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A50646 Some remarques upon a late popular piece of nonsence called Julian the apostate, &c. together, with a particular vindication of His Royal Highness the Duke of York, by some bold truths in answer to a great many impudent calumnies raised against him, by the foolish arguments, false reasonings and suppositions, imposed upon the publick from several scandalous and seditious pamphlets especially from one more notorious and generally virulent than the rest, sometime since published under the title of A Tory Plot, &c. / by a lover of truth, vertue, and justice. Meredith, Edward, 1648-1689? 1682 (1682) Wing M1784; ESTC R23540 71,436 69

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the sence of the Primitive Christians about Page t●… 18th Julians Succession Now in a discourse under these contents A Man would reasonably imagine we were to be treated considering the end our Author drives at with an account of some publick Acts and Endeavours of the Christians to obstruct and cut off the Succession of this Julian we might expect here some president for an Act of Exclusion warranted from a practice of so ancient a standing as that of the Primitive Christians as our Author calls them in Constantius's time tho they were indeed Arrians but instead of that in the very beginning of this Chapter we are told we cannot expect to read of any endeavours used to prevent this Succession and to fore-close him upon the score of his Religion And why Because sayes our Author Julians coming to the Crown a Pagan was a perfect surprize to the World so that instead of giving us here a President for an Act of Exclusion even in the like case all he informs us of is That it was the sence of the Primitive Christians not to fore close as he calls it any one upon the score of his Religion at least before they knew of his defection Now here is a neat way of arguing this Fellow has when he would compare and make Parallels is it not All I say from hence is if it were the opinion of the Primitives I think it ought to be the sence of us that are Christians too if Religion and Justice be not growing into contempt among us not to fore-close any man upon the score of his Religion till we are sure at least from better Arguments then the malitious insinuations of his Enemies whom he has a spirit too Royal and too great to bow to and the Oaths of perjur'd profligate Villains that he has left it But to come as near to the business he would foist upon us as is possible which is to tell us the sence of the Christians at that time I 'l put the case modestly for him concerning Julians Succession The first thing he does in this Chapter after a merry frisk or two by way of bob to Addressers in the beginning meerly to shew the nimble disposition of his parts is to give us the most accurate account he can of Julians undoubted and indisputable right to the Empire and truly to do him Justice it is the only methodical reasonable well joyned story or discourse in his whole Book After he has shown us this bless us how he seems to extend and raise himself for the force of the blow that is to follow but let us see how we can bear it After he had summed up the short History of Julians right to the Empire he has pleased to express himself thus If this will not Page the 11th do I know not what measures of divine right speaking you must know very despicably of the Assertors of any such right will serve their turn unless they would have a Crown drop from the Clouds And yet sayes he The Fathers had the conscience to set aside such a Title as this Well we desire to see how and that 's but reasonable Why sayes he Gregory after Julian was dead he very much given to Gregory in the very beginning of an Invective calls after Constantius in Heaven and expostulates the matter with him there That is to say after Julian was dead Gregory calls Page the ●2d after Constantius who dyed before him to pass a Bill of Exclusion and set aside the Apostates Title to the Throne is it not so Risum teneatis amici Now sayes our worshipful Author at the end of this Quotation Page the 24th here is enough to shew that Constantius would never have made Julian Caesar c. Now I think this as neat a Conclusion as the Argument will bear I think the point of Succession as handsomely settled as any serupulous man could in conscience desire I think our Author has satisfied us That the Fathers would have set aside Julians Title to secure their Religion for Gregory sayes he called after Constantius about it when they were both dead and told him the Apostate ought not to succeed and that was as well as if all the Fathers had remonstrated to him in his life time Gregory good man honest Gregory did all he could in the business he was for shutting the Stable Door according to the Proverb his wisdom truly was great but it was something Phrygian Now either the Fathers would have remonstrated to Constantius in his life time against Julians Succession and forgot to tell us so or under the Rose our Author doth prevaricate which in plain English is little better then Lying or else they deputed Gregory to do it for them and he like a false Brother Father writ invectives in his own name and got all the honour of Expostulating against Julians Succession after he was dead to himself But to be serious a little if upon this occasion it be possible And under a great tryal of my patience I speak it This Monster of an Author is so unconscionably dull and has so little mercy on those that fall under the Condemnation of reading him that after having thus Quoted Gregory like a Coxcomb to a purpose for which every body that peruses it with the least attention must laugh at and despise him he cannot forbear glutting us with more Impertinency still and telling us that the same Father will give us better measure in another place now this other place is but another piece of the old Gregorian Invective As our Author hath translated him yet I will take pains to transcribe a little of it I would give our Author and his friend Gregory as fair play as I can and thus it runs What have you done O Divinest Emperor and greatest love of Christ for I am fallen to reprehending you as if you were present ●ark it ●entle Rea●er I be●ech ye and in hearing although I know you to be much above my reproof being placed with God and inheriting the glory which is there and are only gone from hence to Exchange your Kingdom what strange kind of Council is this which you have taken who did far excel all other Kings in wisdom and understanding Thus has our Author Translated it now I desire the Reader to accept of my Translation upon this Translation and see if it serve not as well to the purpose As thus then Hubbubbeo Vat ast dou don noow dou diveenest Imperour and in Creat favourship vid The Irish houl in this manner over their dead friends Graves and much to this purpose Creest gra for I must make expostulation upon dee as if dou didst hear me doe dou dost not hear me indeed neider vy voudst dou dy I pridee now and leave dy Cousin Julian all dy Land and Possessions dou voo hadst so much Visdom and Solidity St. Patrick be vid dy shweet shoule vy didst dou make dye amongst
advantage according as it is delivered by our Author I hope our Author will be so ingenuous the next time he has occasion to appear in Print upon the behalf of Paganism as fairly to throw off the Hypocrites Cloak declare to us freely how much he is an Apostates humble Servant and tell us whose Chaplain he is And thus it begins Valentinian being a concealed Christian Collonel of Horse under the Apostate Julian and waiting upon his Master once in a Procession to the Temple of Page the 39th Fortune The Chaplains stood on both sides of the Doors cleansing with sprinklings those that entered in But when Collonel Valentinian saw this Holy Water coming near his Cloaths he struck the Chaplain with his Fist Page the 40th saying It would not cleanse but defile him Now all I can discover out of this first part of the Story is that Valentinian may be was a very spruce Collonel and did not love to have his Embroider'd Coat used too familiarly For example suppose even at home here in our little England nay at Whitehall an Officer newly having bought his Place going upon his Duty with a fine Beaver Hat and a dainty unfully'd white Feather in it this Hat cockt too à la Francois and under it a Perruque essenced and Curled in defiance to the smell of Match behind him under his Chin an exquisite Crevat made up as dext'rously as if he had done it himself by his own great Rules of Fortification adorned moreover with a strutting String that shews the exact Diameter of the Hero's Physiognomy Upon his Martial Body a more Martial Coat Round his fine Wast a heavy Scarff that loads his feeble bending Loins and by his doughty jetting strutting Side a little pretty short Sword that would not hurt a Worm Suppose him thus with all his fierte about him Marching in Querpo for the defence of the Court and the terrour of its slovenly Enemies and grant some Brewer's Dray just rumbling by the frothy matter working from the Bungholes of the Barrels and at every jolt squirting as wonderfully as Sir S's Engine grant too that some of it by accident might Contaminate the outside and better part of this Noble Commander ought not a well-drest Centurion upon this occasion to exert himself shew his Indignation of new Ale and Value for new Clothes Oh but our Author will tell me there is difference between the sprinklings of holy Water and spoutings of Yeast If he does I confess he will be in the right and Valentinian was but an impudent unmannerly fellow to offer such an act of Violence in the presence of his Emperour and against the Sacred Person for so the Government then esteemed them of a Priest in the Performance of his Office But to proceed what said Julian to all this Why Julian seeing what passed sent him away to a Garrison lying by a Desart or as our Author quotes St. Austin for the purpose turn'd him out of the Guards Now all I can discover out of this second Part of the Story is that when this sawcy Companion had flown in his Master's face Page the 41st he turn'd him fairly out of his place but gave him no leave to sell So that making Money of ill Manners was not in fashion at Julian's Court. Nor can Valentinian's being a Christian and Zealous against the Idolatry of the Pagans in any manner excuse him for if his Conscience was too squeamish for his Employment he ought honestly to have quitted his Command and so have avoided the occasion of either consenting to those Superstitious Idolatrous Ceremonies or committing a rude Irreverent act in the Presence and against the Dignity of his Prince his known Pleasure and his Lawes For it is false which our Author in several places of his Book endeavours to insinuate That Christianity at that time was the Established Religion of the Empire For the Empire at that time being Universal and of all the World it cannot be imagined that Christianity then but in it's Infancy could already have prevailed so far as to be confirmed by the general Law of the World when even in these our times so many Ages since it has much ado to keep the little ground it has gotten within the narrow bounds of Europe the least fourth Part of that Empire which he sayes it was Established in Nay if we look but backward to the 8th page in the first Chapter we shall find our Author himself Acknowledging and still Quoting Gregory for it too that of all this Established Religion there was indeed above 7000 left that did not bow the Knee to Baal A Mighty Number to Establish the Religion of the World withal No I am afraid the Religion according to Law at that time was the Religion of the Emperour and when Valentinian Broke the Laws by affronting of it Julian according to our observation in the beginning of this Chapter did like a Just Prince to punish him Yet like a Merciful Prince to punish him so mildly Like a Prudent Prince never farther to Employ or Trust him Yet like a Temperate Ruler too to Qualify the Passions that probably so great a provocation might raise in him with knowing well how to apply the Vertue and Authority of his Laws And this Praise I think our Author has taken a great deal of pains to give him by telling the World the Story of Valentinian The next Instance is how old Gregory of Nazianzum our Author's Friend Gregory's Father deny'd Entrance to a Captain of Archers sent by Page the 41st the Emperour to take possession of a Church upon which the Officer withdrew I suppose according to his Orders too Now all I can gather from hence is The old Bishop being refractory the Emperour in pity proceeded with no farther Violence against him for it cannot be supposed that Julian could want force had he pleased to have taken the Fortress Oh but sayes our Author Examine Gregory 's Funeral Speech upon his Father's Death and you shall find that had not Julian got out of the Old Gentleman's way he might have gone away Kickt Tho this if truly Quoted sounds to me rather like a Braggadochio of Gregory for the honour of his Father then any thing else For I cannot believe that an Emperour would go himself in person to storm a poor old doating decrepit Bishop out of a little Parish Church yet our Author is very positive in the point and sayes He had much a do to refrain making Soloecisms in the Greek to avoid the greater Soloecism of An Emperour of the World awed and terrify'd with the fear of a Kicking This we are to understand is a merry Page the 43d Conceit But our Author who loves to be sure gives us a Comment of a certain Metropolitan of Crete upon the place which being too long to recite here the Reader at his leisure may peruse where he will find mention of the Captain of those Archers indeed but if