongly and those which tarried behinde tooke the Castle of Uissegrade Then the Queene Sophia beeing very carefull sente letters and messengers vnto the Emperour Sigismund and other nobles adioining vnto her requiring aide and helpe but the Emperour made preparation against the Turke which had then lately wonne certaine Castels of him Whereupon the Queene seeing all ayde so farre off together with Zenko Warrenberge gathered an host with the kings treasure and fortified the Castle of Prage and the lesser Citie which ioineth vnto the Castle making gates and Towers of wood vpon the bridge ouer the Riuer Multane to stoppe that the Protestants shoulde haue no passage that way Then it hapned that at the I le of S. Benedict one Peter Steremberge fought an equall or indifferent battaile with them In the meane time the number of the Protestantes beeing increased in Prage they fought for y● bridge In which battaile many were slaine on both parts but at the length the Hussites wanne the bridge and the neather part of lesser Prage the Queenes part fleeing into the vpper parte thereof whereas they turning againe fiersly renued the battaile and fought continually day and night by y● space of fiue daies Many were slaine on both parts goodly buildings were rased and the councell house which was in a low place was vtterly defaced and burned During the time of this troublous estate the Ambassadours of the Emperour Sigismund were come whyche taking vpon them the rule and gouernāce of the Realme made a truce or league with the Citie of Prage vnder this condition that the Castle of Uissegrad beeing rendred it should be lawful for thē to send Ambassadours to the Emperour Sigismund to intreat as touching their estate and that Zisca should render Pelzina Piesta with the other forts which he had taken These conditions thus agreed vpon and receiued all the forreine Protestants departed out of the Citie and the Senate of the Citie began to gouerne againe according to their accustomed manner and all things were quieted Howbeit the Papists which were gone out of the Towne durst not returne againe but still looked for the Emperour by whose presence they thought they should haue bene safe But this their hope was frustrate by meanes of certaine letters which were sent from the Emperour wherein it was written that he woulde shortly come and rule the kingdome euen after the same order and maner as his father Charles had done before him Whereby the Protestants vnderstoode that their sect and Religion should be vtterly banished which was not begon during the raigne of the sayd Charles About Christmasse the Emperour Sigismund came to Brunna a Citie of Morauia and there he pardoned the Citizens of Prage vnder condition that they woulde let downe the chaines and barres of the City and receiue his rulers and magistrates Wherunto the whole city obeied and the Magistrates thereof lifting vp their handes vnto heauen reioiced at the comming of the new king But the Emperour turned another way and wēt vnto Uratislauia the head city of Slesia where as a little before the cōmunalty of the City had slaine in an insurrection the magistrates which his brother Wēceslaus had set in authority the principals wherof he beheaded The newes wherof when they were reported at Prage the Citizēs being seared by the example of the Vratislauians distrusting their pardō rebelled out of hand and hauing obteined Cencho on their part which had the gouernaunce of the Castle of Prage they sent letters into all the Realme that no man should suffer the Emperour to enter which was an enemie vnto Boheme and sought nothing else but to destroy
great vtility ensued afterward to the kingdome of Fraunce All beit in processe of time diuers Friers there were whych wrote agaynste the same Ex lib. Pragin Sanctionis Amongst many decrees of the saide Councell of Basil in the 19. Session there was also a decree made touchyng the conuerting of Iewes and yong nouesses in Religion vnto the Christian faith Also that all Ordinaries should yearely at appoynted times prouide certaine men wel learned in the holy scriptures in such places where Iewes and other infidels did dwell to declare to them the truth of the Catholicke faith that they acknowledging their errour might forsake the same vnto the which preaching the said ministers should compell them to resort and to heare vnder paine of excluding them from occupying any more in that place prouided that the said Diocesanes and preachers should behaue thēselues towardes thē mercifully with all charitie wherby they might winne them to Christ not onely by the declaring of the veritie but also in exhibiting their offices of humanitie And to the intēt their preaching might be that more fruitfull that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues it was also in the same Councell prouided commaūded that the constitutiō made before in the councell of Uienna for learning the Hebrew Chaldey Araby Greeke tongue should by all meanes be obserued kept and ordinary stipendes prouided for thē that should teache the same tongues An other decree morouer in the 20. Session was enacted that whosoeuer was knowē or publiquely noted to be a keper of Concubines should be sequestred from all fruites of his benefices for the space of 3. monethes which fruites should be conuerted by the ordinary to the reparations or some other vtilitie of the Church if he did not so amend it was by the Sinode decreed that he should be clearely deposed from all his benefices Furthermore the said Sinode did greatly inuey against them which hauing the iurisdiction of the Church did not shame to suffer such whore maisters for bribes and money still to continue in their filthines c. By these decrees of the Councell aboue specified it is to be seene what corruptiō had bene thē frequented in the Church of God through the Byshop and courte of Rome For the more expresse declaration whereof we thought it not much impertinent here to inferre the wordes of one Martin Meyre writing to Aeneas Syluius touching and noting the saide corruptions the tenour of whose epistle here ensueth Vnto the reuerend father the Lord Aeneas Cardinal of Sene Martin Meyr Chancellor to the bishop of Mentz wisheth health I Haue vnderstand by certaine of my frends letters that you are created Cardinall I am glad for your part that you haue receiued so worthy rewardes for your vertues I reioyce also for my owne part that my frend hath attained vnto such a dignity wherin he may in time to come both helpe me and my frends But this is a griefe vnto me that you haue hapned vpon those dayes which seme to be troublesom vnto the Apostolike sea For there are many complaintes made vnto my Lorde the Archb vpon the Pope that he wil neither kepe the decrees of the councel of Constance neither of Basil neither yet thinketh himselfe bounde to the couenants of his predecessours and seemeth vtterly to contemne our nation and to seeke the vtter ruine thereof For it is euident that the election of Prelates is euery where reiected benefices dignities of what sorte soeuer they be are reserued for the Cardinals and chiefe notaries and you your self haue obtained the reseruation of 3. Prouinces of Germany vnder suche a forme as hath not ben accustomed or heard of Vowsons or giftes of benefices are graunted without number yerely stipends and half the reuenues are exacted without delay and it is euident that there is more extorted then is due The regiment of churches are not committed vnto such as best deserue them but vnto such as offer most mony for them and new pardons are graunted out daily to scrape and gather together monye Tithes are commaunded to be exacted without the consent of our Prelates for the Turkish warre and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and determined at home are now caried vnto the Apostolike sea of Rome A thousand waies are inuented and deuised how the sea of Rome may by subtlety and by craft extort and gette golde and treasure from vs euen as it were of the Turkes or Barbarians whereby our nation which was sometime famous and valiant which by their power and bloud conquered the Romaine Empire and was once the Lady and Queene of all the world nowe being brought vnto pouerty is made a handmaid become tributary being nowe in extreme misery hath of long time bewailed her cruell fortune and pouerty But now our nobles being as it were wakened out of their slepe haue begon to consider and deuise with themselues by what meanes they might withstand this calamity and vtterly shake of this yoke and bondage and haue determined with themselues to chalenge againe their former liberty This wil be no smal losse vnto the court of Rome if the Princes of Germany bring to passe that which they haue deuised Wherfore as much as I do reioyce of your late obtained dignity so much also am I mooued greued that these things happen in your daies But peraduenture Gods determination is otherwise his wil shal surely take place You in the meane time be of good chere and deuise according to your wisedome by what meanes the vehemencie of these floudes may be staied Thus fare ye well From Hasthaffenberge the last day of August Concerning the authoritie of this generall councell of Basill what is to be esteemed by the Actes fruites therof may be vnderstand of all good men Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning so long as the Pope agreed and consented vnto it But after the Pope began to draw backe many other followed especially of the richer sort of Prelates which had any thing to lose whereof sufficiently hath bene sayde by Arelatensis the Cardinall before In the number of those vnconstant Prelates besides many other was firste Cardinall Iulian the firste collector of this councell and Uicegerent of the Pope as by hys feruent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defence of this councel may well appeare Wherin he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaide Pope Eugenius for seeking to dissolue the Councell and declareth in the same many causes why he shoulde rather reioyce and geue God thankes for the godly proceedings and ioyfull agrement betwene the councell and the Bohemians and so exhorteth him with manifolde persuasions to resort to the councel him selfe not to seeke the dissolution of the same The copie tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope if any be disposed to peruse the same we thought heere good to
the Bishops handling and of his Articles in his history maketh no memoriall Belike it made but little for the honestye of his great maister the Pope From persecution burning in England now out of the way to digresse a little to speake of forraine matters of the church of Rome you remēber before in the latter end of the Councell of Basill howe Eugenius was deposed Of whose conditiōs and martiall affayres how he made war agaynst Sfortia a famous Captaine of Italy and what other warres he raised beside not onely in Italy but also in Germany agaynst the City and Councell of Basill I shal not need to make any long rehearsall After his depositiō ye heard also how Foelix duke of Sauoy was elected pope Wherupō another great schisme folowed in the church during all the life of Eugenius After his death his next successor was pope Nicholas the fift who as you before haue heard brought so to passe with the Emperour Fredericke the third that Foelix was contented to renounce and resigne his papacy to Nicolas and was therfore of him afterward receiued to the rowme of a Cardinall for his submission Friderick for his working was confirmed at Rome to be full Emperor there crowned an 1451. For Emperors before they be cōfirmed crowned by the pope are no Emperors but onely called kinges of Romaynes This Pope Nicholas here mentioned for to get gather great sūmes of mony appoynted a Iubile in the yeare of our Lorde 1450. at whiche time there resorted a greater number of people vnto Rome thē hath at any time before bene seene At which time we reade in the story of Platina to haue happened that I thought here not vnworthy to be noted for the example of the thing As there was a great concourse of people resorting vp to the mount Uaticane to behold the Image of our Sauior which there they had to shew to Pilgrimes the people being thicke going to fro betwene the mount the City by chaunce a certayn Mule of the Cardinals of saynt Marke came by the way by reason whereof the people not being able to auoyde the way one or two falling vpon the Mule there was such a prease and throng vpon that occasion on the bridge that to the nūder of two hundred bodyes of men and three horses were there strangled and on each side of the bridge many besides fell ouer into the water and were drowned By meanes of which occasiō the Pope afterward caused the smal houses to be plucked downe to make the way broder And this is the fruite that commeth by Idolatrye Ex Platin. In the time of this Pope one Mat. Palmerius wrote a booke De Angelis in defending whereof he was condemned by the Pope and burned at Corna an 1448 Ex Tritemio After him succeeded Calixtus the thyrd who amongest diuers other things ordeined both at noone and at euening the bell to tole the Aues as it was vsed in the popish time to helpe the souldiours that fought agaynst the Turkes for which cause also he ordeined the feast of the transfiguration of the Lord solemnising it with like pardons and indulges as was Corpus Christi day Also this Pope proceding contrary to the Councels of Constance and Basill decreed that no man should appeale from the Pope to any Councell By whome also Sayncte Edmunde of Caunterbury with diuers other were made Sayntes Next after this Calixtus succeeded Pius secundus otherwise called Aeneas Syluius who wrote the two bookes of Commentaries vpon the Councell of Basill before mētioned This Aeneas at the time of the writing of those hys bookes seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tollerable iudgement and doctrine from the which he afterward being Pope seemed to decline and swarue seeking by all meanes possible how to deface abolish the bookes which heretofore he had written ¶ Sentences attributed vnto this Pius THe diuine nature of God may rather be comprehended by fayth then by disputation Christian fayth is to be considered not by what reason it is proued but from whom it proceedeth Neyther can a couetous man be satisfied with money nor a learned man with knowledge Learning ought to be to poore men in stead of siluer to noble men in stead of golde and to Princes in stead of precious stones An artificiall oratiō moueth fooles but not wise men Suters in the Lawe bee as Byrdes the Courte is the bayte the Iudges be the nettes and the Lawyers be the Foulers Men are to bee geuen to dignityes and not dignityes to men The office of a Byshoppe is heauy but it is blessed to him that doth wel beare it A Bishop without learning may be likened to an Asse An euill Phisition destroyth bodies but an vnlearned Priest destroyeth soules Mariage was taken from Priestes not without great reason but with muche greater reason it ought to be restored agayne The like sentence to this he vttereth in his second book of the Councell of Basil before specified saying peraduenture it were not the worst that the most part of priestes had theyr wiues for many shoulde be saued in Priestly mariage whiche nowe in vnmaryed Priesthoode are damned The same Pius also as Celius reporteth dissolued certayne orders of Nunnes of the order of S. Briget and S. Clare bidding them to depart out that they should burne no more nor couer a Harlotte vnder the vesture of Religion This Pius if he had brought so much piety and godlinesse as he brought learning vnto his Popedome had excelled many Popes that went before him It shall not be impertinent here to touch what the said Eneas called Pius the Pope writeth touchinge the peace of the church vnto Gaspee Schlick the Emperors Chaūcellor in his 54. Epistle All men do abhorre and detest schisme The way to remedye this euill Charles the French king hath shewed vs both safe and briefe which is that princes or their Oratours should conuent c assemble together in some cōmon place where they may cōclude vpon matters amongest themselues To bring this to passe it were needfull writinges to be sent agayne to all Kynges and Princes to send theyr Oratours to Strawes borow or to Constance with theyr full authority there to entreate of matters appertayning to the peace of the Church Neyther woulde it require so great expenses Forasmuch as we see the yeare before 300. gildernes to be sufficient Constantine the Emperour bestowed not muche more in the congregation of the Councell of Nice And this way could not be stopped neyther could the Pope or the Councell withstād it or make excuse as though this might not easily be done without them For why the secular princes may conuent and assemble together will they nill they and yet notwithstanding vnity may there be concluded For he should be an vndoubted Pope whom all Princes would obey Neyther do I see any