All this said Father Fitzherbert I was witnesse of who was then sent for by the Cardinals as in all like occasions and affaires concerning England to give theâ—… opinion concerning the said Common Prayer Booke and the temper of the Scots But the good Archbishop quoth hee hearing the censure of the Cardinals concerning his intention and Form of Prayer to ingratiate himself the more into their favour corrected some things in it and made it more harsh and unreasonable for that Nation which wee already heare they have stomacked at and will not suffer it in many parts to be read and wee justly fear that this his Common Prayer Book his great compliance with this Court will at last bring strife and division between the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England And this most true Relation of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury though I have often spoken of it in private discourse â—…and publiquely preached it at the Lecture of Wingham in Kent I could not in my conscience omit it here both to vindicate the just censure of death which the now sitting Parliament have formerly given against him for such like practises and compliance with 〈◊〉 and secondly to reprove the ungrounded opinion and errour of some ignorant and Maâ—…ant spirits who to my knowledge have since his death highly exalted him and â—…yed him up for a Martyr At the same time whilst I was at Rome I understood of another great bufâ—…sse concerning England then in agitation amongst the Cardinals and much prosecuted by this Fitzherbert and one father Courtney a Jesuite son to one Sir Thomas Leeds which was to create one of the English Nation Cardinall that so the Conversion of England what by the Assistance of William Laud what by the power of a higher person and what by the authority of the said Cardinall might be more fully and earnestly plotted and indeavoured This businesse was much agitated in England by Signior Con at whose house in Long Aker were many meetings of the chief Gentry of the Papists In Rome Sir William Hamilton then Agent for the Queene vied much for the said Cardinals Cap and got a great number of friends to further this his ambitious design But hee was too yong and some scandall of a Gentlewoman who stuck too close to him made the red Cap unfit for his head and secondly because a greater then hee to wit Sir Keâ—…lham Digby was appointed by the Queen to bee her Agent there who sent before him his Chaplain a great Politician and active Priest named Fitton to take up his lodging and make way and friends for his ambitious preferment who in his daily discourse cryed up his Master Digby for Cardinall and told mee absolutely that hee doubted not but hee would carry it But though hee had great favour from the Queen and was her Agent yet hee had strong Antagonists in Fitzherbert Courtney and the rest of the crew of the Jesuites who looked upon that honour and red Cap as better becomming one of their profession and fitter for a head which had formerly worne a four Cornered black Cap to wit Sir Toby Matby But in case the said Cap should fall from Sir Toby his head then they would helpe and further a third whose birth and Nobility should advance him before Sir Kenelham Digby to wit Walter Mountague the old Earle of Manchester his sonne at that time And thus it was a generall and credible report in Rome that either a Digby a Mathy or a Mountâ—…gue should that yeere bee made Cardinall Whereby I perceived that England was comming neere to Rome and that my design of professing and following the truth in England was blasted and that in vain I had come from America for satisfaction of my conscience in England I was more troubled now then ever and desired to try all wayes if I could bee better satisfied concerning the Popish Religion in Rome Naples or Venice whither I went then I had been in America and among the Spaniards But I found such exorbitances and scandalls in the lives of some Cardinals of Rome whilst I was there especially in Don Antonio Barbarini and Cardinal Burgest who at midnight was taken by the Corchetes or Officers of justice in uncivill wayes and came off from them with money that I perceived the Religion was but as I had found it in America a wide and open doore to loosnesse and policy and the like in Naples and Venice which made mee even hate what before I had professed for Religion and resolve that if I could not live in England and there injoy my Conscience that I would live in France for a while untill I had well learned that tongue and then associate my selfe unto the best reformed Protestant Church Whereupon I obtained from the General of the Dominicans this ensuing order to live in the Cloister of Orleans intending from thence at my best opportunity to goe to Paris Lyons or some other place and shake off my Magpy habit and to live and dye in France in the true Protestant and refoâ—…med Religion as professed there In Dei filio sibi Dilecto Reverendo Patri fratri Thomae Gageo Provinciae Anglicanae Ordinis Praedicatorum Frater Nicolaus Rodulfius totius ejusdem Ordinis Magister Generalis ac servus in Domino salutem Conventui nostro Aurelia nensi Provinciae nostrae Franciae de probo optimo Patre Sacerdote providere cupientes Tenore praesentium nostri authoritate officii supra nominatum Reverendum Patrem Fratrem Thomam Gageum revocamus te a quovis alio Conventu Assignamus in dicto Conventu nostro Aurelianensi Assignatumque declaramus in Nomine Patris Filii Spiritus Sancti Amen Mandantes Rdo. admodum Patri Magistro Priori illius ut te benigne recipiat cum omni charitate tractet In quorm fidem his officii hostri sigillo munitis propria manu subscripsimus Datum Suriani die nono Aprilis 1640. Frater Nicolaus Magister Ordinis Frater Ignatius Ciantes Magister Provincialis Angliae Socius The Forme whereof as also the manner of sending Fryers from one Cloister to live in another commonly called by them an Assignation is in English as followeth To our Beloved in the Son of God the Reverend Father Fryer Thomas Gage of the English Province of the Order of Preachers Fryer Nicholas Rodulfius of the same whole Order Master Generall and Servant in the Lord health and greeting WEE being willing and desirous to provide for our Convent of Orleans of our Province of France of an honest and very good Father and Priest by Tenour of these present and by the authority of our Office doe recall you the above named Reverend Fryer Thomas Gage from any other Convent and doe Assigne you in our said Convent of Orleans and declare you to bee assigned in the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost Amen Commanding the very Reverend Father Master Prior thereof that hee
this sweetnesse and pleasing delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving so many gifts unto the Preist for to shew that in their Religion there is some bitterness sowrenesse they make the Indians whip themselves the weeke before Easter like the Spaniards which those simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne flesh that they butcher it mangle and teare their backs till some swound nay some as I have known have died under their own whipping and have selfe murthered themselves which the Preists regard not because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure Crownes for a Masse for their soules and other offerings of their friends Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on and blinded in the observance of what they have been taught for the good and profit of their Preists then for any good of their soules not perceiving that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers But not onely doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their browes but also all the Spaniards who not onely with their worke and service being themselves many given to idlenesse grow wealthy and rich but with needlesse offices and authority are still fleecing them and taking from them that little which they gaine with much hardnesse and severity The President of Guatemala the Judges of that Chancery the Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country that they may advance and inrich their meniall servants make the poor Indians the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such Some have offices to visit as often as they please their Towns and to see what every Indian hath sowed of Maiz for the maintenance of his wife and children Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the good and store of the County others have order to see whether their houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to their Families others have power to call them out to mend and repaire the high wayes and others have Commission to number the Families and Inhabitants of the severall Townes to see how they increase that their Tribute may not decrease but still bee raised And all this those officers doe never perform but so that for their pains they must have from every Indian an allowance to bear their charges which indeed are none at all for as long as they stay in the Town they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying for it When they come to number the Townes they call by lift every Indian and cause his chiidren sonnes and daughters to be brought before them to see if they bee fit to be married and if they be of growth and age and bee not married the fathers are threatned for keeping them unmarried and as idle lives the Towne without paying tribute and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that are marriageable the fathers tribute is raised and increased untill they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters who as soone as they are married are charged with tribute which that it may increase they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to live unmarried Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the Indians is at fourteen yeers for the man and thirteene for the woman alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice and strength for worke and service then are any other people Nay sometimes they force them to marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age if they find them well limbed and strong in body explicating a point of one of Romes Canons which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers nisi malitia suppleat aetatem When I my selfe lived in Pinola that Town by order of Don Iuan de Guzman a great Gentleman of Guatemala to whom it belonged was numbred and an increase of tributary Indians was added unto it by this meanes The numbring it lasted a full week and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty couple which with those that before had been married since the last numbring of it made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase of about fifty Families But it was a shame to see how young some were that at that time were forced to marriage neither could al my striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary nor the producing of the Register Booâ—… to show their age but that some were married of between twelve and thirteene yeers of age and one especially who in the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers whose knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age In this manner even in the most free act of the will which ought to bee in marriage are those poore Indians forced and made slaves by the Spaniards to supply with tribute the want of their purses and the meannesse of their Estates Yet under this yoke and burden they are cheerfull and much given to feasting sporting and dancing aâ—… they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes which are kept upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated And certainly this superstition hath continued also in England from the Popish times to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country by way of commerce and trading one with another to honor worship and pray to that Saint to whom the Town is dedicated or else why are our Faires commonly kept upon Iohn Baptist Iames Peter Matthew Bartholomew Holy Rood Lady dayes and the like and not as well a day or two before or a day or two after which would bee as good and fit dayes to buy and sell as the other True it is our Reformation alloweth not the worshipping of Saints yet that solemne meeting of the people to Fairs and mirth and sport upon those daies it hath kept and continued that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue still in our remembrance There is no Town in the India's great or small though it be but of twenty Families which is not dedicated thus unto our Lady or unto some Saint and the remembrance of that Saint is continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne but of all that live farre and neere by commercing trading sporting and dancing offering unto the Saint and bowing kneeling and praying before him Before this day day cometh the Indians of the Town two or three Moneths have their meetings at night and prepare themselves for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them and in these their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha For every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed and masters of that dance who teach the
should want for nothing and should live with him till hee got mee another Bishoprick by which discourse of his and by his and other Preists favour at Court and with the Archbishop I perceived things went not well Spanish Popery was much rooted Protestant Religion much corrupted and the time not seasonable for me to discover my secret intents and purpose of heart At this time comming once from Surrey to London I chanced to bee discovered and knowne to one of the State Officers a Pursevant who had a large Commission for the apprehending of Seminary Preists and Jesuites named Iohn Gray who meeting mee one day in Long Aker followed and dogged me as far as Lincolns Inne wall where he clapped mee on the shoulders and told me that he had a Commission against mee to apprehend mee and carry me to the Councell Table or to one of His Majesties Secretaries To whom I spoke in Spanish thinking thereby to free my selfe out of his hands for a Spaniard but this would not doe for he replyed hee knew mee to bee an English man born and by the name of Gage and Brother to Colonell Gage and Mr. George Gage and that before he left mee I must speake in English to him he carryed mee to a Tavern and there searched my Pockets for Letters and mony which in discourse he told me was too little for him not being above twelve shilling and that I must goe with him to answer before one of His Majesties Secretaries I told him that I would willingly goe before the Archbishop of Canterbury or before Sir Francis Windebanke at which he smiled saying I knew well whom to make choice of to favour and protect mee but hee would carry mee to none of them but to Secretary Cooke I fearing the businesse might goe hard with me and knowing him to be greedy of money told him that I would give him any thing that might content him and so offered him twelve shillings then about mee and my word to meet him in any place the next day with a better and fuller purse Hee accepted of my money for the present and further offer for the day following and appointed the Angel Taverne in Long Aker knowing that I lodged thereabout to bee the place of our meeting and so dismissed mee I being free from him went immediately to my Brother and told him what had happened unto mee what money I had already given unto him and what I had promised the next day following My Brother hearing me began to chaâ—…e and vex and to fall into furious words against Iohn Gray calling him knave and rogue and that he could not answer what he had done and that hee would have his Commission taken from him chiding mee for that I had given him any money and calling me young novice and unexperienced in the affairs of England This seemed strange to me that my Brother should not onely not fear a Pursevant but should threaten to take away the Commission from him who was appointed to search for and finde out Preists and Jesuites Yet I told him I would according to my word and promise meet him the next day and satisfie him for his faire carriage towards mee to which my Brother would by no means yeeld but said hee wou'd meet him which hee accordingly performed and although for my sake and promise he gave him some money yet he brought him before Signor Con and there himselfe and the Popes Agent with him spake most bitter words unto him and threatned him very much if ever again he durst meddle with mee After this my Brother carryed mee to one Sir William Howard a Papist Knight living at Arundel gate over Clements Church who was very familiar with Sir Francis Windebanke telling him what had happened unto me and desiring him to carry me with him in his Coach to Sir Francis and to get his protection for mee Secretary Windebanke understanding who I was told mee I should feare no Pursevant of them all and that if I lived quietly in England no body should trouble me and that Iohn Gray was a knave and wished me if ever he medled with me agâ—…n to come unto him Though for the present this was good and commodious for me to have such favour and protection yet I perceived this my Brothers power and this conniving at Preists and Jesuites could not bee usefull for meâ—… if I should publish my mind and and purpose to alter my Religion I was therefore much troubled in mind and conscience which I found was curbed with the great power of the Papists I resolved therefore to goe againe out of England and to travell in some other Countries amongst both Papists and Protestants and to try what better satisfaction I could find for my conscience at Rome in that Religion or in France and Germany amongst the Protestants I wrâ—… therefore to the Generall of the Dominicans at Rome without whose License I could not goe thither that hee would bee pleased to send mee his Letters Patents to goe to consâ—…re some points with him which hee willingly granted unto mee I wanted not money from my Uncle who commended unto mee some businesse to bee dispatched for him at Rome for so long a journey other friends also helped mee but my chief trust was upon my Brother Colonell Gage then in the Low 〈◊〉 whom I knew not nor had seen him from a child I had no other passe to take shipping at Dover but onely the letter of a Papist in London by meanes of one Popham a Dominican Fryer to Sir Iohn Manwood his Lady who was then Governour of Dover Castle and with the foresaid letter suffered mee not to bee troubled examined or searched but gave order that I should freely and quietly passe over in the Packet boat to Dunkerke wherewith in foure houres with a good wind I arrived and from thence by Newport and Bridges went to Gant not farre from whence my Brother with his Regimeut lay in field against the Hollander Hee was glad to see mee and knowing what journey I was minded to take furnished mee with more money and for my Uncles businesse recommended mee to the Marques De Seralvo then at Brussels and to other great men desiring them to give mee their letters to their friends at Rome from them I got a letter to Don Francisco Barbarini the Popes Nephew and one of the chief Cardinals then in Rome likewise to Cardinal Cucua and Cardinal Albornos both Spaniards With these letters I thought I should have occasion of some conversation with these pillars of the Church of Rome and in discourse might pry into the hearts and wayes of them and see whether in them were more Policy then Religion By reason of the Warres between France and the Low Countries I durst not make my journey the neerest and shortest way through France but though there were Wars also in Germany I thought that would bee my safest way and I desired much to looke into the Protestant and
Lutberan Church in that Country Whereupon I resolved from Brussels to goe to Namurs and from thence by water to Leidge and from thence to Collen in Germany From Leidge to Collen though wee were twelve in company wee were much troubled with Souldiers yet God still delivered me and brought me safe to Collen from whence by the river Rhine I went in boat to Frankefort in September at the time of that great Fair where I knew I should meet company of Merchants to any part of Italy In all my travells I never made a more pleasant journey then that which I made by the river Rhine where I had occasion to see many fair and goodly Cities In Frankefort there I began to take notice of the Lutheran Church and for the space of a fortnight that I stayed there had many thoughts of discovering my selfe there and disclaiming Popery thinking that there I might be sure and fafe and lie hid and unknowne to my Brothers and kinred who in England would not suffer me to live a Protestant Yet againe I considered how hard it would bee for mee a stranger to subsist there and to get any livelyhood for the which I must first get the native tongue and though many points that were opposite to the Church of Rome pleased me yet in some points of that Religion my conscience was not satisfied At the end of the Faire I sought out for company and found neere a dozen wagons which were upon setting out towards Auspurg with goods of Merchants who had also hired a Convoy of thirty soulders to goe along with them which I thought would be safe company for mee with them and many other passengers and travellers that went in the Wagons and on foot by them I went as far as the famous and gallant City of Auspurg from whence forward there was no great danger neither in what part belonged to the Duke of Bavaria nor in the County of Tirol from whence wee passed some foure together to Trent where I was taken with the first Aguâ—… that ever in my life I remembred I had which continued seven months upon mee I thought from thence to have continued my journey by land to Venice but my Ague suffered mee to goe but to Verona from whence I turned to Millan and so to Genoua leaving my good company that from Genouâ—… I might goe by Sea to Ligorne and so likewise to Rome After a fortnights stay in Genoua I went with the Galleys of the great Duke of Florence to Ligorne where I found no boats ready to Rome and so in the mean time whilst they were preparing I went to Pisa and Flarence to see those brave Cities and returned again to Ligorne where I found many boats ready to set out to Rome The first night and day wee had a faire winde to Piombino but there it turned and continued contrary for almost three weekes At last it pleased God to send us a faire wind wherewith wee went out many Boats and Falluco's in company together thinking all had been friends but when wee came neere to the Castle of Montalto most of the boats having got before us two that went in company with the boat wherein I was suddainly set upon us and shewed themselves to bee French Pirats who robbed us all and tooke from mee all the money I had which was not then above five pound leaving me some Bils of exchange which I had to take up mony at Rome after we were robbed wee called in at Civita Vecha for reliefe where I met with a good English Merchant who freely bestowed upon mee provision both of wine and meat as much as would well suffice mee and a friend to Rome whither wee got in a day and night When I came to Rome I delivered my Letters to the Cardinals of whom the two Spaniards I found proud and stately but Don Franciscâ—… Barbarini who was intituled the Protector of England I found more tractable kinde and loving I perceived by his discourse that hee knew much of England and desired to know more and propounded unto mee many questions concerning the state of this Kingdome and especially concerning the Archbishop of Canterbury whom he seemed to affect and yet sometime againe would say hee feared hee would cause some great disturbance in our Kingdome and that certainly for his sake and by his means the King had dissolved lately the Parliament which was that which before this now sitting was so suddainly dissolved by his Majesty which hee feared Scotland and most of the people of England would take very ill Hee asked mee further what conceipt the people had of the said Archbishop and whether they did not mistrust that hee complyed much with the Court of Rome And lastly he told mee that hee thought the creating of an English Cardinal at Rome might be of great consequence for the conversion of the whole Kingdome I laid up in my heart all this discourse and well perceived some great matters were in agitation at Rome and some secret compliance from England with that Court which I purposed to discover more at large among some friendâ—… there After this discourse with the Cardinall I was invited to the English Colledge to dinner by one Father Fitzherbert who was then Rector a great States-man and Politician with whom I had also great discourse concerning my Brother Colonel Gage concerning my travels in America and lastly concerning England whereoâ—… I perceived little discourse could bee had in Rome except the Archbishop William Laud had his part and share in it The Jesuite began highly to praise the Arch-prelate for his moderate carriage towards Papists and Preists boasting of the free accesse which one Simons alias Flood a Jesuite had unto him at all houres and in all occasions and to extoll him the more he brought in the Archbishop Abbot whom he cried down as much for a cruel enemie and persecutor of the Church of Rome and of all Papists and Preists But the now Archbishop said hee is not onely favourable unto us there but here desireth to make daily demonstrations of his great affection to this our Court and Church which hee shewed not long since in sending a Common Prayer Booke which hee had composed for the Church of Scotland to bee first viewed and approved of by our Pope and Cardinals Who perusâ—…ngit liked it very well for Protestants to be trained in a Form of Prayer and service yet considering the State of Scotland and the temper and tenents of that people the Cardinals first giving him thanks for his respect and dutifull compliance with them sent him word that they thought that form of prayer was not â—…itting for Scotland but would breed some stir and unquietnesse there for that they understood the Scots wereaversed from all set Forms would not be tyed and limited to the invention of mans spirit having as they thought the true and unerring Spirit of God in them which could better teach and direct them to pray
and water p. 90. sequ Two mysterious games of Tables played between the Superiour of the Dominican Friers of Chiapa and the Author and his Company p. 94 95. Our stately entertainment in a Towne colled St. Philip neer Chiapa p. 95 96. Our imprisonment in the Cloister of Chiapa and three daies penance with bread and water p. 96. A Friers penance in Chiapa for a Love letter to a Nun. p. 97. The Author made Schoole-master in Chiapa ibid. CHAP. XV. Describing the Countrey of Chiapa with the chiefest Townes and Commodities belonging to it p. 98. Contents Some foolish questions moved to the Author by a great Don of Chiapâ—… 〈◊〉 his answer to them accordingly p. 99. sequ One thousand and six hundred Duck ates got by a Bishop of Chiapa in one moneth onely for Confirmation of little children in Indian Townes p. 102. A Bishop of Chiapa poisoned by women with a cup of Chocolatte for forbidding Chacolatte to be drunke in the Church p. 103. The Author his answer to a token sent to him by a gentlewoman of Chiapa p. 104. The great Dexterity of the Indians of Chiapa in shewes and publike feasts ibid. The River of Tabasco very commodious for any Nation to enterup towards Chiapa p. 105. CHAP. XVI Concerning two daily and common Drinkes or Potions much used in the India's called Chocolatte and Atolle p. 106. Contents The Nature of the Cacao and the tree it groweth it upon and the two sorts of it p. 106 107. Cinnamon one of the best ingredients in the Chocolatte and why p. 108. Achiotte how it groweth and for what it is good ibid. Severall waies to drinke the Chocolatte p. 109. CHAP. VII Shewing my Iourney from the City of Chiapa unto Guatemala and the chiâ—… places in the way p. 111. Contents Six thousand Duckates sent by a Fryer to Spain to buy a Bishopricke p. 112. A rich treasure and picture of Mary in a poor and small Town of the Indians called Chiantla among the mountaines named Cuchumatlanes p. 113. The water of the river of a Towne called Scapula causeth great swellings in the throat p. 114. The Authour his dangerous fâ—…ll from the mountaine of Zojabah and his great deliverance attributed to a miracle by the Indians with the conâ—…eit the Indians had of his sanctity and holinesse p. 115. The Indians guide the Friers in the night when they travail with lights of â—…ood p. 116. The great Fair of Chimaltenango p. 117. The Author abused and suspected to be a spie by an old frier in Chimaltenango ibid. Stones of a fruit or plumme called Xocotte fit for fiering and also good to fat hogs 117 118. CHAP. VIII Describing the Dominions Government Riches and grâ—… of the City of Gâ—…temala and Country belonging to it p. 118. Contents Guatemala aâ—… open City without any walls forts or Bulwarkes about it p. 118. The Author welcomed to Guatemala and first graced with a publick Act of Divinity and after made Master of Arts in the same City p. 118 119. The forme of the Letters Patents as are used there and sent to the Authour to read Arts in the University of Guatemala ibid. The manner of presenting the Author to the Bishop for obtaining his Licence to preach publikely p. 120. 121. The forme of the Bishops Licence to preach and heare Confessions within his Bishopricke in Spanish and English with some glosses upon it p. 121 122. Donna Maria de Castilia swallowed up by a river which suddainly gushed out of a mountaine neer to Guatemala for blaspheming and defying God p. 124. The horrour of the Vulcan of fire ueer Guatemala ibid. Thirteen pound and a halfe of Biefe sold about Guatemala for three pence p. 125. One man onely enjoying 40000. head of Cattell and one onely that bought 6000. neer Guatemala ibid. How Guatemala and the Townes about are stored with provision of Biefe and Mutton and by whom ibid. Foure exceeding rich Merchants in Guatemala besides many other of great but inferiour wealth to them p. 126. The Covetousnesse of a President of Guatemala shewed in Carding and gaming ibid. Thirty thousand Duckats yeerly the rent of one Cloister in Guatemala besides the treasure in it worth a hundred thousand Crownes p. 127. A thousand persons commonly living within one Cloister of Nuns in Guatemala ibid. The Bishop of Guatemala his Nun very powerfull and rich p. 128. The strength of the Blackmore slaves about the Countrey of Guatemala p. 129. All the power of Guatemala is not able to reduce a few Blackmore slaves who are fled to the mountains about Golfo Dulce p. 130. Between the Towne of Acacabastlan and Guatemala are Mines of Copper and iron and probably a treasure of Gold p. 131. A rich Miser worth six hundred thousand Duckates living like abeast in the valley of Mixco p. 132. A kind of wheat in the valley of Mixco called Tremesino which after three moneths soâ—…ne is harvested in p. 135. A Towne called St. Lucas where wheat threshed is laid up in Barnes and 〈◊〉 peth two or three yeers with much increase ibid. A Towne of twelve thousand Indian inhabitâ—… not yet conquered lying between Jucatan and Vera Paz. p. 136. CHAP. XIX Shewing the Condition quality fashion and behaviour of the Indians of the Countrey of Guatemala since the Conquest and especially of their feasts and 〈◊〉 p. 138. Contents The Indians of the Countrey of Guatemala like the Israelites by Pharaoh much oppressed by the Spaniards because they multiply and increase p. 138. The West-India's easier to be conquered now then in the time that Cortez conquered them p. 139. Some Indians choose rather to die by pining away willingly then to be subject to the Spaniards oppression and cruelty ibid. How the Indians are forced and distributed out by a Spanish Officer to serve the Spaniards weekly p. 140. The manner of the Indians beds as also their manner of cloathing p. 141 142. They are divided into Tribes with a chiefe head over every Tribe p. 142. How they agree upon contracting Marriage one with another ibid. The powdred bief of the Indians commonly called Tassajo p. 143. The Indian Venison or flesh of wild Dear how dressed and eaten ibid. A Hedgehog good meat in the India's ibid. Of an Indian drinke called Chicha p. 144. The Spaniards use much to make the Indians drunke and then picke their pockets 144 145. The Preists that live in the Indian Townes are above the Iustices and Officers for peace and whip and give sentence and judgement in the Church against the best p. 146. The Service and Attendants allowed to the Preist p. 147. How and what tribute the Indians pay yeerly p. 148. The Saints and Idols of the Romish Religion differ not from the heathenish Idols in the Indians opinion p. 149. Saints held unprofitable by the Preists in the India's and fit to be cast out of the Churches which bring not mony and gifts unto them at least once a yeare ibid. The Preists trade much