procured three waies One is the ordinarie meanes whereby Satan by externall objects useth to tempt men thereby stirring and provoking their natural lust as David was inflamed at the sight of faire Bathsheba but here needeth no other sorcerie or inchantment than the corrupt inclination of a mans owne affection the devill doth but offer the occasion and shew the object hee draweth not the affection but the corruption of the heart of it selfe is ready to apprehend and lay hold of the object set before it Another way there is whereby the affection is stirred as when the evill spirit entereth and possesseth any with madnesse and phrensie for the time not changing the understanding or will but troubling the vitall spirits and inflaming the blood and so incensing unto lust The third way is when Satan entreth not to disquiet the bodie and trouble the spirits but externally offereth violence transporting and carrying by Gods permission bodies from place to place which is no hard thing for Satan to doe and so hee may bring one to the place where their lover is Tostat. qu. 13.3 But here two things are to be considered 1. That Satan directly cannot worke upon the heart of any in the immediate change or alteration of their affections but hee doth it by meanes either externall in moving by objects or by internall provocation and stirring of carnall lust 2. That he hath not the like power over the servants of God which he exerciseth over carnal men which are his owne vassals he ruleth in the children of disobedience as he listeth as the Apostle saith They are taken of him at his will 2 Tim. 2.26 But the faithfull doe resist him by faith 1 Pet. 5.9 So that his tentations cannot fasten upon them to intangle them further than God shall see it good for the triall of their faith This is made evident by that storie of Iustina the Virgin whom Cyprian then a dissolute young man and given to Art Magicke but afterward a most holy and constant Martyr loved exceedingly and when he was not able to prevaile with her by any allurements hee called for the Devils helpe to bring her unto him who by faith chased the evill spirit away Ex Tostat. qu. 13. QUEST XXXII Whether witches can indeed effect anything and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death NOw further by this sentence of the law which adjudgeth witches worthie of death they are found to be in error which thinke that witchcraft is nothing but nudum phantasma a verie phantasie that sillie women imagine they doe things which indeed they doe not but in their owne conceit and imagination First I will examine the objections which are made in the defence or at the least the excuse of these wicked women and in favour of them for the mitigation of their punishment 1. They say that this law is made de veneficis of such as kill and destroy by secret poisons and noysome herbes it concerneth not witches Answ. 1. Indeed the Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine translateth maleficos workers of mischiefe but they are both in error for the Hebrew word mecashephah is put in the feminine whereas they both interpret it by the masculine And the word mecashphim is applied to those which worke by evill spirits and have confederacie with them as Exod. 7.10 it is given to the Egyptian Sorcerers and Magicians 2. The practice of poisoning belongeth to the sixth Commandement Thou shalt not kill whereas witchcraft here forbidden is a breach of the first Table Simler 2. These sillie women can effect nothing they imagine they doe many things but it is only in their owne conceit Answ. 1. True it is that they cannot effect what they would for the Lord restraineth the power of the devill by whom they worke as he did when the Sorcerers attempted to bring forth lice and could not Exo. 8. 2. Yet it cannot bee denied but that they effect many strange things by the operation of the devill as the Magicians of Egypt could turne their rods into the similitude of Serpents and water into the likenesse of blood and the witch at Endor could cause the likenesse of Samuel to appeare which was not in deed Samuel but the devill taking upon him his shape So it is no strange thing by the operation of Satan when they take a mans garments and beat them to cause the bodie of the man to feele the smart Simler 3. And if they did no hurt and could effect nothing why was this law ordained against them God gave no superfluous or unnecessarie lawes to his people nor without great reason 4. Though they should effect nothing yet their wicked desire and endevour thereunto is worthie to bee punished 3. Witches many times doe good and heale men of their infirmities and diseases therefore they deserve no such punishment Answ. 1. Indeed in the Civill law such a decree is extant made by Constantine Qui per incantationes intemperiem aeris grandinis evertit puniendus non est c. Hee which by inchantment turneth away the intemperate season of the aire and weather is not to bee punished But it is no marvell that such things were tolerated then when they came newly from Gentilisme wherein such things were not only suffered but honored and rewarded 2. We have a more perfect rule out of the Scriptures that no such unlawfull meanes are to bee used no not to a good end as to procure health or such like for this cause the Prophet reproved the King of Israel having received hurt by a fall because he sent to the god of Ekron for helpe And to this purpose Augustine saith well as he is cited in the Decrees Si aliquando sanare videntur languidos id Deipermissu sit ut homines probentur c. If they seeme sometime to heale the diseased it is done by Gods permission that men might bee thereby proved c. And againe hee saith Laque◠sunt adversarii mederi non possunt They are the deviles snares they cannot heale 4. Object But the meanes which they use are wholesome and medicinable as herbs and oyntments and therefore herein they are not to bee found fault with Answ. 1. For the most part they use such meanes whereof no naturall or apparent reason can be given as to burne the thatch of the house to cut off some part of the beast bewitched and burne it and such like Concerning such things Augustine giveth a good rule Remedia ligaturae qu◠medicorum disciplina condemnat non adhibenda c. Such remedies and ligatures which the skill of Physicke condemneth are not to be used 2. He saith further Ex traditione malorum angelorum sunt Such remedies had their beginning from the tradition of evill angels therefore hee concludeth that Phylacteria sunt animarum vincula Such Phylacteries things applied to or hung about the necke or other parts are but the snares of the soule
as is expressed Gen. 1.27 God created them male and female which story being briefly set downe in the first chap. is by way of recapitulation rehearsed more at large in the second chap. QVEST. XXXIIII How the creatures were brought to Adam Vers. 19. GOd brought them unto man to see how he would call them 1. We neither thinke that Adam gathered the cattell together as the shepherd his sheep 2. Nor yet that they were brought to Adam by the Angels for the text saith that God that formed of the earth every beast of the field brought them by his secret moving and stirring of them to present themselves to Adam as they did afterward to Noah when they went into the arke 3. Neither was this imposition of names done mystically nor historically as some thinke 4. Nor yet doe wee thinke that the beasts were not brought before Adam but his eyes so illuminate that hee saw them every where in their places for this is contrary to the text which saith God brought them 5. Nor yet is it to be imagined as Barcepha reporteth it to be the conceit of some that Adam sate in some high place in Paradise his face shining as Moses did and that every beast come as he was called and bowed the head as he passed by not being able to behold Adams face for brightnesse for these are but mens conceits 6. But we thinke that all the beasts by Gods secret instinct were gathered to Adam for these causes 1. that man seeing his excellent creation farre surpassing all other might thereby be stirred up to praise his Creator 2. that there might be a triall of Adams wisdome hee brought them to see how he would call them 3. that by this meanes the Hebrew language wherein those names were given might be sounded 4. that mans authority and dominion over the creatures might appeare for howsoever man named every living creature so was the name thereof 5. that man finding among all the creatures no helpe or comfort meet for him v. 20. might have a greater desire thereunto and more lovingly embrace his helper which should be brought to him QVEST. XXXV How an helpe could not be found meet for Adam FOr Adam found he not an helpe meete for him c. 1. not as Ramban noteth Adam could finde none to whom to give his name as he did to the woman calling her of ish ishah but it must bee understood of the nature of man that an helpe could not bee found answerable to him 2. R. Eliezer doth so interprete as that God could not finde an helpe but God knew that alreadie hee needed not for that cause to bring the creatures before Adam hee then that is Adam could not finde one for himselfe 3. But impious is the conceit of R. Sel. that man companied with every sort of beast and so could finde none apt and meet for him Mercer QVEST. XXXVI Of the excellent knowledge and wisdome of Adam FUrther by this imposing of names upon the creatures appeareth the great knowledge and wisdome of man 1. in naturall things for names were given at the first according to the severall properties and naâ—ure of creatures and if Salomon had such exact knowledge of beasts and fowles of trees and plants even from the Cedar to the hysop 1 King 4.33 no doubt Adam had greater knowledge whom we may safely hold to have beene farre wiser than Salomon notwithstanding that place 1 King 12. where Salomon is said to bee the wisest of all before him or after him for that is spoken of the common generation of men where both Adam is excepted created after Gods image and Christ that holy seed borne without sinne this place then needed not to have forced Tostatus to preferre Salomon before Adam in wisdome 2. Adam had also the knowledge of supernaturall things as he was not ignorant of the mystery of the Trinity according to whose image he was made one part whereof is knowledge Coloss. 2.10 3. It may also be safely held that Adam had knowledge of Christ to come though not as of a redeemer for that promise was first made after mans fall Gen. 3.15 but as of the author and fountaine of life whereof the tree of life in Paradise was a symbole 4. And whereas some thinke that Adam and the woman were not ignorant of the fall of the Angels as Catharinus upon this place yet it seemeth to bee otherwise as may appeare by the conference of Sathan in the serpent with the woman wherein she is altogether without suspition and the knowledge of the fall of Angels would have made her more cautelous not to have committed the same sinne of pride in desiring to be like unto God though not in the same measure or degree QVEST. XXXVII Of Adams sleepe Vers. 22. GOd caused an heavy sleepe to fall upon man and he slept 1. This was not a naturall sleepe as some thinke which Adam fell into by reason of his wearinesse in taking view of the creatures buâ— an extraordinary sleepe caused by the Lord who could otherwise have effected his purpose but it pleased him to use this meanes Mercer 2. This was an heavy sleepe the word is tardemah teunivah signifieth a light sleepe shenah a more profound sleepe but thardemah is the deepest sleepe of all 3. R. Isaac Cara thinketh that man was cast into a sleep to signifie that he should be as asleep in the house not given to contention and strife 4. We doe thinke that as this was a sound heavy or deepe sleep of the body so the soule of Adam was in an ecstasis or trance being illuminated of God as it may appeare by this that when he awaked he knew that the woman was taken out of him 5. And this was done Adam sleeping rather than waking both that neither Adams sight might be offended in seeing his side to be opened and a rib taken forth nor yet his sense of feeling oppressed with the griefe thereof which was not only by sleepe mittigated but by the power of God concurring with the ordinary meanes for we see by experience that sleep is a binding of the sense QVEST. XXXVIII Why the woman was made of one of Adams ribs ANd he tooke one of his ribs and closed up the flesh in stead thereof First the reason is evident why it pleased God to make woman out of the body of man not of the earth as he had made man 1. That hereby might appeare the preheminence that man hath over woman as the Apostle noteth 1 Cor. 11.7 8. that as man is the image and glory of God so the woman is the glory of the man because shee was taken out of man And therefore also the woman hath her name and denomination of man because she was taken out of him v. 23. 2. Another cause of this worke was that it might be a surer bond of love that the man knowing the woman to be taken out of him might more firmely set his
was not one feeble person among them Psal. 105.37 2. Their raiment during the said terme of 40. yeeres waxed not old Deut. 8.4 3. The Lord fed them with Quailes and Manna even that great host which could not pitch their tents in a lesse circuit and compasse of ground than of ten or twelve miles and he gave them water also out of the rocke 4. Beside the Lord was their guide by these visible signes of his presence both by day and night QUEST XXIV Whether the cloud also served to shelter them from the heat of the Sunne FUrther a question is moved whether this cloudy piller served not onely to direct them by the way but to keepe them and defend them from the heate of the Sunne 1. Thostatus is of opinion that this cloud that guided them could not keepe them from the heat of the Sunne upon these reasons because if this cloud were a covering to the whole campe then could it not goe before them to guide them as it did stand betweene the host of the Israelites and of the Egyptians and if it had sheltred them from the Sunne it should have beene as discommodious another way in shadowing from them the comfortable light of the Sunne and if it bee said this cloud did not shadow the whole campe but hung aloft in the aire and turned with the Sunne to slake the heat thereof then could it not have guided the host but must have followed the course of the Sunne Contra. Herein is Thostatus error he imagineth that this cloud was straight thorowout like a piller and so keeping that fashion still it could not performe both these offices to direct them in the way and to shelter them from the heat of the Sunne But by the like phrase elsewhere as Iud. 20.40 where the flame of the City of Gibeah ascended as a piller of smoke wee may conjecture what fashion this cloud was of that it ascended upright and straight like a piller yet as the smoke which mounteth upright when it commeth aloft disperseth it selfe as it were a cloud so this being both a piller for the straight ascending and in the top as a cloud dispersed might both by the rising and moving of the piller goe before the Israelites to direct them and with the upper spreading part shadow them from the Sun so that we need neither imagine this shadowing part of the cloud to be so high as it should still follow the Sunne nor yet so low as to cover all the camp in the length and breadth thereof And thus by the resemblance of this piller to a piller of smoke which is narrow below and spreading above all Thostatus objections may bee answered But whatsoever mans wit can object to the contrary the truth of the Scripture must stand which saith He spread a cloud to be a covering and fire to give light in the night Psalm 105.39 By the which text that is made plaine which is affirmed before that it was both a piller and a spreading cloud 2. Thostatus then his opinion is that the Israelites were indeed defended from the heat of the Sunne which is vehement in those parts especially in the sandy and barren deserts of Arabia yet the cloud shadowed them not but God by his power did so qualifie the aire round about the campe as they were not parched with heat which operation is ascribed to the cloud because the Lord that caused it there shewed himselfe visibly present Contr. But the Scripture overthroweth this conceit which saith that the cloud did stand over them Numb 14.14 and that he spread a cloud for a covering Psalm 105.39 God therefore used the cloud as a meanes to cover and defend his people from the drought and parching heat 3. Pererius to take away the former objections imagineth that there were two cloudes one below as a piller to direct them the other above as a covering to shelter them Thostatus reasons are sufficient against this imagination because the Scripture speaketh still but of one cloud for as there was but one piller of fire to give light so but one cloudy piller that did shelter them it was common to both to guide and lead them And againe one cloud as is shewed before being sufficient to performe both these services another cloud had beene superfluous 4. Wherefore it is agreeable and consonant to the Scripture that this cloud did as well shelter them from the heat as lead them in the way as is evident in the places before alleaged Numb 14.14 Psalm 105.39 And unto the cloud the Prophet Esay alludeth chap. 4.5 The Lord shall create upon every place of Mount Sion a cloud and smoke by day c. and a covering shall be a shadow by day for the heat Of this opinion are Lyranus Ambros. in Psal. 118. and Iustinus Martyr Nubes contra aestum appansa est pro umbraculo simul à frigore protegens in itinere The cloud was spread as a shelter against the heat and as a safegard from the cold in their journey Diolog cum Tryphon So then there were three speciall uses of this cloud as Genebrard well noteth upon the 105. Psalme the first to direct them and shew the way for in that sandy desert there is no way to be seene by reason that the wind bloweth about the sand which covereth the tract of the way and therefore they that use to travell doe use mappes and cards to point out the quarters and coasts as sailers doe upon the sea A second use was to defend them against their enemies as the cloud came betweene the host of the Israelites and of the Egyptians giving light to the one and casting darkenesse upon the other Thirdly it served to shadow them from the parching heat of the Sunne Ex Perer. QUEST XXV Whether the cloudy and fierie piller were two in substance or but one BUt whether this cloud and fiery piller were all one in substance and onely divers in use or whether they were divers the one succeeding the other it is a question 1. Iunius seemeth to bee of opinion that they were two severall pillers giving this annotation upon this place Vtriusque columnae 〈◊〉 fuit It was common to both the pillers to bee a guide of their journey but peculiar to the piller of the cloud to protect them from the heat c. But I rather approve the opinion of Simlerus who thinketh it was but one cloud Fuit columnae hujus multiplex usus c. interdiu defendeâ—â—â— eos ab astu solis noctâ— lucebat illis There was a divers use of this cloud c. by day it defended them from heat by night it gave them light and this opinion is evidently confirmed Numb 9.21 Though the cloud abode upon the Tabernacle from even unto morning yet if the cloud was taken up in the morning then they removed here the fire which abode all night upon the Tabernacle is called the cloud and the same cloud that abode there
of the children of Israel whether the Levites also are there comprehended 34. qu. Of the forbidden uses whereunto this oyntment should not be put 35. qu. VVhether the anointing of Kings were not against this law 36. qu. What it is to be cut off from his people 37. qu. The spirituall application of this holy oyntment 38. qu. Of the spices whereof the holy perfume was made 39. qu. What is understood here by the word Sammâ—m spices 40. qu. Of the composition and manner of making this perfume 41. qu. Of the spirituall application of this incense 42. qu. How the Lord talked with Moses in the Mercie seat whether in any visible shape Questions upon the thirtie one Chapter 1. QUest How the Lord is said to call Bezaleel by name 2. qu. Whether Caleb the sonne of Jephuneh were grandfather to this Bezaleel 3. qu. Whether this Hur were the same before mentioned chap. 24.14 supposed to bee Moses brother in law 4. qu. Of the age of Bezaleel 5. qu. Of the difference betweene the gifts of wisdome understanding and knowledge 6. qu. Whether all the kinds of works are rehearsed here which were necessarie for the Tabernacle 7. qu. Whether the wise in heart received a new gift or increase rather of the old 8. qu. Why Moses was not made fit to doe the worke of the Tabernacle 9. qu. Of the garments of ministration what they were 10. qu. The spirituall signification of the furnishing of Bezaleel and Aholiab with gifts 11. qu. Why the precept concerning the Sabbath is here renued 12. qu. Why it was more forbidden to labour in the buiâ—ding of the Sanctuarie upon the Sabbath than for the Priests to sacrifice 13. qu. How the Sabbath is said to be a signe that the Lord did sanctifie them 14. qu. The reasons why the Sabbath must bee observed 15. qu. What death is meant in this phrase He shall die the death 16. qu. Why the seventh day is called Sabbath Sabbaton 17. qu. How the observation of the Sabbath is perpetuall 18. qu. Whether the world were made successively in time or in an instant 19. qu. How the Lord is said to have rested and from what 20. qu. What works are to bee rested from upon the Lords day what not 21. qu. Whether Moses received the directions concerning the Tabernacle 22. qu. VVhy Moses stayed fortie dayes in the mount with the Lord. 23. qu. VVhy the Lord gave the written law 24. qu. VVhy the Lord gave the law to the Israelites and to no other people 25. qu. VVhy the Lord delivered only two tables of the law 26. qu. VVhy the tables were made of stone 27. qu. VVhat is meant here by the 〈◊〉 of God 28. qu. VVhether Moses did write upon the tables 29. qu. How the law is said to have beene ordained by Angels Questions upon the two aâ—d thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest VVhether Moses had signified unto the people when he would returne 2. qu. VVhether the Egyptians were the first beginners and motioners of this idolatrie 3. qu. The occasions of idolatrie in generall and particularly of the idolatrie of the Israelites here 4. qu. Of the divers faults and infirmities at once here committed by the people 5. qu. VVhy the people say unto Aaron rise 6. qu. Of the divers kinds of idolatrie 7. qu. VVhy they say Make us gods not god 8. qu. How the Israelites would have their god to bee made to goe before them 9. qu. VVhy the people came to Aaron rather than to Hur his fellow Governour 10. qu. VVhether at this time the Israelites wanted the presence of the cloud 11. qu. VVhy they say they knew not what was become of Moses 12. qu. VVhy Aaron bad them pull off their earings Quaest. 141. in Exod. 13. qu. VVhether Aarons sinne is here to be excused Epist. 83. 14. qu. Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne 15. qu. VVhy it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 16. qu. Why the golden Calfe is said to bee fashioned with a graving toole 17. qu. Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a Calfe to be made rather than of any other thing 18. qu. Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them 19. qu. Why Aaron proceeded to build an Altar before the golden Calfe 20. qu. How Aaron proclaimed a holy day unto the Lord. 21. qu. Of the sacrifices who and what was offered upon the Altar that Aaron made 22. qu. What is meant in that it is said They rose to play 23. qu. Whether this sinne of Aaron and the Israelites can any way be excused 24. qu. Of the lawfulnesse of play and recreation and how it must be moderated 25. qu. Why the Lord biddeth Moses get him downe 26. qu. Why the Lord saith to Moses Thy people 27. qu. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of the Israelites as the Lord himselfe describeth it 28. qu. VVhy they are called a people of a stiffâ— necke 29. qu. Why the Lord did not prevent the sinne of the people at the first 30. qu. Why and in what sense the Lord saith to Moses Let me alone 31. qu. VVhether the Lord changed his minde in saying I will destroy them and yet destroyed them not 32. qu. How the Lord promised to make a great nation of Moses 33. qu. Of Moses prayer in generall and the manner thereof 34. qu. Of the reasons which Moses useth in his prayer 35. qu. Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object than any other nation 36. qu. In what sense the Egyptians would say The Lord brought them out to slay them 37. qu. Why Moses maketh mention in his prayer of Abraham Isaak and Jacob. 38. qu. How the Israelites are promised to possesse the land of Canaan for ever 39. qu. How the Lord is said to repent 40. qu. Whether Moses at this time were kept in suspence or indeed obtained pardon for the people 41. qu. VVhat was written in the tables of stone 42. qu. Why there were but two tables neither more nor fewer 43. qu. How the tables were written on both sides 44. qu. Why the tables are called the worke of God 45. qu. How many precepts each table contained 46. qu. Whether the writing of the tables were the first writing in the world 47. qu. Where Joshua stayed all the while Moses was in the mount 48. qu. Whether Joshua first heard the noise 49. qu. Why Moses anger was kindled at the sight of the Calfe and not before 50. qu. Whether Moses sinned in his anger 51. qu. Whether Moses offended in breaking the tables of the Law 52. qu. What the breaking of the tables signified 53. qu. In what part the tables were broken and what became of the fragments 54. qu. Why the tables were broken at the bottome of the mount 55. qu. Whether the Calfe were burned to powder in the fire 56. qu. Why the powder of the golden Calfe is cast into the river 57. qu. How the Israelites were brought to drinke of the water
the yeere past was then gathered and seed time began anew and so it is with us the autumne is counted the beginning of the yeere for matters of husbandry and yet wee in the computation of yeeres begin in the spring at the Annuntiation It is true also that the yeere of Jubile then tooke beginning but it is notwithstanding called not the first but the seuenth moneth Levit. 25.10 the reason is why it began then because all workes of husbandry and labours of servants which then used to begin did cease in the Jubile 2. Concerning the other objection of ripe fruit we shall not need to answer as some doe that the fruit did hang still upon the trees till the autumne or that some trees in Paradise bare fruit in the spring some in the autumne or that they might beare fruit twice in the yeere as Plinie reporteth of India and Solinâ—â—s of the Island Teprobane but I rather thinke this first bearing of fruit being supernaturall that the trees againe bare fruit the same yeere according to their naturall course And this may seeme to bee gathered by S. Iohns allusion to the tree of life that bare fruit every moneth Revel 22.2 that in the beginning trees did beare fruit in the yeere more than once 3. I thinke it therefore more probable that the world was created in the spring for these reasons 1. Ambrose useth this reason upon these words germinet terra let the earth bud forth the bud of the herb Dedit formam fructus c. God gave and prescribed a forme for the fruits to grow ut initio cujusque anni that in the beginning of every yeere herbs should sprout forth This we see to be done only in the spring 2. He useth also another reason Vt ostenderet Scriptura veris tempora in constitutione mundi ait mensis hic vobis initium mensium to shew that it was spring when the world was made the Scripture saith this shall be unto you the beginning of moneths Moses then brought in no new institution but it is more like he revived the old use of beginning the yeere from March which was discontinued in Egypt by another custome of that country 3. Further whereas God blessed the creatures and bid them increase and multiply which blessing presently tooke effect who knoweth not that for most kinds of creatures especially the fish and fowle the fittest time to engender and increase is in the spring And whereas God gave them the greene herb for meat it is not like that presently the greene herb with frost and cold began to wither and decay Adam also was thrust out of Paradise to till the ground but the spring time is apter for tilling than the autumne or winter season 4 Beda beside his owne opinion maketh mention of a synode holden in Palestina by Theophilus Bishop of Cesarea wherein it was agreed that the world was made in the spring and that Christ was crucified the same day that Adam was created at which time he also transgressed that the first Adam herein might be a type of the second 5. This also may be proved by comparing the time of Noahs floud with the time of the creation for seeing there are accounted full yeeres 1656. from the creation to the deluge they must fall out both about the same season But that the floud came in the spring not in the autumne may appeare by divers reasons which I reserve for that place Chap. 8. quest 10. And of this opinion that the world was made in March Pererius nameth many though he dissent from them as Eusebius Cyrillus Hierosolym Athanasius Nazianzen Damascen Ambrose Beda with others About this question there is a great controversie betweene two famous Rabbins R. Iosua who holdeth the world to be made in the spring and R. Eleazer in the autumne but the other opinion is more probable as I have shewed QVEST. XVIII When the Sunne and Moone were created Vers. 14. GOd said let there be lights in the firmament c. 1. These lights then were neither made the first day and but placed now in the firmament as the Hebrewes thinke 2. Neither was the Sunne made the first day the Moone the next the Stars the third as Eugubinus but they were all made upon the fourth day 3. Neither yet doe we thinke that the celestiall bodies were made in order as Basil conceiveth but rather that they were created all at once Mercer 4. And whereas the light created the first day is called Or but the Starres are called meoroth as of the light hence it may appeare that these lightsome bodies were made the receptacles of that light then created which was now increased and united to these lights Mercer rather than to thinke that the element of fire was that first light as Iunius 5. But wee explode those Jewish fantasies that the Sunne and Moone were created of equall light in the beginning but when the Moone envied the light of the Sunne God brought it into subjection and ordered that from thenceforth the Moone should receive light of the Sunne and of the light starre-beames which the Moone was deprived of they say God made the rest of the lesser Starres ex Mercer QVEST. XIX Of the greatnesse of the Sunne and Moone Vers. 16. GOd made two great lights That these two great lights are the Sunne and Moone there is no question and that the Sunne is the greatest of all the celestiall bodies it is also questionlesse Anaxagoras did hold the Sunne much greater than Peloponesus a countrey in Grecia Anaximander to be as big as the earth Plutar. lib. 2. de placitis Philosophor c. 21. but since the Mathematicians have found that the Sunne exceedeth the earth in bignesse 166. times and none of the other Starres which they call of the first magnitude whereof there are 15. to exceed the earth above 18. times The Moone though some among the heathen have judged it bigger than the earth as the Stoikes and equall to the Sunne as Parmenides and some among the Christians have thought it in bignesse next to the Sunne because it is here trained to bee a great light as Basil upon this place and Augustine yet since by more diligent search it is found to be lesse than the earth 39. times and to be the least of all the Starres except Mercurie Moses therefore here speaketh according to the opinion and capacity of the vulgar sort to whose sight the Moone seemeth greatest next to the Sunne because it is nearest of all the Starres to the earth and for that it is greatest in operation and hath the government of the night The reason of the greatnesse of these lights is their farre distance from the earth Empedocles saith the Moone is twice so farre from the Sunne as it is from the earth but the Mathematicians say it is 18. times so farre from the Sunne Eraâ—osthenes affirmeth the Sunne to be 804000000. furlongs distant from the earth
a great distance Tigris by Ninive Euphrates by Babylon and then ioyning together and parting againe doe compasse Mesopotamia so called because it is betweene the rivers These then are the foure heads or streames of Paradise as hath beene shewed QVEST. XVII Whereof Adam was made and of the excellent constitution of his body Vers. 7. THe Lord God made man of the dust of the earth First it is evident that God only made man not the Angels they were not so much as preparers or temperers of the matter whereof man was made as some have thought for God himselfe said Gen. 1.26 Let vs make man 2. Man was made of the dust as the thinner and purer part of the earth not of a slimy matter mixed of earth and water as some thinke and this is evident by this reason Man was made of that element to the which he is last resolved but his body falleth at the last to dust Gen. 3.19 Dust thou art and to dust thou shalt returne Wee deny not but that out of dust God might prepare a second matter compounded of the elements and thereof frame mans body but it is curiosity to inquire after that which is not in Scripture expressed or out of the same by some collection may bee gathered 3. It is also evident that God made mans body of a more excellent constitution than any creature beside and of a fit temper to be a convenient instrument for his soule 1. Mans body hath the preheminence in respect of his upright stature whereas other creatures looke downewards whereby he should be admonished to looke upward toward his Creator and to behold the heavens as also thereby is signified the lofty dominion and command which is given unto man over other creatures 2. The temperature of mans body is most excellent whereas other creatures by reason of their grosse and cold humours doe grow over beasts with haire fowles with feathers fishes with scales 3. The fashion of mans body and the ready use of his members surpasseth all other creatures as God hath given unto man his hands whereby he worketh and perfecteth the invention of many profitable art 4. Though other creatures in the quicknesse of some senses exceed man as the vulture in seeing the dog in smelling the moule in hearing the spider in feeling and in strength many beasts goe beyond man yet herein is mans excellency that he both better discerneth and judgeth of the outward sense and is endued with reason wherby he subdueth all other creatures to his service and so maketh use unto himselfe of their strength sense or what other naturall faculty they have Lastly it was fit that mans body should bee made of an earthly not of an â—ethereall or celestiall matter because he was to live in the earth and for that such a body was fittest to bee capable of sense by the which the soule being sent into the body as a naked table might gather experience and by experience knowledge Perer. QVEST. XVIII In what state or age Adam was created 1· FVrther that Adam was created in a perfect age it is without question because his body was in the first instant apt to generation for the Lord said unto them increase and multiply and immediately after his transgression Cain was begotten Genes 4 1 2. But in what age and stature of body Adam was created it is not so certaine some think that he was made about the yeares of Christs age between 30. and 40. but I rather approve their collection that thinke his body was in the creation of the same growth and perfection wherein those long lived Patriarks were fit for generation which was about 65. yeares for at that â—ge Kenan Henoch begat children and none under those yeares Genes 5.12 whereupon it followeth that 〈◊〉 Adams bodie did shew as it were 50 or 60 yeares in his creation he might well bee thought to bee â—ongest liver of all the Patriarks for he lived after his creation 930 yeares to the which adde 50 yeares â—ll which time his bodie if it had beene borne would haue beene growing to that state wherein he was â—reated and so he shall exceed the age of Methuselah who lived but 969 yeares 3. But that is a ridiculous conceit of Ioannes Lucidus lib. 1. de emendat tempor c. 4. that Adam was the biggest Giant that ever was and Moses Barcepha reporteth the like fansie of some that iudged Adam to be of that bigge stature that 〈◊〉 could wade ouer the Ocean This fansie is grounded vpon the Latin text Iosu. 14.15 the name of Heâ—orn was before Ciriatharbe or citie of Arbah Adam the greatest among the Anakims is there placed and â—hose Anakims say they were Giants Contra. But the text in the Hebrew is thus he was a great man among the Anakims meaning Arba before mentioned the word indeede is Adam which is here no proper name but a common name for a man as it is taken in the Scripture he a great Adam or man among the Anakims if Adam should be taken properly then must they make the Giant Arba and Adam all one which is impossible the one living before the other after the floud QVEST. XIX Whether Adams soule was created after his bodie Verse 7. ANd breathed in his face the breath of life and the man was a living soule 1. We neither thinke that Adams soule was created before his bodie as Plato among the heathen and Origen among the Christians thought that all soules were made together in the beginning and after sent into the bodie 2. Neither that Adams bodie and soule were created in the same instant together as Damascen lib. 2. de fide c. 12. Thomas Aquinae with others are of opinion 3. But wee rather judge with Chrysostome hom 12. that Adams bodie was first framed out of the dust and then God breathed into it life and this opinion is most agreeable to the text that God first made man out of the dust and then breathed the breath of life and so he became a living soule so that he was not a living soule in the first instant of his creation but after God had breathed into him the breath of life such also is the generation of Adams posteritie the bodie is first framed in the wombe and then the soule is infused as David describeth the manner of his conception Psalm 138.15.16 I was made in a secret place and fashioned beneath in the earth thine eyes did seeme when I was yet without forme where David may seeme to allude to Adams creation who properly was framed beneath in the earth and of whom also it may truly bee said that God saw him when hee was yet without forme QVEST. XX. What is meant by breathing the breath of life Vers. 7. THe Lord had formed man c. 1. The word is jatsar which signifieth to fashion or to give shape so the Lord here doth perfect the feature of man 2. He is made
to be worshipped as God but onely in knowledge to be like unto God neither can Adam be properly charged with covetousnesse as Hugo S. Vict. doth unlesse it be taken for an immoderate desire of any good thing more than is fit of the other sort is Cajetan who would lessen the womans offence both in the thing desired which was the knowledge of good and evill the externall act in coveting the fruit which was faire to the eye in regard of her sex being a woman and the weaker vessell But this notwithstanding the womans offence in the nature thereof was the greater as before is shewed QVEST. XIII Whether Eve added to the commandement and spake doubtfully Vers. 3. NEither shall ye touch it lest ye dye c. 1. Ab. Ezra noteth that the serpent useth the name Elohim speaking of God not Iehovah because hee knew it not But that is not the reason for the woman useth also the name Elohim who was not ignorant of Iehovah but Satan of purpose forbeareth to use that name Iehovah which is a name of mercy and urgeth in the name Elohim the severity of God Mercer 2. Neither doth the woman adde any thing to Gods precept that they should not touch it but faithfully expoundeth the meaning of the precept some Hebrewes think that Satan took occasion hereby to move the woman to touch the fruit that seeing she died not by touching shee should though the Hebrew particle pen be not alwayes so taken yet it appeareth so to bee used by the woman because Satan hereby taketh occasion to put her out of doubt that shee should not dye at all See Muscul. Iun. though Mercerus herein dissent from them QVEST. XIIII Why Eve gave to her husband Vers. 6. SHe gave to her husband with her c. 1. This sheweth not that Adam was at this time with Eve as some Hebrewes thinke he might come before the tentation was finished The meaning is that he might eat with her that is as she had done 2. Some thinke that before the woman did forbeare to eat of the fruit supposing it was poyson and so present death but the truth is that hitherto she had abstained in obedience to the commandement 3. Neither did she give it to Adam lest if she died he might have taken unto him another woman as some Hebrewes imagine for shee was the onely woman in the world but she was desirous to make her husband partaker of her happinesse as she thought Mercer QVEST. XV. How many wayes the eyes of the body and minde are said to be opened Vers. 7. THeir eyes were opened Their eyes of the body and minde are said divers wayes to bee opened the eyes of the body three wayes 1. When they that are blinde are made to see as Christ caused the blind to see 2. When he that hath his eyes seeth somewhat which he saw not before as Balaam his eyes were opened when hee saw the Angell with a naked sword 3. When they which see discerne that which they perceived not before as the Disciples discerned Christ in the breaking of bread The eyes of the minde are opened likewise three wayes 1. When men are brought from ignorance and darknesse to the knowledge of Christ. Act. 26 18. 2. When men are brought by affliction to know themselves as the prodigall childe is said to come to himselfe Luke 15.17 3. When a mans sinne when it is committed presenteth it selfe as Iudas sinne did when hee had betrayed Christ. Thus the eyes of Adam and Eves minde were opened to see their sinne and the eyes of their body were opened to see and discerne the deformity of those parts which were comely before Muscul. QVEST. XVI How their eyes are said to be opened Vers. 7. THeir eyes were opened and knew that they were naked 1. Not that they were either blinde before for how could Eva have seene the fruit of the tree that it was faire to the eye if shee had beene blinde 2. Neither as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit c. 1. by the eating of the forbidden fruit had they gotten a sharper wit and understanding for then the eating thereof had bin a gaine unto them 3. Neither is it so said as R. Salomon conjectureth because now first they began to have knowledge of evill for as they had knowledge of good before so as by the contrary they had the knowledge of evill also but now indeed they know evill by miserable experience 4. But now their eies were opened the eyes of their minde and conscience to see and acknowledge their sinnes and disobedience wherein they were blinded before and to feele the rebellion and disobedience of their members in their disordered and unruly motions which maketh them for shame to cover them which use of vailing and covering the secret parts even nature hath taught the barbarous nations which even in their baths as Augustine writeth will not have their unseemely parts uncovered the like Strabo reporteth of the Indians and Diodorâ—â— Siculus of the Aethiopians that going naked in the rest of their body use to cover their secret parts QVEST. XVII Why they made aprons of fig-leaves ANd they sewed fig-tree leaves 1. Not because the fruit thereof whereof they had tasted was forbidden for they would so much more have abhorred the leaves thereof 2. Neither to betoken the desire of the flesh now procured by sin which they say is provoked by the rubbing of the fig leaves 3. Nor yet as the testimony of repentance because fig leaves doe pricke and sting the flesh 4. Neither yet need wee run to allegories that this covering with leaves or with fruit betokeneth the vaine excuse and defence of sinne 5. But they made them aprons of fig leaves both being fit for their breadth and ready at hand for no other cause than to hide their nakednesse whereof they were now ashamed QVEST. XVIII Why man was created naked NOw if it be further asked why man was created naked I answer 1. with Basil lest his mind might have beene occupied in seeking for outward things and so withdrawne from better meditations God having a purpose to cloath his body with some excellent brightnes such as is in the Angels 2. Or with Ambrose that being not naked and destitute of the ornaments of vertue they lesse needed outward ornaments 3. Whereas clothing serveth for necessity to defend from the cold and for honesty and comelinesse Adam before his fall in neither respect needed cloathing being neither subject to heat or cold nor yet having any uncomelinesse in his members 4. Adde hereunto that whereas other creatures were created with their naturall cloathing birds with feathers beasts with haire and wooll fish with scales man was created naked that hee might exercise his wit and be profitably occupyed in the invention of arts for the necessary use of man QVEST. XIX Why the voyce of the Lord was heard in the coole of the day Vers. 8. THey heard the voyce of the Lord
THe name was called Babel 1. It was not so called of Belus as some have imagined but of confusion for so Ballal signifieth 2. Neither was it ever called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which betokeneth confusion in the greeke tongue as the Septuagint but after the Hebrew 3. So God disappointed them of their purpose that where they looked to gaine credit they found shame and confusion vide quot res siant c. behold how many things were done saith Chrysostome to keepe a memory of this fact for Phaleg had his name of this division Babel of the confusion of tongues and of Heber in whom the holy tongue remained unchanged that language tooke the name sic Chrysost. Perer. QVEST. XII Why God saw it good to disperse the people FRom thence the Lord did scatter them c. 1. They were not then scattered before as some thinke but now upon this occasion they began to be divided into all quarters 2. Though this division of tongues were imposed upon them as a judgement yet God turneth it to the benefit of the world in dispersing them which was many wayes profitable both because if they had continued in one place many goodly Countries in the world should have lyen desart waste and untilled As also sufficient food could not have beene provided in one place for such a multitude And further if they had continued together they might have beene in greater hazard by warre or pestilence as also wicked people inhabiting together would have beene more stronge to doe mischiefe QVEST. XIII That the Hebrew tongue was the common language of all the world NOw if any be desirous to know what language this was which before this confusion of tongues was used through the world it is agreed by the most learned interpreters that it was the Hebrew 1. Augustines reason is Quoniam in familia Heber communis omnium lingua remansit because the Hebrew tongue is so called of Heber in whose family that which was the common tongue before remained that tongue which Heber used before the division of tongues was the common speech but that was the Hebrew 2. Hieromes reason to prove the Hebrew to bee matricem the mother of all other languages is because every tongue hath borrowed some words of the Hebrew as the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same in Hebrew pherion Cantic 3.9 a bed or beare so the Latine hath borrowed the word nugas which is in Hebrew nuge Sophon 3.18 where Hierome in his translation keepeth the same word so saccus a sacke as Oleaster noteth commeth of the Hebrew Hierom likewise sheweth that gnalmah signifieth a Virgin both in the Hebrew and Punicke language from whence the Latine alma seemeth to be derived Many words also are used in our English tongue derived from the Hebrew as fag which is a figge The Grecians further seeme to have derived the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he done pleasure from Heden the place where Paradise was the Latines call Whales thynnâ—s of the Hebrew tavaim the Italians call a thing that is light and vaine Bay of the Hebrew Bohu the French of Gallia Narbonens call a species or kinde meane of the Hebrew min. 3. Tostatus reason is because these names which were first given as of Adam Eve Cain Seth are Hebrew words as may appeare by their severall derivations in that tongue as the first so called of the red earth the second because she was mother of all living the third a possession the fourth because he was put in Abels place 4. Cajetanus proveth the same by the word Jehova which is an Hebrew word used before the floud and the name Babel given unto the tower in this place 5. Oleaster bringeth these reasons that it is most like that the common language remained there where the first division of tongues was made namely in Babylon the Chalde therefore and Hebrew betweene the which there is great affinity are most like to be the most ancient as also for that this was the language of the East from whence they came which builded Babel It appeareth then that Philo is in an error that thinketh the Chalde tongue to be the most ancient true it is that Nahor Thare Abraham dwelt in Chaldea but yet they spake the Hebrew tongue and so in that respect it may be called the Chaldean tongue because some Chaldeans used that language like as the Syriake tongue which the Jewes used in our Saviour Christs time might bee called the Hebrew language because the Hebrewes used it Mercer QVEST. XIV Whether the Hebrew or Syriake be most ancient HEnce also it is evident that Theodoret was much deceived 1. He thinketh that the Syriacke tongue was the most ancient because those names Adam Cain Abel are Syriacke names Answ. The Syriake or Chaldaike and Arabike language were derived as Rivers out of the fountaine of the Hebrew and therefore it is no strange thing if some Hebrew words are retained in those languages 2. He thinketh that the Hebrew speech was not so called of Heber for then all the posterity of Heber as the Syrians Idumeans Ismaelites Ammonites should also speake that language Ans. Augustine giveth the reason hereof that they were called Hebrewes only among whom lingua prior pietas conservaretur where both the ancient tongue and religion were preserved although Heber was the father of many nations beside yet they beare his name that did heire his faith 3. Theodoret thinketh that the Hebrew tongue was brought in by Moses and was not the naturall speech of the Israelites but such as they learned for the Jewes at this day naturally speake the language of the Countrey where they are borne they doe learne the Hebrew by teaching Answ. 1. It is evident by those ancient Hebrew names of Adam Cain Abel that the Hebrew tongue was used before Moses time 2. While the Hebrewes lived in their owne nation and common-wealth they naturally from their mothers breasts speake that language but now being dispersed into divers nations not conversing together they are forced to use that Countrey speech where they dwell 3. Augustine thinketh that not onely the Hebrew tongue but the Hebrew letters were used and well knowne before Moses and he doth gather it from that place Deut. 31.28 where the Septuagint translate the word shoterim grammatâ—â— Isagogis the teachers instructers or beginners in letters But it is very like howsoever this place giveth no strength to it in that the people were commanded to write the Law upon the posts of their gates that the Hebrew letters were then very well knowne not as newly taken up but used of long time QVEST. XV. Of the number of languages COncerning the number of the tongues and languages which were divided in the building of the tower of Babel the common and received opinion is of Epiphanius Hierome Augustine that they were 72. according to the number of the families rehearsed chap. 10. Arnobius
them that gave them their several tongues hom 11. in Numb But the text it selfe overthroweth this opinion v. 9. The Lord Iehovah did confound their languages 3. Confut. Against Celsus that saith Moses borrowed of other writers THirdly Celsus objected that Moses borrowed this story of the towre of Babel of those that write of the Gyants called Aloides how they cast downe a great towre But Origen answereth that the writers of that history were after Homer who was after Moses so that he could not take any thing from them lib. 4. cont Cels. It is more like that they corrupted the true story of Moses with the Poeticall fictions 4. Confut. Against the Pagans that fable of the beasts that they had sometimes one language 4. CErtaine Pagans not beleeving that the world was not any time of one language compare this narration of Moses to that fable of the beasts that sometime they had all one language and one understood another till such time as they sent an embassage to the Gods that they might bee alwayes in their flourishing youth and never be old and for this their proud request their speech was confounded that now one understandeth not another The like truth say they is in this narration of Moses For how is it like that they could in that instant every man forget his former speech ex Philone But this is a doltish comparison betweene reasonable men and unreasonable beasts those being no more capable of speech than they are of reason And seeing all the world tooke beginning from one man before the floud from Adam after the floud from Noah why should it seeme incredible that the world used one language And why should it seeme unpossible that God to whom all things are possible in that instant could make them forget their language seeing that some diseases as the Lethargy doe bring such forgetfulnesse as that the patient knoweth not how to call things by their names and Pliny writeth of Corvinus Messala that he forgot his owne name 5. Confut. Against Philastrius that all the world was of one language not divers before 5. PHilastrius counteth it an hereticall opinion that all the world was of one language before the tower of Babel they are said so to be saith he that although they spake divers languages yet they one understood another and so in effect it was but as one But the text is contrary that the whole earth was of one language and one speech not of one understanding but of one lip as it is in the hebrew that is they framed their words and language after the same manner And how could every man understand so many languages which are held of most to have beene not so few as seventy without a miraculous gift such as the Apostles had and whereas Moses maketh mention of divers languages in the 10. chap. v. 5.20.31 there that is spoken by way of anticipation And here Moses setteth forth the beginning and occasion of the diversity of languages by a certaine figure called hysterosis which declareth that last that was done first setting the effect before the cause 6. Confut. Against Philo that this division of tongues is to bee understood historically not in allegory 6. FOurthly Philo draweth this story of the confusion of tongues to an allegory to signifie the confusion of vices Hoc est nunc propositum sub figura confusionis linguarum dijicere constipatuâ— vitiorum cuneum This is Moses purpose under this figure of confusion of tongues to cast downe the conjoyned muster of vices for to speake properly this parting of one language into many is a separation rather than a confusion Contra. 1. After this manner the whole story of Genesis may bee allegorized so that we should have neither creation of the world nor inundation of the same in true history but in devised allegory 2. This division of tongues is called a confusion not in respect of the divers speech which was indeed divided not united or confounded but of the speakers who were confounded in their affection in being astonished at so suddaine an alteration in their memory in forgetting their accustomed speech in their understanding because they one understood not another in their worke which was confused the server bringing one thing when the builder called for another 7. Confut. Against Plato and Aristotle 7. PLato his opinion is that words have their force and meaning from nature Aristotle that they were first framed as it pleased man But here wee learne that God gave unto man speech and he infused into men at once diversity of languages 8. Confut. Against the Lutherans that make an omnipresence of Christs body 8 Vers. 5. THe Lord came downe the Lutheranes Vbiquitaries that maintaine an omnipresence and ubiquity that is an every-where presence of Christs flesh being pressed by this argument that Christs body doth move from place to place therefore it is not every where doe answer out of this place that God is said to move and descend and yet he is every where But the reason is not alike for to ascend and descend is spoken of Christs body truly and properly but of the God-head only metaphorically and figuratively 9. Confut. Against the latine service in popery 9. Vers. 9. THerefore the name was called Babel because their language was so confounded that they one understood not another so what is the Church of Rome to bee counted but another Babel and synagogue of confusion where the people understand not the Priest noâ— one another in their latine service and prayers Muscul. 10. Confut. Against Pererius the marrying of the uncle and neece unlawfull 10. Vers. 29. THe name of Abrahams wife was Sarai who is held to be the daughter of Haran Abrahams brother which marriages were not then forbidden by any law but afterwards they were where the errour of the papists and namely of Bellarmine and Pererius may be noted who affirme that it was not forbidden by Moses law for the uncle to marry his neece for Othoniel the younger brother of Caleb married Achsa Calebs daughter Iud. 1.13 Contra. 1. To marry in this degree is forbidden in Leviticus by necessary collection Levit. 18.12 Thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers sister for she is thy fathers kinswoman doth not the same reason hold for the other sex thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers brother for hee is thy fathers kinsman Where the degree is prohibited in the male it holdeth also in the female sex unlesse they will say because the law saith thou shalt not cover thy neighbours wife and expresseth not thy neighbours husband that therefore the one should bee lawfull and not the other 2. Othoniel was not the brother of Caleb but either his nephew as the Septuagint read Othoniel the sonne of Kenez adelphon the brother of Caleb namely Kenez for so is the construction in the greek or else as Iunius collecteth Othoniel and Caleb were brothers children Caleb
were 4. Iunius placeth it neare unto Jerusalem being the same Valley where Absolon reared his Pillar 2. Sam. 18.18 and hereunto the Septuagint agree which interpret in the Valley of Melchisedeck And it seemeth indeed not to be farre off from Salem which is Jerusalem where Melchisedeck was King because he met Abraham there with bread and wine 5. It was not at this time but afterward called the Kings Dale Vatab. not because the Kings used there to exercise and disport themselves Chald. neither was it so named of some King Calvin but rather it was called the Kings Dale for the excellency of it and therefore is thought to be the same which was called Vallis illustris the famous Valley Perer. QVEST. XVI Who Melchisedeck was Vers. 18 MElchisedeck c. 1. Origen and Dydimus thinke that Melchisedeck was an Angell but the text is contrary that maketh him King of Salem 2. Some thinke that this Melchisedeck was the Holy Ghost which opinion is defended by the Author of the questions of the old and new Testament cha 109. which goe under Augustines name but it is none of Augustines worke for he numbreth the Melchsedechians among the Heretikes here 's 34. and it is an erronious opinion 1. For this Melchisedeck is said to be a Priest to the most high God but every Priest is taken from among men Heb. 5.1 2. If the Holy Ghost was a Priest unto God he therein should be inferiour unto God and so not God for in the God-head there is equality 3. Neither did the Holy Ghost ever descend from heaven to be incarnate but onely the sonne of God Ioh. 3.13 4. And whereas the Apostle saith that Melchisedeck was without father or mother and without beginning of dayes or end of life Heb. 7.3 whence they would enforce that Melchesedeck was not a mortall man but of an immortall nature the Apostle hath there relation onely to the story in this place Melchisedeck is not set forth in story by his kindred his birth and death he had both father and mother was borne and died but there is no mention made of it and so Hierome expoundeth that word used by the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genealogie is not expressed or mentioned 3. A third opinion there is that Melchisedeck was a King of Canaan and not of Abrahams line of which opinion were Irenaeus Eusebius Caesarion Apollinarius Eustathius as Hierome testifieth and among the new Writers Calvin Iunius Musculus Mercerus Pererius with others 1. Pererius urgeth that place Heb. 7.6 He whose kindred is not counted among them which proveth not that Melchisedeck simply was not of Abrahams kindred but that it was not so expressed in story 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Epiphanius saith so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not rehearsed in genealogie here used by the Apostle is the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without kindred vers 3. 2. And seeing Canaan was under Gods curse and Sem had the chiefe blessing how it is like that one of Canaan should blesse Abraham of Sem. 3. And the Apostle concludeth that Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham because he blessed him but none of the Canaanites which were the cursed seed could be greater than Abraham the father of the faithfull of blessed Sem. 4. The fourth opinion of the rest most probable is that this Melchisedeck was Sem which opinion is strengthned with many arguments 1. Sem onely of all men living was greater than Abraham as Syracides saith Sem and Seth were in great honour among the children of men 49.16 though Arphaxad Selah and Heber yet lived yet Sem was the most honourable in respect of his yeares his knowledge who saw the old world his prerogative in Noahs blessing and whereas Abrahams predecessors were Idolaters none of Sems progenitors are noted that way therefore seeing Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham and none then living was greater than Sem he is most like to be the Melchisedeck 2. That was the place of Sems dwelling whence in time Iapheths sonnes should learne to dwell in the Tabernacle of God so reasoneth Midras but from Sion came forth the law and word from Jerusalem Isay 2.3 at Salem therefore were the tents of Sem. 3. Hierome alleageth this reason used by some that Melchisedeck brought forth bread and wine to Abraham for his repast seeing he owed this duty to his grand-childe Evagr. tom 4. 4. Melancthon thus argueth therefore God brought Abraham to Sem the father of his ancestors to joyne together a notable company of the Church 5. Some use this reason A Kingdome is more ancient than a tyranny but unlesse we make Sem to be Melchisedeck we cannot plainly prove that a King reigned before Nimrod treat of Melchis 6. Melchisedeck is interpreted a King of righteousnesse this Melchisedeck had the knowledge of the true justice and righteousnesse by faith in Christ but in all the Scripture shall we read of none called to the faith but men acquainted with Abrahams house with himselfe or Isaacks line or the children of the East the sonnes of Keturah in the booke of Iob. 7. That this Melchisedeck a King of Canaan should bee Sem agreeth to the prophesie Gen. 9.27 Let Canaan be his servant 8. Also in that he is called a Priest of the most high God This also agreeth to Sem who had that prerogative of Priest-hood not as some Hebrewes thinke by his birth-right for Iapheth was elder but by his fathers blessing Blessed be the God of Sem who was more like to be this great high Priest of Sems God than Sem himselfe 9. Melchisedeck was King of Salem which signifieth peace and indeed this Salem had a speciall prerogative of peace for when the foure Kings smote other parts of the Countrey of Canaan as is set forth in this chapter it is not like that Salem should have beene spared if the King thereof had beene a Canaanite if there had not beene great respect to the person of aged Melchisedeck or Sem. 10. Where Melchisedeck is set forth without father or mother beginning of life or end of dayes this also most fitly agreeth to Sem who was borne before the floud whose father Noah was now dead who lived 600. yeares so that no man living at that time could remember his birth or death or parents 11. Seeing also that Hebers language was preserved in Salem as may appeare by the interpretation of the name of Melchisedeck It is most probable that this King of Salem was of that line who together with the true faith retained that holy language 12. Lastly seeing Melchisedeck was a type of Christ Psal. 10. that came of Sem and no type or figure of Christ is expressed in Scripture but of Sems line none is more like to be this representer and foreshewer of Christs everlasting Priesthood than Sem himselfe then living It is most unlike that any Priest not of Sem should shadow forth the high Priest Christ of Sem
Cor. 7.3 they must be the one addicted and obliged only to the other 4. Ambrose againe excuseth this marriage of Abraham with Hagar by the mystery in it as it is expounded by S. Paul Galat. 4. quod ergo putabas esse peccatum advertis esse mysterium that which you thought was iniquitie appeareth to be a mysterie Contra. A mysterie we admit according to the Apostles collection in Abrahams marriage with Hagar but that giveth no liberty or immunity unto it for so theft might be excused because the suddennesse of Christs comming to judgement is likened to the comming of a theefe in the night neither is it therefore a thing excusable to play an unrighteous steward because Christ draweth a parable from thence Luk. 16. 5. Augustine further saith sufficiendae prolis causa erat uxorum plurium simul uni viro habendarum inâ—culpabilis consuetudâ— he calleth it an inculpable custome for one man in those dayes for procreation sake to have many wives He excuseth the multiplicity of wives by the custome of those dayes though the use bee now otherwise like as sometime among the Romans it was counted a hainous thing tunicas habere talares vâ—l manicata to weare sleeved or side gownes but now for a man of honest condicion not to have such is counted a shame c. Contra. Indeede indifferent things such as are the formes and fashions of apparell may be changed and sometimes held lawfull sometimes uncomely according to the divers customes of times but that which is simply unlawfull by no custome can be made lawfull that which is evill whatsoever the custome is ought not to be followed the Scripture herein giveth us a rule not to follow a multitude to doe evill Exod. 23.2 2. Neither doth it yet appeare that there was any such custome among the faithfull in Abrahams time to couple themselves to more than to one wife 3. Chrysostome of this very customâ— of having many wives thus excellently writeth Vides quomodo non oportet consuetudinem praetextere sed quod justum est inquirâ—re ecce quoniam mala erat consuetudo expl sa est c. You see then that we must not pretend custome but intend that which is just because it was an evill custome it is left 6. Chrysostome in the same place alleageth another excuse Permissum est cum duabus vel tribus misceri ut humanum gâ—nus propagaretur c. It was then permitted to be coupled with two or three that mankindâ— might be increased Contra. If this were a sufficient reason for polygamie it had beene more needfull that in the creation many women should have beene made and so likewise that more than one wife a piece for Noah and his sonnes should have entred into the Arke for then there was greater need of all meanes for procreation Wherefore all these reasons and excuses doe not serve to exempt the Patriarks from all blemish and blame in their multiplying of wives 4. A fourth opinion there is that God gave a dispensation for polygamie to the fathers and as it is most like to Noah when he said to him Increase and multiply sic Perer. in Gen. 16. disp 1. Contra. 1. Against a precept written dispensation unwritten hath no place seeing then the commandement is expressed For this cause shall a man leave father and mother and cleave to his wife Gen. 2.24 he saith not wives but wife as speaking of one but such dispensation is no where mentioned we hold it to be a meere humane conjecture 2. If God had given Noah such an indulgence it is like that he and his sonnes would have used it there being then greatest cause in the renewing of the world 3. And though they are blessed with increase yet only the lawfull meanes of increasing and multiplying are permitted for otherwise this might be an excuse for adulterous copulations 5. Wherefore the safer and sounder opinion is that polygamie that is the marriage of many wives was neither simply lawfull nor for a time dispensed with but that it was an humane infirmity even in those holy Patriarks 1. Because it degenerateth from the first institution in Paradise to the which Christ sendeth us From the beginning it was not so 2. The first that brought in the doubling of wives was Lamech of the cursed seed neither doe we read of any of the Patriarks from Adam to Abraham for the space well-nigh of two thousand yeares that had more wives than one 3. If there had beene at any time a needfull use of polygamie it is most like that in the beginning when the world was not yet replenished as in Adam and Noahs time it should have beene permitted 4. To have a concubine together with a wife was never lawfull but such an one was Hagar for Abraham did cast her out with her sonne she was also a bond-woman and therefore not fit to be a wife to so great a Patriarke and a wife is defined by the Apostle to be such an one as is taken to avoid fornication 1 Cor. 7.2 but to that end did not Abraham take Hagar having Sarai beside And whereas the text saith that Sarai gave her to Abraham for or instead of his wife the meaning is not that Hagar became properly Abrahams wife but that she was in the place and stead of his wife for as Sarai saith It may be I shall receive a childe by her Gen. 16.2 but if she had indeed beene his wife and so manumitted and not Saraies bond-woman still the childe should have beene counted hers and not her mistresses and Gen. 25.6 mention is made of Abrahams concubines Pelagshim whereof Hagar must be one 6. But yet this being admitted that the Patriarks erred in multiplying their wives yet some cautions must be received withall 1. That herein they finned not against their conscience but of ignorance and infirmity as in other things this being not yet revealed unto them 2. Though God dispensed not with their so doing yet it pleased the divine indulgence in silence and mercifull connivence to passe by this over-sight as the Apostle saith in another case The time of this ignorance God regardeth not Act. 17.30 3. We abhorre the blasphemie of the Manichees sufficiently confuted by Augustine who doe charge the Patriarks with lasciviousnesse and wantonnesse of flesh in using many wives which they did for generation of children not satisfaction of their iust and as Augustine well saith Castius utebantur plurib quam nunc una c. They used many wives more chastly than we now use one so he concludeth O virum viriliter utentem foeminis conjuge temperanter ancilla obtemperanter nulla intemperanter O worthy man using women manly his owne wife soberly his maid obediently but none of them intemperately Morall observations 1. Observ. Affliction and punishment commeth from God Vers. 2. THe Lord hath restrained me from childe-bearing Sarai as a godly woman imputeth her sterility
laughed 2. Neither did this laughter of Abraham shew any infidelitie and unbeliefe in him as Chrysostome thinketh and some others who make Abrahams and Sarahs laughter all one infidelitate peccavit sanctus Abraham c. Holy Abraham saith he sinned by infidelity and therefore his seed was punished 400. yeares with servitude 6. homil de poenitent The same also is the opinion of Hierome that Abrahams laughing his speech shall Sarah that is ninetie yeare old beare his wish and prayer for Ismael did declare his incredulity lib. 3. cont Pelag. But the Apostle cleareth Abraham of all such imputation of unbeleefe where he saith Rom. 4.19 alluding to this place He was not weake in faith v. 21. being fully assured that he which had promised was also able to doe it And if Abrahams laughter had proceeded from doubtfulnesse God would not have named Isaack of such laughter in the which name Rasi noteth many mysteries in the letters jod signifieth the ten tentations of Abraham â—sadds the age of Sarah of ninetie yeare cheth the eighth day for circumcision coph an hundred yeares which was Abrahams age 3. Neither did Abraham at the first doubt but afterward was confirmed in the faith which is the opinion of Ioannes Arboreus reported by Pererius for the Apostle doth free Abraham also from all doubting either first or last Rom. 4.20 Neither did hee doubt of the promise of God through unbeleefe 4. Neither is Cajetans conceit to be admitted whereunto Pererius seemeth to subscribe that Abraham doubted not of the truth of Gods promise or of his power but onely he doubted whether the promise were to be taken literally or mystically in chap. 17. Gen. for what reason had Abraham to thinke of any mysticall sense if he beleeved that God would and could literally and properly make good his word And Saint Paul sheweth that Abraham understood the promise properly and literally when he saith that he considered not his owne body which was now dead being almost an hundred yeare old nor the deadnesse of Sarahs wombe Rom. 4.19 5. Neither yet can I fully consent to Ambrose and Rupertus that doe discharge Abraham of all manner of doubtfulnesse as Ambrose saith that whereas Abraham prayeth for Ismael he did not doubt of Gods promise to receive a sonne by Sarah but desireth that Ismael also may live sic superabundet gratia and so Gods grace might abound the more Rupertus saith that whereas Abraham said shall a sonne be borne to him that is an hundred yeare old Non dubitando dixit sed suam faelicitatem admirando He doubted not in so saying but admiring his owne happinesse for there appeareth some difficulty and hesitation in Abrahams speech seeing hee objecteth with himselfe the same thing which Sarah did shall a childe bee borne to him that is an hundred yeare old as Sarah said shall I certainly beare a childe that am old Gen. 19.13 though Abraham yeelded not to this objection as Sarah did neither shewed so great weaknesse in doubting and therefore was not reproved as Sarah was 6. Wherefore the best solution is that these objections and doubts in Abraham proceeded not from want of faith but Abraham feeling in himselfe a sight betweene faith and carnall sense striveth against humane reason and overcommeth these motions at the first and so was strengthened as the Apostle saith in the faith and his faith was thereby made more glorious Calvin There was then in Abraham a strife betweene his naturall reason which wondred that he at an hundred yeare should have a sonne of Sarah and his faith which beleeved that God was able to doe it yet in this cogitation he remained not long his faith prevailed QVEST. XIII Whether Abraham were circumcised first or last Vers. 23. THen Abraham tooke Ismael c. 1. It is questioned whether Abraham were circumcised first to give good example or last which I thinke rather with the Hebrewes because Abraham had beene unfit by reason of his cutting to circumcise others but it is certaine he beganne first with his owne sonne Ismael to make the other more willing 2. Abraham alone could not circumcise all his family therefore it is like that thereto be used the helpe of others as the Jewes to this day use Chirurgians which are skilfull in cutting to circumcise their children 3. Abraham the same day doth circumcise his family to testifie to the world that he was not ashamed of the badge of his profession and to shew his prompt obedience in not deferring the commandement whereupon to this day the Jewes circumcise in the day not in the night Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Our faith must rest onely upon Gods words Vers. 4. BEhold I make my covenant c. Wee learne that our faith must depend onely upon Gods word as here the Lord would have Abraham to consider who it was that made this covenant with him behold I c. We must not then greatly regard what man saith but the word of God must be our warrant As our Saviour maketh this opposition You have heard that it was said to you of old time c. but I say unto you Mat. 5.27 sic Calvin 2. Doct. the Sacraments called by the name of the things Vers. 10. THis is my covenant That is the signe of my covenant so the Sacraments are called by the name of the things which they represent because they are not naked and bare signes but doe verily seale unto us the promise of God In the same sense and by the like figure called metonymiâ— doth our Saviour call the bread his body saying This is my body whereof it was a figure onely and representation Mercer 3. Doct. Difference betweene externall and internall calling in the Church Vers. 7. I Will establish my covenant betweene me and thee and thy feed after thee in their generations c. All then that were of Abrahams seed by Isaack did belong to the externall covenant and Church of God and therefore are called in generall by our Saviour the children of the Kingdome yet the covenant of grace appertained onely to those that received it by faith and so were the children of faithfull Abraham as Saint Paul saith They which are the children of the flesh are not the children of God but the children of the promise are counted for the seed Rom. 9.8 Calvin 4. Doct. Baptisme the Sacrament of regeneration belongeth to Infants Vers. 12. EVery man-childe of eight dayes old shall be circumcised c. From hence the baptisme of Infants which commeth in the place of circumcision is most pertinently proved against the grosse errour of the Anabaptists for as then Infants were circumcised to shew the contagion of the nature from the which they were cleansed by the circumcision of the spirit so even Infants now being guiltie of originall corruption have need of the Sacraments of regeneration 5. Doct. Gods purpose and promise towards vs should not stay our prayers Vers. 20. COncerning Ismael I
saith that is 50. sextarios pints 2. neither is it so large as the measure called Amphora which contained 80. pound weight as Hierome 3. neither doth it receiue 24. sextarios or 36. pounds as Pererius 4. nor yet is it so large to containe as much and an halfe of the Italian measure called modius as Ioseph lib. 9. antiquitat 5. But in true account the Hebrew seime was the third part of an Epha which Epha is not equall to the Grecians metreta or medimnus Atticus which did hold an 108. pound as Pererius gesseth But the Epha contained ten homers Exod. 16.37 that is so many pottles for the homer held two chaenices that is two wine quarts and an halfe so thâ—â— the seime being the third part of an Epha did containe foure cabi every cabe held foure logi every logi six common henne egges the whole capacitie would receive 96. egges And this measure did equalize the Romane modius sic Iunius in hunc locum which is 14. pints English and 14. ounces somewhat lesse than our pecke and so it is well translated in the great English Bible three peckes of fine meale or flowre for it is not like that Abraham for three men would provide three great measures bushels or seimes of fine flower QVEST. V. Of the cakes and other provision which Abraham prepared 5. MAke cakes upon the hearth the Septuagint translate ègcruphiae panes subcineritios bread baked in the ashes as Hierome readeth 1. We need not with Ambrose from hence to gather that Abraham used cakes raked up or hidden in the ashes as the Greeke word seemeth to import eo quod laetere debet omne mystâ—rium c. because these things were done in mystery 2. Neither was this kind used so much for the finenesse and delicacy as Atheneus noteth that it was in great request among the Athenians lib. 3. and so Muscul. 3. But in respect of the speedie and present preparing rather Iun. 4. Neither is it necessarie that we understand the whole calfe to be made readie at once but such parts thereof as more speedily could be dressed Muscul. 5. But whereas the Hebrewes would have these cakes to be unleavened bread because it was now the Pasch it is not like that this ceremonie was now used Mercer QVEST. VI. Whether the Angels did truly eate or had bodies Vers. 8. ANd they did eate 1. Wee neither thinke with Theodoret that these Angels seemed onely to have bodies and so also seemed to eat but neither in truth he saith they tooke the meat simulatis manibus with counterfeit hands and put it into simulatumos their counterfeit mouth for these Angels had palpable and tractable bodies for the time as may appeare by the washing of their feet 2. Thomas thinketh that they assumed a true body sed noÌ„ vera fuit comestura but it was no true eating but why should it seeme more unlikely for them truly to eat than to have true bodies for there may bee a true eating though the meat be not converted into the substance of the body as our Saviour did eat after he was risen againe 3. Wherefore it is the so under opinion that these Angels as they were endued with true bodies for the time so they did verily eat as they did walke and speak and doe other actions of the bodie truly yet did they not eat of any necessity but like as these bodies by the power of God assumed for the present were againe dissolved and turned to their first nature so was the meat which they did eat Calvin QVEST. VII The meaning of these words according to the time of life Vers. 10. I will certainly come againe according to the time of life 1. which cannot be understood of God as if he should say if I live as Hierome the immortall God would not so speake as a mortall man Calvin 2. Neither is it spoken of Sara ut Genevens 3. or of Abraham and Sarai Chald. that life is certainly promised to them both Luther for seeing God before promised to give Abraham a sonne of Sarah Gen. 17.16 hee could not doubt that Sarah should then bee living 4. neither is it referred to the childe that hee should be borne alive Annotat. of the great bible for this was also promised before Gen. 17.19 that God would make a covenant with Isaak and his seed there was no question but that this child should have a perfect birth 5. Iunius exposition is this I will come unto thee when this time shall revive againe that is the same time twelve-moneth as it may be interpreted out of the former Chapter 17.21 which Sarah shall beare unto thee the next yeare at this season and so in other places this word to revive as here applyed to the time is attributed unto things without life 1 Chron. 11.9 Ioab is said to revive that is repaire the rest of the City 6. And if this were in the spring as some conjecture and may be gathered by the heat of the time v. 1. and shadow of the tree and eating abroad v. 8. the time of life or living time may fitly bee applyed to the spring when all things seeme to revive againe 7. But it is better understood of Isaak that he should be borne according to the time of life that is after the usuall and accustomed time of child-bearing that is Isaak should now be conceived and so by that time twelve moneth spoken of Gen. 17.21 hee should bee borne this to bee the meaning these reasons may perswade 1. because it is like that since the time when Isaak was promised after a twelve month till now Abraham had not knowne his wife by reason of the sorenesse of his circumcision and by Sarahs words v. 12. that she had no lust or desire that way 2. further seeing the Angell at the conception useth the very phrase and speech Luke 1.37 of the Angell here v. 14. that the type may answer to the body the Angell is here a messenger of Isaaks extraordinary conception of an old woman as there of Christs miraculous conception of a Virgin So then whereas the Angell v. 13. maketh mention of two times at the time appointed I will come unto thee according to the time of life the time appointed is the time set v. 17.21 which was that time twelve-moneth the time of life is from Isaaks conception to his birth 8. But that is a meere fable of the Hebrewes that the Angell made a line upon the wall to the which when the Sunne came that time twelve moneth Sarah should have a sonne Mercer QVEST. VII Why Abraham is called old Vers. 11. NOw Abraham and Sara were old and it ceased to be with Sarah after the manner of women c. 1. Philo noteth that Abraham is the first that in Scripture is called an old man though many before him were much elder in yeares and thinketh he was so called propter canitiem virtutum for his old age and growth
Calvin Mercer Wherefore in this manner to aske a signe not of distrust in Gods power or doubtfulnesse of his promises but with confidence in God nor prescribing unto him but onely desiring to be assured what is his good pleasure and this to doe not with any superstitious minde but with devout prayer and by the secret motion of Gods spirit it is no tempting of God at all But as Augustinus saith of Gedeon asking a signe Consultatio illa magis quà m tentatio fuit It was a consultation rather than a tentation Now seeing an entrance is made into this question concerning the lawfulnesse of such ghesses and conjectures as are made by mens speeches or behaviour of things to come as Abrahams servant desireth here to be informed by the answer and behaviour of the maid whether she were appointed to be Isaacks wife it shall not bee amisse some what more fully to discusse this matter QUEST XV. Of the divers kindes of conjecturall and ominous predictions THere are then foure sorts of such conjectures and ominous predictions of things to come The first are naturall which doe for the most part certainly foreshew that which followeth as the cause producing the effect as a cloud rising in the west causeth and foresheweth raine the Southwind heat Luke 14.55 or the effect doth sometime premonstrate the cause following as the lightning the thunder which though it be first seene and perceived by reason of the quicknesse of sight yet is it last done These signes and conjectures it is not superstitious or vaine to observe Secondly there are some humane conjectures which are taken by the words behaviour and actions of men as when the king of Israel had let fall a word calling Benhadad brother the messengers tooke it for a good signe the Latine translation saith acceperunt pro omine they tooke it for good lucke 1 King 20.22 they thereby gave conjecture of the kings favour So when the king Ahashuerosh had said of Haman will he force the queene also before me c. they tooke this as a signe of the kings displeasure and covered Hamans face Esther 6.8 The like in forraine stories is recorded of Tarquinius Superbus king of Rome who being sent unto by his sonne Sextus Tarquinius how hee should use the Gabii that had received him into their citie he gave no other answer to the messenger but topped the heads of the poppies in his garden with his staffe whereby his sonne perceived his meaning that he should make the chiefe of the citie lower by their heads By these humane conjectures we may ghesse of such things which are in mens owne power and purpose to doe but otherwise to catch at words and syllables and to make them as divine oracles it is a superstitious and ridiculous use as Cicero giveth an instance how when M. Crassus did ship his Armie at Brundusium one in the haven that brought figs from Cannus a citie in Caria chanced to crie out caricas canneas Cannean figges if Crassâ—s had taken this hint as a signe of evill lucke and gone no further he had not perished Tullie himselfe condemneth such observations as ridiculous for then saith he by the same reason pedis offensio abruptio corrigiae sternut amenta sunt observanda the stumbling of the foot breaking of the shooe point sneesing and other such things must be observed as ominous Perer. The third sort of predictions is divine which are either uttered by men inspired of God being well advised and knowing what they say as Ionathan encourageth himselfe with this signe thereunto directed by the spirit of God that if the Philistims should say come up unto us he would take it as a signe that God had delivered them into his hand and so it came to passe 1 Sam. 14.10 Sometime God directeth mens tongues to speake the truth unawares as Caiphas prophesied that it was better for one man to die for the people than the whole nation to perish Iohn 11.50 yet Caiphas understood not what he said of this kinde was that direction given unto Augustine much perplexed within himselfe what profession of life he should betake himselfe unto by a voice saying unto him Tolle lege Take up thy booke and read and then opening the booke hee light upon that place Rom 13.13 See that wee walke honestly c. not in gluttonie and drunkennesse chambering and wantonnesse c. by reading which sentence hee was resolved to reforme his life and to leave his youthfull pleasures The fourth kind of ominous predictions is superstitious and diabolicall whereof Augustine giveth his judgement thus Cum ad decipiendos homines fit spirituum seductorum operatio est VVhen it is done to deceive men it is the working of seducing spirits such was that conjecture of the priests and soothsayers among the Philistims that if the arke which they had put into a new cart went up the way by Bethshemesh then it is he that is the God of Israel that hath done this great evill 1 Sam. 6.9 This indeed came so to passe and the event answered the prediction whereby the devill cunningly wrought that those idolatrous priests and soothsayers should still retaine their credit and estimation Pausanias maketh mention of the like superstitious observation in the towne of Phare in Achaia where after the people had consulted with the oracle their manner was going away to stop their eares and the first voyce which they heard afterward they tooke as a divine oracle Pausan. in Achaic Cicero reporteth of Paulus Aemilius that preparing to goe against Perses king of Macedonia and seeing his daughter sad and she answering being asked the reason because her little dogge called Persa was dead saith he Accipio omen I take this as a signe of good lucke my daughter Such superstitious curious and vaine observations are not beseeming a Christian profession which Sathan useth as meanes to keepe men in a superstitious awe and feare and to seduce them from trusting in the providence of God QUEST XIV Why it is said that Rebecca was a virgin with this addition and unknown of man Vers. 16. A Virgin and unknowne of man c. Lest this might be thought a superfluous speech because she could not have bene a virgin unlesse she were unknowne of man divers interpretations are given 1. Some thinke that she is called a virgin in respect of her outward habit and unknowne of man for her chastitie Cajetan 2. Others that because there was a lewd use among the Gentiles to abuse other parts of the body to their filthy lust beside the place of virginitie they thinke shee is called not onely a virgin but altogether untouched or unknowne in any part of her body Rasi Rabbi Salomon 3. Some that she was not a virgin onely in body but unknowne of man that is not tempted in her minde of the devill Origen hom 10. in Genes 4. Some thinke this clause is added to shew a
ewes conceived or had heat C. in the ramming or conceiving time of the strong or well bodyed sheepe B. G. T. chashar to joyne together whereof they are called well bodyed or strong sheepe v. 42. When the ewes brought forth he did not put them S. when the ewes were feeble B. G. when they were put together late or in late ramming time H.C.T.P. guataph whereof is derived the word behagnatoph in bringing forth late the not marked were Labans the marked Iacobs S. the late brought forth were Labans the timely or firstlings Iacobs C.H. the feebler were Labans the stronger or well bodied Iacobs T.B.G.P. v. 43. camels asses and mules S. camels and mules câ—t 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Whether Rachel envied her sister Vers. 1. RAchel envied her sister 1. Some thinke that this was a kind of zeale rather than envie she grieved rather at her owne infecundity or barrennesse than that her sister was fruitfull Perer. 2. But the text is evident that shee envied her sister shee was offended that her sister was fruitfull and she barren Neither is there any inconvenience to yeeld to those holy women their infirmities they were not Angels Merc. chavah signifieth both to envie and strive with emulation or zeale QUEST II. Of Rachels impatient and immoderate desire of children GIve me children or else I die 1. She saith not so as though Iacob of purpose had restrained his naturall force as R. Levi. 2. Neither is it her meaning that Iacob should by his prayer obtaine children for her as Isaack had done for Rebecca for then Iacob would not have beene angry with her 3. Neither did she thus say as though she did not know that God was the giver of children which she confesseth vers 6. God hath given sentence on my side 4. But thus in her womanly heat she breaketh forth as though the fault was in her husband seeing she should otherwise die either for griefe or that she might as good be dead as beare no children Mercer and that her name by this meanes should die with her Perer. 5. Three reasons made her so desirous of children 1. Her envy for her sisters happinesse 2. That she might be the more deare to her husband 3. Because of the promised seed Perer. QUEST III. Of the causes of barrennesse Vers. 2. IAcob was angry and said Am I in Gods stead c. 1. There are naturall causes of sterility or barrennes either some originall defects in the birth as some are borne unapt for generation or else it may come by diseases sometime the constitution of the body is an impediment as in fat bodies where nature is turned into the nutriment of the body Aristot. lib. 2. de generat animal c. 2. 2. There is a supernaturall cause of barrennesse when it pleaseth God to restraine the wombe as in the women of Abimelecks house Genes 20.18 Foure keyes to open and shut are in Gods hand which the Lord hath not commited to any other either Angell or Seraphim the key of raine Deuter. 28.12 The Lord shall open his good treasure the heaven to give raine the key of food Psal. 104.28 Thou openest thy hand and they are filled the key of the womb the key of the grave when the dead shall be raised Perer. ex Tharg Hierosolym 3. Plato himselfe confesseth that procreation was the gift of God Quamvis in mortali animante fiat restamen divina est pregnatio genitura ab immortalib est Generation though it be done in a mortall creature yet it is a divine thing procured by an immortall power Plat. in Symp. QUEST IV. In what sense Rachel saith she shall beare upon my knees Vers. 3. SHee shall beare upon my knees 1. Not as though Rachel should be her midwife or nurse as Onkelâ—s 2. Or that by her example Rachel should the sooner conceive as the Hebrewes 3. But that as it followeth Rachel might have children by her maid for the children of the bond-maids were accounted as the dames her meaning is that she might dandle them upon her knees and play with them as mothers doe with their children so is this phrase taken Isay 66.12 them shall ye sucke ye shall be borne upon her sides and be joyfull upon her knees 4. Rupertus doth fitly allegorize this saying of Rachel lib. 7. comment in Genes 36. as they which Bilha brought forth were borne upon Rachels knees so qui per prâ—dicationem invidentis auâ—ivit verbum teneat in Catholica ecclesia verae perfectionem fidei ita nihil differet à legitimis filâ—â—s so he that heard the word by the preaching of envious teacherâ— holding the true faith in the Catholike Church may differ nothing from the lawfull children of the Church as the sonnes of Iacobs hand-maids received their inheritance and had their lâ—t amongst their brethren QUEST IV. Whether Ruben brought unto his mother mandrakes Vers. 14. GIue me of thy sonnes mandrakes c. 1. It is most like that they were rather pleasant and sweet flowers where with they used to strew their husbands bed than that heâ—be which is called mandrakes for these reasons 1. Ruben was now but a child of 5. or 6. yeares old and not above for he was borne in the beginning of the 7. last yeares and therefore had no discretion to make choice of flowers for their vertue but for their colour or smell 2. It was now wheat harvest in the spring time which in those countries was in the beginning of May when the Mandrake apples are not ripe for so the Septuagint read Mandrake apples 3. The Mandrakes have a strong smell which the Arabians call Iabrochin of the ranke savour of goats whereas these herbs called dudaim are commended for their sweet smell Can. 7.13 The mandrakes have given a smell and in our gates are all sweet things Iun. 2. Whereas Augustine saith of the mandrakes Rem comperi pulehram suaveolentem sapore in sipido I found them to be faire in shew sweet in smell vnsavory in taste lib. 22. com Faust. c. 56. he may speake of that kind of mandrakes which grew in those hot countries in Africa which might have a more fresh smell but otherwise concerning the mandrakes knowne to us Plinie a diligent searcher of the nature of herbes saith Odor ejus gravis sed radicis mals graviâ—r c. sic noxiâ— vires gravedinem afferunt ipso â—lfactu The smell is very strong specially of the root and apple the force thereof â—ery hurâ—full the very smell bringeth heavinesse Plin. lib. 25. c. 13. Levinus Lemnius confirmeth this by experience that by laying of a mandrake apple in his studie he became so drousie that he could not shake it off till the apple was removed lib. de herb 3. Epiphanius thinketh that the mandrake inciteth and provoketh either man or woman to lust as it is held that they have vertue to cause women to conceive and that Rachel
desired them for that cause 1. But Augustine refuseth this reason because Rachel notwithstanding her mandrakes conceived not 2. Neither would Leah having now ceased to beare have given them away if they had any such vertue Mercer 3. Galen saith that Mandragoras is cold in the third degree lib. 7. simplicium Medieament and therefore it is unapt for conception 4. Mathiolus therefore saith it is a fable that the root of Mandrakes representeth the shape of a man and is good to make women to conceive and thinketh that such roots bearing such a shape are made by art of couseners that goe about to deceive ex Perer. 4. Concerning the fashion and kinde of this herbe R. David saith that there are two sorts of them the white is the male the blacke the female in them both three parts are most notable the leaves fruit and root Dioscorides saith that the leaves of the female are somewhat lesse than lettice leaves greene and of a strong smell the leaves of the male are bigger and of a white colour the apple of the female as big as an hasle nut like to fruit of the service tree of wan colour of the male the apples are as bigge againe of a saffron colour the root is twofold sometimes threefold winding one within another blacke without white within Dioscâ—r lib. 4. c. 61. Pythagoras called it anthropomâ—rphon not because it perfectly representeth a mans shape but hath some semblance of the trunk of a mans body without armes Mathiolus 5. The properties of the Mandragoras are these 1. By reason of the coldnesse thereof it casteth them into a dead sleepe that eat or smell thereof and therefore Physitians use it when they cut or seare to stupifie the sense 2. If it be taken in the weight of a dram it depriveth of the use of reason Dioscor 3. It is drunke against the venome of serpents Plin. lib. 25. c. 23. 4. The seed thereof is good to purge the place of conception and to stay the immoderate flux of the monethly course and therefore it may per accidens helpe toward conception especially in fervent climates and hot countries Perer. ex Aviceâ—â— Lemnio 6. Some thinke then that these flowers were mandrakes which is not like as is shewed before some take them to be lilies as Oleaster some for violets as Onkelos some for inchanted or love-flowers but Rachel would not use any such it is uncertaine what flowers they were Mercer it is more probable that they were amabiles flores amiable and lovely flowers both for smell and sight as Iunius and the word dudaim well answereth thereto being derived of dodh beloved QUEST V. Whether Iacobs wives gave the children their names Vers. 20. SHee called his name Zebulun 1. Some thinke that Iacob gave the names and not his wives Iun. Genes 29.35 2. Some that Iacob knowing his wives to have the gift of prophecie as may appeare by the event that answered to these names in the severall blessings given unto them Genes 49. did suffer his wives to give them names 3. But it is most like that Iacob consented with them in the imposing of these names Mercer QUEST VI. Of Dinah whence she was so named and when borne Vers. 21. AFter that she bare a daughter c. 1. Some thinke that Iacob had other daughters beside Dinah but that is not like seeing no mention is made but onely of Dinah Calvin 2. This name signifieth judgement or contention which name might be given to Dinah because of that contention which fell out with the Sichemites by reason of her Mercer 3. But whether this Dinah were Iacobs wife is uncertaine and whereas the Hebrewes imagine that this Dinah and Zebulun were borne at once and that Dinah in her mothers wombe was a male but at the prayer of Leah was made a female who pittied her sister Rachel which as yet had borne no childe at all leâ—t she should have beene despised these are but idle and fabulous fansies wherein these blinde Rabbines are so much exercised 4. This Dinah was borne next before Ioseph whom some affirme to have beene borne before Gad Asser Issachâ—r Zebulun Dinah But the course of the story will not beare it for betweene Ioseph and Benjamin Iacob had not any of his children borne QUEST VII Of the time of Iosephs birth and age Vers. 25. AS soone as Rachel had borne Ioseph c. 1. Hence it is evident that Ioseph was borne in the end of Iacobs 14. yeares service for immediately upon the birth of Ioseph Iacob consulted with Laban about his departure but after this Iacob covenanteth to serve six yeares longer for his sheep Gen. 31.41 these 14. yeares before the birth of Ioseph so me would have to prefigure those 14. yeares which Ioseph indured in Egypt before he was exalted for he was sixteen yeare old when he was sold into Egypt 30. yeares old when he stood before Pharao Mercer 2. Upon this account of Iosephs age it further is collected that Ioseph was 39. when Iacob was 130. for Ioseph was 30. when he came before Pharao Gen. 41.46 then passed seven yeares of plenty and two yeares of dearth Genes 45.11 when Iacob came downe into Egypt who was then 130. yeares old Genes 47.9 If Iacob were 130. at Iosephs 49. then when Ioseph was borne Iacob was 91. then 14. yeare before that when Iacob went downe into Mesopotamia he must be 77. and 7. yeares after when he married his wives he was 84. thirteene yeares after that when he had served 7. yeares more for his wives and six for his sheepe he was 97. yeares old Perer. QUEST VIII Laban whether he divined of Iacob Vers. 27. I Have found by experience 1. The word is nachash which the Septuagint translate I have conjectured oâ—â—nisamen as Augures use to doe and this kinde of conjecture was made by serpents nachsha with double cametz is a serpent with double patach it signifieth the conjecture made by serpents 2. But this word also signifieth to know or learne by experience as it is used Gen. 45.5 Ioseph by his drinking cup found in the mouth of Benjamins sacke had experience of them as his steward saith 3. Therefore Theodorets observation is here unnecessary that Moses setteth downe verba impiorum the words of the wicked as they spake them as here Labans divination as though he had divined by his idols 4. As also hee giveth the like instance of Leah that she should use the prophane word of fortune verse 11. saying good lucke ghad which some take for Iupiters starre some for Mercurie or Mars alledging that place Isa. 65.11 They furnish their drinke offerings to Gad where it is more fitly translated a number as the other clause sheweth they have prepared a table for the multitude and so is it to be taken here a number commeth 1. for so the name Gad answereth to Iacobs prophecie Gen. 49.19 Gad gedadh Gad an army shall overcome him c. he
like that the Septuag translated the word monim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 money which by the Scribes was made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the addition of one letter ex Mercer 5. Wherefore I rather thinke that here a certaine number is taken for an uncertaine that neither lesse than ten times Iacob was deceived nor yet just so many times but that he was very often beguiled at Labans hand as the Lord saith That the Israelites had tempted him ten times Num. 14.22 and Iob complaineth of his friends that they had ten times reproved him Iob 19.2 that is often Mercer QUEST II. Whence Iacob had his first particoloured goats that he saw in a dreame Vers. 12. SEe all the he goats leaping upon the she goats that are particoloured c. That are particoloured must be referred to the he goats not to the females because gnacâ—dim is of the masculine gender this difference is well observed by the Greeke and Latine translators Iun. Mercer and therefore our English translations are herein faulty that apply it to the she goats But here the question is from whence Iacob had these particoloured goats that leaped upon the females 1. Neither had Iacob these particoloured by miracle as the Hebrewes affirme that an Angell brought them from Labans flocke 2. Neither did Iacob borrow them of other shepherds for that had beene a fraud 3. Neither did he put his owne particoloured after they were increased to Labans white cattell for then he needed not to have used the device of the rods and beside it had beene a fraud 4. Nor yet are they called particoloured because they so appeared in the water while they leaped upon the ewes by reason of the pide and straked rods that were put into the gutters 5 Nor yet are they so named in respect of the issue and effect because they had particoloured lambs as if the rams that leaped the sheepe had beene of that colour as Mercer 6. But this vision is not to be referred to the beginning of this particoloured breed but at once sheweth to Iacob the great increase of them like to be that he should have particoloured both male and female of his owne in such abundance that they should ingender among themselves and grow into flocks QUEST III. Whether it were an Angell that spake unto Iacob in Bethel Vers. 13. I Am the God of Bethel c. 1. These two visions though reported together to Iacobs wives yet were not shewed at once to Iacob but at sundry times the one concerning the particoloured cattell 6. yeares before but the other for his returne in the end of the 6. yeare immediately before Iacobs departure from Laban vers 3. Mercer 2. This Angell was not any ministring Spirit which spake in the name of God as some thinke Mer. 3. But it was Christ himselfe for here hee is called the God of Bethel and in that vision beside the Angels ascending and descending the Lord himselfe stood at the top of the ladder who spake to Iacob Christ Jesus then was the great Angell of Gods presence that appeared before to Iacob in Bethel and now againe speaketh to him in vision QUEST IV. Why Rachel is set before Leah and speaketh first Vers. 14. THen answered Rachel and Leah 1. Rachel is named before Leah as before vers 4. because she was Iacobs principall wife the chiefe matron of the house Leah was thrust upon him undesired for this cause afterward in the forme of blessing which they used toward Ruth Rachel is preferred before Leah even by the Bethlemites that came of Iudah of Leah Ruth 4.11 2. Hebrewes note this as a presumptuous part in Rachel to speak before her elder sister and therefore they say she died first but the truth is the singular number is here used for the plurall and this answer though it might be made by Rachel was with the consent of both 3. In that they say All the riches which God hath taken c. is ours and our childrens they doe somewhat obscure Gods blessing as though God had given them but their due in as much as they being Labans daughters together with their children had interest in his goods Calvin Mercer QUEST V. Of the reasons that made Iacobs wives willing to depart Vers. 14. HAve we any more portion c. Iacobs wives use foure reasons of their willingnesse to depart three domesticall and one divine 1. Because they looked now for no more portion in their fathers house than that which they had gotten they had no reason to stay any longer they say not as some read Have we not yet any portion c. for they had a great part by Gods providence out of their fathers substance as they confesse vers 16. 2. He hath sold us he hath beene unkind to us setting us forth with no dowry but selling us for 14. yeares service and making againe and advantage thereof to himselfe 3. They say Should he still eat up our money that is should we remaine here still and suffer him to devoure our substance some doe otherwise read And hath eaten up our money referring it to the time past that whereas he had sold them for Iacobs service the price or money that is Iacobs labour he took to himselfe Mercer But the other reading is better which the particle gam etiam also doth imply should hee yet or still devoure c. 4. The divine reason which they use is from the Commandement of God vers 16. Whatsoever God hath said unto thee doe it QUEST VI. What the teraphim were which Rachel stole from Laban Vers. 19. RAchel stole her fathers idols the word is teraphim 1. Some by these teraphim understand the Priestly ornaments and implements that belong to sacrificing because Ose 3.4 the Prophet saith the children of Israel shall remaine a long time without Ephod and Teraphim Hieron epist. 113. ad Marcel But in this place the Prophet sheweth that the children shall bee without any forme of Church or common-wealth even such as when it was deformed with teraphim worship of idols Iun. 2. Some thinke that the teraphim were other pictures and resemblances than of men as Aquilas translateth them morphomata figures shapes but that teraphim had an humane shape appeareth 1 Sam. 19. where Michâ—l put an image in the bed in stead of David 3. Some thinke that the teraphim was made of the head of the first borne child which was embawmed and so kept from the which by the working of the devill they received answers Lyran. But if teraphim had beene such a thing it is not like Rachel would have stollen it away 4. Some thinke that they were certaine images which they consecrated for divination from whence they received answers R. Kimhi and they did represent the head of a man made of some kind of metall such a head Albertus Magnus had which Thomas Aquinas his scholler brake Tostat. and hereupon they derive the word from the root raphaph which signifieth remisse
weake because the oracles which they gave were many times uncertaine and false It is true that some teraphim were used for such purpose to consult withall as Zachar. 10.2 The teraphim have spoken vanity but yet all were not so used as the teraphim which was in Davids house 5. And yet upon this example it cannot bee gathered that there were some teraphim which were not idols as Ramban inferreth and Perer. numer 4. for although David himselfe were farre from idolatry and idols in Sauls time were publikely removed yet there might be some reliques of superstition privately remaining and this in Davids house might bee secretly kept by Michâ—l without Davids knowledge or it was as an implement not regarded Mercer 6. Wherefore it is most like that these teraphim did resemble an humane shape and that they were consecrated to superstitious uses as those idols of Laban were which he therefore afterward called his gods vers 30. QUEST VII Wherefore Rachel stole away her fathers idols IT is further questioned wherefore Rachel stole away Labans idols 1. Not as some thinke that Laban should not consult with them to know which way Iacob was gone sic Aben Ezra Tostat. for though Laban missed them presently that is to be imputed to his superstition who did often visit his idols 2. Neither did Rachel this to revoke her father from idolatry as Rab. Salomon to whom give consent Basil Nazianzene Theodoret for then shee needed not to have beene ashamed of her fact neither would Iacob so sharply have censured the fact to bee worthy of death 3. Nor yet did Rachel steale them away being made of some precious metall that it might be some recompence unto her for part of her dowry Perer. numer 7. for this had beene plaine theft 4. Neither yet as Iosephus thinketh did Rachel carry away her fathers gods that if he should pursue after them haberat quâ— confugeret 〈◊〉 impetratura she might have recourse unto them to aske pardon and to appease her fathers wrath for this had beene plaine idolatry 5. Nor yet was this done by way of mystery as Gregory collecteth that as Laban found noâ— his idols with Iacob sic diabolus ostensis mundi thesauris in Redemptore nostro vestigia â—â—rena 〈◊〉 non invenit so the devill having shewed the treasures of the world did not finde in our Redeemer any footsteps of terrene concupiscence c. 6. But it is most like that Rachel though much reformed and reclaimed from her fathers superstition by her husbands instruction yet was somewhat touched therewith still and therefore of a superstitious mind did take away her fathers idols and hereof it was that long after able Iacob reforming his house caused all the strange gods to be removed sic Chrysostom hom 47. in Genes Mercerus Calvin QUEST VIII Whether Rachel were any thing addicted to superstitious worship BUt some are of contrary opinion that Rachel was not aâ— all addicted to her fathers superstition whose reasons are these 1. Because Rachel did worship God and prayed unto him Genes 29.22 God remembred Rachel and heard her and if she had purposed to worship these idols she would not have used them so irreverently to have sate upon them c. Theodoret. qu. 89. in Genes Cont. Though Rachel were a worshipper of God yet she might have her imperfections and some reliqâ—â— of superstition might remaine Iacobs family professed the worship of God and yet there were found amongst theâ— strange Gods Genes 35. 4. Neither is Rachels gesture to bee much regarded in such a necessity rather her superstitious minde may therein appeare how she was addicted to those images seeing she sought excuses to keepe them still her manner of sitting was no signe of irreverence but it served for an excuse both to pacifie her fathers wrath which she feared and to with-hold those superstitious monuments still which she loved 2. Wherefore it is more like that Rachel was not free from all touch of superstition both because she had beene a long time trained up under a superstitious father and could not so easily forget her manner of education though much qualified with Iacobs instruction as also for that wee reade that a good while after such images and mammets were found in Iacobs house Gen. 35. which are like to have beene these which Rachel had stollen from her father sic Chrysostom ex pontiâ—i Cajetan Oleaster ex nostris Musculus Mercer Calvin QUEST IX How Iacob is said to have stollen away Labans heart Vers. 20. THâ—s Iacob stole away the heart of Laban c. 1. This word is not taken as 2 Sam. 15.6 where it is said that Absolon stole away the heart of the people from David the meaning cannot be so here for Labans heart was not toward Iacob 2. Neither because Rachel had stollen away his teraphim where Labans heart was for Iacob yet knew not that 3. Neither yet it is so said because the hope of Labans heart was gone Iacob being departed who was so profitable to him 4. But because Iacob gave no notice of his going he is said to steale away his heart that is to deceive and disappoint him and secretly convey himselfe away It is therefore rather to bee read to steale away from his heart for so the word ceth sometime signifieth as Gen. 44.4 when they went out of the city jutâ—â—â— ceth hagnor QUEST X. What river it was that Iacob passed Vers. 21. HE passed the river that is Euphrates 1. Sometime it is called the great river Iosu. 1.4 sometime the river without any addition Iosu. 24.3 and in this place 2. For three causes is the river called great and so much celebrated in Scripture 1. For that it was the greatest river beside Nilus that was knowne to the Jewes 2. For that it was one of the rivers of Paradise 3. Because it was the bounds of that large land of Canaan promised to Abrahams seed Genes â—5 18 Perer. 3. Iacob is said to passe the river as declining the ordinary way fearing left Laban might overtake him Mercer QUEST XI How the 7. dayes of Labans pursuit are to be accounted Vers. 23. HE followed after him 7. dayes journey 1. These 7. dayes must not bee accounted from Iacobs first setting forth as Rasi thinketh for Iacob being three dayes journey from Laban who was now gone to sheare his sheepe vers 19. which were removed 3. dayes journey from Iacobs flocke Genes 30.36 while the messenges went to tell Laban Iacob was gone â— dayes journey and so was in all six dayes journey before Laban by this reckoning Laban should overtake Iacob in one day from Carras to Gilead which was not possible Laban then overtooke Iacob the seventh day after that he himselfe set forward that is 13. dayes after Iacobs departure Musâ—ul â— Neither with 〈…〉 wee suppose that Laban returned to Carras 〈◊〉 City which was in the 〈◊〉 betweene the two â—â—ockes as hee thinketh to take his friends with him and so to pursue Iacob for the
was sensible and visible for they appeared in the habit of heavenly souldiers as the like apparition was shewed to the Prophets servant 1 King 6. Mercer 3. The Hebrewes note that Iacob knew these to be the same Angels which he saw in vision to ascend and descend upon the ladder 4. And whereas Iacob is not said to meet them but they to meet Iacob therein appeareth the dignity and preeminence of the Saints whom the Angels are ready to attend upon Mercer QUEST II. Whether two armies only of Angels appeared to Iacob Vers. 2. HE called the place Mahanaim which word is of the duall number and signifieth two armies 1. Not as though God made one army and the Angels another 2. Or as though Iacob had at the first taken one company to be against him the other with him as some Hebrewes for hee knew them at the first to be Gods Angels 3. Neither were these two companies of Angels the one that brought him out of Mesopotamia the other that now received him into the land of Canaan as Rasi for these companies of Angels did all meet Iacob and offered their protection 4. Nor yet hath Iacob relation in this name to his hoast and company that made one and the Angels hoast which was the other as Iunius for Iacob had no reason to name the place by his hoast 5. But the duall number is here taken for the plurall as the same word Mahanaim is used Cantic 6.12 so that Iacob saw not precisely two armies of Angels one before another behind but he was compassed round with them beside the forme of the dual number is often applied to proper names though no reason can be yeelded of it as Ephraim Misraim so may it bee here Mercer QUEST III. Of the message which Iacob sent to Esau. Vers. 3. IAcob sent messengers to Esau his brother 1. R. Carus thinketh that Iacob sent Angels of his message to Esau for the word malachim signifieth the Angels vers 1. and generally messengers but this is too curious for if Iacob had sent Angels hee would not have given them Commandement and instructions what to say as he doth 2. Esau was now removed from his father before Iacob came Gen. 36.6 and it may be he had thereof intelligence from his mother Calvin He being now growne rich and seeing his wives were an offence to his parents but most of all desiring his owne liberty might remove into the land of Seir Calvin The countrey being neere adjoyning to Beerseba where Isaack dwelt Mercer 3. He sendeth to Esau 1. Because hee must needs passe by his countrey 2. And nameth himselfe his servant not thereby renouncing his blessing but yeelding temporall subjection for a time as David did to Saul though he were even then the annointed King 3. He maketh mention of his sojourning with Laban not so much to excuse the matter that he had not all this while sought to be reconciled to his brother as R. Carus as to report unto his brother what the state and condition of his life had been who as yet might be ignorant of it Mercer 4. He also speaketh of his cattell and riches that Esau should not thinke that he sought unto him for any need but only to have his favour QUEST IV. Whether Esau came with 400. men as an enemy or a friend Vers. 6. THe messengers came againe to Iacob 1. Some thinke the messengers spake not at all to Esau because they were afraid meeting him with foure hundred men but it is not like that Esau had notice of Iacobs comming but first from him by his Messengers 2. Neither did Esau come thus accompanied to make ostentation only of his power Musculus 3. Or to give his brother more honourable entertainment Calvin Mercer For he needed not then to have brought so many with him and he would have sent him some kind message before 4. Wherefore it is more like that Esau prepared himselfe to be revenged of Iacob as may appeare by Iacobs great feare which was not without cause and hereby also the power of God is more set forth that could in the very way change the purpose and counsell of Esau. QUEST V. Of the divers takings of this word in Scripture Vers. 10. WIth my staffe came I over the phrase is in my staffe this preposition in is diversly taken in Scripture 1. In is taken for with as Luk. 1.75 to serve him in holinesse that is with holinesse and so it is taken here 2. In for by Psal. 63.11 all that sweare in that is by him shall rejoyce 3. In for through noting power and helpe Act. 7.28 in him that is by him we live and move and have our being 4. In for to Psal. 136.8 hee made the sunne in potestatem for or to rule the day 5. In for because Hos. 5.5 they shall fall in their iniquity that is because of their iniquity 6. In for against Psal. 44.5 by thy name have we troden downe those that rose in nos against us 7. In for in stead Psal. 31.2 be unto mee in domum refugâ—i for or in stead of an house of defence 8. In for among Iohn 1.16 the word was made flesh and dwelt in nobis among us 9. In for with 1 Peter 5.2 feed the flocke qui in vobis which is in you that is with you committed to your care 10. In for of Habbac 2.14 woe to him that buildeth a towne in that is of bloud 11. In for before or at in the name of Iesus shall every knee bow that is at or before the name of Jesus Philip 2.12 in for under Psal. 91.1 he that dwelleth in the secret c. that is under ex Perer. QUEST VI. The cause of Iacobs feare Vers. 11. I Feâ—re him lest he will come and smite me c. Seeing that Iacob had the Lords promise for his safety Genes 31.3 Returne into the land of thy fathers and I will be with thee how commeth it to passe that Iacob is so greatly afraid for answer whereunto I neither thinke with Augustine qu. 102. in Genes that Iacob feared not his owne deliverance but that it should not bee without great slaughter for even Iacob feareth concerning himselfe lest hee will come and smite me 2. Neither as Lyranus was Iacob thus afraid because hee was to goe thorow his brothers countrey where hee and his might bee easily surprised Pererius thinketh that Edom was not in Iacobs way being entred into the land of Canaan already but to goe unto Beerseba or Hebron where Isaack dwelt which was in the south part of Canaan the way was by Idumea which lay south to Canaan Mercer But this was not onely Iacobs feare for Esau comming with 400. men even out of his owne territory had beene able to have spoyled Iacob and his company 3. Nor yet did Iacob doubt of Gods promise lest by reason of some sinnes which he might have committed in idolatrous Labans house it should be suspended as
their father together Gen. 35.29 3. But whereas some inferre hereupon that Esau being thus ready to be reconciled to Iacob did follow his fathers precepts and doctrine and therefore doubt not but that he was saved it cannot be hence concluded certaine it is that Esau posterity did wholly fall away from the worship of God Mercer QUEST IV. Why Ioseph is named before Rachel Vers. 7. AFter Ioseph and Rachel drew neare c. 1. Ioseph is not put before Rachel that he might keepe her from Esau his rage and violence left hee might desire her being a beautifull woman as R. Salomon for Ioseph was but six yeare old and therefore not able to preserve his mother from any such attempts 2. Some thinke because Ioseph was Rachels onely sonne and dearely beloved of her he is named first Mercer 13. But it is more like that Ioseph being the youngest of all the rest went before his mother as mothers use to put their little ones first and so he is named according to his place Iun. QUEST V. Why Esau refused Iacobs present Vers. 8. WHat meanest thou by all this drove c. 1. The Hebrewes note that Esau his questions are short Iacobs answers large because it is the manner of proud stately men to speake briefly and hardly to bring forth halfe their words and beside Iacob often in his speech maketh mention of God so doth not Esau. 2. Esau asketh not whose droves these were as ignorant thereof but because he would in Iacobs presence take occasion to refuse the present 〈◊〉 2. It seemeth that Esau had not accepted of the present by the way which Iacob had sent before noâ— as Ramban thinketh as though the messengers were afraid of Esaus company and so fled away neither did Esau refuse it of hatred to his brother for Iacobs prayer was heard and it began presently to take effect neither yet doth Esau in refusing the present yeeld therein the birth-right to Iacob but he deserteth the receit thereof till he came to Iacob that he might shew his brotherly affection frankly and freely not purchased before or procured by any gift or present Iun. QUEST VI. How Iacob saith he had seene the face of Esau at the face of God Vers. 10. I Have seene thy face as if I had seene the face of God 1. Iacob flattereth not as some thinke to insinuate himselfe to his brother sic Tostat. but he speaketh from his heart 2. Neither as the Hebrewes doth Iacob to terrifie his brother make mention of that vision wherein he saw the Angell face to face 3. Not yet doth he meane as the Chalde readeth that he had seene the face as of some great or excellent man 4. Not as Augustine conjâ—ctureth by the name of God here doth hee understand such as the gods of the Gentiles were Sic non prajudicatur honori Dei And so these words doe not prejudice the honour of the true God in that he resembleth Esaus face to the face of God quaest 105. in Genes for Iacob was farre off from assuming into his mouth the name of the heathen gods 5. But in the effect Iacob saith thus much that he acknowledged this to be Gods worke that Esau was thus reconciled toward him and the friendly countenance of his brother hee taketh as an argument of the favour of God toward him Mercer Calvin Iun. QUEST VII By what reason Iacob perswaded Esau to accept of his present Vers. 11. TAke my blessing Iacob useth divers reasons to perswade Esau to take his present 1. Take it of my hand that is who am thy brother Marlor 2. He calleth it a blessing not in the passive sense as where with God had blessed him but in the active they used to blesse in the offering of their gifts this therefore should be a signe of perfect reconciliation that thereby they should take occasion one to blesse another Mercer 3. It is brought theâ— that is I have sorted it out and appointed it for thee let me not lose my labour 4. I have enough God hath blessed me it shall be no hinderance unto mee if thou accept of my present Vatab. QUEST VIII Whether Iacob lied in saying he would goe to mount Seir to his brother Vers. 14. TIll I come to my Lord into Seir. 1. Some thinke that Iacob did goe to Seir to his brother though it be not mentioned in the story but it appeareth by Iacobs excuse that if he feared to accompany his brother in the way he had greater cause to feare his brother at home in his owne Countrey 2. Some thinke that this was officio sâ—m mendacium an officious lie Tostat. and that Iacob promised one thing and purposed another Calvin But where the Patriarks acts may otherwise be defended we should not easily yeeld them to be infirmities 3. The Hebrewes make a mystery here as where Iacob saith Let my Lord goe before and I will follow they apply it to Esaus posterity who had the government of Kings 600. yeares before Israel had any King and in that Iacob promiseth to goe up to Seir they referre the accomplishment thereof till the comming of Messiah according to the prophesie of Obadiah vers 21. The Saviours shall come vp to mount Sion to judge the mount of Esau. But it is evident that Iacob here hath no such mysticall meaning speaking of his owne comming in his owne person 4. Wherefore it is rather like that Iacob did thinke to goe to Seir and so purposed but yet conditionally if God would or if he should see nothing to the contrary Iun. As all such promises are hypotheticall and conditionall and that upon better reasons he afterward changed his minde or was otherwise directed by the Lord Lyranus As Saint Paul purposed to goe into Spaine but it is like that he was otherwise letted and came not thithither QUEST IX Whether Saint Paul according to his purpose were ever in Spaine ANd here by the way though it be the opinion of divers ancient writers as of Cyrillus Athanasius Chrysostome Hierome to whom subscribe Tostatus Pererius that Saint Paul according to his determination was in Spaine yet it is more probable that being otherwise hindered hee arrived not there at all 1. Because he purposed to passe by Rome into Spaine Rom. 15.28 and to be brought on his way thitherward by the disciples of Rome vers 24. But when Saint Paul came to Rome he remained as a prisoner in his house having a souldier appointed to keepe him and so continued two yeares Act. 28.16 30. therefore it is not like that he was at liberty then to hold his purpose 2. Saint Paul being at Rome if he were thence delivered which is uncertaine did visit the East Churches presently Heb. 13.19 that I may be restored to you more quickly and purposed to continue and remaine with them Philip. 1.25 This I am sure that I shall abide and with you all continue If he quickly and speedily returned to the East Churches and
Rubens counsell for the delivering of Ioseph Vers. 21. BVt Ruben when he heard it c. 1. Ruben is said to have delivered Ioseph because by his counsell he hindered the purpose of his brethren that would have killed him Iun. 2. Iosephus setteth downe divers reasons which Ruben should use to disswade his brethren from this bloudy enterprise 1. In respect of God from whom nothing could be hid 2. In regard of their father whose great griefe and soâ—row by this meanes should be procured 3. And concerning Ioseph that they should consider he was but a child and therefore to be pittied he was their brother and therefore to be spared 4. And for themselves to remember what a great sin they should commit in shedding innocent bloud and that only envy toward their brother was the beginning of this mischiefe intended ex Perer. 3. It is like that Ruben might use other perswasions but Moses only expresseth that principall reason that they should not shed bloud whereof the Lord gave an expresse law to Noah after the floud Mercer 4. Herein appeareth the hypocrisie of the rest that thought they were free from bloud if they did not shed it with their owne hand though they otherwise caused Iosephs death as by starving or pining him in a pit which was far worse than if they had presently killed him and hereupon Ramban untruly noteth that he sinneth not so grievously which procureth anothers death as hee which with his owne hands sheddeth his bloud 5. Ruben in giving this advice to let downe Ioseph into a pit had no purpose that there he should die but as the text is to deliver him to his father by this meanes he might thinke to be reconciled to his father whom he had before offended by his incest Calvin The Hebrewes thinke that for this compassion of Ruben he deserved afterward to have a Prophet of his tribe namely Hosea and to have one of the cities of refuge in his lot and division Mercer QUEST XIX Of Iosephs party-coloured coat which his brethren spoyled him of Vers. 23. THey stript Ioseph out of his coat c. 1. They neither left him naked as Aben Ezra thinketh 2. Neither did they take away from him two coats as Lyranus 3. Neither is it certaine whether our Saviour Christs coat were like unto Iosephs 4. They tooke from him this party-coloured coat which was his upper garment not so much for desire they had to the garment but because it was a token of his fathers love Mercer As also with an intent to shew it to their father thereby to colour and conceale their fact vers 32. Iun. QUEST XX. Of Iosephs letting downe into the pit Vers. 24. THey cast him into a pit c. 1. It seemeth it was an old broken pit for there was no water in it such as Ieremie speaketh of alluding to the fashion of that country they have digged them pits broken pits that can hold no water Ier. 2.13 2. It is not like as R. Salomon conjectureth that this pit was full of serpents and scorpions for then as Ramban noteth they must needs haue acknowledged a miracle in the preservation of Ioseph among serpents as of Daniel among the lions 3. It may be though no water were in the pit yet it was full of mire such as Ieremie was let downe into Ierem. 38. Perer. QUEST XXI Of the spices and balme which the Ismaelites carried Vers. 25. LAden with spicery balme and mirrhe 1. The word necheth is the same which the Arabians call Nuketa that is spices sweet druggs yet elsewhere it is taken generally for precious things as 2 King 20.13 Hezekiah shewed to the king of Babilons servants his house Nechothe of precious things Oleaster Iun. though Mercerus interpret it Domum aromatum House of spices 2. The word tseri is not wax or rosin as Oleaster although the Latine word cera and rasina and the Greek word rheténe the letters somewhat transposed come somewhat neare the sound of the Hebrew word but it is better interpreted balme as Iun. whereof there is great store in Gilead Ierem. 8.22 rosin was neither so rich a merchandise to be transported so farre nor so precious for curing of diseases as the Prophet there noteth 3. The last kinde of merchandise is called Lot which cannot signifie the Chessenut as derived from the root Lut which signifieth to wrap in or cover as Oleaster for this had beene no such precious merchandise to carry so farre and Exod. 30. it is reckoned among the sweet spices whereof the perfume there prescribed was made but it is better translated ladanum Iun. which commeth somewhat neare the Hebrew word the Chalde and Septuagint reade stacte which is the same that ladanum the gumme of the myrrhe or Cypres tree QUEST XXII Why the Ismaelites are also called Midianites Vers. 28. SOld Ioseph to the Ismaelites Which are also called Midianites vers 28. and Medanites vers 36. which were three divers people the first of Ismael Abrahams sonne by Agar the second of Midian by Keturah the third of Medan Abrahams sonne by Keturah also these three are indifferently taken for the same people in this place 1. Not for that they were distinct Nations but grew to be one people as Augustine 2. Or because they all came of Abraham and had the same father Thom. Anglic. 3. Or because Agar and Keturah are supposed to be the same Histor. Scholast which is an untrue surmise 4. Neither are we to imagine with some that Ioseph was thrice sold first to the Ismaelites then to the Midianites and lastly to Potiphar as Rasi for vers 28. at the same instant Ioseph was sold both to the Ismaelites and Madianites 5. Wherefore these merchants are named as well Midianites as Ismaelites both because they did traffike together and the company consisted of both sorts Mercer as also because the Ismaelites and Midianites dwelt in one Countrey of Arabia together and therefore Oukelos readeth vers 25. for Ismaelites Arabians and for this cause the Kings of Midian are called Ismaelites Iud. 8.24 26. because of their cohabitation together Iun. QUEST XXIII Of the price which Ioseph was sold for FOr twenty peeces of silver c. These were twenty sicles of silver which are in value 23. s. 4. d. starling for every common sicle weigheth two drachmaes that is â— 4. d. starling the fourth part of an ounce so that foure sicles make a doller Iun. 1. Wherefore it was neither so small a summe as Bahai ghesseth who would have these to be twenty denarii which make but five sicles 2. Nor so much as Iosephus reckoneth who would have Ioseph sold for 20. minâ—â— pounds every mina or pound weighing 100. drachmaes that is 58. s. 4. d. starling 3. The Septuagint also are deceived that for peeces of silver reade peeces of gold 4. Neither was Ioseph sold for 30. silverlings as some translations did reade in Augustines time because they would make the type body
whereas Pererius allegeth that place Psal. 16.10 Thou wilt not leave my soule in hell to shew that sheol is taken for hell it shall not be amisse by the way to examine the sense of this place whereof there are three expositions First some by soule nephesh understand the dead body as it is taken Levit. 21.1 Let none be defiled among the dead the word is nephesh soule Genebrard a popish writer thus confuteth this opinion denying that nephesh is in this place taken for the body but by a metonymie it signifieth the exequies and funerall duties performed to the soule of the dead Contra. Though we also approve not the former exposition of nephesh in this place and that reverend man that so translated Act. 2. hath himselfe in that point altered his translation in his last edition of his annotations upon the new testament yet Genebrard had no reason to deny the word to bee so taken Levit. 21.1 for 1. beside that the Israelites had no such custome to use any suffrages or exequies for the soules of the dead and therefore nephesh can signifie no such thing 2. The defiling was by touching the dead Levit. 22.4 or by going to the dead Levit. 21.11 but the soules of the dead cannot be touched neither could the suffrages for the soules but the presence of the bodies pollute them 3. The Levites are forbidden to defile themselves with the dead saving their fathers and mothers and other of their neare kindred Levit. 22.2 But it is not like that they should have beene forbidden to pray or offer suffrages for any but their owne kindred yea the high Priest is forbidden to defile himselfe for his father and mother vers 10. Let them say also that he was forbidden to pray for the soule of his father and mother if any such thing had beene in use then therefore Genebrards exposition is vaine and without any good ground Secondly Pererius and other of that sort doe take hell here for that locall place and region of soules where they imagine the fathers to have remained before the comming of Christ and Pererius best reason is because the Prophet maketh a manifest distinction betweene the soule and body of Christ and hell and the grave saying Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell nor suffer thy holy one to see corruption Perer. in cap. 13. numer 100. Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of divers parts but an explanation of the same thing in divers words according to the use of Scripture so that what is first said somewhat darkly Thou wilt not leave my soule in grave is afterward more plainly declared that is Thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption 2. That such locall place of hell cannot be here understood may appeare by these reasons out of the text it selfe 1. That place where Christs soule was not left and it was impossible he should be holden of it God loosed the sorrowes of Act. 2.24 but God loosed not for Christ the sorrowes of hell which he felt not after his passion Ergo Christs soule was not left in hell 2. The not leaving of Christs soule in hell was the cause why his flesh did rest in hope vers 26 27. the not leaving of his soule in the locall place of hell caused not his flesh to rest in hope but the not leaving of it in the grave and the not seeing of corruption for their soules which are left in hell shall also returne to their bodies and bee raised together with them Ergo. 3. That hell where Christs soule is not left is the place where corruption is to be seene for so one clause of the sentence is expounded by the other but in hell there is no corruption Ergo. 4. David when he said Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell spake of Christs resurrection Act. 2.31 but the not leaving of Christs soule in the infernall hell concerneth not the resurrection of Christs body Ergo David meaneth not that hell The third exposition therefore is which I preferre before the rest that Christs soule that is his life or person should not be left in the grave and so this place of the Psalme may bee expounded by the like Psal. 89.48 What man liveth and shall not see death shall hee deliver his soule from the hand of hell or the grave here the Psalmist himselfe expoundeth hell to be death where the soule that is the life lieth as it were hid and buried as Psal. 88.3 My life draweth neare to the grave sic Paul Fag annotat in Chaldaic paraphras in Pentateuch 8. Confut. Iacob goeth mourning to the grave not to hell BUt whereas Pererius yet further in this place concerning Iacobs descending c would have hell and not the grave understood for all goe not downe to the grave and Iacob did thinke that Ioseph was not in the grave being supposed to be torne of wilde beasts the contrary shall now appeare 1. This is a friuolous objection for the grave is not onely a pit or a hole made for the dead but any place where the body falleth to dust and corruption as Iob describeth it chap. 17. vers 13. The grave shall be my house vers 14. I shall say to corruption thou art my father vers 16. They shall lie together in the dust thereof even Ioseph also though he had beene torne of wilde beasts and rotted upon the earth should have had his grave 2. In saying all goe not to the grave he manifestly contradicteth the Scripture as is before alleaged What man shall deliver his soule from the hand of the grave Psal. 89.48 3. Hell in the old Testament is not taken otherwise than for a place of torment and punishment but neither Iacob not Ioseph went to any such place 4. This hell Iacob went unto with his gray head or haires Gen. 42.38 but the grave not hell is the place for gray haires 5. Lastly that sheol here signifieth the grave it is the opinion of Ab. Ezra whom Eugubinus Cajetanus Oleaster Vatablus follow and among the Protestants Fagius Mercer with others 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. That parents be not partiall in their loves toward their children Vers. 4. IOsephs brethren hated him because they saw that their father loved him Ambrose noteth this to have beene an over-sight in Iacob for preferring one of the brethren before the rest who if he in Ioseph loved and preferred his vertue should rather have concealed his affection for as hee well saith it is no marvell if brethren fall out for houses and land when Iosephs brethren hated him for a coat Ambr. lib. 2. de Ioseph Wherefore parents may learne how inconvenient a thing it is to bee partiall toward their children and by immoderate love toward some to exasperate and provoke the rest which the Apostle giveth warning of Fathers provoke not your children to wrath Eph. 6.4 2. Observ. A pitifull man will first offer himselfe to them that are in misery
Covagnan sometime be used appellatively for a merchant Prov. 31.24 But he was a Canaanite as we reade the like of Simeon that he had his sonne Saul by a Canaanitish woman Gen. 46.10 Mercer 3. No marvell then if Iudah matching into the cursed stocke of Canaan whose land was promised to Abraham and his seed which Iudah could not be ignorant of had no good successe in his children the fruits of this marriage who also were accursed of God Calvin 4. Iudah saw this woman he tooke her and went in to her all was done in haste so that his affection carried him headlong his judgement did not guide him Muscul. QUEST V. Er and Onan whence and upon what occasion so called Vers. 6. IVdah tooke a wife to Er his first-borne 1. Though Iudah tooke him a wife without the consent of his father yet he will not have his sonne so to doe Muscul. 2. Whence he is called Er it is not certaine some will have it to signifie watchfull Augustine doth interpret it pelliceus to have his name of skinne or leather such as Adam was cloathed with in token of his transgression lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 84. Isaack Carus will have all these three sonnes to be named from Iosephs calamity Er because Ioseph was in a manner desolate or destroyed of gnariri Onan of the griefe of their father Shelah of the errour which Iudah committed in selling of Ioseph Ramban thinketh Onan to be so called of the paine of his mother in travell as Rachel called Benjamin Ben-oni and Shelah of his mothers errour in ceasiâ—g to beare afterward But if it bee lawfull to use conjectures I thinke upon what occasion soever they had these names given at the first that the event answered their names for Er was solitary without children Onan had a lamentable end and about Shelah Iudah committed a great errour with Thamar 3. Iudah gave Er his name the mother named the other two not that as the Hebrewes note the father did alwayes name the first-borne the mother the rest for as we saw before in Iacobs sonnes sometime the father sometime the mother indifferently gave the name but not without the consent of the father Mercer 4. Concerning Thamar some Hebrewes would have her the daughter of Seâ— the high Priest Melchisedeck because Iudah judgeth her to be burned according to the law of the Priests daughter committing fornication Levit. 21.8 but seeing Sem died ten yeare before Iacob he lived not to the 50. yeare of Iacobs as Mercerus it cannot be that Thamar a childe-bearing woman should bee his daughter Iacob being at the least an hundred yeare old It is like she was a Canaanitish woman Luther and a vertuous woman that did leave and forsake the idolatry of her Countrey to worship the true God Perer. ex Philone QUEST VI. Of the sinne of Er what it was Vers. 7. NOw Er was wicked in the sight of the Lord. 1. The wickednesse of Er was not as Augustine supposeth in being given to oppression or cruelty lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 34. but it is like to be the same sinne of unnaturall lust which Onan committed as may be gathered both by the likenesse of the punishment as by the phrase that he was wicked in the sight of God as it is said of the Sodomites Gen. 13.13 his sinne was not secret as Tostatus but it was a sinne very hainous and grievous against the order of nature and institution of God for he abused himselfe and spoiled his seed not because he would not have any issue by a Canaanitish woman as Mercer for then he needed not to have maried her but rather as the Hebrewes conjecture that hee might long enjoy the beauty and favour of Thamar which would be impaired by bearing of children or some such like cause 2. So then this sinne was against nature which is diversly commited either alone when men doe vitiously procure and provoke their seed or with others either of a divers kinde as with bruit beasts or with the same kinde but not the right sex as with the male or with the right sex that is the female but not in due manner which was the sinne of Er and Onan 3. This sinne of Er was against the order of nature using the act of generation for pleasure onely and not for generation it was against God whose institution he brake against his wife whom he defrauded of the fruit of her wombe against himselfe in preventing his issue against mankinde which should have beene increased and propagated Perer. 4. Yet Onans sinne was not lesse than Ers as Augustine thinketh who maketh Er of that sort of wicked men that doe evill to others Onan of that kinde that doe no good to others but herein Onan exceedeth the wickednesse of Er both because he was not warned by his brothers example as Daniel reproveth Belthasar because his heart was not humbled by the fall of Nebuchadnezer his father Dan. 5.22 As also for that Onan committed this sinne of envie against his brother to whom hee should have raised seed whereas Er did it not of envie but of an immoderate desire of pleasure Perer. QUEST VII Whether in any case it were lawfull by Moses law for one to marry his brothers wife Vers. 8. IVdah said c. goe in to thy brothers wife Here a question is moved whether it were lawfull by Moses law for the brother to marry his brothers widow to raise up seed to his brother 1. Philo thinketh that it was not onely lawfull among the Israelites but that it was the custome so to doe among the Canaanites and that the Judges of the Countrey did give Thamar to Onan after the death of his brother Er but the contrary is evident out of the text for Iudah and not the Judges of the Countrey gave Thamâ—r to Onan And I thinke rather that it was a custome received among the fathers and afterward confirmed by Moses law than any usage learned of the Canaanites whose fashions they were not to imitate 2. Neither doe I thinke with the Hebrewes that Iudah was the first that brought in this kinde of marriage though hee be first mentioned but that he had received that custome from other of the fathers 3. Wherefore it seemeth that Moses gave liberty to the next brother to take the wife of his brother that departed without issue and not to the next removed kinsman onely that was without the compasse of the Leviticall degrees and so some expound that law Deut. 25.5 sic Genevens upon that place D. Fulk in 6. Mark annot 2. But the other sense approved by Mercerus Calvin Iunius which understand it of the naturall brother seemeth more probable for these reasons 1. Because the first president of such marriages is taken from this place where one naturall brother succeedeth another in taking his wife 2. The word used in the law Deut. 25.5 jabam signifieth not to doe the office of a kinsman but
of a brother for the word is used first in this place where it so signifieth from hence then the originall sense of the word must be taken 3. The words of the law are If brethren dwell together now naturall brethren and such as are properly so called are more like to dwell together than kinsmen removed who in a large sense are so called brethren 4. This law is so interpreted in the Gospell where it appeareth by the Sadduces question of seven brethren that successively tooke the one the others wife Matth. 22. that it was so practised 5. It is the opinion of Philo and the Hebrewes as we heard before who are best acquainted with their owne lawes that naturall brethren used so to doe 4. Now the objections on the contrary part are easily answered 1. It is objected that Levit. 18.16 the brother is forbidden to marry his brothers wife Answ. This is a particular exception from that generall law that unlesse in this case onely to raise seed to the brother it was utterly unlawfull to take the brothers widow which was not to uncover her shame but rather to take away her shame in that shee remained childlesse by his brother and it was honourable to the dead in reviving his memory So wee see in other cases that the Lord made some particular exception from his generall lawes As the making of the Cherubims over the Arke was an instance against the second commandement the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians against the eighth commandement Phinehes killing of the adulterer and adulteresse against the sixth commandement 2. Ob. The practice of this law as appeareth Ruth 4. where Boaz not a brother but a kinsman taketh the wife of the dead sheweth the meaning thereof Answ. We deny not but where there was no brother nearer there the next kinsman further off did the duty of the brother and so was it practised upon Ruth 3. Ob. Iohn Baptist simply reproveth Herod because he tooke his brothers wife It is not lawfull for thee saith Iohn to have thy brothers wife Mark 6.18 Answ. It is certaine that Herods brother had issue by his wife Herodias whose daughter danced before Herod and therefore in this case it was not lawfull so that Herod tooke not Herodias for any such purpose to raise seed to his brother but of an immoderate lust 4. Ob. Why then should it not be lawfull still in this case to marry the brothers wife dying without issue Answ. This law of Moses was partly ceremoniall and typicall in preserving the right of the first-borne whereby was prefigured the spirituall birth-right in the Messiah which never should have end partly politicall in maintaining the distinction of families in their tribes whereof the ceremonie is now abolished which onely concerned that people Iun. in Deut. 25. vers 5. QUEST VIII Whether Thamar or Iudahs sinne was greater COncerning this act of incontinencie which Iudah committed with Thamar 1. We refuse the opinion of Rab. Simeon who altogether exempteth Thamar from any fault because she onely desired issue for the hope of the Messiah to be borne of Iudah for this mystery was not as yet revealed Perer. 2. It is certaine that Iudahs sinne was greater than Thamars both in that he brake promise with her concerning Selah as also in that he companied with her not for any issue but carnall lust though he were afterward preferred before his brethren this no more excuseth his fault than if Davids adultery joyned with murther should bee defended because hee was preferred before his brethren of whose seed the Messiah should come 3. Thamars sinne was lesse than Iudahs yet a sinne as Augustine noteth Non eam justificatam sed magis quam se justificatam dicens Iudah saith She was not righteous but more righteous than he lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 62. Yet her fault is extenuated by these circumstances as Ambrose noteth Non alienum praeripuit thorum She did not usurpe upon anothers bed she stayed till Iudah was a widower she did it not of an inordinate lust Sed successionis gratia concupivit She onely desired to have issue Et ex ea familia quam delegerat And by that family which she had chosen and further after she knew her selfe to be conceived with childe she put on her widowes garments againe and so continued 4. Yet Thamars sin in some respect was greater than Iudahs because she wittingly committed incest with her father in law but Iudah ignorantly Luther Notwithstanding all circumstances considered Iudahs fault was the greater and so he doth justifie her in respect of himselfe 5. But whereas Ambrose further noteth that shee stayed till Selah to whom she was espoused was dead therein is an errour for vers 14. it is given as a reason why Thamar attempted this thing because Selah was now growne and of age and she yet not given unto him he was then at this time alive Beside Selah is numbred among those sons of Iudah that went downe with Iacob into Egypt and onely Er and Onan of Iacobs sonnes are said to have died in the land of Canaan Gen. 46.12 ex Perer. QUEST IX How it came to passe that Iudah discerned not Thamar by her voice Vers. 15. HE judged her to be an whore for she had covered her face c. 1. Not as some reade she had coloured or painted her face whom Aben Ezra doth not without cause reprove 2. Neither is this a reason why Iudah did thinke she was an harlot because she was vailed as Iunius Calvin for harlots use not to be so modest but it is given as a reason why Iudah did not know her Mercer 3. And whereas it may seeme strange that Iudah did not know her by her voice the reason is that being wholly given over to lust and intending no other thing he greatly regarded not the sight of his eyes or hearing of his eares Luther As also it was a just judgement of God upon him to strike him with such a stupidity as not to discerne her Mercer Geneven QUEST X. Whether Iudâ—h were a Iudge Vers. 24. BRing her forth and let her be burnt c. 1. Iudah giveth not sentence against Thamar either as being appointed a Prince and Judge among the Canaanites as Tostatus Cajetanus for it is not like they would suffer a stranger to be a Judge and ruler among them as the Sodomites answer Lot Gen. 19.9 neither as chiefe in the familie had he power of life and death over those of his charge as some thinke for neither doe we reade that any father of families did execute any such justice in their families and Iacob was the chiefe father of these families and therefore it is most like that Iudah giveth advice that Thamar should be brought forth to the place of justice and proceeded against according to the custome and law of that Country Mercer Iun. 2. But whereas she is adjudged to the fire this was not because she was Melchisedecks daughter the Lords
Numb 2. and the other of Core his rebellious assemblies Numb 16. who was of Levi but it is more properly referred to the time past concerning the cruell exploit of Simeon and Levi Perer. QUEST VIII Whether Simeon and Levi digged downe a wall killed or haughed the oxen Vers. 6. IN their selfe-will they digged downe a wall 1. Some read they haughed a bull Septuag or carried away their oxen Iun. They which follow this reading some referre it to Sichem who was the principall man whom they slue some understand it of Ioseph who is compared to a bullocke Deut. 33.17 the same word shor is there used Tharg Hieros because Simeon and Lâ—vi are held to bee ring-leaders in that conspiracie against Ioseph for they were of the elder sort not the younger brethren that would have had Ioseph killed now Ruben and Iudah the first and the fourth sonnes consented not to kill him therefore it is most like that Simeon and Levi were the authors for which cause some thinke that Ioseph afterward caused Simeon to be bound in Egypt but this exposition agreeth not with the former clause in their wrath they slue a man for Ioseph was not killed Iunius seemeth to understand it of the spoile of the Citie and carrying away of their cattell but that seemeth to have beene the act rather of Iacobs sonnes than of Simeon and Levi Gen. 34.28 2. Mercer Musculus Calvin thinke this to bee the better reading they digged thorow a wall Of which reading these reasons may bee given 1. Because this was a more peculiar and proper act of their rage than to carrie away their oxen that proceeded of a covetous rather than irefull minde 2. Though this be not directly expressed yet these words insinuate as much they went into the citie boldly Gen. 34.25 that is breaking into the citie violently and over throwing the wals before them Perer. 3. Though shor the word here used signifie an oxe shur a wall yet schurech may bee put for châ—lem as the Chalde Interpreter readeth shur 4. The word ghacar to root or pull up properly understood of plants Eccles. 3.2 is more fitly by a metaphor applyed to the rooting up of cities Zâ—phan 2.4 than unto cattell and living things 3. But these reasons notwithstanding I rather preferre the reading of the Septuagint they houghed an oxe or bull for shor the word here used signifieth an oxe c. 32.5 Deut. 33.17 the word shur is a wall neither needed they to have undermined the wals the citie being secure and the gates open unto them the word ghakar is gnakar signifieth to hough or cut sinewes as Iosh. 11.6 Ioshua is bidden of the Lord to hough the Canaanites horse it seemeth in their furie that they abused the dumb beasts as Balaam in his rage threatned if he had had a sword to have killed his Asse Numb 12.29 now in that this is not mentioned before in the storie it need not see me strange in all matters and circumstances of fact the Scripture useth not to expresse as that of Iacobs concerning the Amorites with the sword bow c. 48.22 QUEST IX How Simeon and Levi were divided in Israel Vers. 7. I Will divide them in Iacob 1. Iacob appointeth a punishment answerable to the offence for as before they conspired together to doe mischiefe so now they shall be separated and divided Iun. 2. Which accordingly came to passe for Simeon had no possession or inheritance by himselfe but intermingled with Iudah Ios. 19. and were constrained afterward by force of armes to inlarge their bounds 1 Chron. 4.41 Iun. Some thinke that the poore Scribes which were dispersed in Israel came of Simeon Thaâ—g Hieros But certaine it is that it was a base and contemptible tribe in respect of the rest for which cause Moses omitteth it in his blessing Deut. 33. Mercer rather than for that Simeon was cruell against the Sichemites for then Levi should have beene omitted also or because Simeon was the chiefe in the conspiracie against Ioseph or because Iudas Iscariot came of Simeon for both these are uncertaine or for that Zimri of Simeon lately had committed such an uncleane act as Perer. 3. Levi also was divided in Israel they had no certaine inheritance but only certaine cities allotted unto them among the rest of the tribes to the number of 48. Ios. 21. they also went wandring up and downe the tribes to gather the tithes of their maintenance Mercer 4. Yet God who could bring light out of darknesse turned this which at the first was ordained for a punishment to a blessing for the calling of the Levites was honourable to themselves and everie one was glad to entertaine them it was also profitable to others for their instruction Calvin 5. This prophecie against Simeon and Levi is not unfitly by Ambrose Ruffin Rupert applyed against the Scribes Priests that put Christ to death for by this means the wals of Ierusalem were digged down overthrown the Jewes are dispersed in the world to this day Perer. QUEST X. Of the preeminence of Iudah Vers. 8. THy brethren shall praise thee c. 1. Though Iudah also was faultie concerning Thamar yet Iacob passeth over his offences and of the rest of his sons touching onely the most notorious sinnes among the rest as of Ruben Simeon Levi Muscul. 2. In saying Thy brethren shall praise thee he alludeth to the name of Iudah so called by Leah of judah to praise because shee had occasion thereby to praise the Lord and now his brethren shall magnifie and praise him Iun. The Chalde readeth Thou hast confessed and wast not ashamed which some understand of Iudah his delivering of Ioseph or of his acquiting of Thamar but the other reading is more proper 3. Iacob prophesieth foure things of Iudah 1. His principalitie over his brethren vers 8. 2. His victorie over his enemies vers 9. 3. The stabilitie and continuance of his kingdome under the Messiah vers 10. 4. His outward plentie and prosperitie vers 11. 4. Thy fathers sonnes shall bow downe c. Though Ioseph for the time present had the temporall honour yet the perpetuall preeminence is given to Iudah so that hence it appeareth why the Lord was angrie with the people for desiring a King because the time was not yet come when God purposed to exalt Iudah and for the same cause the Kingdome of Saul of Benjamin not of Iudah prospered not Calvin 5. This authoritie of Iudah over his brethren tooke beginning Iudg. 1. when the tribe of Iudah was appointed to be as the Captaine to the rest after Iosua his departure but it was more fully accomplished in David and Salomon and most of all in Christ of David of whose kingdome shall be none end Iun. 6. Although the ten tribes did revolt from Iudah yet the right of the kingdome remained with Iudah still which continued notwithstanding it was often by Israel impugned when the other was dissolved Calvin QUEST XI Of the explication of the
by Iudah that particular tribe and not the whole nation of the Iewes it should seeme that Iudah also in this place should be taken in the same sense 2. These words also of Iacobs prophecie untill Shiloh come may bee understood of that time when the certaine terme and number of years should be revealed of Shilohs comming which was shewed unto Daniel in the first yeare of King Darius Daniel 9.1 To whom Cyrus permitted the regiment of Babylon who reâ—gned together with him from which time there are reckoned 70. weekes that is 490. yeares which weekes begin in the first yeare of Cyrus when the Edict went forth for the returne of the Iewes and end in the passion of Christ at this time c. At this time Zerubbabel prince of Iudah was captaine of the people Ezra 2 2. and unto this time after the scepter was given to Iudah in David it was not removed but onely during the captivitie of Iudah when it is like also that the heads of Iudah bare the greatest sway over their brethren I leave this interpretation to the judgment of the learned neither doe I much insist upon it seeing the prophecie of Iacob rather aymeth at the historicall comming of the Messiah than the prediction of his comming 3. Some doe take the word shebet here not for a Scepter but for the tribe as Iunius and Oleaster translate the tribe shall not depart from Iudah this opinion may seeme probable for these reasons 1. the word is so taken in this chapter for a tribe vers 28. these are the tribes shibteâ—â— and it is very rare or not at all used in Moses for the scepter 2. Thus this prophecie was evidently fulfilled for till our Saviour Christs time the line of Iudah especially from David was exactly kept as may appeare by the genealogie set downe by S. Matthew and S. Luke but after Shiloh was come the policie and government of the Iewes was within one generation dissolved and the line and stocke of Iudah not regarded but shuffled and confounded with the rest neither can the Iewes tel at this day of what tribe they are descended I therefore herein approve of Calvins judgement who understandeth this prophecie of the policie and common-wealth of the Iewes which presently after the Messiahs comming was overthrowne 3. But it will bee objected that the tribe of Levi continued till Christs time as well as Iudah Perer. I answer that Levi was none of the 12. tribes neither had his peculiar lot as the rest had but according to the prophecie of Iacob hee was dispersed in Israel againe though some of the Levites kept their pedigree yet most of them could not prove their descent as it appeareth Ezra 2.62 these sought their writing of the genealogies but they were not found therefore were they put from their Priest-hood and further mention is made that the names of the chiefe fathers of the Levites were written unto the dayes of Iohanan and some of them to the reigne of Darius the last King of Persia Nehem. 12.22 23. it seemeth then that after that their genealogies were not kept 4. Some understand this prophecie of the 70. Elders called Sanedrim which were elected out of Iudah to whom the cognizance of the weightiest causes and establishing of lawes appertained who were of such supreme authoritie that they convicted Herod who hardly escaped the sentence of death for his contumacie these Sanedrim continued untill Herod who not long before Christs birth rooted them all out and then Herod himselfe was absolute King sir Mercer This interpretation joyned with the former I preferre before the rest for in this sense Iudah shall be taken for the particular tribe and the word shebet signifieth sometime the authoritie of the Judge and magistrate as Iudg. 5.14 Amos 1.6 The meaning then of this prophecie is that Iudah should bee possessed of the regall or at the least the chiefe authoritie untill Messiah come QUEST XIV Of the abundance of vines and wine promised to Iudah Vers. 11. HE shall binde his asse foale to the vine c. 1. Wee doe not with Oâ—kelos by the asse and foale understand the parents and children that should cleave unto the law as tyed to the vine and by the washing of their garments in wine that the Princes should bee cloathed in purple by the eyes the hills which should bee full of vines and by the teeth the fields white with corne 2. Neither need wee here run to allegories as to make the binding of the asse to the vine to insinuate the calling of the Gentiles to Christ and by the blood of the grape to understand the blood of Christ by the which wee are washed from our sinnes by the eyes the Prophets and Apostles by the teeth the Doctors and Pastors of the Church whose office it is to prepare the spirituall food for the people 3. Nor yet is that mysticall sense proper to this place to signifie the abundance of spirituall knowledge in the Church under Christ. 4. And with Hierome literally to understand the colt which the Apostles found tyed which they loosed and brought to Christ seemeth to be forced 5. Wherefore the meaning is no more but this to shew that in Iudahs lot there should bee vines of that greatnesse as they might serve to binde their asses unto Perer. and they should be as common as shrubbes and bushes to the which they use to tye their Cattell Iun. Calvin And that they should bring their asses to their vineyards to load them with grapes Mercer Yea and such plenty of wine they should have that they might use it in stead of water to wash their garments Mercer and it should bee excellent wine such as maketh the eyes of them that drinke it red and such store of good pastures should bee in Iudahs portion that they might eat milke in great abundance Iun. QUEST XV. Of the situation of Zabulun Vers. 13. ZAbulun shall dwell by the sea side 1. Iacob rehearsed not his sonnes according to the order of their birth for Zabulun was the tenth sonne first he nameth the sonnes of Leah together then the sonnes of the concubines Zabulun is set before Isachar who was the elder in respect of the situation of the countrey for Isachar had his lot betweene Zabulun and Dan Mercer Zabuluns border did not extend to Zidon for it is like mention would have beene made thereof Iosh. 19. where the dwelling of Zabulun is bounded Perer. Neither is the meaning that they should only traffike with the Sidonians as Andr. Masius but that their side and coasts should bee over against Sâ—don situated by the sea and full of havens Iun. 3. This tribe of Zabulun was famous because of the mount Tabor where Christ was transfigured and the citie Nazareth where Christ was conceived Luke 1.26 and brought up Math. 2.23 there also Christ began to preach Matth. 4.15 to the people that sat in darknesse he began there where was greatest need for they that
they might be stirred up to pray to God for their deliverance and to long for the land of Canaan 3. That God might take just occasion to shew his judgements upon Egypt 4. That the Israelites also might be occasioned hereby more justly to shake off the Egyptians cruell yoke 5. That Gods goodnesse and power might be seene in supporting his people and increasing them even in the middest of their affliction 6. That the Israelites remembring their cruell bondage in Egypt should have no mind to goe thither againe For seeing this notwithstanding if some rebellious of them attempted to make them a Captaine and to returne into Egypt Numb 14. what would they have done if they had lived in all fulnesse and pleasure there Perer. QUEST XIV Whether the Mid-wives were Egyptians or Hebrew women 15 MOreover the King of Egypt commanded the Mid-wives of the Hebrew women 1. Those Mid-wives were not Egyptian women as Iosephus thinketh to whom Pererius subscribeth with others as Aretiuâ— Simlerus for they were such as usually ministred to the Hebrew women as the text sheweth before this time and it is not to be thought that the Israelitish women had no Midwives of their owne besides their religion sheweth as much because they served God that they were Hebrew Mid-wives and the derivation of their names doth give conjecture thereof Shiphrah is derived of Shaphar to be bountifull to adorne and Puhah of Pahah to crie out a name fitting a Mid-wife that is best acquainted with the crying of children and whereas Iosephus giveth this reason because the Hebrew women would have beene partiall for kindred saith it may seeme no more unlikely that Pharaoh useth Hebrew women whom he might thinke for the feare of their life would obey his commandement then he did set Hebrew taske-masters over the rest of the Israelites Exod. 5.15 who might have beene thought also no indifferent overseeers I therefore rather thinke with Augustine that those Mid-wives were Hebrew women than Egyptians 2. Yet could they not be Iocabed Moses mother and Miriam Moses sister as some Hebrewes who was too young not above seven yeere elder than Moses to be imployed for a Mid-wife Simler QUEST XV. Why Pharaoh onely giveth his cruell charge to two Mid-wives THese two Mid-wives are named 1. Not as Cajetan because they attended onely upon the nobler sort of the Hebrewes whose children especially Pharaoh intended to cut off for Pharaohs charge is generall to kill all the male children 2. Nay there were many more called as Perer. but these named as the more famous 3. But these were the chiefe and had the charge and command over the rest and from them they are to take their direction Pellican Vatablus and whereas Cajetan denieth that there was any such presidencie or superiority among the Mid-wives it appeareth to be otherwise that among the Grecians there were some to whom the choise care of that businesse was committed as Plutarch testifieth and that publike schooles were kept for that service Iun. in Analys 4. Now it is easie to guesse why the male children were commanded to be put to death rather than the other 1. Because they feared not any rebellion or insurrection by that sex 2. They were fairer than the Egyptian women and so they might keepe them for their lust 3. They were industrious in spinning and needle work and for that cause might be kept for their service Perer. 5. But herein Pharaoh sheweth himselfe more cruell than either Athaliah in putting to death the Kings children or Herod in slaying the infants or then Astâ—ages and Aâ—â—lius that would have destroyed Remus and Romulus for these did not make a generall edict against the children of an whole nation as Pharaoh doth nor yet surprised infants newly borne Borrh. QUEST XVI Whether the Mid-wives made a lie and are therein to be justified Vers. 19. A And the Mid-wives answered Pharaoh because the Hebrew women are not c. The most doe hold that the Midwives doe here make a fained excuse by an officious lie 1. And of them which thus thinke most are of Augustines opinion that the Mid-wives herein offended because no lie being against the truth is just yet God rewarded them not for their dissembling but for their mercy remunerata est benignitas mentis non iniquitas mentientis the benignitâ—e of the mind not the iniquitie of the lie was rewarded so also Simler Borrh. with others and Augustine addeth this reason that if many times the works of the flesh are pardoned for the works of mercy that follow after much more merito misericordiâ— dimittuntur qua propter misericordiam committuntur for mercy sake those things are remitted which because of mercy are committed 2. Others thinke that the Mid-wives were hindred by their lie and that which might have beene eternall in terrenam est compensationem declinata was because of the lie turned into an earthly recompense Gregorie But seeing the feare of God hath not onely the promise of this life but of the next and the Scripture testifieth of these Midwives that they feared God it is spoken without warrant that they were onely temporally blessed 3. Some doe justifie this act of the Mid-wives and seeme to make it meritorious though not of an eternall yet of a temporall reward Thom. Aquin. But to this opinion may be opposed that saying of Aug. Non remunerata est in illis fallacia sed benevolentia Their fallacie was not rewarded in them but their mercie 4. Rupertus doth simply defend this dissimulation and holdeth it to be no sinne because it proceeded of charitie and God rewarded it and as well may Rahab be condemned for making the like excuse Iosh. 2. Cont But these reasons are very weake 1. This excuse proceeded not of charitie but from feare and though it did charitie must be alwayes joyned with veritie otherwise it is inordinate 2. Their mercy onely was commended and their infirmitie by Gods mercy pardoned 3. Not Rahabs infirmitie but her faith is commended if her excuse were untrue 4. But as Rahab may in that place be defended to have made a true excuse speaking of some other men that were departed from her which came to her house so here also the Mid-wives may say true that the Hebrew women having secret notice from the Mid-wives might be delivered in secret before the Mid-wives came Iun. And it is not unlike but as they were chaster than the Egyptian women so God might give them more strength and speedier deliverance Pellican Here it will be objected that it is said the Mid-wives preserved the men children because they feared God vers 17. and therefore it is like they were present Simler But this may be understood of the care that they had of the infants by whose meanes they were preserved Vatab. For otherwise it was not possible that these two in their owne persons could be present at every womans travaile to save the children QUEST XVII How the Lord is said to
man But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is
though hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of
nature as the naturall burning of certaine mountaines as of Aetna in Cicilia Vesuvius in Campania It is found by experience that certaine things putrifie not as the flesh of a Peacoke as Augustine saith and coales upon the which for the same cause Chersiphron founded the temple of Diana lime boyleth with water and is quenched with oile the adamant is so hard that it cannot bee broken upon a smithes anvill the Agrigentine salt melteth in the fire and sparkleth in the water there is said to bee a fountaine among the Garamants that boileth in the night and freezeth in the day the stone Asbestus burneth continually being once set on fire and is never extinct the wood of a certaine figge tree in Egypt sinketh in the water in the Isle Tilo the trees cast no leaves in the Temple of Venus there was a lampe that no tempest could put out and Lodovicus Vives there reporteth that a certaine lampe was found in a grave that had burned above 1050. yeeres At Alexandria in the Temple of Serapis a certaine image of iron did hang in the top by reason of a certaine loadstone which was inclosed in the roofe These and other such like strange things in nature Augustine remembreth Some wee have knowledge of but many secrets of nature are hid from us but knowne unto the spirits who by this meanes doe worke wonders only producing extraordinarie effects of nature 4. Augustine further in another place sheweth the reason thereof in this manner Sunt occulta quaedam semina arborum plantarum c. in elementis c. There are certaine hid seeds of trees plants in the elements for as there are visible seeds so there are hid seeds which give unto the other their vertue like as then the husbandman doth not create corne but bringeth it out by his labour so the evill Angels doe not create things but only doe draw forth those seeds which are unknowne to us but well knowne to them As Iacob did not create that variety of colour in the sheep but by applying of particoloured rods brought it forth sicut ergo matres gravidae sunt foetibus itâ— mundus gravidus est causis seminibus nascentium Then as mothers that are great with child so the world is full of such seeds and causes of the beginning of things which causes they better knowing then we doe worke wonders yea wee see that men by the pounding of certaine herbes and by such like meanes can cause wormes and other like small creatures to come forth To this purpose Augustine QUEST XVI What workes in naturall things are forbidden unto spirits to doe IT followeth now to shew as wee have seene what things are possible to bee done by spirits so what things are out of their reach and beyond their power 1. Touching the immediate action of spirits which is by locall motion the Devill cannot destroy the world or any principall part thereof nor subvert the order and course of nature he cannot change the course of the heavens or put the starres out of their place neither although he may work some alteration in some part of the earth the whole he cannot remove these and such great workes he cannot doe Perer. ex Aquinat the reason is this because this were to crosse the Creator who by his providence as by his power hee created the world and all that is therein so he preserveth the same in that order which he hath appointed as the Psalmist saith The earth is the Lords and all that therein is hee hath founded it upon the sea and established it upon the flouds Psalm 24.1 2. Secondly concerning the other mediate action of spirits by the instrument and mediation of the creatures these things are denied unto spirits 1. They cannot create any thing of nothing for that argueth an infinite power and is peculiar unto God 2. The Devill being himselfe spirituall and without a bodily substance cannot immediatly change or transforme any materiall or corporall substance without some other naturall cause comming betweene 3. Neither can these spirits change any naturall thing into an other naturall thing immediatly without that subordination of nature and preparation and disposition of the matter which is observed in the generation of things therefore hee cannot bring forth a beast without seed nor a perfect beast all at once because naturally both the generation of such things is by seed and they receive their increase and growth not all at once but by degrees and in time therefore when by the operation of Satan lions and beares and such like creatures have beene made to appeare either they were but phantasies and no such things indeed or were transported from some other place and by this reason he cannot restore dead bodies to life because the body being void of naturall heat and spirits is not fit to entertaine the soule 4. Neither can Satan hinder the operation of naturall things if nothing be wanting which is necessâ—ry for their working And generally whatsoever alteration may be made by naturall causes as wormes and frogs and such like may come of pâ—â—refaction these things may be atchieved and compassed by spirits but such changes and transmutations as cannot be done by naturall meanes as to turne a man into a beast are not within the limits of Devils power But when such things seeme to be done they are in shew rather than truth which may be done two wayes either by so binding and blinding the inward phantasie and sense as that may seeme to be which is not or by fashioning some such shape and forme outwardly and objecting it to the sense Perer. Ex Aquinat QUEST XVII Whether Satan can raise the spirits and soules of the dead AMong other things which exceed the power of spirits it is affirmed before that they cannot raise the soules of men departed as Necromancers doe take upon them to talke with the dead 1. Let us see the vaine opinion of the heathen of this devilish Necromancy Porphyrius writeth that the soules of wicked men are turned into Devils and doe appeare in divers shapes and the soules of them that want buriall doe wander about their bodies and sometimes are compelled to resume their bodies Likewise Hosthanes did professe and promise to raise what dead soever and to bring them to talke with the living as Plinie writeth lib. 30. cap. 2. who in the same place reporteth a farre more strange or rather fabulous thing that Appion the Grammarian should tell of a certaine herb called Cynocephalia and of the Egyptians Osirites which hath power to raise the dead and that thereby he called Homers ghost to inquire of him touching his countrie and parents There were among the Gentiles certaine places famous for Necromancie where they received oracles from the dead as they were made to beleeve such was the Cymmerian oracle at the lake Avernam in Campania such was Ericthone the Thessalian that raised up the dead to declare to Sextus
a moneth which hee doth thus collect the first plague of converting the waters into bloud continued seven dayes chap. 7.25 then upon the eight day came the frogs and the next day after chap. 8.9 which was the ninth they were taken away upon the tenth day the lice were sent upon the eleventh day the swarmes of noisome flies are threatned upon the next day being the twelfth they are sent and the morrow after they are taken away chap. 8.29 which was the 13. day upon the 14. the fifth plague of the murrane of cattell is threatned the morrow after it is sent chap. 9.6 which was the 15. day upon the 16. day the sixt plague of botches and sores followeth the 17. day the 7. plague of haile is threatned sent the next day chap. 9.18 which was the 18. day and taken away the next which was the 19. day on the 20. day the 8. plague of grashoppers is threatned sent the 21. day and removed the 22. day the three dayes following the thicke darknesse came chap. 10.22 the 23.24 and 25· dayes upon the 26. day Pharaoh expelled Moses from his presence and about midnight following the beginning of the 28. day the first borne were slaine So that from the first plague to the last there was not above a moneth the last plague then of the slaughter of the first borne falling upon the 14. day of Nisan the first moneth of the Hebrewes the first began about the middle of Adar the last moneth which answereth to our February as Nison doth unto March Pererius And that it is more likely that all these plagues came together in the space of one moneth rather than of twelve moneths it may thus appeare first because the plagues following one immediatly upon another without any pause or respite they were so much the more grievous and this was the strong hand of God whereby Pharaoh was constrained to let Israel goe chap. 6.1 Secondly the plagues were such as Egypt never saw nor felt before chap. 9.24 and 10.14 and if they had continued long the Egyptians could not have endured Thirdly whereas the Israelites spent full forty yeeres in the wildernesse Iosh. 5.6 and Mosâ—s was 80. yeere old chap. 7.7 before any of the plagues began and 120. yeere old in the end of the 40. yeeres travell in the wildernesse Deut. 34. much time could not bee spent in Egypt after the hand of God by the ministry of Moses began to worke upon them QUEST XXX Whether the good Angels or bad were the ministers of the Egyptian plagues COncerning the author of these plagues there is no question but that they came from God who thereby did most justly punish the Egyptians for the unjust vexation of his people for so the Lord saith He will smite Egypt with all his wonders chap. 3.20 But there ariseth a greater doubt who were the ministers of these plagues whether the good angels or evill 1. Genebrard thinketh because it is said Psalm 78.49 By the sending of evill Angels that the evill spirits were executioners of these plagues But Augustines reason is very strong against this opinion for in the two first plagues which were counterfeited by the Sorcerers it is evident that the evill Angels were doers by whom the Magicians wrought they certainly were not the ministers of the true plagues for then as he saith Angeli mali ex utraque parte consisterent the evill Angels should be of both sides hinc illos affligentes inde fallentes afflâ—cting the Egyptians on the side and deceiving them on the other If the evill Angels then were not ministers of the first plagues neither were they used in the rest and beside we have a more evident argument that when in the third plague the Sorcerers attempted to doe the like they could not the Lord inhibited and restrained the evill spirits that they should worke no longer by their ministers the Sorcerers If the Lord restrained their power then he loosed it not or used it 2. Wherefore they are called evill Angels not in respect of their office but of the effect because they were messengers and ministers of evill plagues Perer. 3. But I thinke with Iunius that it is not necessary here to understand Angels for those ministring spirits but the word malacâ— may here signifie messengers and is referred to Moses and Aaron that were the messengers and ministers of these plagues And this interpretation is confirmed by two reasons because in this historie it is directly expressed that most of the plagues were procured by Moses and Aaron as the three first by Aaron the sixt seventh eight and ninth by Moses the fourth and fift though it be not expressed yet it may bee supposed to bee done by the same instruments and againe that place Psalm 105.26 may helpe to expound this Hee sent Moses his servant and Aaron whom he had chosen they shewed among them the message of his signes The messengers then and ministers of these evill plagues were Moses and Aaron 4. Yet I deny not but that God used also therein the ministry of his Angels as it is evident in the last plague of the destruction of the first borne Exod. 12.3 but the meaning of this place in the Psalme is more properly referred to Moses and Aaron And although God useth both the ministry of good Angels in punishing the wicked as in the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrha and of the evill sometime to trie the righteous as in the temptation of Iob much more in judging the wicked yet in this place for the reasons before alleaged the good Angels are thought rather to have beene used than the evill QUEST XXXI For what ends and causes the Lord wrought such wonders in Egypt THe ends wherefore it pleased the Lord thus to judge Egypt and to shew his mighty workes were divers 1. That the Lord might take just revenge of the Egyptians for the unrighteous vexing and oppressing of his people Exod. 4.23 2. That they by this meanes might bee forced to let Israel goe Exod. 6.1 3. That Gods power might bee knowne to all the world which exceedeth the law of nature or naturall things and that his justice might be made manifest in judging the wicked so the Lord saith For thâ—â— cause have I appointed thee to shew my power in thee and to declare my name throughout all the world Exod. 9.16 4. That the Hebrewes and people of God hereby might perceive the singular care and love of God toward them as Moses urgeth Deut. 4.20 The Lord hath taken you and brought you out of the iron fâ—rnace out of Egypt 5. That the fame of these great workes might keepe other nations in feare and awe of them by whom they should passe that they should not molest or trouble them neither that the Hebâ—ewes should be affraid of them so Rahab saith Iosh. 2.10 We have heard how the Lord dried up the water of the red sea before you when yee came out of Egypt To this
transitus the Passeover because the Apostle readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our pasch Christ is sacrificed for us 1 Cor. 6.7 Iun. Vatab. QUEST XVII Wherefore it was called the pasch or passeover NOw it was called the Lords pasch 1. Not because of the passing or going over of the Israelites through the red Sea as August seemeth to thinke quòd tunc primùm pascha celebravit populus Dei quando ex Egypto fugientes mare rubrum transierunt because then first the people of God kept the pasch when they fled out of Egypt and passed over the red Sea Tract 55. in Evang. Iohan. For the people kept the pasch and it was so called before they came to the red Sea 2. Neither as Philo thinketh because it was migrationis publicae festivitas a Feast of the publike passage of the Israelites out of Egypt as Nazianzen also thinketh 3. But the reason is given in this place why it is called the pasch for I will passe thorow the land of Egypt the same night and smite all the first borne it was therefore so called of the passing of the Angell over the houses of the Hebrewes and sparing them Perer. 4. But it is here to be noted that there are two words used that signifie to passe over pasach and ghabar but that betokeneth a passing over in mercie to spare the other a passing over the Egyptians houses in judgement to smite Simler QUEST XVIII The divers significations of the word pasch NOw the word pasch is taken to signifie three things in Scripture 1. It betokeneth the paschall Lambe it selfe as 2 Chron. 35.11 They slew the pasch and vers 13. they rosted the pasch at the fire 2. It is taken for the solemnitie it selfe of the pasch for the whole seven dayes of unleavened bread as Act. 3. then were the dayes of unleavened bread then it followeth vers 4. intending after the pasch to bring him i. Peter forth to the people 3. It is used also to signifie the very sacrifices which were offred at the pasch as Deut. 16.2 Thou shalt offer the pasch unto the Lord thy God of thy sheepe and bullocks Perer. 4. But here it is taken in a divers sense from any of these it is called the pasch because it signified and represented unto them the Lords passing over as the next words do shew in the 12. verse Genevens So circumcision is called the Lords covenant Genes 17.13 My covenant shall be in your flesh being onely a Sacramentall signe and seale thereof QUEST XIX What things are generally commanded concerning the keeping of the day of unleavened bread Vers. 15. SEven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 1. The Hebrewes had foure kinds of ceremoniall observations the first their sacrifices wherein they offred bullocks sheepe goats lambs calves the second were the holy things which belonged to the Sanctuary as the vessels curtaines Priestly garments as also to this sort belonged their festivals and solemnities the third sort was of their Sacraments which were circumcision and the paschall lambe the fourth more certaine ceremoniall rites which belonged to the cleansing and sanctitie of their persons as in their washings and legall purgations in the choice of meats and garments and such like This observation of unleavened bread belongeth to the fourth sort for it was a principall member and part of the paschall solemnitie Pererius 2. Foure things are here prescribed concerning the eating of unleavened bread First how long they should observe it for seven dayes secondly of the speciall preeminence and solemnitie of two dayes above the rest the first and the seventh with the manner how they should keepe them in abstaining from all worke saving about their meat thirdly the danger and punishment of him that should not observe this rite lastly the cause to put them in mind of their deliverance out of Egypt Simler QUEST XX. Why they were enjoyned to eat unleavened bread THe reasons of this observation of unleavened bread were these 1. They then of necessitie were forced to eat unleavened bread because they had no time to lay leaven as is shewed vers 39. Calvin Perer. 2. But afterward this ceremonie was injoyned to put them in remembrance of their deliverance out of Egypt when for haste they could not leaven their bread Simler 3. As also to call to their remembrance the great power of God in bringing them out of Egypt when they had no provision for their journey for when men are best provided of secundarie meanes Gods grace is more obscured Calvin 4. As also to put them in mind of sodaine deliverance even before they had thought that God made such speed to deliver them that they had no time to provide bread for God is more readie to bestow his benefits thâ—â— we are to aske them Pellican 5. This also did put them in mind of their bitter and unpleasant servitude in Egypt as unleavened bread is not so pleasant to the taste as leavened Calvin And so God did deliver them from their former sorrow Vatab. 6. It also did move them to consider of Gods providence who nourished them 30. dayes even untill Manna came with that provision of unleavened bread dow which they brought out of Egypt Iosephus For like as the Manna ceased when they did eat of the fruit of the land so when their provision was done it is like that Manna came Pererius QUEST XXI Why seven dayes are limited for the keeping of the Feast of unleavened bread BUt why they were commanded to eat unleavened bread seven dayes the reason is not 1. Either because a finite number is taken for an indefinite as the number of seven is sometime used in Scripture and so these seven dayes did bring to their minde those thirtie dayes wherein they did eat unleavened bread Ioseph Perer. 2. Neither doe these seven dayes so much signifie that at all times they should remember their deliverance even all the yeere long Pellican 3. But this is more likely to have beene the reason thereof because there were so many dayes from the going out of Egypt untill the overthrow of the Egyptians in the red sea untill when their deliverance was not perfect nor they wholly out of danger for then the Lord is said to have saved or delivered Israel from the hand of the Egyptian chap. 14.30 Iun. And that this destruction of the Egyptians in the red sea followed seven dayes after the going of Israel out of Egypt shall be shewed in the 26. quest QUEST XXIII Whether the 14. or 15. day were the first of the seven COncerning the number of these dayes of unleavened bread 1. Neither is Iosephus opinion to bee received who saith Festa per octo dies celebramus quos vocamus azymorum We doe celebrate the Feast eight dayes which we call of unleavened bread for the direct words of the text are against him vers 15. Seven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 2. Nor yet is Rupertus reason any
doth not here signifie the Sabbath which was the seventh day but it is taken for any festivall day of rest and may here bee translated the morrow after the rest Iun. because upon the first day of the pasch they were commanded to rest 5. This they did in presenting their first fruits unto God both for remembrance of that time when they came out of Egypt which was in the moneth Abib the moneth of new fruits as also to stirre them to bee thankfull unto God and to acknowledge him to be the giver and author of their abundance and plentie Pererius QUEST XXVI Whether the seventh day were more solemne than the first Vers. 16. ALso in the seventh day shall bee an holy assemblie Here the solemnitie of the first and seventh day seeme to be alike But Levit. 23.8 the Latine translator readeth thus Dies septimus erit celebrior sanctior The seventh day shall bee more solemne and holy Unto this objection divers answers are framed 1. It is called holier because this day is by speciall words called a day of restraint or of a solemne assemblie Deut. 16.8 Wherein it being the last day of the Feast there was a great assemblie of the people gathered together to praise God So in the same sense the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles is called the great day Ioh. 7.37 2. Others answer that it was greater not in comparison of the first day but of the other comming betweene Lyran. 3. But the best answer is that in the originall there is no degree of comparison but as it is said of the first day there shall be therein an holy convocation so it is said of the seventh Thâ—â—e shall bee an holy assemblie or convocation Perer. So here a question is moved questionlesse and needlesse 4. Now the reason why the first and the seventh day were more solemne than the rest may be this because on the first day of the Passeover they went out of Egypt and on the seventh day they passed through the red sea and these two dayes in remembrance of these two great benefits they kept with greater solemnitie this generally is the opinion of the Jewes and the reasons to confirme it may be these two first because as in the first day there was an holy convocation so also was there on the last when Moses and all Israel gave solemne thanks unto God Exod. 15. And beside the manner and order of their travell agreeth thereunto for on the 15. day they came to Succoth on the 17. to Ethom to Pi-hahiroth or the mouth of Chiroth on the 18. day there they staied where Pharaoh overtooke them the 20. and the night following they went over the red Sea Iunius QUEST XXVII Why the seventh day is called a day of restraint Deut. 16.8 BUt whereas it is said Deut. 16.8 on the seventh day of the paschall solemnitie shall be a restraint oâ— solemne assemblie where the Latine translator readeth collecta there shall be a collection here ariseth a question about the meaning of these words 1. They which defend this translation some doe expound it of the collection which was made toward the expences of the temple Thomas But against this sense both Lyranus his reason may bee urged because the morrow after the pasch it was lawfull for the people to returne home Deut. 16.7 and therefore it is not like that collection was made after their departure as also Paulus Burgensis sheweth out of the sentence of the Hebrewes that collection was used to be made for the temple throughout all Palestina upon the first day of the twelfth moneth Pererius also alleageth that place 2 Chron. 7.8 that Salomon Fecit die octava collectam Made a collâ—ction upon the eight day but saith he it is not like that so rich a King as Salomon made any collection of mony Therefore Pererius interpreteth it of the solemne collection and gathering together of the people upon that day to give God thanks solemnely and publikely for their mightie and glorious deliverance out of Egypt But all this businesse will soone be at an end if the vulgar Latine interpretation be refused as not so agreeable to the originall word which signifieth rather a restraint as even now shall be shewed 2. The Septuagint also are as wide which doe translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the going out because then the Feast was at an end but this is not the meaning of the word though it be true that then the people were dismissed as Salomon upon the eight solemne day of the Feast of Tabernacles sent away the people 1 King 8.66 having kept that day as a time of restraint 2 Chron. 7.7 at even he gave them leave to depart for so these places are reconciled 3. Therefore the meaning rather is that it was a time of restraint the people were kept and restrained from worke upon that day so the word ghatzer signifies to forbid or restraine Lyran. Montan. Iun. And though the first day also were a day of restraint wherein they were forbidden all worke save about their meat yet it seemeth that this was the greater day being the conclusion and determination of the Feast as these two are joyned together the last and great day of the Feast Iohn 7.37 as iâ— shewed before QUEST XXVIII Why he which did not eat unleavened bread was to be cut off Vers. 19. THat soule shall be cut off from the congregation of Israel 1. Some doe expound this onely of the capitall punishment that such as neglected or contemned this observation of unleavened bread should be put to death and so is this phrase taken Exod. 30.33 and 31. vers 14. and in other places Simler Piscat But though it be not denied that in some places this phrase to bee cut off from Israel signifieth onely the taking away of the life of the offender as in the places given in instance yet alwayes it is not so taken for Genes 17.14 it signifieth the cutting off from the societie and the communion of the Saints both in this life and in the next as may appeare by the reason there given because he hath transgressed my covenant 2. Neither is it referred onely to the spirituall punishment as Osiander expoundeth this place by that of the Apostle that he which eateth and drinketh unworthily eateth and drinketh his owne damnation 1 Cor. 11.29 for under the law the punishment of death was used in the like transgressions in the contempt of the law as for violating the Sabbath 3. Therefore this sentence pronounced against such contemners includeth a penaltie both upon the bodie and the soule and of this strict severitie two reasons may be given the one from the authoritie of the law-maker God that gave us both bodies and soules and all other good things beside hath power to make lawes both to binde the bodie and the soule and the contempt of his Commandements is worthie of capitall punishment the other reason is taken from
removed because the text saith That God gave them favour in the sight of the Egyptians neither did the Israelites borrow these things but they simply asked them and the other frankly gave them Pererius thinketh that the Israelites asked these things betweene the ninth and the tenth plague because when there was one plague yet behinde the Lord bad Moses to speake to the people to aske of the Egyptians chap. 11.2 But in that place only it is shewed what the Lord commanded Moses to doe hee spake to the people then to doe it but it was not acted then as likewise in the same place mention is made how the Lord would goe forth at midnight and smite all the first borne which was not done then but afterward 2. Wherefore I rather thinke with Calvin and Iunius that the Israelites asked these things of the Egyptians after the last plague immediatly before their departure the reasons are these 1. The Egyptians seeing their first borne slaine were afraid of their owne lives and therefore in respect thereof they regarded not their substance Tanquam si hoc pretio animas redemissent As if they had redeemed their lives with this price Iun. And as Calvin Hinc clamor ille desperationis index omnes mortui sumus hinc facilitas illa in dando supellectile Hence came that desperate cry wee are all dead men hence that facility in giving their house-hold stuffe 2. That this asking of the Egyptians came after all the plagues it is shewed chap. 3.20 I will smite Egypt with all my wonders c. after that shall he let them goe then it followeth in the next verse I will make this people to be favoured of the Egyptians c. for every man shall aske of his neighbour c. 3. The text saith that they shall put the jewels and raiment upon their sonnes and their daughters that is shall load them with them and lay them upon their shoulders it is like then they were upon going when they made their burthens 4. If they had asked them before it had beene only to borrow them not to have them of gift but it is shewed already that they did not borrow them quest 42. 5. They had no colour to borrow their jewels and costly rayment before for they asked them to set forth the service of God which was upon their going for Pharaoh said Goe serve the Lord as yee have said vers 31. QUEST XLV What kind of favour it was which the Lord gave the Israelites in the sight of the Egyptians Vers. 36. ANd the Lord gave the people favour c. 1. Some thinke that this favour was by reason of some supernaturall grace and amiable quality which was given unto the Israelites whereby the Egyptians were allured unto their love as the booke of Iudith saith was given unto Iudith an extraordinary comelinesse whereby she was commended to all that saw her Iudith chap. 10. 2. Another opinion is that this favour was wrought rather in the hearts of the Egyptians toward the Israelites that the Lord who overruleth mens hearts did incline the affections of the Egyptians toward his people and this is the truer opinion as both may appeare by the use of the same phrase elsewhere as it is said that Ioseph found favour in his masters sight Gen. 39.3 which was not caused so much by Iosephs amiable person as by the working of his masters affection for the reason is there shewed of this favour his master saw that the Lord was with Ioseph so that the cause of this favour was not the externall object of Iosephs person but the internall effect of his masters affection likewise this is evident by the contrary for as it is said He turned their hearts to hate his people Psalm 105.25 so their hearts were turned againe to love and favour his people 3. Yet was it not such favour as Cajetane supposeth that the Egyptians prevented the peoples asking and forced them to aske as he would inferre upon the signification of the word Vajashilum which in hiphil he saith signifieth to cause or compell to aske But neither is the word so taken in hiphil but rather signifieth to lend or give one his asking as Anna using the same word 1. Sam. 1.28 saith shee had given or lent her sonne unto the Lord where hishilti in hiphil cannot be translated Shee had caused the Lord to aske And beside what needed that circumstance for the Egyptians to have forced the Israelites to aske and then to have given them their asking they might at once have given them unasked 4. Neither was this a worke of regeneration of the Egyptians whereby they suddenly of wolves became lambes as Master Calvin very well noteth but it was a speciall worke of Gods power onely at this time thus to sway their affections for they were soone changed againe when they pursued the Israelites with all hostility 5. And although this inclining of the Egyptians hearts and bending of their affections was Gods speciall worke yet it pleased the Lord to use some subordinate meanes to procure it and give occasion thereof as namely these two the one was the great reputation and estimation which Moses was in both with Pharaoh and with his people which reason is yeelded of this favour chap. 11.3 Calvin The other because the Egyptians by the death of their first borne were in such perplexity and feare that they were glad to give them any thing to redeeme their lives Thostatus So it is said in the Psalm 105.38 Egypt was glad at their departure QUEST XLVI Why the Lord enriched his people with the Egyptians substance NOW the reasons wherefore the Lord gave the Israelites such favour and thereby enriched them were these 1. To accomplish the promise made to Abraham Gen. 15.14 That the people should come out with great substance Osiander 2. For the comfort of the Israelites whom the Egyptians before had stripped of that they had and divers wayes oppressed now some amends is made them by possessing the precious jewels of the Egyptians Ferus 3. As also by this meanes the Egyptians were animated to pursue and follow after the Israelites to their owne confusion and destruction Ferus 4. And hereby the Israelites were furnished with many rich ornaments which afterwards served for the adorning and beautifying of the Tabernacle Ferus QUEST XLVII Of which Egyptians they asked and who of the Israelites and what Vers. 35. THey asked of the Egyptians 1. These were not the Egyptians inhabiting out of the land of Goshen as some thinke because it is like if any had inhabited among the Israelites they should have beene exempted from the plagues of Egypt which is not to be thought But this followeth not for such plagues as befell either the persons of the Egyptians or their proper substance might as well be laid upon the Egyptians dwelling among the Israelites as upon others as is shewed before quest 33. in 7 chap. And that these Egyptians of whom the
like sheep Siml The other word nahal signifieth to carry which sheweth both the tender caâ—e of God that carrieth his children as the mother doth her infant in her bosome and the weaknes infirmity of the people that had need to be carried yea which is more Christ hath not only carried us but hath carried our sins Fer. 3. Two reasons Moses here useth to encourage the people not to doubt but that the Lord will protect them still because to that end he had redeemed them and beside the Lord is of great power and strength to carry them thorow all difficulties and lets whatsoever Calvin QUEST XIX What is meant here by Gods holy habitation VNto thine holy habitation 1. Some understand here mount Sinai where the tabernacle was first erected Vatab. But they were not planted in mount Sinai there they continued not as Moses saith they should be planted in Gods inheritance vers 17. 2. Some doe referre it unto the tabernacle which Moses saw by the spirit of prophesie should be erected and builded Osiander But the tabernacle was set up in the desert where they dwelt 40. yeeres in tents and boothes they were not there planted and Moses speaketh of a certaine place to the which the Lord would bring them but in the desert the tabernacle had no certaine place but was removed from one station to another 3. Some apply this speech to mount Zur Borrh. But there the tabernacle was not pitched till many yeeres after their comming to the land of Canaan 4. Therefore by the habitation of his holinesse or by his holy habitation the whole land of promise is better understood Iunius So called both because there was the Lords tabernacle where the Lords presence and as it were dwelling was and that was the land promised so often to the Fathers Pellican And the Lord wrought his signes and wonders there evident demonstrations of his presence and it was the place of the incarnation and birth of Christ. Simler QUEST XX. What nations should be afraid of the Israelites Vers. 16. THen the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed 1. Moses here sheweth by the spirit of prophesie that feare shall come upon the nations the Moabites whose feare is evident Num. 22. when Balaak hired Balaam to curse Israel the Cananites as Rahab testifieth Iosâ— 2.11 When wee heard it our hearts did faint and there remained no more courage in any of us The Edomites also were affraid which was the cause why they denied the Israelites passage thorow their country least they might have surprised it Simler 2. For the manner of their feare they shall be as still as a stone both because as a stone maketh no sound or noise so they shall not once mutter or move the tongue against the Israelites Osiand And as a stone is still without any motion or action so they shall suffer the Israelites to passe over Jordan without any resistance as is evident Iosuah 2. Iun. Obmutescent fient immobiles ut lapis They shall hold their peace and be immoveable as stones Pellican The Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they shall become as stones that is dead hearted cold as stones through feare as it is said Nabals heart through feare died within him and was as a stone 1. Sam. 25.37 Simler QUEST XXI Why the Lord is said to plant his people Vers. 17. THou shalt plant them in the mountaine of their inheritance 1. This word of planting sheweth both the care which the Lord had of his people as the husbandman with care labour and diligence setteth his plants Simler It signifieth also the firme and sure possession which the people of God should have of that country that they should as plants take deepe rooting there as the Prophet saith in the Psalme 44.2 That the Lord had driven out the Heathen and planted them in Calvin 2. It is called Gods inheritance because it was prepared for his people adopted to be the Lords heires to whom he had given the right and privilege of the first borne before all the people of the world Exod. 4.22 Perer. 3. The whole country of Sion is understood by the mountaine of Gods inheritance because it was a land of hilles and mountaines Deut. 11.11 Iun. And with speciall relation also unto mount Sion which the Lord had chosen for his habitation as Psal. 132.13 The Lord hath chosen Sion and loved to dwell in it saying This is my rest for ever here will I dwell Calvin 4. The Land of promise is here set forth by three names It is called The mountaine of Gods inheritance prepared for the habitation of his people the place Where the Lord would dwell it should be as the palace of the great King the Lord would protect it and watch over it It is also called the Sanctuary of God for to this end had the Lord chosen that land therein to erect a tabernacle and the publike worship of God Cajetan QUEST XXII In what sense the sanctuary of the Iewes was called a firme and sure tabernacle THe place which thou hast made to dwell in 1. The Latine translator here readeth In firmâ—ssimo tabernaculo In the most sure tabernacle which thou hast made but the word is macon which signifieth a place not nacoâ— that is sirme sure yet this sense and interpretation is true that it is called a sure tabernacle as the next words shew Which thy hands have established And the Lord promised to dwell for ever Psal. 132.14 2. It was then a firme and sure habitation not as some doe take it promised so to be conditionally that if the Jewes had continued in the obedience of Gods Commandements he would have dwelt among them for ever for the tabernacle was not appointed to continue for ever but the Sanctuary and the ceremonies and rites thereof were to give place unto Christ. But it was a firme and sure tabernacle because there the Lord was publikely worshipped at Jerusalem above a thousand yeeres from the first to the last as may thus appeare At the first the Sanctuarie with the Arke was in Shilo for 300. yeeres and more from the first entrance of the Israelites untill the time of Heli the high Priest then the Philistims tooke the Arke where it stayed seven moneths after it was placed in the house of Aminadab where it continued about 50. yeeres till the eight yeere of the reigne of David then it abode three moneths in the house of Obâ—d Edom from thence it was removed to the city of David where it remained 42. yeeres till it was carried into Salomons temple where it continued about 420. yeeres from the 11. yeere of Salomons reigne till the captivity of Babylon and after the captivity the temple being reedified endured for the space of about 500. yeeres till 42. yeeres after the death of our Saviour So that from the first setling of the Arke in the temple in the 11. yeere of Salomons reigne untill the dissolution thereof 42. yeeres after
of the sea that is within it Piscator The common mappes therefore are here in errour that describe the journey of the Israelites thorow the middest of the sea from one side to the other straight over 3. Wherefore the truer opinion is that they went thorow the sea but at the further end and corner of it as it were Piscator They went into the very depth of the sea and fetched not a compasse onely in the side of the sea as the first opinion seemeth to be for the waters are said to be congealed in the heart of the sea vers 8. Simler Neither yet did they passe thorow the middest as though the sea should have beene parted into two equall parts but their way thorow the sea was somewhat aslope as it might bee from the West to the Northeast because they meet with the wildernesse of Etham againe which vast desert seemeth to have fetched a compasse from Egypt side about the end of the red sea and so winding againe on the East side So that I neither thinke that this desert of Etham was altogether on the West side of the red sea toward Egypt for it is altogether unlike that the Israelites arrived toward Egypt againe neither was part of it quite on the other side of the red sea Eastward toward Arabia but that it was one continued desert from that place where they entred the red sea and so fetched a compasse abouâ— the North end of that sea to the place where they landed see more hereof Quaest. 17. in cap. 14. QUEST XXVI Of the divers kindes of women singers mentioned in Scripture Vers. 20. ANd Miriam the prophetesse Miriam and her company and queere of women being encouraged by the example of the men and following the direction of Miriam that was stirred up by the instinct of the spirit being a prophetesse did both by singing and seemely dauncing and gestures expresse their joy and give thankes unto God So that not onely men but women also did use to sing unto the praise of God A lande enim Dei nemâ— tacere dâ—bet For none ought to bee silent in Gods praise But we shall finde three sorts of women singers in the Scriptures 1. Some were such as were used only for recreation for the voice of women for musicall harmony doth in these two respects excell the voice of men both in smalnesse and sharpenesse and in the continuance and unchangeablenesse the constancy of voice and time holdeth in that unconstant sex So Salomon for his pleasure and recreation had men singers and women singers Eccles. 2.8 2. Another sort of women singers were such as were used to set forth the praise of God in publike solemnities and these were either professed singers as among those that returned from the captivity of Babylon there were two hundred singing men and singing women Esra 2.65 or they were voluntaries such as of their owne accord came forth triumphantly to meete those that returned in victory as the women met David and Saul with songs and daunces 1. Sam. 18.5 3. There was a third sort of singers that were extraordinary who did not onely sing but by the spirit of prophesie indited to the praise of God as Miriam here and Deborah Iudg. 5. and Anna 1. Sam. 2. Mary Luk. 2. QUEST XXVII Whether women did at any time publikely prophesie THe Prophetesse Miriam was a Prophetesse because the Lord used to speake unto her by vision as unto other Prophets as is evident Num. 12.2 where she and Aaron object against Moses Hath not the Lord also spoken by us Such Prophetesses were Deborah Anna and Huldah and in the new Testament Elizabeth Mary Anna the daughter of Phamul and Philips foure daughters also were Prophetesses Act. 21.9 But here the question is whether these Prophetesses were admitted or did take upon them publikely to teach 1. Some are of opinion that they did not because according to S. Pauls rule women ought to keepe silence in the Church 1. Cor. 14.34 2. Other thinke that women were barred A pradicatione tantum non à laude Dei They were only enjoyned silence from preaching but not from praising God 3. But it is more probable that these Prophetesses extraordinarily stirred up did also publikely prophesie not privatly onely in their families as may be proved by these reasons 1. Because the gift of prophesying was given them to edifie the Church withall they having then the gift did use it to the right end 2. It is confirmed by example Miriam saith The Lord hath spoken by us Deborah judged Israel publikely being a Prophetesse Iudg. 4.4 she did therefore exercise her propheticall gift publikely 3. Saint Paul speaketh of women prophesying in the congregation 1. Cor. 11.5 It should seeme then that some women being Prophetesses such as Philips daughters were did publikely prophesie Beza thinketh the Apostle speaketh not of the particular act of women but of the whole act of the congregation which is said to pray or prophesie when one only prayeth or prophesieth that is preacheth But it seemeth otherwise by the use of this word elsewhere Yee may all prophesie one by one that all may learne 1. Cor. 14.31 Here the Apostle speaketh of the particular act of prophesying Others answer that the Apostle commendeth not this use of women to prophesie publikely but elsewhere reproveth it enjoyning women to keepe silence in the congregation as chap. 14.34 Genevens But it rather seemeth that the Apostle misliketh not the act in the extraordinary prophesying of women but the manner and willeth that it should be done with comelinesse and order And concerning that place objected wherein silence is enjoyned women the Apostle speaketh of the ordinary calling of preaching and prophesying which women ought not in any wise to usurpe not of the extraordinary gift and function of prophesying which as the Lord hath sometime given unto women so no doubt they accordingly used the same herein therefore I subscribe rather to the judgement and opinion of Simlerus QUEST XXVIII Why Miriam is said to be the sister of Aaron not of Moses THe sister of Aaron She is called the sister of Aaron rather than of Moses for these reasons 1. Ne videretur Moses genus suum commendare Lest Moses might have beene thought to commend his kindred Ferus 2. Because Aaron was the elder brother and so she was first Aarons sister before she was Moses Simler 3. Because she lived in Egypt in the time of Moses absence and exile and so was better knowne commonly to be Aarons sister than Moses Piscator 4. Beside it seemeth that Conjunctius vixit Shee was in great league with Aaron for they two conspired together against Moses Num. 12. Simler 5. And this is expressed concerning Miriam here called a Prophetesse to shew how the Lord blessed that house of Levi and what worthy instruments he raised from thence Moseâ— elegit in ducem Aaron in Sacerdotâ—m Miriam in prohetissam Moses was chosen to be the Captaine
which should come of the stocke of Iesse and of the graft that should grow out of his root Isay 11.1 who should make our bitter waters sweet as he saith Come unto me all that labour and I will refresh you Borrh. 3. It signifieth also that our bitter afflictions by faith are made easie and pleasant which remaine bitter sowre and tart Nisi fide adhibeamus ad lignum crucis Christi Vnlesse we doe apply by faith the wood of Christs crosse that iâ— beleeve in his death Osiander So also Augustine Praefigurans gloriam gratiam crucis It prefigured the glory and grace of the crosse 4. This further sheweth what wee are by nature and what by grace by these bitter waters the Lord would bring to light Amaritudinem quae in eorum cordibus latebat the bitternesse which lay hid in their hearts Calvin By nature therefore our waters that is our thoughts and all our actions are bitter but they are washed and purified by grace and faith in Christ. QUEST XLIII What law and ordinances the Lord here gave his people Vers. 25. THere he made them an ordinance and a Law 1. The Hebrewes thinke that this Law here given them was concerning the Sabbath which in the next Chapter is confirmed and established where they are forbidden to gather Manna upon the Sabbath But the law of the Sabbath was more ancient for immediately after the creation the Lord sanctified the seventh day of rest to bee perpetually observed and kept of his Church And it is not to be doubted of but that the Israelites kept the Sabbath in Egypt as may appeare by the institution of the Passeover wherein both in respect of the number of the seventh day prescribed to be an holy convocation and by the manner of keeping the same in resting from all servile worke Exod. 12.16 there seemeth to be relation to the rest of the Sabbath and seventh day which they were already acquainted with after the ensample whereof they should keepe the seventh day of unleavened bread 2. Lyranus thinketh that these were certaine ceremoniall Lawes as of the red cow prescribed afterward at large Num. 19. and other rites of legall purifyings as also some judicials But this is only his conjecture without any ground the first Law that was given the people after they came out of Egypt was the morall Law and before this it is evident that there were certaine ceremoniall rites and judiciall equities kept by the Fathers so that this was not the first time and place that they received such things 3. Simlerus is of opinion therefore that such ceremonies and rites as were preserved and continued by tradition from the Fathers were here by the authority of God confirmed that they should not take them as grounded upon custome only but warranted and commanded by God But it seemeth by the phrase He set them an ordinance that they received an ordinance not given them before and seeing that the Lord intended shortly within the space of little more than a moneth as may be gathered chap. 16.1 and chap. 19.1 to give them Lawes and ordinances in mount Sinai there appeared no such necessity to prevent that time and place 4. Pellican understandeth the Lawes and ceremonies which were given afterward in mount Sinai Eo loci sed non jam tunc About that place but not at that time But neither about that place were the Lawes given which were delivered in mount Sinai for betweene Marah and the desert of Sinai they had six stations or mansions as they are numbred Num. 33. from verse 9. to vers 16. And this Law here mentioned was given at this time while they stayed in Marah where they proved and tried their faith and obedience as the next words shew 5. Some thinke that the Lord here gave them Lawes Non scriptura sed ore ut justè viverent not in writing but by word of mouth that they should live uprightly Ferus And what Lawes they were is not here expressed Osiander But to what purpose should a Law be given not written that the people might alwayes have it in remembrance 6. Therefore what this Law and ordinance was is here in the next verse expressed where the Lord moveth the people to the obedience of his Lawes with promise to bee their protector in keeping them from the plagues and diseases of Egypt Iun. So that the Lord in this place dealeth two wayes with his people Postquam aqua penuria illos examinavit verbo etiam admonuit After he had tried and examined them with the want and penury of water hee doth also by his Word admonish them to be more obedient Calvin QUEST XLIV Why the Lord at this time gave his people a Law NOw why the Lord gave them this Law and ordinance in Marah the reasons may be these 1. Because the people a long time having beene in bondage were not used to the Lords yoke they might have said then with the Prophet Isai. 26.13 Other Lords beside thee have ruled us therefore Hoc populo longa servitute oppresso forte iâ— dissuetudinem venerant Because the people by their long servitude might perhaps have growne to a disuse the Lord giveth them a Law Simler 2. The Lord in thus doing Pactum cum patribus factum renovat Doth renne the covenant made with their Fathers Pellican Hee doth give them a Law to put them in mind of the ancient covenant made with their forefathers 3. The Lord taketh occasion by this present benefit in providing of them water in their distresse to take triall of their obedience Postquam aquae penuria examinavit populum After he had examined them with the penury of water Calvin Which might serve as a preparative to move them to obedience 4. Because they were a carnall and disobedient people they had need of a Law to bind them Carnales enim cancello legis indigent For carnall men had need to be held in by a Law Ferus As the Apostle saith The Law is not given to a righteous man but to the lawlesse and disobedient 1. Tim. 19. 5. The Lord here giveth them a Law to shew what was the end of their deliverance and redemption out of Egypt not to live as they list but to walke in obedience before God Populum docet ne ex servitute liberati ad carnis libidinem deflectat He teacheth the people lest they being delivered out of bondage should turne unto the lust of the flesh Pellican 6. And beside the Lord would by this meanes Paulatim populum jugo legis adsuefacere By little and little acquaint his people with the yoke of his Law which he was purposed to deliver more fully in mount Sinai Osiander So also Simler and Borrh. QUEST XLV Who is said here to tempt him ANd there he â—â—oved him 1. Some doe understand this of the people that they should tempt God and in that sense it is understood two wayes either that they tempted God after he had given
beside that it may bee supposed that the Manna came in such measure every day as sufficed for their eating so that much remained not superfluous after their gathering it falling like unto a dew or thin frost being melted could not much moisten the ground QUEST XXII Whence it was called Manna Vers. 15. IT is Man 1. The words in the Hebrew are Man hu which have a double interpretation Some doe reade quid hoc what is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Septuagint whom Iosephus followeth and the Latine So also Simler Pellican Tostat. Rupertus And then they take man hu for maâ— hu for mah signifieth what and then they will have the letter nun added paragogically for better sound Maâ— bach some thinke that Man in the Chalde tongue signifieth what Simler And this interpretation best agreeth they say both to the words following They wist not what it was and to Moses answer This is the bread which the Lord had given but if they had called it Man that is a gift or meat prepared they had knowne what it was and Moses needed not to have told them Tostat. Lyran. Contra. 1. If such a word in that sense bee found in the Chalde yet there is no reason to thinke that Moses would use a Chalde word here 2. The people in generall might know it to be sent of God but could give no speciall or particular name to it Iun. Galas And so as Calvin saith Colligimuâ— mediam fuisse eorum cognitionem c. Wee gather that they had a meane kinde of knowledge mixed with ignorance and therefore they are more fully instructed of Moses concerning the use and end thereof 2. The Hebrew word there being man not mah it is more likely to be derived of the root manah which signifieth to number or prepare some will have it called man because it fell in such great number Oleaster But it signifieth here rather a gift or meat prepared that is without any labour Calvin Galas Iun. Vatab. And so the Author of the wisdome of Salomon taketh it who calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ibum paratum meat prepared chap. 17.20 Howsoever the other reading may seeme to have a good coherence with the words following yet because it answereth not to the originall word which is not maah what but 〈◊〉 the latter is to be preferred QUEST XXIII Why the Manna is said to be the bread of Angels THis Man is called Psal. 78.25 The bread of Angels 1. Some Rabbines hold that it is so called because the Angels indeed are refreshed with the divine light Quod lumâ—n incorporatum est fâ—ctum Manna Which divine light was incorporate and became Manna So R. Aquiba and R. Mosâ—â— Gerundens To whom seemeth to subscribe Paulus Burgens in his additions upon this Chapter But R. Ismael dissenteth from them that the Angels doe eat no materiall or corporall food being themselves spirits and immateriall and that divine light being a spirituall thing how could Manna being a materiall substance be made of it 2. But this is a more probable sense that not the materiall but the mysticall Manna is the bread of Angels because it was a type and figure of Christ whom the Angels desired to behold Borrh Marbach Yet this is not the proper and literall meaning 3. Some thinke it is so named of the effect because it gave strength unto them not to wax old nor feeble as the Angels are preserved in their state without decay such an operation this Man wrought in Caleb who was of as good strength at 80. as hee was at 40. yeeres before Iosh. 14. Ferus But this is spoken without ground true it is that Caleb was lively and of good strength in his old age but this he had not by the eating of Manna but by the speciall gift of God And this being but one speciall example maketh not a generall rule whence also can this vertue of Manna be gathered seeing all the 600. thousand which came out of Egypt only Caleb and Ioshua excepted all died in the wildernesse and yet they did eat of Manna 4. Some thinke therefore that it is called the bread of Angels because of the excellencie of it as S. Paul saith The tongues of Angels Borrh. But the right meaning is that it is so called because the Angels were Gods Ministers in the forming and preparing of Manna it was given by the ministry of Angels Tostatus quaest 6. Lyranus Iunius Marbachius QUEST XXIV Of the measure gomer how much it contained Vers. 16. GAther every man a gomer c. 1. Concerning the measure of the gomer it is said in the last verse of this Chapter to be the tenth part of an Ephah which according to the estimate of R. Salomon containeth three of the measures called Seah and every Seah held six of the measures called cabi and every â—ab held so much as 24. egges so that the gomer being the tenth part of an Epha contained 42. egges which maketh just three pints of ale measure Oleast Lyran. In another account the gomer contained two of the measures called choenix and an halfe Iun. And the choenix was a pint and halfe and somewhat more so that by this estimation the gomer should be somewhat above three pints some esteeme the gomer at a pottle Genevens 2. Simlerus thinketh that the gomer was not so large a measure nor yet the Epha as it is taken for he thinketh that there was no great difference betweene the choenix which was an Attike measure and the gomer so also Budaeus For the chaenix was the ordinary allowance for one day as appeareth by that proverb of Pythagoras Choenici no insideas that one should not sit over his choenix that is be too carefull for his daily diet it is not like therefore saith he though the Lord shewed himselfe liberall toward his people that he would double and treble their diet Againe it is written in the story of Ruth that she gathered every day an Epha of barley which had beene too much for her to beare according to this rate if the Epha were equall to the medimnus Atticus the Attike bushell and whereas Sarah is said to have made ready three Seahs of meale for the three Angels which came as three ghests to Abraham which make an Epha to what end should she have made ready so much But these reasons may bee answered 1. The Lord in allowing unto this people double the ordinary stint therein shewed his liberality toward them Iun. 2. The Epha though it should containe as some take it almost 8. gallons equall to our bushell was not too great a burden for a woman to beare neither is it strange that Sarah of her bounty especially in so great a family made ready such a quantity of meale for so few ghests 3. But I neither thinke that a gomer containeth so little as Budaus and Simlerus make it as to be equall to the measure choenix which was the daily allowance for servants for in
innocent bloud upon your selues c. Tostat. quast 2. 5. Moses objecteth his danger that he might the sooner obtaine his desire Oleaster QUEST VI. Why Moses is bid to take the Elders with him Vers. 5. TAke with thee of the Elders of Israel 1. The vulgar people were not thought worthy because of their murmuring to see the miracle which God was about to worke for them and therefore he is bidden to take the Elders Simler Or because the Elders might be murmurers also with the rest they are called to bee eie witnesses of this great worke that they might see and testifie that water was brought forth out of the rocke where there was none before Ferus Tostat. Galas 3. That being men of authoritie they might be able better to instruct and certifie the people Iun. 4. And God hereby would establish an order for government that Princes should bee assisted with grave counsellers neither to doe things of their owne head as Saul did Ferus Nor to despise the counsell of the wise and ancient and to follow the rash and headstrong as Rehoboam did to his cost QUEST VII Why Moses is bid to take his rod. Vers. 5. ANd the rod wherewith thou smotest the river 1. Rab. Salomon to whom subscribeth Lyranus thinketh that Moses is bid to take the rod because some of the Israelites thought that rod had power onely to bring plagues as it did upon the Egyptians and not blessings but that was no reason for before this Moses used that rod in dividing the waters of the red sea to deliver the people of Israel out of the hand of their enemies which was a great blessing Tostat. 2. Therefore that was not the reason but because it pleased God to use this organe and instrument at this time Tostat. And to get Moses the greater authority with the people hee is bid to smite the rock with the rod whereas God could have brought forth the water without any such meanes Pelarg. And the Lord did it also to confirme the faith of the Elders when they saw this rod in the hand of Moses whereby he had wrought great wonders especially in the waters Simler 3. By the river and floud we are not to understand the sea but the river of Egypt which is here remembred because it was first of the Egyptian plagues and though Aaron smote the river and not Moses yet he is said to doe it because it was done by his direction Iun. Tostat. Aaron percussit authoritate mandato Mosis Aaron smote it by the authoritie and at the commandement of Moses August quast 64. in Exod. so also Lyran. QUEST VIII Whether it be all one storie of smiting the rock Exod. 17. and Num. 20. or divers FUrther whereas the like storie of bringing waters out of the rock is penned by Moses Numb 20. the question is whether it were one and the same act 1. Some thinke that in both places there is a narration of one and the same fact as Procopius upon this place with others of which opinion these may be the reasons 1. Because it would seeme strange if Moses had once before done the like that he would have doubted the second time as he doth Num. 20. 2. The people there object Wherefore hast thou brought us out of Egypt Whereas all of that generation were dead before that came out of Egypt they onely excepted which were then young 3. The name which Moses giveth to the place in both stories is the same namely Meribah Contra. 1. Moses might be doubtfull the second time in respect of the unworthinesse of the people fearing the Lord would not shew his power because of their unthankfulnesse and therefore he saith the Lord was angrie with him for their sakes Deut. 3.26 2. the offspring of those which were dead might so complaine because if their fathers had not come out of Egypt they had remained there still 3. The same name may be given unto divers places and yet herein there was a difference for the place in Rephidim was called both Massah and Meribah tentation and contention the other Meribah onely 2. Wherefore the sounder opinion is that these two stories were divers and that Moses smote the rocke two sundrie times which may appeare to be so by these reasons 1. The place was divers this striking of the rocke was done in Rephidim which was the 11. station Numb 33.14 but the other was in the desert of Sin the 33. station Numb 33.36 2. The time was divers this miracle was done in the first yeare after their departure out of Egypt the other in the 40. yeare for in the very next station Aaron died in the 5. moneth of the 40. yeare Numb 33.38 3. In the other storie Moses was somewhat doubtfull and therein displeased God and was reproved but here he is found firme and faithfull 4. Here he onely taketh the Elders with him but there the Lord biddeth him to gather together the whole congregation 5. This miracle was wrought by the rod wherewith Moses had wrought wonders in Egypt the other with Aarons rod that budded and was laid up before the Lord Numb 27. for Moses is said to have taken it from before the Lord Numb 20.9 Iun. By these reasons the stories appeare to be divers Simler Osiander QUEST IX Of the mount Choreb Vers. 6. I Will stand before thee upon the rocke in Hereb 1. Some take Horeb or Choreb to be the top of the mount Sinai but that cannot be for they were not yet come unto mount Sinai much lesse unto the top of the mount 2. Some thinke that Choreb and Sinai were all one but this was another place yet called by the same name Lyran. Tostat. But that this was the same Choreb which was called the mount of God chap. 3.1 appeareth in the next chap. vers 5. where it is said they camped by the mount of God 3. Some other thinke that Sinai was the name of the whole plaine or desert wherein there were many hils and mountains whereof Choreb was one Oleaster in 3. cap. Exod. But this opinion is controuled chap. 19.11 where the very hill it selfe is called mount Sinai 4. Therefore the more probable opinion is that all that hillie tract or circuite was called Choreb of the drines of the ground where Sinai was situate Iun. Or that hillie tract might beare the name of Choreb on the one side toward the West and the name Sinai toward the East Simler QUEST X. Whether the water out of the rock did still follow the Israelites Vers. 6. THou shalt smite the rocke and water shall come out of it The Apostle saith that the rocke followed them 1 Cor. 10 4. 1. Some thinke that this is spoken of Christ the spirituall rocke that did still accompanie them but the Apostle meaneth that rocke whereof they dranke which he called spirituall because it signified Christ. 2. Some will have the water of this rocke still to follow the Israelites to serve
conspectu Dei c. The Saints doe eat and drinke in the sight of God and all that they doe they doe in his sight And so the Apostle saith Whether ye eat or drinke or whatsoever ye doe doe all to the glory of God 1. Cor. 10.31 4. Obs. Diligence is required in a Magistrate Vers. 13. THe people stood about Moses from morning to even Moses singular diligence and paines is here set forth in attending upon the causes of the people Audiant hoc delicusi Indices nostri qui vix ad horam c. Let our delicate Iudges heare this which scarce indure an houre to heare their suiters causes Diligence in the charge commited to us is sweet unto God and good to our selves Come thou good and faithfull servant will God say to the Magistrate as well as to the Minister Enter into thy Lords joy B. Babington 5. Obs. Iudges and Magistrates specially must be men fearing God Vers. 21. FEaring God c. The feare of God is a vertue most necessary in Judges for hereupon hang all vertues Abraham thinking that the feare of God was not in Gerar despaired of any other vertue there to be found Gen. 20. B. Babington 6. Obs. Good counsell is to be received at any hand Vers. 24. SO Moses obeyed c. In quo mite modestum ingenium declarat c. Wherein Moses sheweth a milde and modest disposition not to refuse to receive wholesome counsell at any mans hand Marbach As the Apostle saith Set up them which are least esteemed in the Church 1. Cor. 6.4 Good counsell proceeding even from simple and meane people is not to be despised The end of the first booke THE SECOND PART OF THIS BOOKE OF EXODVS Containing THE HISTORIE OF THE Constitution and setling of the people of Israel after their deliverance out of Egypt in their state Ecclesiasticall and Civill by Lawes morall ceremoniall politicall WITH THE OBEDIENCE AND disobedience of the people thereunto divided into two Bookes THE FIRST SHEWING THE PRESCRIPTION of those Lawes to chap. 30. The second the practice and execution thereof unto the end of Exodus THE FIRST BOOKE SHEWING THE PRESCRIPTION and promulgation of the foresaid Lawes VERITAS †FILIA †TEMPORIS LONDON ¶ Printed by the Assignes of THOMAS MAN PAVL MAN and IONAH MAN 1633. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE HIS SINGVLAR GOOD LORD SIR THOMAS EGERTON Lord Ellesmere Lord Chancellor of England and of his Majesties most honourable privie Councell RIght Honourable there is a saying That nothing so soone wâ—â—eth old as thankes for a benefit received This imputation of unthankfull oblivion might justly fall upon mee if having occasion to use my penne I should in silence passe over your Honour I cannot therefore forget your Honourable favour and bounty which I have some yeeres past felt and found The eye better seeth the object removed in equall distance from it than when it is put close unto it so a thankfull heart will as well consider of a benefit after as at the first time when it is received I hate flattery neither have I used to fawne upon great men in praising above desert or blazing their names whom their vertues commend not yet I hold it as great a wrong not to ascribe praise where it is deserved as it is follie to give it where it is not due It is a good saying It is seemely to give incense unto God and praises unto good men for the praise of the instrument redoundeth to him that handleth it and the industry of the Minister commendeth the skill of the chiefe worker and the acknowledging of the gifts and graces of men setteth forth the praise of God that giveth them This therefore I cannot conceale that I have found your Honour the greatest respecter and only rewarder of my poore travels and labours This I speake not as though wee which by preaching and writing keepe the watch-tower against the enemy ought to make the reward of the world the end and scope of our paines taken in the world I hold it Pharisaicall to doe any thing for the praise or recompence of men This is sufficient for the servants of Christ that their Lord hath promised Thou shalt be recompenced at the resurrection of the just I am of his minde that when one had said It is an excellent thing for a man to obtaine all that he desires made this answer Multò majus est non desider are eâ— quibâ—â— nibil indiges But it is a greater matter not to desire at all the things which thou needest not But this I have mentioned to note by the way the strange humour of this age that of all presents least esteemeth bookes and vilipendeth no gift as it doth the fruits of Scholars studies I have read that the women among the people called Iberi did use every yeere to shew publikely their spinning worke and that she was most honoured which in the judgement of the men had laboured most If the Spinsters of these times which spinne and weave garments not with Dorcas to cloathe the body but with Paul to adorne the soule were had in such regard we should have more spinners and better worke Such bookes I confesse as feede mens fansies and breed wanton delight are had of some in price when graver treatises are set light by as one of Terentius Comedies called Eunuchus was valued at eight thousand peeces of money which make two hundred crownes more than all Tullies Orations and other his learned workes were esteemed at But the choice of bookes should bee as the choice of Physicians Medicus non jucundior sed utilior eligitur A man will have a Physician rather profitable that can doe him good than pleasant to feede him with words Such difference there is in bookes they which please the eare doe flourish with leaves but such as instruct the minde doe yeeld the fruit the one as a song of Musicke that endeth with the sound the other as wholsome physicke that worketh after it is gone the bookes of the one are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commentaries to instruct the other are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commemoratives of mens folly Now what should be the reason why bookes of Divinity are so much at many hands contemned and treatises of vanity so highly commended may easily be conjectured for as Diogenes being asked why men used to give unto the blind and lame but not unto Philosophers made this answer Because they may thinke they may one day become blind and lame themselves but never hope to be Philosophers So mens affections being blind and lame and their phantasies vainly bent must needs delight in vaine and lame pamphlets which feede their humours and cannot brooke that which would purge them But leaving to complaine of that which I cannot helpe I cannot but commend that which I heare and have my selfe found that your Lordships respective care in preferring freely men of desert a rare president in
particular persons God is said to have done it and not the Angels as it is said God prepared a worme to smite Ionas gourd Ion. 4.7 Therefore this observation also of Tostatus is untrue 4. But this evasion he hath that if the name of God be used and not of the Angels in such small and particular workes it is for the confirming of those that be weake but they which are weake because they cannot ascend at the first or comprehend the majesty and omnipotency of God had so much the more need by the secondary ministration of Angels to bee brought unto that high and deepe apprehension of God And indeed the ministry of Angels serveth especially for the comfort and supporting of the weake whose faith not serving them immediatly to depend upon God are the more easily brought to have confidence in him by the subordinate deputation and ministry of Angels So when Daniel was in great distresse and perplexity in the lions denne God sent his Angell to stop the mouth of the lions and to comfort Daniel Dan. 6.22 So when Ioseph was doubtfull what to doe concerning Mary an Angell of the Lord appeared unto him in a dreame to confirme him saying Feare not to take Mary for thy wife Matth. 1.20 5. That instance of Iakobs vision of the ladder directly proveth that it was God that appeared unto Iakob and not an Angell 1. Because it is said that Iehovah stood upon it and said by which name of Iehovah no Angell is called in Scripture 2. He that speaketh to Iakob nameth himselfe the Lord God of Abraham 3. He that speaketh is but one but the Angels which ascended and descended were many 4. He saith The land whereon thou sleepest will I give thee and thy seede but the earth is only the Lords 5. Iakob himselfe saith that Iehovah was in that place Gen. 28.16 6. 1. The people were but yet weake while they were in the wildernesse yet then and there that great worke of leading and keeping the people and bringing them to the land of Promise is ascribed to an Angell which was none other but Christ the Angell of Gods presence Exod. 23.20 2. Yea wee shall finde that mention is made oftner in the stories of the Patriarkes and first Fathers of Israel as in the bookes of Genesis and Exodus when they were yet as it were in their infancy of the apparition and ministry of Angels then afterward for it was fit that they should be confirmed by such visible and sensible meanes therefore this reason here alleaged by Tostatus holdeth not 3. And in that place whereof instance is given by Angel is understood some Prophet and man of God not any of the celestiall spirits because the place is named from whence he came from Gilgal and hee is said to ascend or goe up but Angels descend from heaven and it is not unusuall in Scripture to call Prophets the Lords Angels as Hagg. 1.13 and Apocal. 2. and 3. chapter thorowout QUEST XXI Whether it were Iehovah the Lord Christ or an Angell that came downe upon mount Sinai 7. BUt that it was Iehovah himselfe the Lord Christ that appeared in mount Sinai and talked with Moses and gave them the law it is thus proved 1. Because he is called Iehovah which name is never in Scripture given unto Angels 2. Hee saith vers 5. Though all the earth bee mine but the earth is the Lords Psal. 24. not the Angels 3. The Lord here maketh a covenant with his people vers 5. But God himselfe not the Angels make a covenant with men to bee his people And so the Lord saith hee was an husband unto them Iere. 31.32 but Christ and not the Angels is the husband of the Church behold the Church is not the spouse of the Angels but Christs 4. He which writ the Law in tables of stone was the same that gave the Law to Moses but those tables were written by the finger of God Exod. 3â— 18 the same finger that writeth in the fleshy tables of mens hearts Ierem. 31.33 2. Cor. 3.2 5. S. Paul saith it was ordained by Angels in the hand of a Mediatour Gal. 3.14 The Angels attended as ministers and as the Lords instruments were used in those thunders and lightnings But the Lord himselfe the Mediatour both of the old and new Testament was there present as the Author of the Law as Moses saith The Lord came from Sinai c. he came with ten thousand of Saints and at his right hand a fiery Law for them Deut. 33.2 6. He that wrought those wonders in Egypt and carried the people as upon Eagles wings was the same that delivered the Law vers 4. But Iehovah himselfe did the first for many of the wonders in Egypt could not be done by any but the Lord as in converting and changing of one substance into another as of a rod into a Serpent of water into bloud of the dust into lice And so much Tostatus himselfe confesseth Fiâ—â—ant talia portenta quae nullus poterat facere nisi Deus Such wondrous things were done which none could doe but God So it was Iehovah himselfe that did leade the people thorow the red Sea and destroyed the Egyptians as chap. 14.24 Iehovah looked unto the hoast of the Egyptians out of the fiery and cloudy piller who is before called the Angell of God vers 19. which was the Lord Christ called the Angell of the covenant Malach. 3.1 So chap. 15.14 Iehovah brought the waters of the Sea upon them And further that Iehovah himselfe conducted the Israelites is evident Exod. 33.15 My presence shall go with thee And yet the Lord saith Exod. 23.20 Behold I send an Angell before thee to keepe thee in the way but what Angell this was is expressed afterward my name is in him This great Angell of the covenant in whom was Gods name and his presence who else could it be but the Lord Christ the Iehovah And that God himselfe appeared unto the Patriarkes and Prophets and not the Angels onely it is evident Numb 12.8 where the Lord saith Vnto Moses I will speake mouth to mouth c. he shall see the similitude of the Lord and the Apostle witnesseth that he that is Moses endured at he which saw him which is in visible Heb. 11.27 Not that Moses did see the very glory and substance of God who is invisible and whom never man saw nor can see 1. Tim. 6.12 but he saw only his backe parts Exod. 33.14 that is some part of his glory as the Lord thought good to reveale according as Moses was able to apprehend And that in this place it was Iehovah himselfe that came downe in Mount Sinai beside these reasons before alleaged it is the generall opinion of Divines both old and new Gregor Nyssen Praecepit Deus populo per Moseâ— ut tam corpore quam animo mundus fierit God commanded the people by Moses that they should be cleane both in body and soule Hierom.
love should be constrained with feare 5. Vt ostenderet se vendicem legis c. To shew himselfe a Iudge and revenger of those which transgressed his law and in what fearefull manner he would come to judgement to take account of men how they had kept his law Ferus 3. Chrysostome toucheth another reason Negligens erat humanum genus signe oportet igitur ut corrigeretur istis redderetur attentum Mankind was negligent and slothfull and therefore it was meete that they should bee roused up by this meanes and made attentive 4. Another reason why the Lord did thinke good thus to shew himselfe in smoake and fire was this Quia talis apparitio in nube igne non habet figuram Because such an apparition in fire and a cloud hath no representation that by this meanes the people should have no occasion to commit idolatrie Lyran. As the Lord himselfe saith Take heed to your selves for yee saw no image in the day that the Lord spake unto you in Horeb Deut. 4.15 Tostat. quaest 11. 5. The morall application is this The Lord appeared partly in the brightnesse of fire partly in the darknesse of a cloud Quia humiles per claritatem sua ostensionis illuminat Because he doth illuminate the humble by the brightnesse of his appearing Et superbos per caliginem erroris obscurat And he obscureth the proud by the darknesse of error Gloss. interlin Some further make this mysticall application by the thunder and lightning we may understand God the Father by the cloud the Sonne who assumed our humane nature which shadowed the glorie of his Deitie by the sound of the trumpet the holy Ghost which worketh in the hearts of faithfull people by the trumpet of the Gospell Simler QUEST XXXII Whether this thunder and lightning were naturall THere was thunder and lightning 1. These signes were not naturally caused in respect both of the time and place for now it was about the middest of Summer in the beginning of June the third moneth after the spring when such meteors use not to be ingendred and for the place it was in an hot region in Arabia where the extreme heate doth drie up such exhalations whereof thunder and lightning doe consist And beside the naturall place of these meteors is above in the middle region of the aire where the aire is very cold and so the beating of the aire by an antiperistasis a concurrence and resistance of contrary qualities procureth such thunder-claps and flashings but these signes were shewed below upon the top of the hill in the lower region of the aire Tostat. 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Tostatus that it was neither verus ignis nor vera fulgura true fire or true lightning but that they so seemed to be because then saith he the fire and lightning would have burned and consumed those that came neere it But this is no good reason for it was no hard matter for the Creator to abate the ordinarie force of these elements as the fire consumed not the bush Exod. 3. neither yet had it any power upon the three children that were put into the fierie fornace Dan. 3. Therefore it was more than an imaginary fire or in shew onely Nihil simplex natura per duplicitatem facit The single and simple truth doth nothing doubly Lyran 3. Wherefore I rather preferre the resolution of Thomas that this was Ignis corporalis ideo palpabilis sensibilis c. A corporall fire palpable and sensible It was a true fire yet not naturall neither yet without naturall meanes altogether but the same supernaturally caused for here was a thicke and darke cloud such as the thunder and lightning useth to breake out of but it was extraordinarily raised out of time and place by the power of God QUEST XXXIII Why the Lord appeared in a thicke and darke cloud Vers. 16. ANd a thicke cloud upon the mount c. 1. This appearing of a thicke and darke cloud was convenient for those times Congruit nubes in fanctionem legalem quae tenebrarum est non lucis The cloud is agreeable to the function of the law which is of darknesse rather than light Borrh. For all things were folded up in the law in shadowes as in a cloud but the revelation of the true light came by Jesus Christ. 2. This also sheweth the infirmitie and weaknesse of man who cannot see the brightnesse of Gods glorie who dwelleth in light that none can attaine unto 1 Tim. 6. but wee see it as thorow a cloud as here the Lord appeareth in fire yet in the middest of smoake and shining thorow a thicke cloud Simler To this purpose also Lyranus saith that therefore God appeared in a darke cloud Quia tales apparitiones fiunt communiter secundum eorum dispositiones quibus fiunt Because such apparitions commonly are made according to their disposition to whom they are shewed Now we have here but a darke and obscure knowledge of divine things and as the eye of the Owle is to the Sunne light so is the minde and understanding of man in respect of divine things Sic Lyran. 3. Unto this assertion of Lyranus two exceptions are taken one by Paulus Burgens the other by Tostatus but both of them without any good ground First Burgensis thus objecteth that Lyranus in this note maketh no difference betweene the knowledge of Moses and of the rest of the people whereas he appeared unto Moses onely in a cloud Numb 12.5 but unto the people in a thicke cloud because Moses clariorem habuit de divinis notitiam quà m populus had a clearer knowledge of divine things than the people Burgens addit 3. Contra. 1. Howsoever the Lord appeared at other times to Moses it is no◠here the question Now the Lord appeared alike to all as well to Moses as to the rest of the people in a thicke and darke cloud which sheweth that although there is difference of gifts and illumination among men yet being compared to God there is no difference Moses himselfe here quaked and trembled as the Apostle observeth Heb. 12 21. as the rest of the people did 2. And that other place is not fitly alleaged for the Lord came downe in the piller of the cloud at that time and spake not onely to Moses but to Aaron and Miriam also 4. Tostatus taketh exception because Lyranus doth not distinguish betweene the apparitions of the old and new Testament whereas the apparitions in the old were obscure Apparitiones antem factae in novo sunt clariores But the aparitions made in the new are more cleare As the holy Ghost came downe upon the Apostles not in fire with the darknesse of a cloud but in bright fire like unto cloven tongues Tostat. quaest 11. Contra. This is true which is here alleaged that the apparitions of the new Testament are clearer and more full of light than the visions of the old neither is it denied by
considered why it pleased God to give now his law unto his people seeing from the beginning of the world there was no written law but as it was by the law of nature inprinted in their hearts 1. God did not therefore now first give unto his people the Morall law written as though he were either mutable in changing his first determination or that in processe of time he had found out a more profitable way than hee knew before as some wickedly have objected Sed quia superfluâ—â—â— fuit hoc fieri stante adhuc lege natura But because this was superfluous and needlesse to be done the law of nature yet standing firme By the light of nature before the floud they discerned good from evill just from unjust and therefore the old world that sinned against this law of nature was justly punished of this law printed in the heart the Apostle speaketh They shew the effect of the law written in their hearts their conscience also bearing them witnesse and their thoughts accusing one another or excusing Rom. 2.15 Now then when this law of nature began more and more to bee obscured and iniquity to abound the Lord thought it needfull to give unto the people a written law Lippom. Ex collation Patrum 2. Another cause of giving the law was Ne sibi homines aliquid defuisse quererentur scriptum est in tabulis îquod in cordibus non legebant Lest that men should complaine that somewhat was wanting that was written in tables which was not written in the hearts August in Psal. 57. Therefore to take away all excuse and pretext of ignorance the Lord gave his written law 3. Another end of giving the law was to prepare and make a way for the Gospell Vt te ad faciendum legem de tuo vires non habere monstraret c. To shew that thou hast not strength of thy selfe to doe the law and so being poore and beggerly shouldest flee unto grace Augustine likewise in Psal. 118. 4. Further the law was given as a supply of the weakenesse and ignorance of man that whereas there was no certaine rule before to know what was good what was evill but men according to their blind fansies and carnall imaginations placed happinesse some in one thing some in another the law was to correct their erroneous opinions and to teach one constant and sure rule of truth and vertue And further such was their errour that though in civill and politike matters the wise among the Heathen by the light of nature and experience attained to some perfection yet they were utterly ignorant of the true knowledge and worship of God which is set forth in the law Tostat. quest 1. 5. Further because the law of nature was more and more obscured the Lord would have his law written in tables of stone that it might ever be kept and remembred and be no more drowned in oblivion Ferus And though those tables of stone wherein the law was written are not now to be found yet the copy of the same law is extant in the Scriptures there to be seene and read which shall continue to the end of the world 6. Lastly The Lord in giving this law to this people therein sheweth his love to his people committing unto them the greatest treasure in the world as Moses saith What nation is so great that hath ordinances and lawes so righteous as all this Law which I set before you this day Deut. 4.8 QUEST VII How the Lord spake all these words and why Vers. 1. GOd spake all these words saying 1. Some thinke that God is said to speake whereas it was an Angell in respect of the opinion of the people that thought Moses spake with God Paul Burgens But it is before shewed chap. 19. quest 40 that it was God himselfe that spake these words who nameth himselfe Jehovah vers 2. which name is not given to any Angell yet this word also is said to have beene spoken by Angels Hebr. 2.2 because God did therein use the ministry of the Angels in framing of that audible voice which was heard So that the Angels speake not now as in the person of God as his messengers as at other times but here they attended only as Ministers Longe aliter hic loquitur quà m ad patres adhuc locutus est the Lord speaketh farre otherwise here than hee spake hitherto to the Fathers Ferus But to them hee spake by the ministry of Angels This question also is well decided by Cajetane You will aske saith he how God is said to speake Cùm ista locutis fieres per Angelum c. Seeing this speech was framed by an Angell The answer is ready Quia ipse Dominus loquebatur in Angelo ad populum c. Because the Lord himselfe spake in the Angell to the people not as the King speaketh by his Embassador or Interpreter Sed ut presens mens in Angelo formans verba hujus sermonis magis quam Angelus But as present in the Angell and so framing the words of his speech rather than the Angell So Cajetane So that God spake as the Author and enditer the Angell spake as the tongue or pen-man of God 2. The Hebrewes have this opinion that this was that great Angell of such eminency Vt citra essentiam Divinam Angelus faciei nominetur that setting the Divine essence aside he is called the Angell of Gods presence Isay 63.9 Paul Burgens addition 1. Nay this Angell of Gods presence that heard them when they cried in their troubles and saved them as there the Prophet saith was none other than Iehovah himselfe the Lord Christ as S. Paul expoundeth 1. Cor. 10.9 Let us not tempt Christ as some of them tempted him and were destroyed of Serpents And in this Angell was the very divine essence of God as the Lord saith Exod. 23.21 My name is in him 3. Burgeus Reason to prove that it was an Angell and not God himselfe that spake because he saith in the third Commandement Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vaine in the third person not in the first as Thou shalt not take my name in vaine and so likewise in the fourth Commandement Which sheweth saith hee that it was an Angell that spake and not God This reason is of small force and may easily be answered 1. The Lord useth the third person because although now the Lord as present in Majesty spake by voice yet this law was to bee delivered afterward written in tables of stone which being a perpetuall monument unto the people of the Lords will was more fitly expressed in the third person because the Lord would no more in like manner as now deliver the law with his owne mouth 2. Beside in the first and second Commandement the Lord useth the first person Thou shalt have no other Gods before mee and I am the Lord thy God a jealous God 3. And further it is observed to be an Hebraisme and an
lifting up of the hand as Abraham did Genes 14 First when they use the name of God pro re futilâ— for a vaine or trifling thing Secondly in rem quam non intendis impleri upon a matter which thou doest not purpose to fulfill as they which sweare falsly Thirdly in vaine that is without cause ne jures nisi ob necessitatem thou must not sweare but upon necessity 4. Thomas more distinctly sheweth first what a vaine thing is and then how the name of God is taken in vaine First a vaine thing is taken for that which is false as he that sweareth falsly then for that which is inutile unprofitable and here they offend which doe sweare de re levi for a small and trifling matter sometime vaine or vanity is taken for sinne and iniquity and in this respect they take the name of God in vaine which take an oath to doe any wicked thing as to commit theft or any such thing of this kinde was Herods oath Secondly the name of God is assumed or taken up upon these reasons 1. Primò ad dicti confirmationem First to confirme our saying and here they offend which sweare by any other than by the name of God 2. Sumitur ad sanctificationem The name of God is used for sanctification as Baptisme is sanctified in the name of God Here they transgresse which abuse the Sacraments or holy things 3. Tertiò sumitur ad confessionem invocationem Thirdly it is taken up for confession and invocation Here they which abuse prayers and the invocation of God to superstitious ends as to enchantments or such like doe profane the name of God 4. Quarto sumitur ad operis completionem Fourthly it is taken for the perfiting and finishing of a worke as the Apostle Coloss. 3. Whatsoever you doe in word or in deed dâ—e all in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ. They therefore which have begun a good profession and afterward fall away doe take the name of God in vaine So Thomas 2.2 quaest 122. art 3. 5. The Hebrewes then doe take this Commadement too strictly that here is forbidden only prolatio nominis Dei tetragrammaton indebita the undue pronouncing of that foure lettered name of God which is Iehovah which it was lawfull they say only for the high Priest to use and that only in the Temple and only then when he blessed the people Ex Lyrano QUEST IV. What is required in taking of a right oath Seeing perjury and taking of a false oath is a breach of this Commandement as it is a dishonour unto God for as our brother is hurt thereby it belongeth unto the ninth Commandement it shall not bee amisse here to shew what conditions are required in an oath that perjury may bee the better prevented this the Prophet Ieremy declareth in these words Thou shalt sweare in truth in judgement and righteousnesse Ierem. 4.2 Which three shall now be declared in their order 1. The first thing required is truth in every oath whether it be assertorium or promissorium whether it be an affirming oath or promising oath the first must have conformity with the truth unto the thing already done in present which is affirmed to bee true otherwise it is a false oath the other respecteth the minde and intent of him that sweareth for he promiseth not certainly that it shall be done because he is uncertaine of the future events but si intendat facere ut promittit verum est if he intend to do as he promiseth it is a true oath otherwise not Tostat. qu. 8. 2. And not only falsity is contrary to truth in taking of oathes but deceit and fraud also as he sware fraudulently that having made a truce with his enemies for certaine dayes set upon them in the night and the woman that sware she was with childe by Eustochius of Antioch which was not the Bishop but another common person of the City of the same name Simler And not he only which sweareth falsum cognitum a false thing knowne but falsum dubium a false thing that is doubtfull taketh a false oath but he that having exactly sifted his memory and yet is deceived non formaliter jurat falsò formallie doth not sweare falsly Cajetan He that thus sweareth falsly injuriam facit Deo sibi omnibus hominibus doth offer wrong to God to himselfe and to men To God because an oath being nothing else but the calling of God to witnesse he that sweareth falsly beleeveth Deum aut nescire verum aut diligere mendacium that God either knoweth not the truth or that he loveth a lye To himselfe he doth wrong for he bindeth himselfe to the judgement of God wishing that the Lord may punish him if he speake not the truth To men hee offereth wrong because there can bee no society or dealing among men if one may not trust another Thomas in opusculo 2. He that sweareth must doe it in judgement that is deliberatly and advisedly not rashly and hastily The Romanes had an use that hee which would sweare by Hercules should goe forth of the doores that he might be well advised and take some pause before hee sware for they held that Hercules did sweare but once in all his life and that was to the sonne of King Augeas This deliberation in their idolatrous oathes should admonish Christians to be well advised in swearing by the name of God Simler 3. They must sweare in righteousnesse that it be a just and lawfull thing which hee sweareth Herein David offended which sware in his rage to put Nabal and his whole house to the sword Simler And he must not only sweare that which is just and lawfull but justly as he which hath seene his brother commit any offence secretly if he take a voluntary oath to discover it being not urged to depose so before a Magistrate sweareth not justly Tostat. quaest 8. QUEST V. Whether men be bound to sweare often SOme of the Jewes held that it was a part of Gods worship to sweare by his name and therefore they thought they did well in often swearing and this their custome they would warrant by that place Deut. 6.13 Thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and serve him and sweare by his name Contra. 1. The three former conditions to sweare in truth judgement and righteousnesse must be observed and kept in every oath which cannot be if men were bound or commanded often to sweare 2. An oath was brought in among men for necessity for this is laid upon man as a punishment that one is not beleeved of another upon his bare word and our Saviour saith Whatsoever is more than yea and nay commeth of evill therefore where no necessity urgeth for one to sweare it is no acceptable service unto God 3. As to sweare is not altogether unlawfull as shall be shewed afterward in the places of controversie against the Anabaptistes for then it should in no case be permitted as adultery and murder
to the people of God Simler 4. Thomas maketh the Sabbath ceremoniall in these foure respects First in the determination of the day Secondly in the allegoricall signification as it was signum quiet is Christi in sepulchro a signe of Christs rest in the grave Thirdly in the morall sense prouâ— significat cessationem ob omni actu peccati as it signifieth cessation from every act of sinne Fourthly in the anagogicall signification ut praefigurabat quietem c. as it prefigured our rest in the Kingdome of heaven So Thomas 2. 2. qu. 122. artic 4. But I rather with Vrsinus take this spirituall Sabbath which is begun in this life in ceasing from the works of sinne and perfited in the next to belong unto the morall and internall part of the Sabbath than to the externall and ceremoniall the two first indeed are ceremoniall in the Sabbath the other are not properly ceremoniall seeing they are perpetuall but morall rather spirituall and mysticall 5. So then by this which hath beene said it is easie to make a difference betweene our Lords day and the Jewish Sabbath 1. In that we are not tied to the necessary prescript of the day 2. And have more liberty and freedome in the rest 3. And their Sabbath was a type and figure of those things which are now fulfilled and accomplished in Christ. Bastingius QUEST VII What it is to sanctifie the Sabbath day TO sanctifie it 1. God is said to sanctifie the seventh day one way and man another God by instituting that day and consecrating it unto his service man by referring it unto the use and end appointed of God Vrsin 2. Neither is God said so to sanctifie it as though this day had any speciall kinde of holinesse in it selfe affixed to it but in regard of the use because it was consecrated and set apart for holy duties Simler 3. And this sanctifying signifieth two things both a separating of this day from other prophane and common dayes and the speciall addicting and appropriating of the same to the service of God 4. And it is not referred onely to the day sed ad ipsos homines c. but to the men themselves that they should be sanctified and prepared for the service of God Gallas 5. They then are deceived which thinke they doe sanctifie this day onely in the corporall rest and that they have done the dutie here required by abstinence from labour for the day must be sanctified that is consecrate to the service of God Deus non curat principaliter de quiete corporum God principally doth not take care for the rest of the bodie sed curat de cultu suo but he taketh care for his service the bodily rest is commanded to no other end than as it is an helpe to the setting forth of Gods worship Tostat. qu. 13. QUEST VIII Of the labouring six dayes whether it be a Commandement Vers. 9. SIx dayes shalt thou labour 1. In the Hebrew it is Six dayes shalt thou serve and it seemeth to have speciall reference unto the servant that hee should dispatch all his masters worke in six dayes and deferre none unto the seventh the other clause and doe all thy worke concerneth the master himselfe and those which were free for the servant did not his owne worke but his masters but the master and the free man did his owne worke Oleast 2. God here enjoyneth not to labour six dayes as though it were not lawfull upon any occasion to rest upon the weeke dayes sed ipsa facilitate ad parendum invitat but he doth perswade to obedience by the easinesse of the precept Calvin 3. And hereby the Lord sheweth how liberally he dealeth with us that whereas wee ought to spend every day in his service yet he leaveth unto us six dayes for our affaires and reserveth the seventh onely to himselfe Basting 4. And yet further God so giveth unto us six dayes to worke in as that the private worship of God be not neglected in prayer and hearing of his word as occasion serveth but the seventh day is set apart for his publike service in such sort as that then all other affaires must give place unto it Vrsin 5. Three reasons then are specially used to move unto the obedience of this Commandement one is from the end because it is to be kept holy to the glory of God another from Gods example which two reasons are mentioned afterward and here is propounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the easinesse of the precept that seeing wee have libertie to worke six dayes we may the better rest upon the seventh Pelargus QUEST IX What works were permitted to be done upon the Sabbath Vers. 10. THou shalt not doe any worke 1. We must observe that there was a great difference among the Jewes in the observation of their festivall dayes For the Sabbath was more strictly kept than the rest therein they were forbidden to prepare or dresse that which they should eat Exod. 16.23 or to kindle a fire Exod. 35.3 In the other solemne dayes as in the first day of the Pasch those works are excepted which were about their meat chap. 12.16 onely they are restrained from all servile worke Levit 23.7 And the reason hereof was because the Sabbath was a speciall figure and type of our spirituall rest in Christ and figures are most exactly to bee kept for the more lively shadowing forth of that which was prefigured And therefore we have now more libertie in keeping of the Lords day wherein it is lawfull to provide for our food and to doe other necessary things because the figure and shadow is past and the bodie come Tostat. qu. 13. 2. Notwithstanding the strict injunction of bodily rest certaine works it was lawfull for the Jewes to doe even under the law much more for us now as first works of necessitie qua non pâ—terant bene differri neque anticipari which could neither conveniently bee deferred nor yet prevented Lyran. Of this kinde is necessary defence against the invasion of the enemies as Mattathias resolved to fight against the enemie upon the Sabbath day lest they should have beene put to the sword as their brethren had beene before 1 Maccab. 2.40 So Ioshua with his companie compassed the walles of Jericho seven dayes together of the which number the Sabbath was one it was also lawfull for them on the Sabbath to lead their oxe or asse to water Luk. 13.15 and if their beasts were fallen into the pit to helpe them out Luk. 14.5 And as it was lawfull to save their cattell so also their other substance as if an house were set on fire to quench it if their corne were like to be lost in the field to preserve it They might also in case of necessitie seeke for their food upon the Sabbath as the Apostles rubbed the eares of corne Matth. 12. Secondly it was lawfull to exercise works of mercie and charitie upon this day as to visit the sicke
then neither is it understood of brute beasts Quia nulla nobis rationâ— sociantur because they are not partakers of reason with us thus August lib. 1. de civitat Dei cap. 20. 2. Thomas useth this reason Non est peccatum uti illis quae sunt subdita hominis potestati c. It is no sinne to use those things which are subject to mans power and made for mans use for there is a certaine naturall order that plants are for the nourishment of beasts and beasts feed one upon another Omnia in nutrimentum hominum c. and all are appointed for the nourishment of man and the Lord hath given unto man this liberty As the greene herbe have I given you all things Gen. 9.3 The Apostle also sheweth the Lawfulnesse hereof Whatsoever is sold in the shambles eat yee and aske no question for conscience sake 1. Cor. 10.25 Thom. in opuscul 3. Cajetane addeth further that it is lawfull to kill beasts Vt vescamur eis vel ne molesta sint nobis To feed upon them or that they be not noisome unto us 4. And the word ratzach here used in the opinion of the Hebrewes signifieth properly to kill a man and therefore there need to be no doubt made of the lawfulnesse of killing other creatures for mans use Simler Cajetan QUEST III. Of the divers kindes of killing THou shalt not kill There are divers kindes of killing some doe kill the soule onely some the body only some both the body and soule 1. They kill the soule which seduce and pervert it as therefore the Devill is said to be a murderer from the beginning Ioh. 8. In quantum traxit ad peccatum because hee drâ—w our first parents into sinne 2. The body and soule is killed two wayes occidendo pragnantes in killing of women with childe for so the infant conceived is deprived both of body and soule Secundo interficiendo seipsum secondly when one killeth himselfe for beside the death of the body they bring their soule into danger Thom. in opuscul 3. The body is killed also divers wayes for Homicidium est internum externum murder is either inward or outward the inward is of two sorts either conceptum conceived as in anger hatred desire of revenge which our Saviour forbiddeth Matth. 5.22 or permissum when it is permitted or suffred when one consenteth unto another mans death Rom. 1.31 They doe not only the same things but favour them that doe them Pelarg. Thom. The externall is committed three wayes manu by the hand as in beating wounding and lastly killing or ore with the mouth in railing reviling giving evill counsell and adjutorio by ministring helpe and so being accessary in killing Thom. This externall murder is either Verbis exâ—ptatum gestu attentatum opere designatum wished in word attempted in gesture or designed in deed Pelarg. QUEST IV. How the soule is killed by evill perswasion FIrst then the seducing and perverting of the soule is a principall breach of this Commandement as Piscator well observeth that seductio animae the seducing of the soule is one of the transgressions of this precept 1. Augustines reason is taken from the practice of the Devill Homicida Diabolus non gladio armatus c. verbum malum seminavit occidit The Devill is a murderer he came not unto man with armour or weapons he sowed evill seed by tempting them and so slew them In Ioan. tract 42. 2. Thomas useth this reason Occidunt animam auferendo vitam gratiae They slay the soule by taking away the life of grace So Augustine concludeth Si fratri tuo mala persuades occidis If thou perswade evill unto thy brother thou killest him ibid. QUEST V. That it is not lawfull for a man to kill himselfe SOme thinke that by this precept man is forbidden to kill another but not himselfe But that it is a speciall offence against this law for any man to lay violent hands upon himselfe it may be thus shewed 1. Augustines reason is Neque enim qui se occidit aliud quà m hominem occidit Neither hee which killeth himselfe doth any other than kill a man 2. Pelargus useth this reason Praeceptum eum ipsum comprehendâ— cui praecipitur A precept being simply propounded without any other addition comprehendeth him also to whom the precept is given in that it is said therefore Thou shalt not kill it is insinuated that thou shalt not kill thy selfe 3. Because our life is the gift of God it cannot be taken away from whomsoever without great impiety and Facit injuriam humano generi he that killeth himselfe doth wrong unto humane society in depriving the Commonwealth of a member thereof Basting 4. The same reasons why a man should not kill his neighbour because he is the image of God hee is our flesh and one of Christs members for whom he died are strong to perswade one not to kill himselfe for no man ever hated his owne flesh Vrsinus 5. Whereas it is objected that Sampson killed himselfe the answer is he did it Instinctu Spiritus Dei By the instinct of Gods Spirit so that hee did it Authoritate Dei By Gods authority Thomas QUEST VI. The inward murder of the heart forbidden NOt only the externall act of murther is here forbidden but the internall also by hasty rage malice hatred envy and such like 1. Lex Dei spiritualis est The law of God is spirituall and therefore iâ— bindeth not only the hands and tongue but the heart also and affections as our blessed Saviour the best interpreter of the law teacheth If one be angry with his brother unadvisedly he shall be culpable of judgement Matth. 5.22 Gallas 2. Another reason is because he qui irascitur sine causa quamum ad voluâ—â—â—tem homicidium fecit which is angry without a cause in respect of his owne will and purpose hath committed manslaughter Chrysost. hom 11. in Matth. Therefore the Apostle saith He that hateth his brother is a manslayer 1. Ioh. 3.15 3. Bonus medicus non solum tolliâ— malum quod apparet sed etiam radicem removet infirmitatis A good Physitian doth not only take away the evill that is apparent but also removeth the very root of the disease Thomas Therefore our Saviour biddeth not only to take heed of murther but of anger also ex ira enim homicidium generatur for homicide or murther is ingendred by anger and rage Chrysostome 4. And where the effect is forbidden there also the cause and occasion thereof is restrained as God would not have us to hurt our brother so he would have all occasions thereof to bee cut off Vrsinus QUEST VII What things are to be taken heed of in anger COncerning anger and rage which is the inward killing five things are here to be taken heed of 1. Ne citò provocatur that it be not soone provoked as S. Iames saith Loe every man be swift to heare slow to speake and slow to wrath chap.
1.19 And there be two reasons why anger should not be soone provoked because rage is a sinne before God and so deserveth punishment and for that every man desireth libertie but he that is given to anger is not Dominus sui ipsius Master of himselfe 2. He must take heed ut 〈◊〉 in ira permaneat that he continue not long in anger Psal. 4. Be angrie and sinne not Ephes. 4. Let not the Sunne goe downe upon your wrath 3. Men must bee carefull ne procedat primò in corde that anger proceed not first in the heart for then it turneth to hatred and he that hateth his brother is a manslayer for Se interficit spoliando se charitate alium He killeth himselfe by spoyling himselfe of charitie and another also 4. Ne procedat in verbo It must not proceed in word for he which calleth his brother foole is in danger of hell fire Matth. 5. 5. Ne procedat in opere It must not proceed unto the deed for in every worke wee must consider two things Facere justitiam misericordiam To doe justice and shew mercie but he which is angrie can doe neither For the first the Apostle saith that the wrath of 〈◊〉 doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God Iam. 1.20 It is reported of Plato that hee should say to his servant that had offended him Punirem te nisi essem iratus I would punish thee if I were not angrie And he that is angrie can shew no mercie as it is said of Simeon and Levi in their rage they killed a man Gen. 49. Thom. in opuscul QUEST VIII Of rayling and reviling NExt unto the inward rage and heat of the affections followeth the outward indignation expressed by words gesture and other signes and the third degree is when men fall to plaine railing backbiting slandering threatning as these three are thus expressed by our blessed Saviour Whosoever is angrie with his brother unadvisedly shall be culpable of judgement and whosoever saith unto his brother racha shall be worthie to be punished by a counsell and whosoever shall say thou foole shall be worthie to be punished with hell fire Matth. 5.22 1. Here our Saviour maketh three degrees of anger or rage the one in the sudden heat and boyling of the affection inwardly without cause the second in the shewing of this indignation outwardly by any disdainfull words as in calling one racha that is idle head light braine for so rik in the Hebrew to the which this Syrian word agreeth both in sound and sense signifieth light value Iun. Matth. 5.22 As also this indignation may bee expressed by other signes as by grinning frowning spitting and such like Simler Then the third degree followeth in open railing as calling one foole with other termes of reviling 2. As our Saviour maketh difference of the sins so also he sheweth divers degrees of punishment alluding unto the politike forme of judgement for first there was the session or judgement of three who judged of small causes then of 23. who determined more waightie matters then of 71. before whom the high Priest or a false Prophet and sometime a whole tribe was convented and judged Beza So he that is angrie shall be censured in the secret judgement of God he that sheweth his indignation by opprobrious words shall be held guiltie before all the assemblie of the heavenly Angels and Saints he that raileth and revileth shall bee judged worthie of hell fire that is of the greatest punishment Marlorat For they used foure kinds of punishments among the Jewes whereby they put malefactors to death strangling the sword stoning and fire of the which the last was the worst Beza 3. For he that raileth and revileth tres quasi uno ictu occidit killeth three as it were with one blow himselfe him that giveth credit and the third whom he slandereth and revileth Basting QUEST IX Whether beating and wounding though there be no killing be not forbidden here THe externall act followeth not only of killing but in offering any other violence with the hand in beating wounding striking and such like 1. Here commeth to be examined the opinion of R. Salomon that in this precept only murther is forbidden but other violent wrongs in maimes wounds shedding of bloud beatings and such like hee thinketh onely afterward to bee restrained in the Judicials 2. Against this opinion these reasons are enforced 1. The Judicials only concerned the Israelites and did not bind the Gentiles but even among them these kind of violent assaults were unlawfull therefore they are forbidden not by the Judicials only but by the Morall law Tostat. qu. 21. He also urgeth this reason The things which were forbidden by the Judicials of Moses only it was no sinne for the Israelites to doe before those Lawes were given them that is before they came to Mount Sinai but it was unlawful before for them one to smite another as for the same cause Moses reproved an Hebrew that did his brother wrong and smote him Exod. 2.13 therefore these wrongs were not only prohibited by the Judiciall law 3. Burgensis giveth this reason Quia facit contra charitatem Because he that smiteth or woundeth though he kill not doth against charity as he also doth which killeth though in an higher degree So also Lippoman 4. Tostatus further giveth this rule Omnia quae pertinent ad idem genus reducuntur ad idem prâ—ceptuum All that belongeth to the same kinde is to be referred to the same Commandement as all wounding beating smiting tendeth to the hurt of our brother in his body as killing likewise doth QUEST X. Why actuall murder is such an hainous sinne before God NOw followeth the greatest transgression among the rest which is the taking away of a mans life 1. For if hatred envy railing wounding and the like are counted murder before God in respect of the will and purpose much more murder it selfe which is the scope and end whereat all the former wrongs and injuries drive for if those things are displeasing unto God because they often bring forth murder the effect it selfe must needs bee more hainous Basting 2. Another reason which amplifieth the sinne of murder is because the Lord by this meanes seeth Imaginem suam violari that his image is violated which is given as a reason of this precept Gen. 9.6 Calvin 3. And againe it is an unnaturall sinne because man is as our owne flesh as the Prophet saith Isai. 58.7 Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh but no man ever hated his owne flesh as the Apostle saith Calvin Yea the murderer herein is crudelier Lupâ— more cruell than the Wolfe for as Aristotle writeth 4. Animalium Give unto a Wolfe the flesh of another Wolfe and he will not eat it yet one man preyeth upon another and devoureth another Thomas 4. Hominum societas violatur by this meanes the societie of man is violated which that it may be preserved the Lord forbiddeth all shedding of
c. although he have not a wife given against whose bodie he sinneth yet the bodie of Christ was given him in Baptisme and hee made a member thereof if it be not lawfull to sinne against the bodie of his wife much lesse against the bodie of Christ whose members hee taketh and by fornication maketh them members of an harlot as S. Paul sheweth 1 Cor. 6.15 So he concludeth Est ergo haeresis dicere fornicationem c. it is heresie therefore to say that single fornication is not deadly sinne c. and therefore in this precept Thou shalt not commit adultery not onely adultery but all carnall copulation out of matrimonie is forbidden Thomas in opuscul 3. Tostatus urgeth these reasons 1. Whatsoever is evill belonging unto carnall lust must be here forbidden either expressè or tacitè either by expresse words or closely for it cannot bee forbidden elsewhere now simple fornication even by the naturall light of reason is judged to be evill But it is not necessarie to finde out a thing evill by nature that all men should bee of the same judgement but onely those whose reason and understanding is aright for like as some are deceived in the judgement of the outward sense as hee whose tongue is infected with bitter choler thinketh hony to bee bitter and hee whose eye is vitiate and corrupt with a kinde of melancholy will take the Aethiope and the Crow to be whitish So in some the judgement of naturall reason is corrupted as in intemperate and incontinent men it is therefore sufficient that temperate and sober men by the light of reason judge fornication to be evill 2. Every naturall act not used and employed to the right end is evill so then as to eat and drinke Non propter conservationem individui c. not to preserve the bodie but of riot and excesse is evill so to use carnall copulation of lust and not Propter conservationem speciei per generationem c. for the preserving of the kinde by generation for the which it is appointed must needs be evill as it is in fornication Tostat. quaest 22. 4. M. Calvin thus proveth that fornication is a sinne before God and a breach of this Commandement Ex quo legimus Deum benedixisse conjugio c. where we read that God blessed marriage it is easie to gather on the contrary that all other companying of man and woman not in marriage is accursed and so the Apostle setteth the one as opposite to the other Hebr. 13.4 Marriage is honourable among all men c. but whoremongers and adulterers God will judge Seeing therefore the sanctitie and chastitie of marriage is commanded in this precept the contrarie is forbideen all other acts of uncleannesse whatsoever which are a violation of marriage 2. Nec aliunde quà m ex lege Oseas illam reprehensionem sumpsit c. Neither did Hosea take that reprehension but from the law c. 4.11 Whoredome wine take away the hears 3. S. Paul also sheweth that the Israelites were punished for their fornication and fell in one day 23 thousand 1. Cor. 10.8 4. The Apostles also exhorting the brethren to abstaine from fornication giue this as a reason thereof because Moses was read in their Synagogues every Sabbath day Act. 15.19 if fornication then had not been contrary to the law of Moses and so generally taken it had not been such a great offence Sic Caluin in hunc locum QUEST XII Spirituall fornication is not a breach of this precept SOme doe make spirituall fornication a breach of this Commandement Thou shalt not commit adulterie Necesse est spiritualiter observari it must bee spiritually observed and this abstinence from spirituall fornication they make of thâ—â—e sorts 〈◊〉 Idolorum omni superstitioâ—â— Gentiliâ—â—â— from the ceremonies of Idols and all superstition of the Gentiles there is another kind of fornication Qua in Iudaismi superstitionibus contâ—â—etur which consisteth in the superstitions of Iudaisme and the third is adulteriâ—m haereticorum the adulterie of heretickes Lippom. ex collationibus putrum But spirituall fornication because it concerneth the worship of God cannot bee referred to this precept being of the second Table which onely concerneth our dutie toward our neighbour and beside if this precept should bee so spiritually understood then the rest of the second table in like manner which were inconvenient and spirituall fornication which is committed by idolatrie and false worship is a peculiar breach of the second Commandement and therefore need not to bee referred hither QUEST XIII Of the lawfulnes and dignitie of mariage NOw because in this precept Thou shalt not commit adulterie as all inconveniencie and uncleannes is forbidden so chastitie both in mariage and without is commanded Here it shall not bee amisse to insert certaine questions concerning mariage and first of the lawfulnes and dignitie thereof which the Apostle calleth honourable Heb. 13.4 This honour of the maried estate is set forth 1. By the author and institutor thereof God himselfe when hee brought Eve unto Adam and to signifie the neere conjunction that ought to bee betweene man and wife hee made woman of one of the mans ribs Gen. 2. 2. The time and place when and where Matrimonie was instituted doe set forth the commendation of it which was in Paradise in the time of mans innocencie before sinne yet was entred into the world 3. The holy and wholesome ends for the which Matrimonie was ordained doe shew not only the lawfulnes but the excellencie of it which shall afterward quest 27. more fully bee declared whereof the most especiall is the procreation of children ipsi Deu Ecclesiae reipublica unto God himselfe his Church and Common-wealth Bucan 4. In holy Matrimonie it hath pleased God to represent unto us the mysticall conjunction betweene Christ and his Church Ephe. 5. so that it cannot bee but holy wherein is shadowed forth such an holy mysterie QUEST XIV Of the espousals and contract of mariage with the difference and divers kinds thereof NOw Matrimonie is of two sorts either inchoatum which is only initiate and begun by the espousals and contract onely or it is perfect and consummate when all the rites of mariage are accomplished and performed Concerning the contract and espousals which is the affiancing and betrothing of the man and woman each to other by their owne voluntarie and full consent with the liking and approbation of their friends there are two kinds of them 1. Some contracts are conditionall and de futura of the time to come as they are called as if the man make this promise that hee will marrie a woman if her friends will consent or if hee may have a competent dowrie with her or if both the parties are under age and not fit for mariage for all these espousals are onely promises of mariage for the time to come and they doe not binde the parties they may shew their levitie in not performing the promise
say wee are delivered though wee have done all these abominations Ierem. 7.9 Chrysostome well sayth to this purpose Non est locuâ— hic lupanar sed Ecclesia si membra meretricis habes abesto ab Ecclesia ne praesentiâ tuâ sordescat This place is no brothelhouse but the Church if thou hast the members of an harlot absent thy selfe from the Church lest it be defiled by thy presence c. homil 62. super loan 2. Obser. Against fornication ANd let not onely adulterers take heed unto themselves even fornication between those that are not married is a grievous offence before God who will not onely judge adulterers but whoremongers also Hebr. 13.4 And that saying of the Apostle may bee applied against fornication as well as adulteries Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God c. if any man destroy the Temple of God him shall God destroy 1 Cor. 3.16 Whereupon Augustine thus writeth Non vis corrumpi domum tuam quare corrumpi◠〈◊〉 Dei Thou wouldest not have thine house corrupted or defiled why then doest thou corrupt the house of God lib. dâ— in chord cap. 9. And these mischiefes fornication bringeth with it 1. Perdit animaâ— The fornicator destroyeth his owne soule Prov. 9.18 Hee knoweth not that the dead are there and that her guests are in the depth of hell 2. Consumit substantiam He consumeth and wasteth his substance Prov. 6.16 Because of the whorish woman a man is brought to a morsell of bread 3. Vilificat prolem It maketh their posteritie vile and base as the Apostle sheweth Otherwise were your children uncleane 1 Cor. 7.14 that is without mariage 4. Privat honore c. It depriveth of honour and purchaseth an everlasting blot Prov. 6.32 Hee shall find a wound and dishonour and his reproach shall never bee put away Thomas in opuscul 3. Obser. Against disguising of the bodie and uncomely apparell AVgustine sheweth how this Commandement is otherwise transgressed by light behaviour disordered apparell disguising of the bodie Habitus impudicus corporis est nuntius adulterini cordis The unshamefast behaviour of the bodie is the messenger of an adulterate heart Superflua inordinata capilatura vestimentorum muliebrium affectata similitudo as Superfluous and inordinate haire and affectation of womens garments c. And in women Fucatafacies capillorum nativi coloris adulteratio A painted face colouring of the haire imitating the fashion of mens garments c. August serm 347. The one S. Paul reproveth in men 1 Cor. 11.14 Doth not nature it selfe teach you that if a man have long haire it is a shame unto him The other S. Peter reprehendeth in women As their broydred haire and gold put about and the putting on of apparell 1 Pet. 3.3 The eighth Commandement 1 Questions discussed QUEST I. Whether the stealing of men only bee forbidden in this precept Vers. 15. THou shalt not steale R. Salomon is of opinion that only the stealing of men is prohibited here because that kinde of stealth onely was punished by death other kinds of theft by restitution either of double or quadruple Contra. 1. It doth evidently appeare that all kinde of theft and not that of men onely is here forbidden by these two reasons first because the Morall law only as grounded upon the law of nature did binde both Iewes and Gentiles the Judicials only concerned the Israelites therefore if other thefts had beene restrained only by the Judicials and not by the Morall law the Gentiles would not have condemned the stealing of goods as well as of men as they did Secondly the Judicials did only binde the people after they were delivered unto them not before but it was a sinne to steale in Israel even before they had received the Judicials 2. The ground of his opinion is not found that the breach of every morall law was punished by death for the coveting of a mans ox or asse though this coveting had proceeded to act was not judged worthie of death Tostat. qu. 24. QUEST II. Of the order and phrase used in this precept THou shalt not steale 1. Next unto those wrongs which either are done unto a mans single person as in offering violence to his life or in persona conjuncta in his coupled and conjoyned person namely his wife in committing adulterie next after follow those injuries which concerne his substance and such things as appertaine unto him Thomas in opuscul 2. And first of all prohibentur nocumenâ—a quae infertimiur facto those hinderances are forbidden which are done in fact then those quae inseruntur verbo which are done in word as in 9. precept Thou shalt not beare false witnesse Lyran. 3. But here this word theft is more generally taken quà m apud juriscâ—nsu tos than among the Lawyers Borrah for it signifieth quamlibet alienae rei usurpationem any kinde of usurping of that which is another mans Gloss. interlinear 4. And the reason why all violence fraud circumvention is prohibited under the name of theft is Furandi verbum posuit quod ut probrosâ—m omnibus naturaliter exhorrent He useth the word stealing which all men by nature doe abhorre is ignominious that we might the better be perswaded to abstaine from all kinde of theft Calvin For men cunningly doe glose and colour their vicious and corrupt dealing with honest names as fraud and deceit is called wit and cunning getting of other mens goods providence The Lord therefore to meet with all such daubing doth call things as they are and sheweth how that before him all such wrong-doers are held guiltie of theft QUEST III. Of the generall heads of the things here prohibited THree things in generall are forbidden in this Commandement 1. The unjust getting of other mens goods which is 1. Either by rapine or violence either of sacred things or of prophane and common 2. Or else by theft and pilfring 3. Or by deceit circumvention and fraud 2. All dammages discommoditie or hinderance which either is brought upon another by hatred evill will enmitie or else which is not turned aside and declined from our brother it being in our power 3. The abuse of mens goods and substance is likewise here condemned either in the evill bestowing and expending of them in vaine and unprofitable things or in the unjust holding and possessing and not imploying of them when necessitie requireth Simler QUEST IV. Of Sacrilege THe first generall transgression then is in sacrilege which is the stealing either of any sacred thing appointed for holy and sacred uses out of any place sacred or prophane or of any prophane and common thing out of a sacred place And this sacrilege is of two kinds it is either of things spirituall or of things externall and temporall of this latter sort are these 1. The wilfull stealing and withdrawing of such things as are ordained to holy and divine uses which kinde of sacrilege is strictly punished by humane lawes Such was the sinne of Achan in stealing the wedge
Wisdom 1.11 The mouth that lieth slayeth the soule Sic. Thom. in opuscul 2. Observ. Not to conceale the truth whether publikely or privately AGaine it is a kinde of false witnesse as is shewed before when the truth is concealed either publikely or privately as when one suffereth his neighbour to be overcome in judgement when hee by his testimony might deliver him As to this purpose may be applied that saying of the Wise-man Prov. 24.11 Deliver those that are drawne to death and wilt thou not preserve them that are led to be slaine And of this kinde is that usuall negligence and oversight of men that privately doe not one tell another of their sinnes which duty is reproved by the law Levit. 19. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thine heart but thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour and suffer him not to sinne He then which seeth his brother sinne in drunkennesse prophanenesse swearing or howsoever else and holdeth his peace therein offendeth against the rule of charity and is found before God to be an hater of his brother Augustine useth this fit similitude Si hominem videres ambulare incautum in tenebris ubi tu put cum esse scires taceres qualis esses c. If thou shouldest see a man walking in the darke without taking heed where thou knowest there is a pit and holdest thy peace what manner of one wouldest thou shew thy selfe Pracipitat se quis in vitia sua c. One casteth himselfe headlong into vice and vaunteth himselfe in thy hearing of his evill doing and yet thou doest praise him and smilest to thy selfe c. August in Psal. 49. Upon the tenth and last Commandement 1. The questions discussed QUEST I. The last precept Thou shalt not covet whether two or 〈◊〉 THou shalt not covet c. 1. Some thinke that this Commandement is to be divided into two and the first to restraine the concupiscence and desire of anothers wife the other the coveting of such things which doe belong unto him which are either moveable or immoveable things the moveable are of two sorts either the things with life and them either reasonable as his man servant his maid servant or unreasonable as his oxe or asse or without life as his goods his immoveable are his house lands possessions Of this opinion is August lib. de 10. chord cap. 9. to whom consenteth Thomas Aquinas and Tostatus and it is the received opinion among the Romanists and some other as Pelargus Osiander Pellican Their reasons shall first be examined 1. Thomas useth this reason Because there are but three Commandements in the first table there must be seven in the second to make up the number of ten And that there are but three in the first table he would prove by the subject or matter of the Commandements which concerne our duty to God which is three-fold Diligenti Deum tria necesse est facere He that loveth God must performe three things 1. Quòd non habeat alium Deum He must have no other God 2. He must honour him therefore it is said Thou shalt not take in vaine c. 3. Libenter quiescat 〈…〉 He must rest and settle himselfe in God therefore it is said Remember thou keepe holy c. Answ. 1. Thomas here omitteth one principall duty which is the internall 〈◊〉 of God for it is not enough to know who is to be worshipped which is prescribed in the first precept Thou shalt have no other Gods but after what manner he will be worshipped that is by a spirituall and internall worship as our blessed Saviour saith Ioh. 4.21 God is a spirit and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and truth This manner of Gods worship is prescribed in the second Commandement Thou shalt make to thy selfe no graven image c. 2. Wherefore thus rather may the 〈◊〉 toward God be distinguished his worship is either internall or externall the internall sheweth who is to be worshipped in the first precept and how that is spiritually in the second precept The externall is either private in the confession of Gods name in the third precept or publike in keeping of his Sabbaths Vrsin 2. Lyranus thus reasoneth Those things which are so divers that one may be covered and not the other belong not to one precept Aliquis habens pronitatem ad 〈◊〉 non habeâ—â— ad alterum One may have a pronenesse and aptnesse to one and not to another as he may covet his neighbours wife and not covet any of his beside therefore these two kindes of covetings belong not to one precept Answ. 1. This reason may be retorted for so one may be guilty of idolatry and false worship who yet holdeth but one Cod and therefore by this reason the two first precepts which they confound and make but one which divide the last must be distinguished 2. Though in particular he that coveteth a mans wife doth not alwayes covet his oxe or asse yet in generall he coveteth that which is another mans for his wife is properly his as any thing that belongeth unto him therefore the proposition will be denied that the coveting of that which is not joyned with the coveting of another thing belongeth not to the same precept for one may covet a mans house and ground that coveteth not his oxe or asse as Ahab did that desired Naboths vineyard and so by this rule as many particular things there are which may be severally coveted so many particular precepts there should be of coveting 3. Tostatus thus argueth Sicut se habet actus ad actum c. As one act is to another the like respect hath one concupiscence to another but the act of adultery and theft are divers and belong to two divers precepts therefore so should the divers concupiscence tending to those divers acts be divided into two precepts Answ. The argument followeth not because the acts of adultery and theft are forbidden in two divers precepts therefore the concupiscences tending thereunto should for there is difference betweene the conception of sinne and the birth and perfection thereof when sinne is brought forth and perfited then it appeareth of what kinde it is but being yet in the body or in the seed it cannot be so distinguished as darnell and corne being but yet in the grasse cannot bee so well discerned Beside another difference is because the externall acts of theft and adultery differ in the quality of the sinne and oâ—e is more hainous than another and deserveth a greater punishment and therefore the precepts are fitly distinguished but the like difference of quality and punishment cannot be made in the originall and first concupiscence where the will hath not yet assented 4. Pelargus addeth this reason Duo sunt principia concupiscentiae c. There are two beginnings or occasions of concupiscence one internall the other externall the Apostle calleth them the concupiscence of the flesh and the concupiscence of the eye 1. Ioh. 2.16 therefore
with me altogether which both Cajetane and Lippoman confesse to be a defect in that translation 2. The Chalde reads coram me before me but the word is itâ—i with me the other phrase used before is ghal pâ—nai before my face vers 3. 3. Retaining then the usuall reading with me some referre it to the spirituall idolatry of the minde which is covetousnesse that in the service of God their mindes should not be inclined to the love of silver and gold Ferus Some doe take this to be the sense that although the Lord by his authority appointed certaine images to be made in the Tabernacle as of the Cherubims yet they should not presume nor arrogate unto themselves the like power But the more proper meaning is that they should not make any such images to joyne them with God to worship God and them together as this was the superstition of the Jewes to worship God and Baal together Simler And withall these words with me doe put them in minde of the covenant which they had made with God and not with images Cajetan QUEST XIV Why mention is made only of images of silver and gold GOds of silver nor Gods of gold c. 1. Mention is made only of silver and golden images for this reason as Augustine saith Because a man being ashamed of that which is most deare and precious unto him faciliùs avertitur à veneratione viliorum c. is more easily turned from those things which are more vile in Psal. 113. So also Tostatus Quia ista magis movont c. Because these metals of gold and silver doe more easily move to idolatry than wood or stone quaest 39. 2. And because Idolaâ—ers iis Dei majestatem ornari putant doe thinke that Gods Majesty is adorned by these metals of silver and gold Deum sibi magis obstrictum putant and they thinke that God is more bound unto them for offering unto him the more precious things Gallas Therefore instance is specially given in thâ—se 3. Another reason is that mention is made of these metals in quae vos jâ—s habetis c. because man hath right and power over all such things being made for their use Borrh. and therefore their errouâ—â— the greater in worshipping that which is made for their use and service QUEST XV. Why the Lord commanded an altar of earth to be made Vers. 24. AN altar of earth c. 1. Here is an opposition made betweene the altars which the Gentiles made to their Idols and the altar which God would have consecrated to himselfe Gentiles idolis construebant altaria ornata sublâ—mia The Gentiles did build sumptuous and high altars to their Idols as placing religion in them Thom. 1.2 qu. 102. art 4. addit 7. So also Lyranus Hoc praecepit in detestationem idolatria Hee commanded this in the detestation of idolatry 2. Some thinke that the Lord intended hereby to commend unto his people the internall worship as if he should have said Ego externa illa ornamenta parvi peâ—do c. I esteeme not of those outward ornaments which might withdraw thy minde from my true worship Lippom. 3. But the reason indeed of this precept was ue diutius dâ—rareâ—â— that the altars made of earth might not continue long Simler This then was only a temporary precept that the Israelites while they were in the way should use such simple altars which might soone bee destroyed againe lest they might be occasions of superstition afterward untill such time as the Tabernacle should be erected and the reason hereof was that God would only have the altar which should be set up in the Tabernacle afterward to continue lest the having of many altars in divers places should be an occasion of superstition This was the cause why the Israelites were so jealous of the Reubenites and Gadites for building an altar which they made Non cultus sed monumenti causa Not for religion sake but to be a monument Iosh. 22. Gallas 4. Some make this altar of earth a type of our Saviour Christ Qui assumpsit carnem quae terrona est si materiam inspicias Who tooke our flesh which is earthly if you respect the matter Precopius Rupert Osiander 5. Some make this morall use of it that we should humilitatem sectari follow humility Ferus Lyranus QUEST XVI What Altar of earth he meaneth BUt here a further doubt ariseth seeing afterward the Altar of burnt offering was commanded to bee made of Sittim wood how that agreeth with this precept to make an altar of earth 1. Ferus to reconcile these places would not have this precept taken literally but that this should bee the meaning Quòd Deus magis piè quà m splendidè vult coli c. That God would rather be worshipped devoutly than sumptuously But there is no necessity here to forsake the literall sense as shall now appeare 2. Lyranus therefore understandeth this of the altar of burnt offering not of the altar of incense which was made of Sittim wood chap. 30. So also was the other made of the same wood chap. 27. therefore this is no sufficient answer 3. Hugo de S. Victor referreth it to the altar of burnt offering Quod terra implebatur c. which they used to fill with earth being made hollow within when they sacrificed So also Osiander 4. But it is evident by the precept following of making an altar of rough and unhewen stones that hee meaneth such altars as were set up of a sudden in the fields as was that commanded to bee made in the borders of Canaan Deut. 27. and that which Elias reared up in Mount Carmel such as were set up repentino tumultuariâ— opere of a sudden and in haste by the way upon some speciall occasion Gallas Tostat. Iun. QUEST XVII Why the Altar was not to be made of hewen stone FOr the same reason they are forbidden if they will make an altar of stone to lift up a toole upon it 1. Some apply it thus that hereby is signified that the articles of faith tanquam lapides integri sunt renendi fine scissione haeretica as whole stones are firmely to bee kept without any hereticall dividing or mangling of them Lyran. 2. Some gather hence that God will not be worshipped humano arbitrio according to the device and fancie of men But this is as well forbidden in other precepts it is not peculiar to this 3. But the reason of this precept was quia lapides politi exprimebant certâ—m figuram qua adorari posset c. Because carved and wrought stones did expresse a certaine similitude and figure which might be used for adoration Tostat. 4. Another reason is quia ad durationem pertinet because that which was builded of hewen stones was like to continue long and therefore the Lord permitteth such altars to be made for the time ut post temporarium ejus usum aut laberetur per se aut destrueretur c. that
and in the time of Samuel Saul and David the Arke and Tabernacle were apart so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice was not so strictly observed QUEST XXII Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder NOw the place where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name was in the Tabernacle and Arke while they were placed together and when they were in two divers places it was lawfull to sacrifice before either of them 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was is evident by the practise of the men of Bethshemesh that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is because the name of God was invocated or called upon where the Arke was 2 Sam. 6.2 And from the mercie seat which was upon the Arke of the Testimony did the Lord use to speake and give answers Numb 7.89 2. Likewise that it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away is apparent 1. Because there was the brasen Altar whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle Levit. 17.6 which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle and not the Arke as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem but the Tabernacle with the furniture thereof he fetched from Gibeon 2 Chron. 1.3 4 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar the Priests and Levits were there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice for they gave their attendance to that end but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle as Ahimelech with 85. more were at Nob where Saul put them to death while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it 1 Sam. 7.1 who alone sufficed not for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel it seemeth therefore that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle though the Arke at that time were in another place 3. Beside after the captivity of Babylon when the Arke was no more to be seene as some thinke hid by Ieremy 2 Macchab. 2 but as is most like lost in the captivity or burnt with the Temple they used to offer sacrifices for after the captivity they restored and renewed such necessary parts and implements as before were in Salomons Temple and were burnt together with the Temple they made like unto them afterward as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord which was upon the golden Altar likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary when Christ gave up the ghost and seeing they offered sacrifices for which cause some sold doves in the Temple whom Christ cast out Matth. 12. they had also the brasen Altar only the Arke they had not for seeing the Tables of stone the pot of Manna and Aarons rod were all missing for the keeping whereof the Arke was principally made they had no cause to make a new Arke there being no farther use or service for it Tostat. quaest 43. QUEST XXIII How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle NOw because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres as may bee gathered thus after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government and Sauls reigne who made 40. yeeres betweene them Act. 13.21 whereof those 20. yeeres were part then it was removed by David about the 8. yeere of his reigne to the house of Obed Edom where it continued three moneths and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem where it stayed 32. yeeres and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne 1 King 6.38 he brought the Arke from Davids tent which hee had pitched for it into the Temple 2 Chron. 1.4 So all these yeeres being put together 40. yeeres of Samuel and Sauls government 40. yeeres under David and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon will make 91. yeeres whereunto adde those seven moneths during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 In which compasse and continuance of yeeres the Arke had these sundry removes first it being carried from Shiloh was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom and so to the house of David 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke after it was severed from the Tabernacle till they were joyned together againe saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while as when they went out to battell as 1 Sam. 14.18 and so was brought to the place againe Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42. QUEST XXIV Of the removing of the Tabernacle AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe so also was Moses Tabernacle for first it was carried from place to place as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse and after they were come into the land of Canaan the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal Iosh. 10. after that it was set up in Shiloh Iosh. 18.1 where it continued all the time of the Judges untill Samuel who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie that the Lord had rejected Shiloh removed the Tabernacle to Nob where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple 2. Chron. 1.3 Tostatus qu. 42. QUEST XXV Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice this distinction is to bee observed 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle when the Arke and it were together and both at the Tabernacle and before the Arke when they were divided as is before shewed 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere as did Samuel David Elias as is before declared quest 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sacrifice and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places and those reproved
suffring of them to serve six yeeres in regard of their necessity yet if they should hold them in perpetuall servitude they should usurpe upon the Lords right seeing they were his servants 2. Another reason is taken from the manner and condition of their service Deut. 15.18 Hee hath served six yeeres which is the double worth of an hired servant which is so said either because the service of six yeeres is double to the time of hired servants who used to covenant from three yeeres to three yeeres Vatab. Or rather because their workes were more laborious than were the hired servants Iun. For hee was to doe his worke for the which he was hired and no more but the other when he had done in his businesse in the field came home and ministred to his master first before hee did eaâ— himselfe Luk. 17.10 And they only served not their master by day but by night they kept their flockes in the field as is evident in the example of Iacob Gen. 31.40 Simler 3. A third reason is taken from a promise of blessing The Lord thy God shall blesse thee in all that thou doest Deut. 15.18 Simler 3. Though this Law concerning the freedome of servants did specially concerne the policy of the Jewes and so belongeth not unto us for now servants are not bought and sold among Christianâ— in the Romane Empire but only hired Osiander Yet the equity of this Law doth binde us that all they which have others in subjection under them should use their authority moderately and in mercy Galas 4. The word here used châ—pshi interpreted free signifieth also solitarie because servants were not solitary or alone by themselves in the house but attended on their masters they which were free were solitary and by themselves giving no attendance upon any Oleaster QUEST XIII Why the space of six yeeres is limited for their service BUt concerning the limiting of the space of six yeeres for service and the appointing of the seventh for liberty what might be the reason thereof thus it is diversly scanned 1. Some doe thus moralize it by six yeeres they understand the perfection of the active life because in six dayes the Lord made the world hee that will come unto contemplation must first approve himselfe in action Lyrâ—n 2. Isidâ—re maketh this application in sex atatibus hujus sâ—culi servientes c. when wee have served the six ages of this world in the seventh which is the eternall Sabbath we shall be free 3. But I preferre rather Rupertus conjecture that this privilege of going out free in the seventh yeere and serving six was proper to the Hebrewes Quia videlicet pater â—orum Iacob sex annis pro gregibus Laban servivit c. Because Iacob their father served six yeeres for Labans flockes and went out free in the seventh chusing rather to sojourne with his fathers Abraham and Isaack than to serve among his kindred for more profit therefore Haec ingenuit as patris illam posteris apud Dominum thesaurizavit This ingenuous minde of their father did treasure up this privilege before the Lord for his posterity that none should be compelled to serve above six yeeres Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 35. 4. But the best reason of all is because as the Lord had from the beginning given them a Sabbath of dayes which was the seventh day of rest so also he gave them a Sabbath of yeeres that every seventh yeere the land should rest and servants should rest from their labours and debters from their creditors and they had also a Sabbath of seven times seven yeeres prescribed that when they had counted seven times seven yeeres then the fiftieth yeere should be the great yeere of remission the yeere of Jubile which was a lively figure of that acceptable time of generall remission at the comming of the Messiah QUEST XIV How the servant is said to come in with his body and to goe out with his body Vers. 3. IF he came himselfe alone 1. Some read If he came with his garment he shall goe out with his garment Hierom. Lyran. But the word is guph which signifieth a body not gaph a wing of a garment the true reading therefore is If he came with his body that is alone without either the body of his wife or children Oleaster And so read both the Chalde and Septuagint If he entred alone he shall go out alone 2. But this case is excepted that if he in the time of service should marry a free woman and not a maid servant given him by his master in this case the free woman should not lose her freedome but should goe out with her husband Tostat. qu. 7. 3. And beside as if he brought a wife with him he went out with his wife so by the like reason if he had children before they should be free likewise Iun. Nay if he should gâ—t children during his service by a wife married before his service those children also should â—oe out with him and not remaine with his master partus sequitur 〈◊〉 the childe followeth the condition of the mother Tostat. quaest 6. 4. And of the former reading If he come in with his body rather than with his garment these two reasons are given 1. Because it is not like that the same garment with the which he entred could continue six yeeres Pallican 2. And the servant was not to bee sent out with his garment alone but with a liberall reward of shâ—epe corne and wine Deut. 15.14 Simler 3. Beside the next clause confirmeth this reading but If he were married c. so to come in alone is to come without a wife or children Iun. QUEST XV. What manner of wife the master was to give to his servant Vers. 4. IF his master have given him a wife 1. Some indifferently understand any maid servant whether a stranger or an Hebrewesse and that such wife and her children shall be her masters till the time of servitude come out Genevens But the master had no power to give an Hebrewesse maid to his servant to wife but he must either take her himselfe or give her to his sonne vers 7 8. Piscat Tostat. It is understood therefore of such maid servants as were of other nations Osiana 2. But it seemeth that the master could not give a Cananitish woman to his servant to wife for they are forbidden to contract marriages with them Deut. 7.4 Tostat. quaest 7. Neither had the master power to give any free woman to his servant for the master was to give onely his owne but a free woman was none of his possession Tostat. 5. This must be understood if the servant will take a wife for otherwise he was not to be compelled for if there were not a free consent it is held to be no marriage and the Master could no more compell the servant to lye with a maid against his will to get children for his masters profit than to force his maid to
Hujusmodi usurarios nisi satisfactionem fecerint c. These usurers unlesse they make satisfaction wee decree not worthy to bee admitted to Ecclesiasticall buriall 10. Hierome also giveth another instance in the country usury is enacted of wine corne oyle as in winter time one delivereth ten bushels Vt in messe accipiat quindecim to receive fifteene in harvest for usury may as well be of meat and other things as of money Deut. 23.19 Hereupon in that great generall Councell all usury was condemned of what kind soever 1 Ex adeâ— ventiâ—ne aliqua vel qualibet â—odo negotium transigens Hee that by any slight or device or by any meanes whatsoever made any such transaction or bargaine is condemned QUEST XLVI Whether all increase by the loane of money be unlawfull FVrther as these kinds of contracts are of the nature of usury though commonly they are not so taken so likewise there may grow some increase and advantage in the use of money and yet no usury committed Here then it must be considered whether it be unlawfull to receive any gaine at all by the use and occupation of money Where I find there are three opinions 1. The Civill and Imperiall lawes doe generally allow or tolerate all kinde of usury as is before shewed quest 43. But the unlawfulnesse of usury is likewise declared before quest 44. 2. Contrariwise the Canonists and Canon law doe condemne all usury and interest whatsoever Si quis affirmare praesumat exercere usuras non esse peccatum c. If any man presume to affirme that it is no sinne to practise usury wee decree him worthy to bee punished as an Heretike And herein the Canons consent Vt ipsum quod dedit sine ullo augmento acciptat c. That what one hath given or lent he should receive without any advantage or increase Yea the Canons are so strict that they allow not any advantage to be made of money by usury to redeeme the Christians therewith that were in captivity among the Saracens 3. But the meane betweene both may bee most safely held for as there may be certaine contracts of usury where there is no gaine or any increase above the principall as before is manifested qu. 45. 1. So Non omne mutuum quod accedit super sortem est usura c. Not every loane which bringeth some gaine above the stocke is to be counted usury As it may appeare in these particular cases 1. Concil Lateranens sub Leon. 10. sess 10. This case was put Demontibus pietatis c. Of the bankes of money which were erected by Christian Magistrates only for the benefit of the poore that they might there have money at their need it was there decreed that for the maintenance of the officers and Ministers of the banke which attended that businesse aliquid moderatum supra sortem salvatur c. that some small thing above the stocke might be paied by those which made profit of the money there borrowed to that end onely for the maintenance of the officers And all the whole Sinode consented excepting onely one Bishop who alleaged that he had learned by experience praefatos montes plus damnosos esse quam miles that the foresaid bankes were more discommodious than profitable But notwithstanding his dissenting the foresaid decree was confirmed 2. Certaine orphans have a stocke left them which will soone be spent if they should live onely of the stocke may not their tutor or guardian put out their money to them which may make some profit by the use thereof Ad res necessarias pupillo subministrandas to minister things necessary to the pupill and orphan Gallas Simler 3. Eadem ratio exulum peregrinorum est c. There is the like reason of exuls and strangers which are not permitted to use any traffique in forraine parts where they sojourne and so can have no maintenance but by the use of their stocks Simler 4. A man borroweth money for a certaine time hee maketh profit of the money and payeth it not unto the Creditor at the time appointed whereby he is much damnified Nemo certe ut arbitror negabit usur accreditori solvendacorater sortem vt pâ—rsetur ejus jactura c. I thinke surely no man will deny but that some gaine should come unto the Creditor above his principall to recompence his losse by not having his money in due time Calvin Hereunto the Civill lawes give consent Vsurâ— solvendae ex mora depositi Vsury is to bee paid for delay in matters committed to one of trust Vsurae debentur ex pensione non solum Vsury is due for a pension not paid Vsura debentâ—â— pro dâ—te ad diem non prastita c. Vsury is due for a dowrie not paid at the day 5. Si quis diviti mercatori pecâ—â—â—â—lam suam utendam dedit c. If one put forth his money to use to a rich Merchant may hee not receive part of the gaine which the Merchant maketh by the use of his money Gallasius 6. A rich man is about a purchase and borroweth a peece of money to goe thorow with his bargaine he that lendeth the mony Au non poterit ex fundi reditu fructum aliquem percipere c. may he not receive some profit by the ground untill his principall be restored Calvin These and divers such cases may bee brought wherein either the gaine and usury is not unjust or because the name of usury and interest is odious it is indeed no usury at all because in these contracts frater non laditur c. our brother is not hurt or hindered and so they are not against charity Simler And in all such transactions where that rule is observed Quod tibi non vis fieri c. That which you would not to bee done to your selfe doe not to another there can be no oppression or injustice Vrsin p. 703. So that where a man in the loane of mony offereth no other measure to his neighbour than he would be content he should mete by unto him againe the rule of equality being observed no great offence or inconvenience can ensue 4. But that we may yet grow to a more certainty in this matter and question of the loane of money there are foure circumstances to bee considered 1. Who lendeth 2. To whom 3. For what 4. In what manner 1. He that lendeth his money upon usury must not bee such an one as maketh it his trade to live by letting of money but such an one as whose necessity in some sort compelleth him to take some advantage by his money for his necessary maintenance as strangers exiles and orphans as in the second and third cases before propounded who either cannot or know not how to employ their stockes but they which have other meanes to maintaine themselves by as lands rents offices have not the like warrant And of all other trades to be a professed Usurer is most odious And
Jewes therefore simply to take an oath upon their Thora is not to play the Jew but a Christian may as lawfully doe it as to sweare upon the Gospels or any other part of the divine Scriptures 2. Dare favorem errori Iudaeorum c. To give way or shew favour unto the errour of Jewes is sinne but a Christian swearing upon the Thora should give way unto the Jewish errour Ergo. Answ. To sweare upon the Thora where any scandall or offence may grow unto the weake or any occasion of hardning to the Jew it is unlawfull yet this sheweth not but that where no such danger is simply so to take an oath is not unlawfull 3. To make this a lawfull act then for a Christian to take an oath upon the Jewes Thora these things must be considered 1. If he sweare upon it not as upon any other booke of the same contents that is comprehending the five bookes of Moses but as it is a monument of the Jewes bound up in silke and laid up in their Synagogue so is it not lawfull because to be addicted to such superstitious observations is sinne 2. Though there be no difference betweene their Thorah which is written in Hebrew and our Pentateuch in Latine or English in respect of the substance but one indifferently may lay his hand upon the one or the other for there is no difference of languages before God yet if a man make difference in his owne opinion thinking the one not as lawfull as the other herein he should offend doing against his owne conscience 3. Or if an Hebrew should require a Christian to sweaâ—e upon his Thorah rather than upon the Gospels it were not lawfull for hereby we should confirme him in his errour 4. Or if one Christian should require another to sweaâ—e rather upon the Jewish Thorah than upon the Gospels it were not safe so â—o doe because such an one giveth occasion of suspition that he doth not firmely and stedfastly beleeve the contents of the Gospell 5. But if a Christian of himselfe without any such motion made by another doe willingly take his oath upon the Thorah either of necessity because there is no other booke of Scripture present or because he maketh no difference betweene one booke of Scripture and another he may doe it lawfully so it be done without offence unto others Sic Tostat. quaest 16. QUEST XXIX That it is not lawfull for a Christian to sweare upon the Turkes Alcaron or Mahomets thigh nor for a Turke himselfe BUt though a Christian may sweare upon the Jewes Thora the former considerations being observed yet is it altogether unlawfull for him to sweare either upon Mahomets thigh which is kept as an holy relique among the Saracens and Turkes or upon their Alcaron 1. The first is evident because this being a morall precept to sweare by the name of God only and not by the name of any strange gods bindeth all beleeving people for ever now to sweare by Mahomets thigh is to sweare by a strange god and therefore it is unlawfull as well for the Jew as the Christian to take such an oath seeing they are both bound to keepe the morall precepts and Commandements Tostat quaest 19. 2. The other also is unlawfull as it may thus be shewed for an oath is made three wayes either 〈◊〉 God alone without any other externall signe or symboll which is a lawfull and sufficient oath or by the creature alone which is an unlawfull oath for so the glory which is onely due unto God should be given unto the creature or by God and some creature together with reference unto God as when in taking an oath the hand is laid upon a booke But such a creature is used as an externall symboll in an oath as in quo nihil est mendacii wherein there is no lye and it must immediat è nos ducere in cognitionem Dei bring us immediatly to the knowledge of God therefore we lay not our hand upon a stone because it hath no instruction in it as a booke hath But the Gospell hath both these properties there is no falsehood or untruth in it and it doth bring us immediatly and directly to the knowledge of God The Turkes Alcaron hath neither for both it containeth many falsehoods fables and untruths and it can never bring us to the knowledge of the true God having many errours in it So then a Christian taking his oath upon the Alcaron thereby should confesse all to be true which is there contained and so blaspheme God and beside give great offence unto Christians and so secondly his brethren therefore it were better for a Christian to chuse rather to dye than to take such a blasphemous oath Tostat. qu. 20. The like judgement is to be given of the Jewes Talmud which containeth many fables and blasphemies against Christ. And for the same reasons before alleaged even a Turke or Saracen sinneth in taking an oath upon Mahomets thigh though he directly make it not God because he useth such an unholy superstitious and abominable thing in taking of a sacred oath likewise he offendeth in swearing upon his Alcaron which containeth abominable lies and the same most pernicious even concerning the end of all our happinesse in blessednesse in the next world which their Alcaron placeth and maketh to consist in the carnall pleasures of eating and drinking and the use of women Tostat. quaest 21 22. QUEST XXX Why three feasts are only named wherein they had more Vers. 14. THree times thou shalt keepe a feast unto mee in the yeere 1. They had divers other festivall dayes beside these three which are here named the Pasch called the feast of unleavened bread Pentecost named the feast of first fruits and the feast of Tabernacles called here the feast of gathering fruits in the end of the yeere which said three feasts are not named because they were more strictly observed than the rest for the Sabbath was more straitly kept wherein it was not lawfull to kindle a fire Exod. 35.3 nor consequently to doe any worke about preparing of their meat neither in the feast of reconliation was it lawfull to doe any worke at all Levit. 23.28 whereas in other feasts only servile workes are forbidden and in the feast of the Passeover such workes as were about their meat and drinke were permitted Exod. 12.16 But therefore are these three feasts named because in them onely the people were bound to come up before the Lord. 2. And these three were speciall feasts above the rest for these causes 1. Because in them onely the people were required to appeare before the Lord. 2. Speciall oblations were offered in these feasts In the Passeover was offered a sheafe of the first fruits Levit. 23.10 in the feast of Pentecost they presented the first fruits of their wheat harvest faire flower baken with leaven Levit. 23.17 And in the feast of Tabernacles they were commanded to make them boothes of boughes ibid vers
the appearing before the Judge at the latter day he which spendeth his time here in heaping up of wealth in gathering of riches Quia cunctae haec quisque moriens deserit ante Dominum vacuus apparet Because everyone leaveth these things when he dieth he appeareth empty before the Lord. QUEST XXXVIII In what place they appeared before the Lord while the Arke and Tabernacle were asunder Vers. 15. APpeare before the Lord. While the Arke and Tabernacle remained together there was no question at all but that comming to the Tabernacle they appeared there before the Lord but afterward when the Tabernacle and Arke were asunder as they continued at the least the space of 90. yeeres all the time of Samuel and Saul which was 40. yeeres and all Davids reigne till the eleventh yeere of Salomon when the Temple was finished 1 King 6.36 when the Arke and Tabernacle were joyned together againe 2 Chron. 5.5 The doubt is all this while of the separating and dividing of the Arke from the Tabernacle which was the place where the people assembled to keepe their â—easts 1. Simlerus thinketh that where the Arke was they assembled before the Lord. So also Iunius That thither the Tribes went up to keepe their solemnities 2. But herein the opinion of Tostatus is more probable that where the Sanctuary and Tabernacle was there was the place of the solemne assemblies in their feasts for these reasons 1. The Arke was taken from the Tabernacle by the Philistims and kept among them seven moneths and returned in the beginning of the wheat harvest which was about Pentecost If now their festivities were solemnized only before the Arke then at this time in the space of those seven moneths in the absence of the Arke it would follow that two of their great solemnities of the Pasch and Pentecost were omitted which is not to be granted 2. There the meeting of the people was where the Altar of burnt offerings was and the Priests gave their attendance but that was not where the Arke was placed but where the Tabernacle was pitched as is evident 1 Sam. 21. where Ahemelech the high Priest with other Priests were at Nob attending at the Tabernacle the Arke then remaining at Kiriâ—â—hiâ—aâ—im 1 Cor. 6.1 3. After the captivity in the second Temple the Arke was not being lost in the destruction of the Temple and yet there their festivities were kept 4. Now this concourse of the people to the Tabernacle rather than to the Arke was not because it was more worthy than the Arke for the Arke was more worthy of reverence than the whole Tabernacle but by reason of the other implements which went with the Tabernacle as the Altar and table of shew bread and the rest and because the Priests gave their attendance there But if the Tabernacle had beene destroyed and the Arke onely had remained then without all question the Priests and people would have flocked to that place Tostat quaest 28. 3. But it will be objected that the place where the Arke was must needs be that place where they appeared before the Lord because there the Lord manifested himselfe and from thence delivered his oracles not only while it remained with the Tabernacle Numb 7.89 but when it was apart 2 Sam. 6.2 But in this it may be answered that the Lord did not onely give answer from the Arke but from the Tabernacle also Exod. 29.42 and there Ahimelech asked counsell of God for David though the Arke were not there 1 Sam. 22.10 yea the Priest with his Ephod consulted with God though neither the Tabernacle nor Arke were present as David asked counsell of God by the Priest Abeathar that had the Ephod 1 Sam. 23.10 therefore that argument followeth not Tostat. ibid. 4. But though I herein consent with Tostatus that the solemne assemblies and sacrifices were in the place where the Tabernacle was rather than where the Arke was yet herein I dissent from him He thinketh that it was not permitted sacrificia habere nisi 〈◊〉 in loco to have sacrifices but in one place because by this occasion the rude people might have thought there had beene many gods if they should have sacrificed in many places and for this cause the rest of Israel tooke exception to the two tribes and halfe beyond Jordan because they erected an Altar supposing they had made it to sacrifice upon Contra. 1. But it is evident while the Arke and Tabernacle were divided that they offered sacrifices in both places as 1 Sam. 6.14 the men of Bethshemesh offered a burnt offering before the Arke rejoycing at the returne thereof And at Nob where David and the shew bread given him to what end should the Priests have given their attendance but for the sacrifices 2. Neither was there any feare of bringing in a plurality of gods by this meanes seeing all Israel knew that both the Arke and Tabernacle were made at the appointment of one and the same God of Israel by the hand of his servant Moses 3. And the reason is not alike concerning that Altar which was made by the two tribes and halfe which the other tribes had in jealousie because that was erected by the direction and advice of men but both the Arke and Tabernacle had their institution from God and therefore there could be no such feare for sacrificing to either of those places QUEST XXXIX What sacrifice â— commanded here not to be eaten with unleavened bread Vers. 18. THou shalt not offer the bloud of my sacrifice with leavened bread 1. Some doe understand this generally of all sacrifices which were to be offered without leaven Levit. 2.11 Pellican Oleaster And the other Law Neither shall the 〈◊〉 of my sacrifice remaine till the morning Some likewise understand of other sacrifices for although the flesh of the sacrifices might remaine till the next day adeps tamen incendi debebat eodem die yet the fat was to be burned the same day Cajetan As is prescribed Levit. 7.3 But it is better referred to the Paschall lambe as the Chalde Interpreter expoundeth that they should remove leaven out of their house before they offered the Passeover Tostat. Simler Calvin And by far 〈◊〉 principall is understood whatsoever remained of the Paschall lambe as is further declared Exod. 34.25 Iun. Where it appeareth that both these precepts are specially given concerning the Paschall Lambe 2. And the reasons thereof were theâ—e 〈…〉 c. Because the fat doâ—th easily corrupt and putrifie which was an 〈◊〉 thing that any part of the sacrifice should bee suffered to putrifie Gâ—llas As also lest the 〈…〉 the next day Sacerdotes comederâ—nt quod Dei â—â—at the Priests might eat 〈◊〉 which was the Lords 〈◊〉 Oleaster QUEST XL. When the Passeover was to be killed NOw concerning the place where the Passeover was to be offered 1. It must be considered that they were not in the yeerely keeping of the Passeover to doe as they did in the first
institution in Egypt every one killed it in his owne house that was to be done then because they were to strike the bloud upon the doore postes that it might be a signe of their deliverance from the plague while the Angell passed over to smite the Egyptians chap. 12.23 but afterward they were required to sacrifice the Passeover in the place which the Lord should chuse Deut. 16.2 2. Neither was it enough to bring the Passeover up to that place where the Tabernacle was but they were to present it at the doore of the Tabernacle where the Passeover was to be killed as other sacrifices and the bloud to be powred by the Altar 1. Because this was the generall Law for all sacrifices Levit. 17.3 but the Passeover was a sacrifice as here the Lord calleth it my sacrifice and Numb 9.13 he that was negligent to keepe the Passeover should be cut off from his people and this reason is yeelded thereof Because he brought not the offering of the Lord in due season 2. And againe it had beene to small purpose to enjoyne the people to come to the place of the Sanctuary with their Passeover to that end that they should observe no other rites and ceremonies therein than were appointed by the Law if every one might have killed the Passeover in his owne house for then they might have followed what rites they thought good Tostat. quaest 27. QUEST XLI Wherefore they were to eat only unleavened bread in the Passeover THou shalt not offer the blond with leavened bread c. 1. The unleavened bread which they were commanded to eat for seven dayes together is called the bread of tribulation Deut. 16.3 that as it is an unpleasant and unsavoury bread of it selfe so it should call to their remembrance the affliction which they endured in Egypt and consequently their deliverance from the same Simler Calvin 2. But to us it hath this signification first it forbiddeth quicquam Aegyptiacae doctrina divinis rebus admisceri c. that any Egyptiacall or false doctrine should be mingled with divine things Theodoret. As our blessed Saviour in this sense chargeth his Apostles to take heed of the leaven of the Pharisies Mark 8. Secondly the leaven signifieth malitiae nequitiae amaritudinem the bitternesse of malice and wickednesse Rabanus which we must seeke to purge forth as S. Paul applieth it 1 Cor. 5. QUEST XLII What first fruits are here mentioned in this Law Vers. 19. THe first of the first fruits of thy land 1. Some thinke that this Law is understood of the solemne oblation of the first fruits which were of three sorts novarum frugum of their new corne in the feast of the Passeover panum de novis frugibus pistorum of bread baked of the new corne at Pentecost novorum fructuum and of the new fruit as of wine and oile in the feast of Tabernacles But this solemne oblation of the first fruits was before rehearsed in particular vers 15 16. 2. It is rather therefore meant of those first fruits which every man was bound to offer unto the Lord in particular as the first fruits of their trees Levit. 19.25 Iun. The first fruit of their dowe Numb 15.21 and of other things which was to this end to acknowledge their thankfulnesse unto God for the fruits of the land which he had given them Deut. 26.10 Simler 3. Lyranus addeth further that these first fruits are specially understood of the seventh yeere when they did not sow any thing that because mention is made before onely of the first fruits of their labours vers 16. this is added that even they were to give the first fruits of that which the earth brought forth of it selfe in the seventh yeere without their labour that first in common they should offer the first fruits to the Priests before any did gather of them to their owne use which they were the rather to doe in the seventh yeere because those fruits were given them without their labour they were only of Gods sending and for that in that yeere they could not pay any tithes unto the Levices for the tenth part could not be set out from the nine parts because they did not gather the fruits of the earth together as in other yeeres but as they needed them and the remainder was for the beasts of the field therefore they could not gosse at the tenth and the tenth was due from the owner where he tooke the nine parts to himselfe but here the owner tooke no more than another the fruits of the seventh yeere were common unto all Tostat. qu. 29. QUEST XLIII What it is to seeth a kid in the mothers milke Vers. 19. THou shalt not seeth a kid in his mothers milke 1. Some thinke the meaning of this Law is that they should not offer a sucking kid in sacrifice while it was yet tender and under the damme Pellican But this cannot be the sense for after seven dayes it was lawfull to take any thing from the damme and sacrifice it Exod. 22.30 And we reade that Samuel offered in sacrifice a sucking lambe 1 Sam. 8. Beside the flesh of kids when they are weaned are not so sweet and pleasant as before Simler 2. Some interpret this Law by that Levit. 22.28 that they should not kill the cow and ewe and the young both in one day and Deut. 22.6 that they should not take the dam with the young Theodoret. Vatab. But it is a divers thing to seeth the kid in the dammes milke and to seeth or kill the kid with the damme together Pelarg. Oleaster 3. Some doe understand this Law according to the letter that they should not indeed dresse and seeth a kid in the dammes milke and they give this reason because it seemeth to be a cruell thing si lac matris quod datum ei est pro nutrimento adhibeatur ad consumptionem if the milke of the damme which is given for nourishment should be used to waste and consume it Thomas Lyrâ—â—m Others adde this reason Prohibetur ritus Idololatrarum lixantium 〈◊〉 in laste matris The rite and fashion of Idolaters is forbidden which seeth the kid in the dammes milke Cajetane And the Hebrewes affirme that the Ismaelites had such an use to seeth kids in the dammes milke for more delicacie sake Simler The Gentiles also used to sacrifice a kid sod in the mothers milke to the 〈◊〉 of the fields that they might have plenty Tostat. And this is the speciall reason which they insist upon that follow this sense to take it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the words and letter because it is thrice repeated in the same phrase in this place and Exod. 34.26 and Deut. 14.21 Pelarg. Simler and Calvin seemeth to approve the same sense Contra. But against this exposition it may be thus objected 1. The word bashal here used signifieth as well to rost as seeth as Deut. 16.7 Thou shalt rost the paschall Lambe for it was
not to be sodden in water Exod. 12.9 Piscator and so Tostatus thinketh that in this place it may be taken indifferently pro decoctione vel assatione for boiling or rosting but the kid could not in this literall sense be rosted in the mothers milke though they might imagine it to be boiled therein 2. Augustine objecteth thus Quid si mortua matre ejus ab alia oâ—e lactaretur What if the owne dam being dead another ewe gave it sucke it could not be then sod in the mothers milke Lyranus therefore understandeth it de omni lacte of any milke whatsoever But now they which presse the literall sense by this meanes are forced to depart from the letter 3. Againe there is the same reason of other young things as of fowles and of birds as there is of the young of beasts but they cannot be sod in the dammes milke and yet they might be abused as well as other young things therefore these words doe restraine such an abuse about meats as is incident to the flesh of fowle as of cattell The conceit then of Andreas reported by Lyranus hath no ground that it must be understood de carnibus animalium c. non de carnibus avium of the flesh of cattell that are nourished with milke not of the flesh of birds 4. Concerning that superstitious rite of Idolaters there is no certainty of it Horace indeed maketh mention of offering milke unto Sylvanus the god of the fields in this verse Tellurem porco Sylvanum lacte piabant They appeased the goddesse Tellus with a swine and Sylvanus with milke But whether they offered a kid sod in milke it is not certaine and so Tostatus confesseth quaest 37. 5. Neither is that any good reason why it should be taken precisely according to the words because it is thrice rehearsed for in all those places it may well beare another sense more fitting and agreeable as shall be even now shewed 6. This pressing of the literall sense hath given occasion to the Jewes receiving herein the exposition of their Rabbins of great superstition for hereupon the Jewes to this day refraine to boile any flesh at all in milke or to dresse or prepare cheese and flesh together because it is made of milke nor to cut flesh and cheese with the same knife Gallasius neither will they eat cheese after flesh nisi bene perfricuerint dentes unlesse they have thorowly rubbed their teeth before 4. Some therefore not finding how to give a fit sense of the words doe flee unto allegories Augustine saith Hoc quomodo observetur ad proprietatem aut non est aut non elucâ—t c. How this should be observed according to the propriety of the words either it is not at all to be found or else it appeareth not Therefore he approveth that mysticall and figurative sense in referring it to Christ Quod hac prophetia praedictus est non occidendus infans c. Who is foretold by this prophecie that he should not be killed in his infancie when Herod sought to slay him c. The same figurative application followeth Thomas But Augustine addeth further that it may be applied to the time of Christs passion who suffered about that same time of the yeere when his mother began to be conceived with him and women are said ex quo conceperint lac colligere from the time they conceive to gather milke c. But neither of these senses can fitly agree unto Christ who is called the lambe that was slaine but not the goat Some insist upon a morall sense as Rabanus by the goat understandeth the sinner who must not be sod in his mothers milke Id est non purgandus mediocribus Ecclesiae disciplinis sed austerioribus praeceptis That is he must not be purged with the mild discipline of the Church but with austere precepts Procopius and Lippoman following him doe make a quite contrary application Infantes in negotio Christi impossibile est ducere per ignem tribulationes c. They that are infants in the faith of Christ cannot be lead thorow sire and tribulation c. tolerandi non opprimendi sunt they must be tolerated not urged And this uncertainty there is in mens collections when every one followeth his owne sense 5. Wherefore the meaning is no more but this they should not bring for the first fruits of any cattell any kid or other beast dum est adhuc lactea while it is yet but milke that is before it be seven dayes old And as they were not to offer such unto God so neither to use it for their private food Deut. 14.21 Iun. Piscator And this to be the meaning may appeare because here and Exod. 34.26 this precept is annexed to the Law of first fruits and yet more evidently it is explained chap. 22.30 where having made mention of the offering of the first fruits of their oxen and sheepe this is added seven dayes it shall be with his damme which may serve to explicate this clause that so long it is but as the dammes milke till it be eight dayes old And as they were not to offer any such young thing to the Lord so neither privately were they to use any such delicacie in feeding of young and tender things which were but yet as milke and froth which precept is given them not so much ut curam haberent valetudinis that they should have care of their health Marbach Deus his legibus altius spectavit For God in giving these Lawes looked to higher matters therefore by this Law cohibetur intemperantia both their intemperancie is restrained Gallas humanitas clementia commendatur and humanity and clemencie even toward the brute beasts is commended For they which are cruell toward beasts are for the most part cruell also toward men Simler therefore among the Athenians boyes that pricked out the eyes of crowes were punished and Domitian among the Romans that flye-killer proved a savage tyrant and killer of men Pelarg. QUEST XLIV Who is understood here to be this Angell Vers. 20. BEhold I send mine Angell before thee 1. Cajetane understandeth this Angell to be Moses but that cannot be for he brought not the people into the land of Canaan as this Angell should and did vers 23. Simler And this Angell should not spare their misdeeds vers 23. but Moses often spared their iniquities and prayed for them chap. 34. Oleaster But Cajetane addeth further that Moses should have brought them into the land of Canaan but that ipse peccando impedimentum praestitit he procured the let himselfe by his sinne and so this is to be understood conditionally But Tostatus taketh away this answer Prophetia cum impletur secundùm divinam praedestinationem intelligitur Where a prophecie is fulfilled it must be understood not conditionally but according to Gods certaine predestination And therefore seeing here the Lord brought them by his Angell into the land of Canaan and yet
the fire as the place of the sacrifices was preserved from flies Lippoman So also Oleaster But we need not run unto miracles where other probable reasons may be yeelded 2. Beda answereth out of Hierome that Altaris ligna quae de lignis paradisi sunt non cremantur igne vicino That the wood of the Altar which are of the wood of Paradise were not burned by the fire which was neere it c. And Beda himselfe telleth of a certaine kinde of wood which quanto plus arserit tanto mundius inveniatur c. the which the more it burneth the more pure it is But as Hugo de S. Victor reasoneth if the Altar were made of a wood that could not be consumed with fire Quid opus fuerit areis laminis c. What needed it to be covered with brasen plates And yet it must be confessed that seeing the fire never went out upon the Altar and so the brasse without being continually hot must needs also heat the wood within that there was some extraordinary thing in it as the fire of the Altar burned still neither was quenched with any raine is Tostatus observeth qu. 9. 3. Lyranus thinketh that as the wood of Shittim were imputribilia sic incremabilia was not apt to corrupt so not easie to be burned and consumed But it is against the nature of wood not to yeeld unto the fire 4. Tostatus with others thinke that the Altar being hollow was filled up in the middest with earth and upon the earth was the fire made which came not neere the sides the Altar being five cubits broad and as many long qu. 4. But if the Altar had beene so stopt with earth there should have beene no place for the grate which was put within 5. Therefore Iosephus opinion is better Cratem pro faculo suppositam habens That it had a grate put above in stead of an earth in illo cribro composita ligna ardebant the wood was laid in order upon that grate and so burned which grate was aâ—l of brasse Adde hereunto that the Altar was covered with thicke plates of the brasse to defend the heat And the widenesse and length of it was such as that the fire needed not come neere the sides 6. Tostatus thinketh that it was not totum coapertum aere all the altar was not covered with brasse but only midway so farre as the grate went But Montanus saith better Totum erat laminis aereis obductum That it was all covered with plates of brasse both within and without and this is more agreeable to the text that saith Thou shalt cover it with brasse which being set downe without any limitation sheweth that all the Altar was so covered QUEST III. Whether the Altar were made of boords ANd whereas it is appointed to be made of Shittim wood 1. Cajetane thinketh that it was not made of boords of Shittim wood nay he saith Nullae concurrebant tabula There went no tables to the making of the Altar And whereas it is said vers 8. Thou shalt make it hollow of boords Cajetane interpreteth it vacuum tabularum void of boords quite contrary and Oleaster misliketh not that sense 2. But the better reading is cavum tabularum hollow with boords or hollow of boords as reade Chald. Iun. Vatab. Pagnin and the Septuag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a boorded hollow shalt thou make it it was therefore canuminstar arcae hollow like a chest without bottome or cover Osiander and because the Altar was most holy and sanctified whatsoever was offered upon it as our blessed Saviour saith Yee fooles and blind whether is greater the offering or the Altar which sanctifieth the offering it is like it was made close thaâ— it might be more secret and so the more reverenced QUEST IV. How this place agreeth with that Exod. 20.25 where the Altar is prescribed to be made of earth or unwrought stone Vers. 1. OF Shittim wood This should seeme to be contrary to that Law Exod. 24.25 where the Altar is commanded to be made of earth or unhewen stone how then could it be made of wood 1. Some answer that God which made that Law might also abrogate it Tostat. qu. 4. But it is not like that God would give unto Moses contrary Lawes almost at the same time 2. Tostatus hath another answer that the end and scope of that Law is here kept for they were commanded to make an Altar of earth or of rough stone ne fierent in altari aliquae imagines that there should be no images made in the Altar lest it might have beene an occasion of idolatry the intent of the same Law is here kept because this Altar was made plaine without any figure or portraiture But where a Law is made not onely the scope and intent of the Law but the letter is to be kept and beside the reason there given of the Law why they should use unwrought stones is this If thou lift up thy toole upon them thou hast polluted them vers 25. The same reason as well restraineth the lifting up of the toole upon wood as well as stone 3. Cajetane answereth that in the other Law altaris nomine intelligitur corpus altaris by the name of the Altar is understood the body of the Altar upon the which the fire was made But here by the Altar is understood id quod ambit altare that which compasseth the Altar c. and was but as the walles and sides of it and within it was filled up with earth whereupon the fire was laid Tostat. But here the whole Altar is described with the hearth and all which was the grate as afterward shall be shewed and beside it was hollow therefore not filled up 4. Therefore Iunius his solution is best and Gallasius hath the same Illatumultuaria esse voluit quia temporaria c. He speaketh there of Altars to be made upon the sudden upon some extraordinary occasion which were but for a time and so were to be dissolved againe such as Samuel and Elias made but this Altar was to remaine and continue QUEST V. What the hornes of the Altar were and to what use Vers. 2. THou shalt make unto it hornes c. 1. Lippoman thinketh that these were not made indeed after the similitude of the hornes of bullocks or goats but they were certaine shining ornaments that came out in the foure corners as Moses had not hornes where the same word is used but his face shined so he thinketh that these commings out in the corners of the Altar were only for ornament But it shall appeare afterward that there was a necessary use of them neither is there any necessity here to depart from the literall sense of the word 2. Some thinke that these foure hornes were certaine little pillars that went up streight in the corners they were not crooked like hornes R. Salomon Osiander But why then should they be called hornes if they had not any such likenesse or
Heb. 9.22 The bloud of the sacrifices then was put upon the Altar that thereby as if it were their owne bloud Gods wrath might be appeased by which bloud of the externall sacrifices Christs bloud of atonement was prefigured whereby indeed the wrath of God is appeased toward us Tostat. q. 5. 3. And although the sin offerings were specially intended for the remission of sins and so the bloud in such sacrifices was to that end laid upon the hornes of the Altar to purge and reconcile yet in other sacrifices also as in burnt offerings Levit. 1.11 and in peace offerings Levit. 3.2 the bloud was sprinkled round about upon the Altar because in them also there was atonement made with God Levit. 1.4 though not so directly as in sin offerings Tostat. qu. 6. 4. R. Salomon here is of opinion that the bloud was not laid upon all the foure hornes of the Altar but onely in two corners thereof one opposite to another and not upon the same side But Levit. 16.18 it is said in expresse words that he should put of the bloud upon the hornes of the Altar round about QUEST XIII What became of the bloud which was powred at the bottome of the Altar Vers. 12. THou shalt powre the rest of the bloud at the foot of the Altar c. 1. Lyranus thinketh that there was some pipe full of holes in the bottome of the Altar whereby the bloud soked into the ground and was so dried up But the ground could not drinke up all the bloud of the sacrifices especially in their solemne feasts when many sacrifices were offered as when Solomon at the dedication of the Temple offered so many thousands of beeves and sheepe the ground being so filled with bloud would have beene very noisome 2. Tostatus therefore saith that this bloud miraculosè deâ—iccabatur was miraculously dried up and converted by Gods power into some other element qu. 6. But where any other reason may be found out we must not run unto miracles 3. Cajetane here maketh mention of his former conceit that the Altar was filled with earth within which might be imagined to serve to drinke up the bloud and that there was some void place left beside But the same inconvenience in the noisome smell of the earth so tainted would have followed But Cajetane addeth further that jugis ignis altaris tollebat â—mnem indeâ—â—utiam foetâ—ris the continuall fire upon the Altar did take away the stinch of the bloud 4. But the more probable opinion is that not onely the smell was taken away by the smell of the fire but sanguis ipse consumebatur but the bloud it selfe was consumed by the heat of the fire being powred at the bottome of the Altar on the inside Oleast Simler QUEST XIV Why the fat was burned upon the Altar and how Vers. 13. THou shalt take all the fat 1. The Lord commanded the fat of the offerings to be burnt upon the Altar ut obviaretur ritui idololatrarum to contrarie the rite and custome of Idolaters who used to eat the fat of their sacrifices as Deut. 32.38 they did eat the fat of their sacrifices Lyran. Tostat. qu. 6. And another reason is this Deus optimâ— quaque sibi offerri c. God will have the best of the sacrifice to be offered to him Lippoman 2. Together with the fat and kall they must also take the kidneyes which are not properly taken for any part of the flesh for the flesh must bee burnt without the host yea all the flesh Levit. 4.11 3. Because the word katar doth properly signifie thurâ—ficari to burne as incense and so the fat here is prescribed so to be burned Cajetane would inferre that it was to bee burned as incense that is not to be consumed with the flame sed instar thuriâ— paulatim resolvi in fumum but as incense to be resolved into smoake by little and little But this seemeth to be too curious Oleaster giveth a better reason why this word is used because God being displeased with the stinking smell of our sins Hujusmodi suffumigationibus occurrebatur These suffumigations were used by way of remedie whereby the Lord smelled a savour of rest as the Scripture speaketh and yet but typically for the true sweet smelling sacrifice was Christ. QUEST XV. Why the flesh skin and dung was burned without the host Vers. 14. THe flesh his skin and dung shalt thou burne without the host c. 1. In this speciall sacrifice for sin which was offered in the consecration of Aaron the skin together with the flesh was burnt without the host but in burnt offerings because all was to be burned upon the Altar and yet it was not fit the skin should bee consumed with the rest that belonged to the Priest Levit. 7.8 but in peace offerings the skin was the offerers as the rest which remained beside the Priests portion Tostat. 2. All is commanded to bee carried out of the host and there burned not onely to signifie as Lyranusâ—aith â—aith Quod peccata longè esse debene à sacerdotibus That sins must be farre off from the Priest for the like was to be done also in the sin offering for the whole congregation Levit. 4.1 but in every sin offering they did not so as if the sin offering were for the Prince or any other private person they did not then carrie it without the host this was done therefore in detestationem peccati sacerdotis to shew the greatnesse of the sin of the Priest as likewise of the whole congregation Tostat. qu. 7. 3. And whereas this is added as a reason for it is a sin offering it must not be so understood as though generally every sin offering was so to be served for in the sin offerings for the Prince or any private person that usage of burning without the host was not observed but it must have speciall reference to the thing here sacrificed for sin which was a young bullocke Now for the Prince or private person a goat was offered not a bullock but when a bullocke was offered as for the sin of the Priest or of all the whole congregation then it was to be so burned without the host this then is the sense because this bullocke is sacrificed for sin Tostat. qu. 7. 4. Though here no mention be made what shall be done with the inwards and legs and other parts of the beast which are not here rehearsed yet it may be supplied out of Levit. 4.11 that all those likewise should be carried without the host and there burned Tostat. qu. 6. QUEST XVI Of the mysticall application of the sacrifice of the bullocke with the rites thereof THis first sacrifice of the bullocke is thus mystically applied 1. By the fat of the inwards the liver and kidneyes Theodoret understandeth the affections Adeps qui ventriculum operâ—t gulae vitium indicat c. The fat which covereth the bellie signifieth the vice of gluttonie c. that which covereth the
and put upon the lap of Aarons eare c. 1. Now followeth the third kinde of sacrifice which was of the kinde of Eucharisticall or peace offerings and in the consecration of Aaron and his sonnes divers sacrifices are used because this calling cater as omnes dignitate anteiret c. did excell all other in dignity Gallas 2. The peace offerings were of two soâ—â—s either to obtaine some blessing as to intreat for peace and prosperity or to give thankes for some blessing received in both these respects it was requisite that Aaron should offer peace offerings in his consecration botheâ— beg of God that he might prosper in the execution of his office as also to shew his thankfulnesse to God who had advanced him to such an high calling Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Yet this offering was not properly of the kind of peace offerings which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pacifica peace offerings but this was the raâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 milluim of filling or perfection vers 22. quia illia Sacerdotum consecratio perficâ—retur because thereby the consecration of the Priests was perfected Gallas QUEST XXV Why the bloud was put upon the right eare thumbe and toe of Aaron Vers. 20. PVt upon the lap of Aarons eare 1. Not in superiore parte auris in the upper part of Aarons eare as the Chalde but the nether lap Ian. Or soft part of the eare Genevens 2. The eare hand and foot are anointed with the bloud to signifie the purging and sanctifying of all their parts to make them fit for the Priesthood as Isaias tongue was touched with a coale from the Altar and so purified Isai. 6. Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Though the right eare right hand and foot are only named because dexterae partes sunt insigniores the right parts are more excellent yet thereby the consecration of the whole man is signified Simler 4. The â—ongue of the Priest is not here mentioned but the eare which is the sence of doctrine by the which the understanding is informed and without the which the tongue cannot speake for as the Wise-man saith He that heareth speaketh continually Prov. 21.28 And beside the eare is expressed to shadow forth the obedience of Christ in hearing and obeying his Fathers will Simler Calvin also giveth another reason Hîc non attingi dâ—cendi munus sed intercedendi That Christs office of teaching is not here touched but of mediating QUEST XXVI How the bloud was sprinkled upon the Altar round about Vers. 20. ANd shall sprinkle the bloud vpon the Altar round about 1. The Latine Translater here readeth Thou shalt powre the bloud vpon the Altar but the word is zarak to sprinkle First the Altar was sprinkled and then the rest was powred at the foot of the Altar vers 12. for if it had beene all powred there now whence should Moses haue had the bloud which in the next verse is said to be upon the Altar that is in some vessell there standing wherewith he besprinkled Aaron and the rest and their garments 2. Neither is R. Salomon his conjecture probable that the bloud was laid only upon two corners of the Altar not on the same side but one contrarie to the other for this is against the Text which saith that he sprinkled upon the Altar round about then not in two corners onely And beside if the bloud had beene put onely in two corners of the Altar it should haue beene laid not powred or sprinkled but the bloud was not put upon the hornes of the Altar in any peace offering as was used to bee done in sinne offerings Tostat. quaest 11. 3. And whereas the Altar is sprinkled round about wee must not understand this to bee done at the bottome round about upon the pavement but above so that the bloud might run downe to the bottome QUEST XXVII How the bloud and oyle was sprinkled upon their garments without spotting Vers. 21. ANd he shall take of the bloud c. and of the anoynting oyle c. 1. Some may thinke that this sprinkling of the bloud and oyle was done severally one after another But because there is mention made but of one sprinkling it is more like they were tempered and mingled together and so sprinkled Lyran. 2. R. Salomon thinketh that the oile was sprinkled in remembrance of Iacobs anointing the stone in Bethel with oile and the bloud in remembrance of the striking of the bloud of the paschall Lambe upon the doore-posts in Egypt But there was small affinity betweene those ceremonies and the consecration of the Priests Therefore this rather was the reason of it because almost all things in the Law were purified with bloud that the Priests garments might by this meanes be purified and sanctified most of all which they were to use in the sanctifying of others 3. And because the sprinkling of bloud and oile might seeme to be a blemish to the priestly garments some thinke that they were washed afterward But it is not like that that was washed off wherewith the garments were consecrated Some doe bring in here a miracle in that the garments were kept from spots and blemishes notwithstanding the sprinkling of bloud and oile upon them But we are not to admit of unnecessary miracles These spots then were very smaâ—l and so made no notable markes in the garment and if they did it was magis ad honorem quam horrorem c. more for honour than horror seeing thereby the priestly vestures were consecrated Tostat. qu. 11. QUEST XXVIII The mysticall signification of the ram of consecration with the rites thereof THe mysticall signification of this ceremony is this 1. The ram of perfection or consecration signifieth Christ Christus omnes in virtutibus perfectos constituit Christ maketh us perfect in all vertues hee it is that sanctifieth our eares hands and feet and all our parts and members as here the tip of the eare the right thumbe and great toe are touched with bloud Procopius 2. Hereby also is signified the obedience of Christ by dipping the eare in bloud who was obedient to his Father Simler 3. And hereby also the high Priest was put in mind of his duty by the dipping of the eare is signified that the Priest primum oracula Divina auscultare c. should first give eare to the Divine oracles and then teach them unto others Simler By the dipping of the thumbe and toe in bloud omnes actiones vitae c. all the actions of the life are expressed Calvin By the feet also in Scripture are signified the affections this dipping then of the hands and feet doth signifie Omnem actionum externarum internarum sanctificationem the sanctifying of all both externall and internall actions Simler 4. And by this sprinkling of the bloud is signified the sprinkling of Christs bloud by faith upon the hearts of the faithfull hac enim aspergillum illud est c. for this is that sprinkle wherewith our hearts are
them 3. Tostatus thinketh rather that the order of nature is not here followed which is cum sic res narrantur ut geruntur when things are so rehearsed as they were done But Moses useth an artificiall method in setting downe those things together qua maxime cohâ—rent which most agree in argument for better understanding As having made mention of the brazen altar wherein chiefly consisted the ministerie of the Priests then hee commeth to set forth the priestly apparell and their manner of consecration first making an end with those things which were of most frequent and necessarie use and then hee commeth to describe those things which by reason of the connexion of argument were omitted before Tostat. qu. 1. But as I refuse not this reason so I incline rather to the first opinion ordinis non inquirendam esse nationem that alwayes a reason must not be enquired of the order of things in Scripture Pellican QUEST II. Wherefore the altar of incense had hornes comming out of it Vers. 2. THe hornes thereof shall be of the same c. 1. This altar had foure ends at the corners comming forth called hornes like as the other brazen altar had and of the same fashion which were not only as certaine pomels as Lyranus or certaine little pillars standing upright but come out somewhat sloping because they are likened to hornes 2. They were made out of the same matter and wood not graffed in so that it seemeth there were foure quarters at each corner which came out above like hornes and at the nether end were as feet unto the altar Cajetan Simler 3. But Lyranus upon good reason misliketh their opinion who thinke that this altar had likewise craticulam a certaine grate or net which did hang above upon the foure hornes for so the golden altar would have beene annoyed with the ashes that might fall thorow the grate and beside this altar was covered above as a table which was laid over with plates of gold whereas the other brazen altar was hollow and open above and the grate of brasse was made unto it in stead of an hearth whereon the fire should be made and the sacrifice laid 4. Yet Tostatus reason is not good why nothing hanged upon the hornes of the altar of incense because it is most like that the vessels which were used in the service of that altar should have there hanged if any thing did but onely one vessell was needfull for the ministration of that altar namely a censer to receive the coales upon the which the incense burned which he saith was kept upon the brazen altar without in the Court with other instruments thereto belonging But that cannot bee for all the instruments of the brazen altar were of brasse which were noâ— used within the Tabernacle where all the vessels and instruments were made of gold It is more like that if any vessels were used about the golden altar that they were the incense cups which were made for the golden table chap. 25.29 But there is no such necessitie to make any such supply for the coales were laid upon the verie hearth of the golden altar and the incense thereupon as shall be shewed afterward QUEST III. Wherein this Altar of incense differed from the other Vers. 3. ANd thou shalt over-lay it with fine gold This Altar differed much from the brazen Altar 1. In the bignesse of it this was but a cubit square and two cubits high the other was five cubits square and three cubits high because the sacrifices were to be burned upon it and therefore it required a greater space for the fire to be made and the wood couched thereon and upon that the sacrifice 2. This was covered with plates of gold the other of brasse for the brazen Altar was imbrued with the bloud of sacrifices but this was onely for incense and therefore was made of pure metall 3. The brazen Altar was made open above and had a grate in the middest for the ashes to fall thorow but this was covered above Hierome thinketh it had craticulam a grate above for the ashes to fall thorow but the word is gag which signifieth tectum the top or roofe which was overlaid with gold it was not then like unto a grate 4. But Cajetan is deceived who thinketh that this was another difference that the brazen Altar had neque parietes neque tectum neither wals nor cover above but this had both for the brazen Altar though it had no cover yet it had sides made of boords which were covered with brasse as is evident chap. 27.8 Thou shalt make it hollow of boords 5. It differed in respect of the place this being placed within the Tabernacle the other in the outward Court the use also was divers this only for incense the other for sacrifices QUEST IV. How the incense was burned upon the golden Altar Vers. 3. ANd the top thereof This was the upper part of the Altar which Cajetan calleth mensam the table Iunius aream the plaine above Iosephus foculum the hearth where the incense was burned 1. Some thinke that a censer stood upon this golden Altar which was filled with coales and the incense was laid upon them So Genevens in their description But if there had been any such golden censer belonging to this Altar it is like it being so necessarie an instrument for the service of that Altar that it should not have beene omitted as all the instruments belonging to the golden Table and to the golden Candlesticke and to the brazen Altar were described together with the things themselves 2. Tostatus thinketh that the vessell wherein they brought coales from the other Altar and put incense therein which he calleth vas receptorium carbonam thymiamatis the vessell which received the coales and incense was kept among other vessels belonging to the brazen Altar because by this meanes there should not be tanta circulatio such going to and fro as if the censer were still upon the golden Altar for then the Priest should first goe in and fetch it and then put in coales from the Altar and carrie it in againe whereas if the censer were without he need but take it from thence at the first and so carrie it in Tostat. qu. 3. But it is shewed before quest 2. that this vessell which served for the golden Altar was by all likelyhood of gold and therefore was not kept among the brazen vessels which belonged to the burnt offering Altar neither need it to be imagined if there were any such censer upon the incense Altar that the Priest went first in to fetch it he might at once with some instrument of the brazen altar carrie coales in thither 3. Wherefore it is more probable that there was no censer standing upon the golden Altar to burne incense in but that the coales were laid upon the hearth and the incense thereon and so burned the reasons are these 1. Because no mention is made of any such
not of the Altar but de exercitio summi Sacerdotis in altari of the Ministerie of the high Priest upon that Altar which is called most holy And againe if in this respect it was said to be in the most holy place by the same reason the brazen Altar should be said to be there for that is also called most holy chap. 29.37 3. Some thinke that aureum thuribulum the golden censer which the Apostle speaketh of was not the golden Altar but a golden censer which was kept in the most holy place wherein the high Priest offered incense when he went into the holy place once in the yeare Of this opinion is Thomas and Lyranus in 9. Hebr. and before them Hierom. But this cannot be so for these reasons 1. Because in Moses description of the Tabernacle and all things thereto belonging there is no mention made of any such golden censer in the most holy place 2. If the Apostle did not thereby meane the golden Altar then had he omitted one of the principall things in the Sanctuarie which he would not doe 3. Againe the high Priest is first bidden to take a censer full of burning coales of the Altar before the Lord and so bring it within the veile Levit. 16.12 He then had not the censer within the veile but without Tostat. qu. 6. Riber lib. 2. cap. 8. 4. And Iosephus also calleth the Altar of incense without the veile thuribulum the censer and the Syriake Interpreter domum aromatum the house of perfume 4. Ribera thinketh therefore that the most holy place is said to have the golden Altar quia ad ejus ministerium deputatum est not because it was in it but because it belonged to the service thereof for thence the high Priest tooke the burning coales and incense when he went to make reconciliation once in the yeare in the most holy place 5. But I rather take Tostatus solution here because the golden Altar aliquem modum fitus specialeâ— habebat respectu veli had a speciall kinde of situation in respect of the veile which was before the Arke being had before it as it is said to be set lippens before the veile and therefore the holy place behinde the second veile may be said to have it in respect of the neere situation to the veile So 1 King 6.22 it is said asher ladebir the altar which was to the oracle or by the oracle And Levit. 16.18 it is called the Altar which was befoâ—◠〈…〉 was next unto the veile before the Mercie seat where Gods presence was Ribera 〈…〉 QUEST 〈…〉 commanded to be burned morning and evening Vers. 7. ANd Aaron shall 〈…〉 sweet incense c. 1. Thomas thinketh that the 〈…〉 pointed to be 〈◊〉 upon the golden Altar to this end to qualifie the 〈…〉 which did arise from the sacrifices of flesh which were offered 〈…〉 and therefore everie morning and evening the incense was burned about 〈…〉 sacrifice was offered But Tostatus thus confuteth the opinion of Thomâ—◠〈…〉 not burned just at the same time but somewhat before the morning sacrific◠〈…〉 after the evening sacrifice for the incense in the evening was offered when the 〈…〉 it began to be darke but the evening sacrifice was not deferred so long but was prepar◠〈…〉 houre which Act. 3.1 is called the ninth houre of prayer 2. Though it had concurred with the morning and evening sacrifice yet there were other extraordinarie sacrifices which were offered at other times when the incense burned not 3. And though it might serve to mitigate the savour of one lamb offered morning and evening yet it could not helpe this inconvenience when many sacrifices were offered yea thousands as at the dedication of Salomons Temple 4. And if the incense had been to this end it should rather have beene appointed to bee burned in the same place where the smell of the sacrifices was in the outward Court than within in the Tabernacle 5. It is verie like that God so provided as that the smell of the burnt sacrifices was not grievous and irksome or offensive but that rather was by some supernaturall worke than by naturall meanes 2. Therefore this was rather the end why incense was offered ad majorem reverentiam cultus for more reverence of Gods worship As among men it is counted an honour to entertaine great persons with sweet odours and the Gentiles did honour their gods with incense so the Lord would hereby adorne the service of the Tabernacle Tostat. qu. 4. And beside the Lord would hereby have shadowed forth the spirituall incense of his people which are their prayers as the Prophet David faith Let my prayer bee directed in thy sight as incense Psal. 141.2 Borrh. And the golden Altar was a lively type of Christ by whom the spirituall incense of our prayers is acceptable unto God Apoc. 8.3 QUEST IX Whether any of the lamps burned by day Vers. 7. WHen he dresseth the lamps thereof 1. Tostatus following Iosephus thinketh that all the seven lamps of the golden candlesticke burned and gave light in the night but three of them only in the day and that in the morning the Priest did put out foure of them and at night againe hee did set them up So also Lyranus 2. But I rather herein suscribe to the opinion of Vatablus and Oleaster with others that the lamps mane mundabantur vespere accendebantur were cleansed onely in the morning and lighted in the evening c. And so much may be gathered here by the diversitie of the phrase here used in the morning it is said behetibo in making of them good that is cleansing of them in the evening behaghaloth in causing them to ascend that is kindling of them Iun. or setting of them up Vatab. Likewise chap. 27.21 they are said to be dressed from the evening to the morning that is to burne so long See more hereof upon the question upon that place handled before QUEST X. What things were inhibited to be offered upon the golden Altar Vers. 9. YEE shall offer no strange incense 1. Foure things are forbidden to be offered upon this golden Altar strange incense that is made after another composition than the holy perfume afterward in this chapter prescribed to be made burnt sacrifices of beasts oblations which were ex aridiâ— of dry things and drinke offerings of liquid things Lyran. 2. The reasons hereof were these that if any other kinde of incense should be used redundaret in quandam irreverentiam it would tend to a certaine irreverence in Gods service and it was not fit to offer any sacrifices or oblations upon that Altar 1. Because the fire ascending upon the Altar might have put the Tabernacle in danger which was covered with curtaines or with the smoake it would have defaced the beautie and abated the colour of them 2. Beside the sacrifices with bloud would have imbrued the Altar and so annoyed the Sanctuarie 3. The Altar in respect of the smalnesse being but
Chapter somewhat would be briefly touched concerning the difference betweene this golden Altar which Moses made and that which Salomon erected 1. Some thinke that Salomon made a new Altar of incense as Comestor Tostat. qu. 16. in cap. 6. 1. Reg. because this was made of Shittim wood but Salomons of Cedar But Ribera answereth that it is not said that Salomon made the golden Altar of Cedar but onely covered it with Cedar 1 King 6.22 that is enlarged it lib. 2. cap. 8. de Templ 2. But Beda and Lyranus are farre wide who thinke that Salomon made the Altar of incense of stone which was covered over with Cedar Osiander The text before alleaged is evident that it was of Cedar there is no mention made of stone 3. Iunius his opinion is that it was the same Altar and readeth thus Obduxit altare Câ—drinum He laid over the Altar of Cedar not with Cedar but gold as it followeth ibid. v. 22. but the Altar which Moses made was of Shittim wood the Cedar is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or enrit seemeth then they were two divers kinds of wood 4. Ribera therefore thinketh that 〈◊〉 first did enlarge the golden Altar with Gods 〈◊〉 and then covered it with gold so that it was the same Altar but enlarged So also Borrhaius For the words of the Text are he covered the golden Altar with Cedar and Iosephus writeth evidently that Salomon did build a new brazen Altar but of making a new golden Altar he maketh no mention Ribera ibid So some things were made new by Salomon as the brazen Altar and the brazen sea or lover ten golden candlesticks ten tables 2 Chron. 4. Some things he only beautified and enlarged as the Arke over the which he made two Cherubims beside those upon the Mercie seat 1 King 6.23 Likewise he enlarged the Altar of incense for one Altar might serve to burne incense upon though for other services the number of vessels and instruments was increased according to the proportion of the Temple which was larger than the Tabernacle QUEST XV. Whether it were lawfull to number the people and wherein David offended Vers. 12. WHen thou takest the summe of the children of Israel c. 1. Simply then it is not unlawfull to number the people which may be done upon two necessarie occasions as when either a publike collection is to be made of tribute or subsidie money unlesse account should be taken the burthen should lye upon a few and others should escape Againe when any great warres are taken in hand it is fit that the people should be mustered that choice may be made of such as are fit for warre Tostat. qu. 9. 2. But then Davids example will be objected with whom God was offended for the numbring of the people To this divers answers are made 1. Augustine thinketh David did evill therein to number the people quia Deus non jusserat because God commanded him not But this is no sufficient reason for then it should be unlawfull for Princes now to number the people they having no speciall warrant from God 2. Simlerus saith that God was angrie with David because non curavit Domino persolvi tributum hee did not cause this tribute here appointed to bee given unto God So also Beda But this was not the cause neither for neither did Moses when he numbred the people which he did thrice Exod. 38. Numb 10. and 26. Neither is it like that David was so ignorant of the Law 3. Oleaster maketh this the reason because the Lord promised to multiply the seed of Abraham as the starres of Heaven and the sand of the sea without number therefore he was angrie whensoever they were numbred But by this reason they should never have beene numbred at all rather this might tend to Gods glorie in seeing by the numbers of the people how the Lord performed his promise 4. This rather was the cause of Gods indignation because David numbred the people for an evill end ad gloriam suam for his owne glorie to rejoyce and as it were to put confidence in their multitude Tostat. qu. 9. Therefore Haec sive superbia sive temeritas sive ingratitudo this either pride or rashnesse or ingratitude was severely punished Calvin QUEST XVI Whether this collection of money were commanded only at this time or were to continue WHen thou takest 1. Some thinke though here be no certaine time expressed when this account of the people should be taken whether everie yeare or everie fifth yeare as the ancient Romans used to doe yet this is certaine that whensoever the people was numbred this summe of halfe a sicle of everie one was collected Simler Lippoman thinketh also that they were often numbred ut gratia Dei agnosceretur c. that the grace and goodnesse of God might bee acknowledged in multiplying his people And it is the received opinion of the Hebrewes that this precept for the collection of this summe was perpetuall and anniversarie toward the charge of repairing the Tabernacle and maintaining of the sacrifices and other services So also Calvin in 17. Matth. vers 24. 2. But Iunius opinion is more probable with whom agreeth Beza annot in Matth. 17.24 that this was a precept only for this time and not to continue afterward which he confirmeth by these reasons 1. From the end and use of this money which was to acknowledge their late redemption and deliverance out of the bondage of Egypt 2. Moses himselfe did not exact this summe when hee numbred the people againe Numb 1. and the third time Numb 26. 3. This money was not to be spent in the sacrifices which were consumed but in the worke of the Tabernacle which was permanent and remained and so it was as a memoriall for them before the Lord vers 16. And of this money now collected which came to 100. talents of silver and 1775. shekels were made the sockets of the Sanctuarie and of the veile the hookes also and the fillets of the pillars Exod. 38.26 27. So that the end of this collection being extraordinarie and for this time only toward the building of the Tabernacle and the instruments thereof it was not to be perpetuall 4. And if this proportion had beene perpetually to be observed for everie one to pay halfe a shekel toward the Tabernacle Nehemiah would not have appointed another rate that everie one should pay the third part of a shekel by the yeare toward the service of Gods house Nehem. 10.32 3. But this further may be added though this manner of collection was not enjoyned as ordinarie and perpetuall yet upon the like occasion as to repaire the ruines of the Temple they might raise Moses tax upon the people as Ioash did 2 Chron. 24.9 which was upon the like extraordinarie occasion which ceasing the collection also was intermitted as Ioash said to the Priests that having received money of the people yet were slacke to repaire the decayed places of the Temple
Exod. 40.15 but how or in what part they were anointed is not expressed Afterward only the high Priest was anointed as Levit. 4.3 If the Priest that is anointed doe sinne that is the high Priest and Levit. 21.10 Also the high Priest among his brethren upon whose head the anointing oyle was powred c. The inferiour Priests were only anointed at their first consecration by which anointing they and their posteritie were consecrated to exercise a perpetuall Priesthood as the Lord saith Exod. 40.15 Their anointing shall be a signe that the priesthood shall be euerlasting unto them throughout their generations And in this sense Aristobulus is said to bee of the stocke of the anointed Priests 2 Macchab. 1.10 Iun. in cap. 40. vers 15. QUEST XXXIII Who are understood here by the name of the children of Israel whether the Levites also are there comprehended Vers. 31. MOreover thou shalt speake unto the children of Israel 1. Tostatus though in other places he thinketh the tribe of Levi to be excluded in this manner of speech and to be distinguished from the children of Israel as chap. 29.28 the breast and shoulder there given unto the Priests are said to be an heave offering of the children of Israel so also Numb 1.2 it is said take yee the summe of the congregation of the children of Israel and yet the tribe of Levi was not numbred among them as it followeth vers 40. yet in this place he thinketh that the Levites are comprehended under the name of the children of Israel for otherwise they should not be forbidden to make a composition like unto this perfume for their private uses 2. But it may appeare by these reasons that the other tribes onely beside Levi. are called here by the name of the children of Israel 1. Because in this verie chapter it is used in that sense as vers 12. When thou shalt take the summe of the children of Israel for here the Levites were not numbred Numb 1.40 2. This is a generall speech vers 32. None shall anoint mans flesh therewith neither shall you make any composition like unto it c. But the Priests flesh might be anointed therewith and it was lawfull for them to make the like composition for the use of the Tabernacle therefore the Priests are not here comprehended 3. Yet was it not lawfull for the Priests to prophane that holy oyntment which is necessarily inferred before vers 29. all that the oyntment touched was sanctified and became holy the Priests therefore knew well enough by this that this oyntment was not to be put to any prophane use And if it were not lawfull for the people to prophane the holy oyntment much lesse for the Priests to whose charge and care those holy things were committed And by the like generall charge afterward vers 37. that none should make the like composition to the holy perfume they also might understand this caveat touching the holy oyntment to be as generall QUEST XXXIV Of the forbidden uses whereunto this oyntment should not be put Vers. 32. NOne shall anoint mans flesh Three things are forbidden concerning the private use of this oyntment 1. That no mans flesh should be anointed therewith that is for delight or of wantonnesse Tostat. nor otherwise than is before prescribed for Aaron and his sons might be anointed therewith as God before commanded to consecrate them Simler 2. It was not lawfull for them to make any composition like unto it though they put it to no use for it might give an occasion of prophanation to have but the like composition in their houses As upon the same reason where they are commanded to eat no leavened bread for seven daies in the feast of the Passeover they are charged to remove leaven out of their houses Exod. 12.15 though they did not eat it it was not lawfull so much as to have it in their houses lest it might have beene an occasion to transgresse Tostat. qu. 13. They might make an oyntment of some of these or of all them so they did it not after the same manner and with the like composition Lyran. But I thinke rather with Oleaster and Borrhaius that they were not to make the like oyntment either in number or weight for the word tacaâ— signifieth as well to number as weigh 3. They are forbidden also to put any of it upon a stranger which Augustine expoundeth exterae nationi upon one of a forraine nation so also Tostatus upon a Gentile Some by a stranger understand any of Israel that is not a Priest Vatab. Simler But the people of Israel to whom this charge belongeth did not use to anoint Priests and if it were understood of anointing any person so much is said before none shall anoint mans flesh therefore Iunius giveth a better sense aut quisquam imponet ex eo rei extraneae if any man shall put thereon upon any strange that is prophane or common thing c. which is not consecrated to an holy use So also Oleaster 4. Tostatus here moveth divers questions qu. 14.15 as whether a Gentile not knowing the God of Israel or if he did yet were no proselyte nor converted to Judaisme if he should use the like composition whether he should therein offend or not and he resolveth he should not because this Law is given onely to the children of Israel who had bound themselves by covenant to keepe all the Lords ordinances wherein he resolveth well unlesse any such Gentile should doe it in the contempt of the God of Israel But he might have spared all this labour for these questions are altogether impertinent here seeing as is before shewed not any strange person is here understood but strange and common things QUEST XXXV Whether the anointing of Kings were not against this Law in cap. 3. Habacuk Vers. 32. NOne shall anoint mans flesh It is here doubted how it was lawfull afterward to anoint Kings and Prophets with this oile wherewith the Priests onely and the holy things were to bee anointed 1. Some thinke it was another kinde of oile as Hierom saith Est aliud unguentum quo reges unguntur c. There is another ointment wherewith Kings were anointed And that he saith was of two sorts David and Salomon cornu unguntur are anointed with an horne but Iehu and Hazael lenticula with a violl called in Hebrew phach But howsoever it may be thought that Iehu and Hazael were not anointed with the holy ointment which was kept in the Temple at Jerusalem yet it is like that both Samuel filled his horne with this oile wherewith David was anointed 1 Sam. 16.1 and that Zadok the Priest anointed Salomon therewith 1 King 1.34 Simler 2. Some thinke that whereas they are forbidden to lay this oile upon any stranger the Priests and Kings were not excepted Borrhaius But if by strangers we understand persons as well the King as other of the lay people were strangers in respect of the Priesthood as it is
contented with those things which Moses had taught them must adde of their owne 3. Timiditas Aaronis the fearefulnesse of Aaron that durst not resist the people 4. A false opinion in thinking that whatsoever they did with a good intention to be pleasing unto God Ferus 5. Adde hereunto their impatiencie in not induring to stay any longer for Moses as Saul because the Lord answered him not when he would went unto a witch B. Babing QUEST IV. Of the divers faults and infirmities at once here committed by the people THe people gathered themselves together against Aaron c. The people in this their outrage doe offend diversly 1. In their violence the word signifieth super Aaron they came upon Aaron tanquam superiores potentiae as being mightier than he and so pressing upon him 2. They say make us gods Vide insaniam populi See the madnesse of the people as though God can be made with mens hands Ferus 3. There appeared in them levitas inconstantia great levitie and inconstancie that had not long before bound themselves by covenant to obey the Lords Commandements and so soone fall away Marbach 4. Their great forgetfulnesse also bewrayeth it selfe that had heard the Lord with his owne voice thundering out his Commandements whereof one prohibited directly idolatrie and yet they in despite of God do set up an idoll 5. Their ingratitude also is manifest both against God the author of their deliverance and Moses the Minister thereof and of many great works speaking of him contemptuously We know not what is become of this Moses Gallas 6. Their stupiditie was wonderfull that having the cloud before them an evident signe of Gods presence and the manna which fell daily of his providence they setting at nought such excellent signes figuram appetunt quae ipsorum vanitati respondeat desire a figure answerable to their vanitie Calvin Oleaster thinketh the cloud at this time was taken out of their sight but that is not so for it is said chap. 13.22 That he tooke not away the pillar of the cloud by day nor the pillar of fire by night from before the people 7. Thus the people at once sinned diversly 1. They sinne manifestly against the first Commandement 2. They offend in publicam ipsorum fidem against their publike faith given 3. They offend not onely in the outward worke but also impiissima opinione in their wicked opinion thinking hereby to obtaine remission of their sins 4. And they doe not onely transgresse against God but against Moses their deliverer and so they violate both the first and second table Ferus QUEST V. Why the people say unto Aaron Rise Vers. 1. VP or rise 1. Which is not so said as though Aaron did then fit when the people came unto him 2. Neither is it necessarily hence collected Quod matutinâ—s fuit hic concursus c. That this running together was in the morning as Cajetan thinketh and that they did as it were awaken and raise up Aaron 3. But this manner of speaking sheweth their importunitie that they would have him dispatch quickly and with all speed doe as they willed him 4. And beside they seeme to cast some good colour and pretence upon this their haste because they had expected and waited Moses comming downe a great while and therefore they would stay no longer Tostat. qu. 3. 5. Beside they seeme hereby to tax Aarons negligent administration that he was secure and remisse in the government and therefore in this manner rouze him up Osiander 6. This their speech also sheweth that they pressed upon him violently and urged him saying Surge Rise that is Age Goe to Iunius QUEST VI. Of the divers kindes of idolatrie MAke us gods 1. There are divers kindes of idolatrie which may be brought to these foure heads 1. When either that is worshipped for a god which is nothing such were the Idols of the Heathen the imaginations of their owne blinde hearts 2. When the divine honour is given unto any creature as to Angels or Saints 3. When any divine power is ascribed to the images of God or Saints 4. When the true God is worshipped but otherwise than he hath prescribed as Ahaz caused an Altar of a strange fashion to be reared up unto God and such were their traditions of the Pharisies Simler 2. Or idolatrie may be thus distinguished it is committed two wayes 1. When res extra Deum coluntur c. when things beside God are worshipped and that either externally by bowing unto them or inwardly in putting trust and confidence in them 2. Quando Deus aliter colitur quam ipse instituit When God is otherwise worshipped than he appointeth which is also done two wayes either when men devise unto themselves a forme of worship not prescribed such are the Processions Pilgrimages Vigils and such like used in Poperie or when the worship which God instituted alio fine observatur quam est institutus c. be observed upon another end than is appointed as thereby to merit at Gods hand as the hypocrites in Israel thought to please God by the externall act of their sacrifices and so doe now the Romanists by their idolatrous Masse Marbach The idolatrie of the Israelites was of all these sorts communicating with part of each for they outwardly set up an Idoll and inwardly put their confidence in it and did seeme yet in this Idoll to acknowledge God so worshipping him after another mannner than God himselfe had prescribed QUEST VII Why they say Make us gods not god MAke us gods c. The word is put in the plurall Elohim gods 1. Whereupon some of the Fathers doe gather that the Israelites here fell away into the idolatrie of the Gentiles who brought in a multiplicitie of gods But that is not so for they did proclaime an holy day unto Iehovah vers 5. 2. Gloss. interlinear giveth this exposition that although there was but one idoll made yet he that falleth to idolatrie doth fall into all vices tot diis daemonibus quot vitiis servit and so serveth as many gods or devils as vices But it is not put in the plurall number in any such sense because of that which followeth which may goe before us but their vices and corruptions could not be said to goe before them 3. Some referre it to the idols which they desired to have made they would have many but Aaron made but one neither is this like to be the reason for then Aaron should not have contented them In that therefore Aaron satisfied their desire it seemeth he knew their minde that one idoll would serve their turne 4. Some thinke that because Elohim in the plurall is taken for the true God therefore it is so used here Quia uni Deo hunc cultum instituerunt Because they instituted this service to the true God Simlerus But by gods here it is evident they understand not God himselfe for they were not so absurd to thinke that
Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more
inter se committitur the word of God seemeth to fight with it selfe But as Abraham in the like temptation when Gods former promise and his present commandement seemed to bee contrarie yet shewed his obedience not doubting of the truth of Gods promise So Moses relieth upon the same ground and foundation of Gods promise though the Lord seemed for the present to be otherwise minded Simler 2. He prayeth therefore first directus spiritu being guided by Gods Spirit so to doe Gallas and God moved Moses to pray two wayes primò interius incitando first by stirring him inwardly to pray then movebatur exterius verbis Dei outwardly he was moved by Gods words though not directly Tostatus for the Lord in saying Let me alone as he did not directly bid him pray so secretly thereby he did insinate that by prayer his judgement might be staied Iunius 3. Moses prayeth with a vehement interrogation Why doth thy wrath wax hot which is not an expostulating with Gods justice but rather admonentis de benignitate of one admonishing God of his clemencie and gracious promise Borrhaius Neither doth Moses thus speake why c. as though God had no cause to bee angrie for it was well knowne to Moses that God had but too just cause at this time against his people but though God had just cause his meaning is Non debere irasci quia redundaret in ipsius dedecus That he ought not now to be angrie because it would redound to Gods dishonour Tostat. 4. Further it is said that Moses intreated the face of God as the Hebrew phrase is whereby is signified the earnestnesse of Moses in his prayer Et magnamentis elevatio usque ad faciem Dei And the great elevation of his minde even unto Gods face and presence And in that it is said Elohai to his God whom he calleth also Iehovah Magna describitur fiducia orantis Hereby is shewed the great confidence of Moses in his prayer Cajetan 5. And whereas Moses regardeth not the personall promise made to him that the Lord would make a great nation of him therein he sheweth his great charitie and love to his people as Chrysostom well noteth Ne id audire sustinuit He endured not to heare any such thing Sed potius una cum his qui sibi crediti erant perire quà m sine illis salvus esse ad majorem dignitatem assumi praetulit But rather chose to perish together with those which were committed to his trust than without them to bee advanced to greater honour QUEST XXXIII How the Lord is said to be angrie WHy doth thy wrath wax hot God is not subject to wrath and anger and other humane passions as man is But he is said to be angrie when he taketh revenge of sinners 1. Vltio divina furor vel ira dicitur The divine revenge is called rage or anger Hierom. And this is spoken to our understanding and after the manner of men Quia homines non puniunt nisi irati Because men use not to punish but when they are angrie therefore God is said to be angrie when he punisheth because he so seemeth to be unto us Tostat. qu. 16. 2. Another reason why God is said to be angrie is in respect of us Quod nos qui delinquimus nisi irascentem audicrimus Dominum non timeamus Because we when we sinne unlesse wee heare that God is angrie will not feare and stand in awe of him 3. Againe God is said to be angrie for the more ample commendation and setting forth of his mercie Facillimus enim ad deponendam iram For he is most readie to lay aside his anger not like unto earthly Princes that being angrie will admit no reconciliation Cyril This therefore doth more set forth the mercie and clemencie of God that being as it were inflamed with anger is so soone turned unto mercie as in this place his anger is mitigated by the prayer of Moses QUEST XXXIV Of the reasons which Moses useth in his prayer AGainst thy people c. Moses useth divers forcible and effectuall reasons to perswade the Lord in this his earnest and zealous prayer 1. Non excusat peccatum c. He doth not excuse their sinne but acknowledgeth and confesseth it Ferus 2. His second reason is à peculâ—o haereditate from the peculiar inheritance of God he calleth them thy people Pelarg. Occurrit sermoni Domini piè corrigit c. He doth as it were correct the Lords speech in a pious and dutifull manner the Lord had called them Moses people but Moses returneth that speech unto the Lord and calleth them his people Lippom. Not therein contradicting the Lord but relying upon his promise 3. From the memorie of Gods benefits which thou hast brought out of the land of Egypt all which should have beene in vaine if the Lord would now destroy his people Pelarg. Iun. 4. From the inconvenience that would ensue that while he thought to take revenge upon his enemies saviret in se he should in a manner rage against himselfe the hurt would redound unto God his name would thereby bee blasphemed Oleaster So praetendit gloriam Dei hee pretendeth the glory of God which was like to bee obscured and hindered by this meanes for the Egyptians would take occasion hereby to blaspheme and to accuse the Lord of malice against his people and of weaknesse and impotencie Iunius Pelarg. This argument is most forcible and therefore our blessed Saviour teacheth us to pray Hallowed be thy name Ferus 5. Lastly he putteth God in minde of his promises made to Abraham Izaak and Iacob which promise the Lord bound with an oath and two things the Lord promised the multiplying of their seed and the inheritance of Canaan And so Moses saith in effect if thou change in these things Nemo tibi amplius credet No man will give credit unto thee hereafter Ferus QUEST XXXV Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object than any other nation Vers. 12. WHerefore shall the Egyptians speake c. 1. Other nations likewise might so object as the Amalekites Moabites Edomites Canaanites which were all enemies unto Israel and were afraid of them as Moses saith in his song of thanksgiving chap. 15.15 Then the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed and trembling shall come upon the great men of Moab all the inhabitants of Canaan shall wax faint-hearted and therefore they would have rejoyced likewise in the destruction of Israel 2. But instance is specially given of the Egyptians in this place and yet Numb 14.14 both the Egyptians and other the inhabitants of Canaan are brought in thus speaking for these causes 1. Because they had endured more for oppressing the Israelites than any other nation even those ten grievous plagues sent upon Egypt 2. They had lost more than any other people in a manner halfe their substance when they gave unto the Israelites at their departure jewels of gold and silver 3.
these two reasons may be given because such commonly as are used in that service are lewd persons themselves and so odious and men that are evill bent would not have any punishment inflicted upon sinne and therefore they hate the very minister of justice But seeing that God useth as well good Angels as evill in the execution of his judgments and the place and calling of a Judge is honourable that giveth sentence upon the wicked and seeing it is as pleasing to God to punish a wicked person as to set free the righteous it cannot be an odious thing in it selfe to be a minister of justice Simler 7. Doct. The number of the elect certaine with God Vers. 32. TAke me out of the booke God then hath as it were a booke written wherein all the names of the elect are contained whence it may be concluded and inferred that the number of the elect is certaine with God and none of them can possibly perish Piscator as the Apostle saith The foundation of God is sure and hath this seale the Lord knoweth who are hiâ— 2 Tim. 2.19 5. Places of Confutation 1. Controv. That it is not lawfull to make images to represent God by Vers. 5. TOmorrow shall be the holy day of Iehovah It is evident then that neither Aaron nor yet Israel did thinke this Idoll to be their God but they thought this tended to Gods honour and they used this only as a visible representation of God the Romanists therefore use but a slender shift when they alleage that they are unlike the former Idolaters Quod statâ—â— simulachra neque vocent neque existâ—ment deos Because they doe neither call nor thinke their images to be gods for no more did the Gentiles thinke that the very idols which they worshipped were their gods they called them all by a figurative speech because they were made to represent their gods likewise those are but vaine pretences which are commonly used by the popish Idolaters Nolumâ—s à Deo recedere ipsum quaerimus c. his adjumentis imbecillitas nostra sublevatur c. Wee purpose not to depart from Gods service wee seeke and serve him but by these meanes our infirmity is helped c. for all this here the Israelites pretended Gallas See more hereof quest 18. before and Synops. centur 2. error 44. 2. Controv. The Papists proved to be Idolaters like unto the Israelites Vers. 6. ANd offered burnt offerings c. Though the idolatrouâ— Israelites intended here the service of God yet in as much as they set up an Altar before the golden calfe danced before it and praised it they were very formall Idolaters and idoll Worshippers The Romanists therefore are not here wrongfully charged to worship idols seeing they set them up in their Church before Altars decke them with flowers adorne them with apparell and jewels burne candles before them and incense kneele unto them and knocke their breasts yea they set their similitude of beasts before their images as a dog they dedicate to Rachus an hog to Antonie a Dragon to S. George an Hart to Hubert Gallas 3. Controv. Against the Iewes that boast they came not of Idolaters THe Jewes likewise are here refuted who make their boast Quod ex iis qui idololatria dediti fuerunt non descenderunt That they are not descended of them which were given to idolatry whom Cyril thus confuteth Patres eorum in deserto vitulum conflatilem adoraveruâ— Their fathers in the desert worshipped the golden Calfe and in the time of the Judges they went after strange gods and under the Kings Judea as well as Israel played the harlot Ierem. 3.8 and committed spirituall fornication 4. Controv. That the Pope may erre Vers. 5. WHen Aaron saw that he made an Altar before it By this that Aaron was seduced and not only made a calfe for the idolatrous people but erected an Altar and proclaimed an holy day we see that even holy men of excellent gifts and high calling erroribus peccatis gravissimis obnoxios are subject to errours and grievous sinnes Piscator Which sheweth the shamelesse pride of them which being neither in calling nor gifts like Aaron yet say they cannot erre B. Babing The Pope is farre inferiour to Aaron who erred at the least he would not challenge to be superiour to Peter who erred in denying his master and after was received when he was reproved openly by S. Paul Galath 2. See more of this Synops Pap. Centur. 1. error 47. 5. Controv. Against the invocation of Saints Vers. 13. REmember Abraham and Isaack c. The Romanists doe urge this place to prove the invocation of Saints who they say being in heaven doe pray for us here in earth But herein they contradict themselves holding that the Fathers under the old Testament were in that dungeon of darknesse which they call Limbus Patrum and so were ignorant of such things as were done in the world but it is evident in this place that Moses doth not make these Fathers Mediators or intercessors for Israel but only presseth and urgeth the covenant which the Lord confirmed by oath unto them 6. Controv. Against merits LYranus further upon this place noteth Allegat merita Patrum Moses alleageth the merit of the Fathers But Moses insisteth only upon the promise which the Lord made to Abraham which was fouâ—ded upon the Mesiah therefore Non propter patrum merita sed respectus promissi Messia petit he maketh request not for the merits or worthinesse of the Fathers but in respect of the Messias who was promised Simler For neither was Abraham himselfe justified by his workes of merits but by faith as Saint Paul sheweth Rom. 4.3 7. Controv. Against the Lutherans that tolerate images in their Churches Vers. 20. ANd he tooke the calfe Moses did not only restraine the people from worshipping this abominable idoll but he defaceth it and taketh it out of the way which practice and example of Moses sheweth their errour who although they condemne the adoration of images yet thinke they may be tolerated in their Churches But Moses could not indure the sight of this Idoll So the Apostle saith Babes keepe yourselves from Idols Ioh. 5.21 They must not only beware of worshipping them but take heed of the offence that may come by the sight of them Gallas 8. Controv. Against the Popes insolencie that indureth not to be reproved Vers. 21. ANd Moses said unto Aaron c. Though Aaron were appointed of God to be the high Priest yea he was Moses elder brother yet Moses doth noâ— forbeare him but doth openly reprove him therefore the insolency of the Bishop of Rome is intolerable who holdeth scorne to bee reproved unto whom his clawbackes ascribe so much Vt simille 〈◊〉 ducat ad â—reâ—m nâ—mâ— ei dicat cur facis sic c. That although he should lead a thousand soules to hell none should say unto him why dost thou so Simler Paul rebuked Peter openly who by
go before them in the cloudie and fierie pillar and dwel among them in his Tabernacle as he had promised Iunius who here translateth Thou hast not shewed quae missurus what things thou wilt send but this translation seemeth not to be so fit sending in this sense is properly of persons not of things yet the sense that Iunius giveth is consonant unto the text So also Lyranus Non sufficiebat Mosi nisi ei assisteret modo praedicto It contented not Moses unlesse the Lord would assist them as he had done before Mosis petebat sibi assignari praecessorem qui miracula operaretur Moses desired heere one to be given to go before them which should worke miracles such as had been done before Tostat. qu. 13. QUEST XXIV Whether the sole government and leading of the people were here given to Moses without the administration of Angels as Burgensis thinketh NOw commeth Burgensis opinion before rehearsed further to be discussed and examined His assertion is this that Moses heere is desirous to know whereas God had promised to send an Angell whether praecursorem praeceptorem a forerunner to drive out the nations before them and an instructer also whom they should obey as before was prescribed chap. 23.21 are now but onely as a guide and forerunner no longer as a teacher and instructer and so Moses doth secretly insinuate that the sole gevernment of the people should be committed unto him wherein he saith the Lord condescended to Moses request for this his opinion further he alleageth these reasons 1. The great merit and worthinesse of Moses is to bee considered who now after his fortie daies fasting had profited and increased both in contemplation having had conference with God and in active vertues both in shewing his zeale toward God in putting the idolaters to the sword and his great charitie in preferring their safetie before his owne salvation And therefore the Lord held him meet and worthie to whom the sole government of his people should be committed 2. It is said also Deut. 32.12 The Lord alone led them and there was no other God with him God alone without the leading of any Angell guided and protected them 3. Michael the Arch-angell appearing unto Ioshua said As a captaine of the Lords host am I now come Iosh. 5.14 as if he should have said Ego impeditus fui tempore Mosis magistri tui sed nunc venio I was hindred in the time of thy master Moses but I now come whereupon Burgensis inferreth that subjectio populi Israelitici ad Angelum incepit à Ioshua c. the subjection of the people to the Angell began from Ioshua not from Moses Contra. Mathias Thoring in his replies confuteth this phantasie of Burgensis as hee calleth it and thus answereth his reasons 1. Though Moses were an excellent man and in high favour with God yet was he not to be compared with Christ Qui usus est ministeriâ— Angelorum in multis Who in many things used the ministerie of Angels and of whom specially the Psalme speaketh He shall give his Angels charge over thee c. Psalm 91. not that Christ needed their ministerie but propter Hierarchicam institutionem because of the order of the celestiall Hierarchie God hath appointed the Angels and blessed Spirits as the Ministers of his will 2. And in that place in Deuteronomie only strange gods are excluded not the ministerie of Angels which are subordinate unto God for by the same reason the ministerie of Moses should be excluded also 3. Neither can it be affirmed that the administration of the Angels was suspended untill Ioshuahs time for seeing the law was given by the administration of Angels as the Apostle sheweth Galath 3. much more motiâ— columnae the moving of the cloudie and fierie pillar was by their ministerie Deo tamen immutabiliter praesentâ— prasidente God yet himselfe being unchangeably present and president To this effect Thoring who here with great reason opposeth himselfe to Burgensis QUEST XXV When and where God thus said to Moses Vers. 12. THou hast said moreover I know theâ— by 〈◊〉 1. Burgensis thinketh that although it be not found in these verie words where the Lord so said to Moses yet equivalenter dicta fuisse c. words equivalent and of like force were uttered when the Lord said Let me alone c. For thereby Moses might perceive that hee was well knowne unto God seeing by his prayers hee was able to turne aside Gods judgements But by the rehearsall of these words in the same phrase afterward vers 17. I know thee by name it is evident that God had so said to Moses before 2. Augustine therefore resolveth Non omnia scâ—ipta esse quâ— Deus cum illo locutus est That all things are not written which God spake unto Moses 3. Oleaster further giveth this conjecture that it is like Deum hac in mâ—ntis colâ—oquio dixisse that God spake these things unto him in the mount for that was the most familiar conference which God had with Moses QUEST XXVI How the Lord is said to know Moses by name I Know thee by name 1. This is spoken humanitus according to the custome of men who know many by their face whom they know not by name but Princes and great men doe know by name and specially marke and regard those which doe attend upon them and so the Lord saith thus much in effect Novi te tanquâ—m Ministrum c. I know thee as my Minister and servant whom I often use Oleaster So the Lord also is said to know Moses by name because he was in great reputation and favour with him Tostatus And that hee had chosen him out of many for his service Calvin And God is said to know them that please him and not to know those which offend him Non quia ignorat sed quia non approbat Not because he knoweth them not but doth not approve them Augustine 2. God therefore herein sheweth what singular regard he had of Moses in respect of his knowledge God knoweth all men yea all things by their names as the Prophet saith Esay 40.26 Who hath created these things and calleth them by their names Non prâ—dissent ad esse nisi ea Deus vocasset ad esse For nothing could have a being unlesse God had called it to have a being Tostat. qu. 13. But God in respect of his grace and favour tooke speciall notice of Moses whom he vouchsafed to speake with face to face 3. God hath then a common knowledge of all his creatures but a peculiar of his elect Concerning his common knowledge Some have thought that God hath not particularium cognitionem the knowledge of particular things but as he knoweth his owne essence Some as Avicenna that God knoweth singularia universaliter particular things universally in respect of their generall causes not of the particular effects As if a man were skilfull in the celestiall globe he might foresee the
was frustrate but yet it was a reasonable desire 5. Hierom. also is in the same minde Faciem Dei juxta naturae sua proprietatem nulla videt creatura No creature can see the face of God in the propertie of his owne nature 6. But whereas Iacob saith I have seene God face to face Gen. 32.30 which is here denied unto Moses Thomas Aquinas well interpreteth that place that whereas it is said that Iacob saw God face to face Referendum est non ad ipsam essentiam sed ad figuram in quo representabatur Deus It must be referred not unto the essence of God but unto that figure wherein God was represented c. Otherwise it is not to be doubted but that Moses saw more than Iacob did and there is no question but that this was the most cleere sensible vision of Gods glorie that is to be found in all the old Testament for none of the Fathers saw the Lords back-parts but only Moses Oleast yet neither Iacob there nor Moses here saw the divine essence Nunc majus aliquid prastantius obtinet non tamen ut Deum perfecte videat c. Moses obtained a more excellent thing than Iacob yet not to see God perfectly as he is in himselfe but as the capacitie of humane nature was able to beare Calvin 7. Alcuinus giveth this reason why Moses when it is said the Lord spake with Moses face to face saw not the divine essence for then hee would not have said afterward Ostende mihi teipsum Shew me thy selfe or thy glorie Apparuit ergo ei Deus in ea specie qua voluerat non ipse autem apparuit illi natura propria God therefore appeared unto him in that manner hee would not in his owne nature c. 8. Simlerus addeth further hee saw onely the back-parts of God Non vidit igitur naturam substantiam Therefore he saw not his nature and substance And whereas notwithstanding the Lord is said to have talked with Moses face to face that is only to shew a difference betweene that cleere vision which Moses had and other visions shewed to other Prophets not so cleere Simler 9. Lyranus then here is deceived who affirmeth that though the vision or sight of the divine essence was not now granted to Moses Tamen alias fuit concessa in vita praesenti Yet it was granted at another time in this life present But the reason here used by the Lord that no man can see God and live is generall excluding all men while they live here from the vision of Gods nature and essence And as Tostatus reasoneth Non videtur esse aliud tempus inconvenientius c. There seemeth no time to be more convenient for Moses to see Gods essence in than this when Moses made that request unto God qu. 17. yet Tostatus likewise is deceived who thinketh that Moses at this time did see the divine essence QUEST XLIX Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live Vers. 20. THere shall no man see me and live 1. Gregorie Nyssenus giveth this sense of this place not that the sight of that glorious face should be the cause of death Nam quomodo vitae facies causa mortis esse poterit For how should the face of life be the cause of death to those that approach or come neere unto it But to shew because the divine nature exceedeth all knowledge that he which thinketh God to be any of those things which are seene and knowne vitam non habet hath no life Non est ergo vita quod cognoscitur That then is not life which is seene or knowne and so cannot give life c. Hee maketh then in effect this to be the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live thinke not that which thou seest of one to be God able to give life But the Lord speaketh here not of any inward opinion but of the present sight and contemplation of God which Moses decreed and by face he meaneth not any thing beside himselfe that is seene of him but his essence and nature that which himselfe is no man can see that and live 2. Procopius seemeth to approve this sense that they which live here according to the flesh cannot see God but they may see him Non secundum carnem ambulantes Which walke not according to the flesh But Procopius may answer himselfe by a distinction that there is prima Dei facies the first face of God which is his divine essence which is indeed invisible neâ—ini mortalium visa and never seene of any mortall creature there is secunda Dei facies as second face of God which is his grace and favour which is seene by faith of this sight of God our blessed Saviour speaketh Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God c. But the Lord speaketh here of the sight of his first face which is invisible for Moses lived not according to the flesh and yet he is denied this sight and afterward he is granted to see the back-parts which he could not have seene if he had beene carnall not spirituall 3. Rupertus thinketh that as before the Lord spake unto Moses in the person of the people Pro parte electorum In respect of the elect among them I will cause all my good to goe before thee so he speaketh this pro parte reproborum in regard of the reprobate and wicked among them that they should not see Gods glorie and live because they were appointed to die So Rupertus maketh the force of this speech to consist in the word Then thou canst not see my face that is the wicked and unbeleevers among the people But this exposition cannot stand 1. Because the reason is generall No man shall see me and live no man whatsoeveâ— 2. The emphasis lyeth in the word face for his back-parts it is granted Moses to see 3. And the Lord meaneth here Moses person not in him the person of the people as the whole narration following sheweth how the Lord would put Moses in a cleft of a rocke and cover him with his hand while he passed by c. 4. Another exposition is this Qui ex opposito Deum aspicit non vivet He which doth see Gods face as opposite and comming against him shall not live Discat homo Deum sequi Let a man seeke to follow God c. not as it were to meet God in the face or to oppose himselfe against him for vice is opposite to vertue So also Gregor Nyssen 5. Augustine thus interpreteth No man can see God and live Nemo potest eum in hac vita videre vivens sicuti est No man can see him while he liveth in this life as he is So also Lyranus Vatab. Iun. annot But thâ—n this should onely be a repetition of the same thing Thou canst not see my face for no man living can see my face It better containeth
any evill courses Cyril ibid. It is therefore by a metaphor ascribed unto God by a similitude taken from the husband who cannot indure that the love which his wife oweth unto him should be imparted to another Gallas 4. Beside he is called El zeloâ—es a jealous God or strong and jealous signifying Non impune plebem suam per alienos Deos fornicaturam That his people shall not without punishment commit fornication with other gods Augustin ibid. Fortis est ad propulsandam injuriam Hee is strong to defend his owne wrong c. and to punish the offenders Cajetan Vindex est Deus fidei rupiae God is an avenger of violated faith Simler And as the Wise-man saith Iealousie is the rage of man and he will not spare in the day of vengeance Prov. 6.34 Much more will the Lord be avenged of those which seeke his dishonour QUEST XXXI Why they are commanded to cut downe the groves Vers. 13. ANd cut downe their groves 1. The Gentiles used to plant woods and groves by their idolatrous altars which superstitious use the Lord would not have his people to imitate the reasons whereof were these 1. Tostatus thinketh that they made certaine images and figures in the barkes of trees which they used to consult with quaest 13. But to this end rather as Oleaster noteth out of R. Salom. they planted woods that they might under the shadow of them eat and drinke and give themselves to all carnall pleasuâ—es So also Lyranus As also they placed a certaine religion in the shadow of trees and in the top of hils as the Prophet Ieremie noteth chap. 2.20 Calvin Therefore the Lord would not have such groves either to be planted by his people or being planted bâ—fore to stand Iosiah is commended for his zeale in breaking downe of the altars and cutting downe of groves 2 Chron. 33.8 2. If Abrahams example be objected who planted a grove in Beersheba and there called upon the name of the Lord Gen. 21. the answer in generall is that Abraham did not plant that wood for any religious use the word there used is eshel which signifieth any kinde of fruitfull tree but the word here is ashera which signifieth trees which are consecrated to the worship of some God Paguin But in particular it may be further answered with Calvin that the planting of this wood was tranquilla fixaque habitationis signum a signe of a quiet and setled habitation that Abraham rested in this place and for his more commodious dwelling planted a grove or with Pellican out of Targ. Hierasolym that Abraham planted fruitfull trees for hospitalitie to entertaine strangers that they eating of the fruit thereof might be stirred up to praise God Borrhaim addeth further that Abraham here built an Altar and so called upon God the wood was not made to that end And yet if Abraham had intended any religious use in making this grove as a Temple to serve God in neither was there any Law then to the contrary nor yet doe we reade of any such superstition taken up in those times as afterward QUEST XXXII Why idolatry is called fornication Vers. 15. ANd when they goe a whoring after their gods 1. As there is a bodily fornication which is an unlawfull copulation of the body with those whom men ought not to come neere so there is a spirituall fornication Cum mens contra debitum divini ordinis conjungatur quibusâ—ibet aliis reâ—â—us c. When the minde is beside the divine order joyned to any other thing than unto God so there iâ— also a spirituall chastity Si mens hominis delectetur in spirituali conjunctione ad id cui debet conjungi scilicet ad Deum c. If the minde be delighted in spirituall conjunction to that to the which it ought to be joyned unto that is unto God and doe abstaine from all other Thomas 2. And in three things is idolatry compared to fornication 1. In that fides Deo data violatur faith made to God is violated as in bodily fornication and adulterie the faith which each gave to other is falsified 2. As they which are given to carnall wantonnesse thinke no cost too much that is bestowed that way but doe doat upon their pleasures so idololatrae sunt prodigi in idola c. idolaters are prodigall upon their idols 3. Because fornicatio cum idololatria pleriâ—nque conjuncta est fornication is for the most part joyned with idolatrie As among the Gentiles neere unto their idolatrous temples they had their brothelhouses and in many of their sacrifices and idoll services as of Bacchus Flora Priapus they used much obscenity and filthinesse So the Israelites when they coupled themselves with Baal Pâ—or committed both spirituall and bodily fornication Numb 25. And how these two still are joyned together where Popish idolatry is practised the histories of former times and the experience of those dayes doth evidently testifie Simler QUEST XXXIII How farre it is lawfull and unlawfull to eat of things consecrated to idols Vers. 15. ANd they call thee and thou eat of their sacrifice c. 1. Concerning things offered unto idols of themselves the meat is not polluted or defiled thereby for an idoll as Saint Paul saith is nothing in the world nihil habet deitatis it hath no deity in it it is of no power and therefore non potest ab eo derivari virtus c. there can no vertue be derived from it being but made of wood stone or mettall or such like into that which is consecrated to it and so the creature is good still though it be superstitiously abused And therefore such meats of themselves may as well be used after they are so offered to idols as before 2. But there are certaine lets and scandals which may arise of eating such things which maketh it unlawfull 1. The first let is in a man himselfe if he be not well perswaded and resolved that it is lawfull to eat such things for then he sinneth against his owne conscience as the Apostle saith He that doubteth is condemned if he eat Rom. 14.23 2. Then offence may be given unto the weake brethren who against their conscience seeing another to eat may bee incouraged to doe the like and so their conscience is wounded in which respect Saint Paul saith Hee will not eat flesh as long as the world standeth to offend his brother 1 Corin. 8.13 3. An offence may be given unto the Infidels who by our eating of their sacrifices will judge us to favour their idols and so have an evill opinion of us as dissemblers and condemne our liberty Yet here a divers case is to be considered for if the Infidels did not tell us or suppose wee know not that the meat was offered to idols then it may be eaten without any offence giving but if any man say This is sacrificed to idols eat it not saith the Apostle because of his conscience that shewed it thee 1 Corinth
Ephod a robe a linen coat a bonet so their Priests have an albe a stoale a delmatike and their Bishops forked miters beside and the Pope a triple crowne imitating yea rather exceeding Aarons coronet which was but a golden plate set upon his miter And whereas all these were types and shadowes of the glorious priesthood of Christ they as though Christ were not yet come doe retaine this typicall priestly apparell still and as not contented that God hath given unto his Church the true and perfect high Priest Christ Iesus they set up one in his place to be his Vicar here in earth and universall Bishop over the whole Church Thus they rob Christ of his honour deriving that unto themselves which was fulfilled in Christ converting the substance of Christs glorious priesthood to a vaine earthly pompe Simler Simlerus in the same place toucheth two other questions 1. Whether Ministers are to be distinguished by any apparell in their civill and ordinarie conversation 2. Whether any peculiar kind of vesture is to be used in divine service 3. Controv. Whether Ministers may be prescribed a fashion of civill apparell VPon the first question he determineth thus 1. That in it selfe the garment is an indifferent thing and that as the Apostle saith The kingdome of God is not meat and drinke Rom. 14.17 so neither doth it consist in apparell 2. The Priests under the Law were onely prescribed what apparell they should weare in their Ministerie not in their civill conversation 3. So that it is not necessarie that Ministers should be discerned by their habit but that it is indifferent in it selfe for them to weare what kind of apparell they thinke good so that these two inconveniences be avoided that they neither exceed in the matter or fashion of their apparell otherwise than becommeth the gravitie of their persons and holines of their profession nor yet place any superstition in their habit as the Monkes and Friers did 4. But where the Magistrate prescribeth an oder of apparell for comelinesse sake because Christian religion taketh not away humane policies omnino Magistratui parendum erit the Magistrate must altoâ—â—ther be obeyed 5. Yea if such a forme of garment be commanded by the Magistrate as was used in 〈◊〉 being appointed only for a civill use not for any religion resistance is not to be made for 〈…〉 all such things polluted because they were used in poperie and some things though used in poperie yet were not by them invented 6. But the chiefe care of the Magistrate ought to be that Ministers be discerned from the people non pileo sed pietate not by their cap but by their pietie and integritie of life 4. Controv. Whether a peculiar forme of Church garment should be prescribed and used COncerning the other question whether a peculiar forme of garment should be prescribed for the publike Ministerie first none of any sound judgement thinke any such thing to be necessarie for the garment of it selfe is an indifferent thing and the example of the Priests which had their garments appointed them doth not bind Ministers now under the Gospell there are then two principall opinions herein 1. Some thinke that no peculiar garment ought at all to be prescribed for the publike Ministerie because this was a legall observation and the priestly garments were types of Christ the bodie being then come the types and figures should cease and to keepe some of the legall ceremonies should bind us unto all 2. These were the inventions of Antichrist therefore to be rejected 3. The outward glorie of the vestiments doth affect the eye of the beholders and so hindreth their meditation Some affirme the contrarie that where the Magistrate commandeth a set forme of vesture for the Church he is to be obeyed 1. Because of themselves garments are indifferent and therefore such things must be borne with lest other things more necessarie bee hindered 2. This kind of Ecclesiasticall vesture must not simplie be condemned for this were to judge some reformed Churches which doe use them 3. The Apostles for peace sake did suffer some ceremonies to remaine therefore some thing must be yeelded unto that the course of the Gospell be not hindered And to the former reasons they make this answer 1. That some things were used among the Jewes which still are retained as the paying of tithes neither are such things kept now as types and ceremonies but as they have a profitable and seemely use neither doth it follow that if some things then used under the Law be now admitted all the rest should 2. Neither are all things instituted in poperie held to be impious many things consecrated to idolatrie among the Heathen were converted by the Christians to good uses 3. If vestures be of themselves not impious but indifferent they whose minds are therby withdrawne are in fault themselves the thing is not to be blamed So Simlerus resolution is this he approveth rather their sentence which would not have such things revived in the Church sed Apostolicam simplicitatem retinendam dicunt but hold rather the Apostolike simplicitie to be retained But if the Magistrate do urge such things then he would have it done with these limitations 1. That it be ad commoditatem concordiam Ecclesiae for the commoditie and concord of the Church 2. Vt spectetur decorum that it be decent and comely 3. That the minds of the weake bee not offended with such things 4. That it may be granted to the Ministers to instruct the people concerning such things 5. That speciall care be had ne superstitio obtrudatur Ecclesiae that superstition be not brought into the Church 6. That chiefely the true comelines of the Church bee respected which consisteth not in serico auro sed adificatione in silke and gold but in edifying To this purpose Simlerus 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. The praise of God to be sought not of men Vers. 33. THey brought the Tabernacle to Moses As these workmen endevoured to approve their worke unto Moses so we should most of all seeke to have the approbation of Christ. Some propound unto themselves vaine glorie as the Pharisies in giving almes some profit as Iudas but we should seeke the praise and approbation of God Simler As the Apostle saith Hee that praiseth himselfe is not allowed but hee whom God praiseth 2. Corinth 10.18 2. Observ. God approveth cheerfull obedience in his service Vers. 42. ACcording to every point that the Lord had commanded c. so the children of Israel made c. The singular obedience of the workmen of the Tabernacle may bee shame unto Christians that are so negligent in Gods service Simler We should say with the Prophet David One thing have I desired of the Lord that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all the daies of my life Psal. 27.4 3. Observ. They which take from the Church are accursed Vers. 43. MOses blessed them As well the workmen as those that
other maintenance and living he holdeth it to be a deadly sinne And therefore it was the old use in the consecration of Bishops to aske of him that was consecrated vtrum velit Episcopatum whether he would have a Bishoprike who was twice to say nay but if any such desired a Bishopricke induceret illum ad mentiendum he that asked such question should enduce him to lie Thus farre Tostatus proceedeth well 2. But whereas that place of the Apostle will be objected If any man desireth the office of a Bishop he desireth a good worke 1 Tim. 3.1 he answereth he desireth indeed bonum opus a good worke but not bene he desireth it not well whereas the Apostle in these words as Hierom expoundeth them Ad operis desiderium non ad honoris ambitum provocat doth rather provoke and stir up unto the desire of the work not ambitiously to seek the honour c. The Apostle then in these words reprehendeth not but alloweth their desire which affect the callings of the Church rather prodesse quam praesse to profit others than to rule as Augustine saith 3. Wherefore this further may be added that in seeking or desiring the places and offices of the Church there are two extremes to be shunned the one was the fault of former times when they which otherwise were well qualified and enabled for Ecclesiasticall functions did altogether decline them and utterly refused to take that calling upon them as one Ammonius when he should have been ordained a Presbyter cut off one of his eares and threatned if they would not let him alone to cut out his tongue to make himselfe altogether unfit for that calling The other fault is incident to this age ambitiously to sue and seeke for the preferments of the Church such an one was Diatrephes who loved to have preeminence Wherefore that a meane may bee kept in desiring the places in the Church three things must bee considered 1. Hee that hath any mind to an Ecclesiasticall calling must first examine himselfe whether hee bee fitted and enabled with gifts and that in an humble opinion not in a blind selfe-love but such an one as is not furnished with gifts sinneth in putting himselfe forward to that place for the which he is not meet 2. He must propound unto himselfe as the chiefe and principall end the glorie of God and the edifiing of the people and not for maintenance or living sake offer himselfe 3. Hee must take heed that he use no indirect or unlawfull meanes by flatterie or briberie to creepe in and intrude himselfe 4. These conditions being well observed and these times withall considered wherein partly because of the great number and choice to bee had of sufficient men but most of all because vertue and learning is not duely respected and rewarded preferment is not offered unasked and undesired he that desireth a place in the Church as the Apostle saith desireth a good thing and therein is not to be discommended QUEST V. When the Tabernacle began to be set up Vers. 17. THus was the Tabernacle reared up the first day of the first moneth c. 1. Cajetane hereupon noteth that the Tabernacle was set up before one yeare was expired since their comming up out of Egypt whence they departed upon the fifteenth day of the first moneth so that there wanted fifteene daies of a full yeare This collection is verie evident out of the text and therefore Lippoman following the Septuagint had no reason to reject it 2. Simlerus thinketh that the Tabernacle which could not be set up in one day was begun to be set up before and now finished on the first day of the moneth which used to be a solemne day and it is like they kept not that solemnitie untill the Tabernacle was erected But it is evident by the text that Moses began now only to set up the Tabernacle upon the first day of the first moneth because the Lord appointeth that day for Moses to set it up in vers 2. therefore he began not before And the day wherein they began to set it up might be kept as a solemne day as well as the day wherein it was finished yet it may be thought that the feast of the new moone was not yet observed the Priests being not yet consecrated to whose office it belonged to solemnize that day with sacrifices 3. R. Salomon saith there were two erections and setting up of the Tabernacle one was quotidiana every day when it was set up in the morning and taken downe againe at night the other was stabilis erectio the sure or firme erecting of it which continued till the campe removed the first erecting of it began seven daies before but the second solemne and stable erecting was upon the first day of the first moneth Contra. This is the Rabbines owne device that the Tabernacle was every day set up and taken downe againe for it is contrarie to the text which saith that the cloud of the Lord was upon the Tabernacle by day and fire by night vers 37. untill the cloud ascended and then they went forward but if the Tabernacle were taken downe in the night the fire could not rest upon it 4. Calvine taketh this erecting of the Tabernacle for the removing of it from without the campe where it was set up and bringing of it within the host for his opinion is that the Tabernacle was set up before Moses going up the second time into the mount when he removed it without the host chap. 33.7 Contra. But that Tabernacle was not this great Tabernacle but another where Moses used to consult with God as is further shewed in the handling of that place And the great Tabernacle was made after Moses second comming downe as it is set downe in storie which without great necessitie is not to be transposed and as soone as the work was finished they brought it to Moses and then the Lord spake to Moses to set it up 5. Wherefore I encline rather to thinke that Moses according to the Lords commandement began onely upon the first day of the first moneth to set up the Tabernacle and so continued untill he had finished for in one day it was not all set up as it may be gathered chap. 7.1 VVhen Moses had finished the setting up of the Tabernacle hee did not then begin and finish in one day QUEST VI. What Testimonie was put into the Arke Vers. 20. HE tooke and put the testimonie in the Arke c. There were in and beside the Arke these foure things the tables of the Law the pot of Manna Aarons rod and the booke of the Law which Moses writ but none of these are heere understood by this Testimonie but only the tables of the Law 1. The pot of Manna was a testimonie of Gods mercie that he had fed the Israelites with the bread of heaven fortie yeares in the wildernesse but that was not this Testimonie for Aaron is bid
the Tabernacle the Romanists would warrant their consecrating of Churches with oyle and other ceremonies and they hould it as a principle that it is not lawfull to say Masse in a Church not hallowed 2. By such ceremonies and rites they say religion and devotion is stirred up in mens minds 3. By such hallowing devils are expelled 4. Constantine when he had built a Chruch called thither the Nicene Fathers to consecrate it 5. Christ vouchsafed to be present at the dedication feast in Ierusalem Contra. As we condemne not a Christian dedication blessing and sanctifying of things without superstition as David dedicated his house which he had newly built Psal. 30. in the title which kind of sanctifying is done partly by prayer grounded upon Gods word as the Apostle sheweth 1 Timoth. 4.5 partly by the sober and right use of such things when they are employed to a good end as the Churches of Christians are hallowed and sanctified by the word of God and exercises of religion there used So yet such superstitious consecrations as with oyle tapers crossings and such like we utterlie condemne 1. There is no hallowing or sanctifying of any thing without the warrant of Gods word 1 Timoth. 4.5 but they have no word for such ceremonies to bee used 2. They make more account of their owne traditions than of Gods institution for every Priest may baptise but their Bishops onely hallow Churches 3. They commit idolatrie by this meanes in dedicating Churches to Saints and so take away part of Gods honour 4. They make these ceremonies a part of Gods worship and ascribe spirituall vertue unto them for they give indulgences and pardons of sinnes by the vertue of such hallowed Churches The former reasons are of no force 1. The typicall ceremonies of the Law such as was the anointing of the Tabernacle doe not bind us now they are abolished 2. True devotion and religion cannot be stirred up in the mind by humane rites and observations which are not grounded upon Gods word 3. By the same reason if by their anointing devils are driven out of Churches it were good that all houses and other places were anointed to drive away evill spirits but our Saviour sheweth that devils are cast out by prayer and fasting therefore not by such toyes 4. Constantines Church was consecrated by the prayers and thankesgiving of the Christian Bishops not by any such superstitious usages 5. The dedication of the Temple was a legall observation and concerneth us not now neither doth it follow because Christ observed it that it is to be kept still for he was also circumcised to shew his obedience to the Law Simlerus 3. Confut. That there is not in Orders imprinted an indeleble character Vers. 15. THe anointing shall bee a signe that the Priesthood shall be everlasting unto them Tostatus out of this place would inferre that in orders as likewise in Baptisme there is imprinted an indeleble character in the soule which can never be blotted out as these were but once anointed during their life to minister in the Priesthood qu. 4. Contra. 1. This place proveth no such thing for it is not spoken of the anointing of their persons which could be for no long continuance but of the anointing and consecrating of Aaron and his posteritie for the priesthood perpetually the anointing and consecrating of the Fathers could not print an indeleble character in their posteritie 2. This indeleble character or badge which they say is by Baptisme and Orders imprinted in the soule and can never be blotted out is but a device of their owne for what badge or marke of Iudas Apostleship could remaine when hee had betrayed his Master and manifestly shewed himselfe to be the child of perdition or what could be imprinted in Simon Magus soule by Baptisme of whom Saint Peter saith He had no part nor fellowship with them and his heart was not aright in the sight of God Act. 8.21 See more of this controversie Synops. Cont. 2. error 98. 4. Confut. Outward succession not alwaies required in the Ministerie Vers. 12. THou shalt bring Aaron and his sonnes c. The Romanists make this speciall exception against the Ministers of the Gospell that they can shew no lawfull succession which is required in an ordinarie calling nor yet miracles to prove their extraordinarie calling therefore they hold their calling to be none at all Contra. 1. Aaron was the Lords high Priest not by succession from any other but by consecration from Moses the civill governour at Gods appointment and so no doubt but Princes reformers of religion by their authoritie may establish Ministers and Preachers thereunto rightly called 2. Everie extraordinarie calling was not confirmed by signes as divers of the Prophets are not found to have wrought miracles 3. And though it were granted that the calling of the first Ministers of the Gospell were in respect of the manner extraordinarie yet because for the matter and doctrine it is not new but the same which the Apostles preached there need no miracles seeing the same faith was before ratified and sealed by the miracles wrought by the Apostles Simlerus See Synops. Centur. 1. err 20. 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Not to come before the Lord without due preparation Vers. 31. THey washed their hands By this ceremonie was signified that none should assemble or draw neere unto God with impure and unwashen affections Oleaster As Moses also was bid to put off his shooes when hee drew neere unto the fire burning in the bush So the Apostle will have men to examine themselves before they come unto the Lords table 1 Cor. 11.28 2. Observ. Gods house is to be reverenced Vers. 34. THe glorie of the Lord filled the Tabernacle God shewed such glorious signes of his presence to the end his Tabernacle should be the more reverenced of all Marbach As Iacob said Gen. 28.17 How fearefull is this place this is none other than the house of God So David also saith Psal. 5.7 In thy feare will I worship toward thy holy Temple 3. Observ. The greater gifts one hath the more hee should humble himselfe Vers. 35. SO Moses could not enter Moses the more familiarly the Lord vouchsafed to speake unto tanto se humiliorem praebet c. sheweth himselfe so much the more modest and humble he will not presume to enter into the Tabernacle where Gods presence was though at other times the Lord had admitted him to familiar conference This example teacheth men that the more excellent gifts they have they should so much more shew themselves humble and lowly Gallas As Saint Paul though he laboured more than all the Apostles yet confesseth He was the least of the Apostles and not worthie to be called an Apostle Ves. 36. VVhen the cloud ascended the children of Israel went forward Oleaster hereupon giveth this good note Beatus homo quem direxeris Domine qui non se movet nisi signum ei ostenderis c. Happie
Canaanites haâ—ing not the true worship of God defiled themselves with these abominations for the which the Lord cast them out Levit. 18.24 Simler QUEST XXXV What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 〈…〉 hearing that the two tribes and an halfe beyond Jordan had erected them an Altar they assembled themselves together against them as jealous lest they purposed to bring in a new worship of God Tostat. 5. And not onely they which committed Idolatrie themselves but they which perswaded others were to be put to death Deut. 13.6 7. QUEST XXXVI Whether Idolatrie now is to be punished by death Vers. 20. SHall be slaine 1. The word is charam that simply signifieth not to cut off but to destroy as an anathema thing accursed and bequeathed to destruction Iun. Pelarg. 2. The Interlinearie Glosse expoundeth it of excommunication and of eternall death but both the practise of those times and the like punishment here â—nflicted upon other capitall crimes sheweth that it must be understood of the losse of the temporall life though beside without their great repentance Idolaters deserve also everlasting death Rev. 22.8 3. Some object that now Idolatrie is not to be punished by death but that such rather that are seduced should be instructed in the true worship of God and in the times of the Gospell it is fit more clemencie and mercie should be shewed than under the rigour of the law Answ. 1. Though Idolaters are to be instructed to reforme their error for the salvation of their soules yet this letteth not but that for so great impietie and for the example of others they should worthily suffer the paines of death 2. And now under the Gospel seeing robberie against the common peace and â—reason against the life and safetie of the Prince and State are judged worthy of death Qui majestatem Dei 〈◊〉 dissime violavit tam leve facinus admisisse putabitur shall he which violateth the Majestie of God most impiously be thought to commit so small an offence Gallas 4. But although as Osiander saith the Magistrate non gladio in idololatriam vindicare teneatur be not now bound to take revenge of Idolatrie by the sword for some difference there is betweene Pagane idolatrie and Popish superstitious Imagerie the one being an absolute deniall of all Christianitie the other a mixing therewith of superstitious vanitie yet by the equitie of this Judiciall law which serveth for the strengthening of a morall precept the like sin of idolatrie may justly receive the like punishment As Cyprian repeating that law Deut. 13.12 Si audieris in una ex civitatibus c. If thou hearest of any of the cities c. that are drawne away to serve other gods that such a city should be destroyed thus further inferreth cujus praecepti memor Mattathias which precept Mattathias remembring killed him that approached to the idolatrous Altar to sacrifice c. Then he further addeth Quod si ante adventum Christi circa Deum colendum et idola spernendâ— haec pracepta servata sunt c. Now if these precepts concerning the worship of God and despising of Idols were kept before the comming of Christ quanto magis post adventum Christi servanda sunt How much more ought they to be kept after the comming of Christ seeing he hath not onely exhorted us in words but in deeds Augustine likewise shewing a difference betweene the schisme of the Donatists and Pagane idolatrie thus concludeth Quis vestrum non laudat leges c. Which of you doth not commend the lawes given by the Emperours against the sacrifices of the Pagans illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est c. for the punishment of that impietie is capitall 5. R. Salomon thinketh that if a Jew did sweep an Idol Temple velornaret vel alia similia faceret quae sunt praambula c. or adorne it onely and doe other things which are but preambles to Idolatrie he was not to be punished by death but some other wayes Ex Lyrano But if enticing in words to idolatrie were judged worthy of death Deut. 17.5 much more to entice and draw by fact and example as in adorning and beautifying the Temples of Idols QUEST XXXVII Why idolatrie is judged worthy of death NOw the reasons why idolatry was held by Moses law to be worthy of death were these 1. Quia is cultus diabolo exhibetur qui idolorum author est Because that idolatrous worship is giuen unto the devill who is the author of Idols Gallas 2. Aequum est vita privari eos c. It is just that they should be deprived of life which forsake God the author and fountaine of life Simler To leave the worship of God who is the author of life and to worship the devill the author of death and destruction mille mortibus c doth shew himselfe to be worthy of a thousand deaths Gallas 3. Though euery transgression of the law be in some sort a breach of Gods covenant yet idolatry more specially is said to be a transgression of the covenant of God Deut. 17.2 Because men apparently and professedly thereby forsake the profession solemnely made of their service and obedience vnto the Lord Simler 4. And this severe punishment the Lord appointeth for idolatrie quia inter Aegyptios idololatria assiâ—everant because the Israelites had accustomed themselves unto idolatry among the Egyptians in so much that they Moses yet living set up a golden calfe to worship Simler 5. Because of the ready inclination and propension of mans nature unto idolatry it was fit that it should by some severe punishment be restrained Calvin 6. And two things there are which doe exaggerate the nature of a sinne and aggravate the punishment thereof Res in quibâ—s committitur is in quos committitur c. The things wherein they are commited and they against whom they are committed Borrh. Both which concurre here in the sinne of apostasie and idolatrie For what mattâ—â— can be of greater moment than the service and worship of God and what sin more grievous than that which is committed against God QUEST XXXVIII Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why Vers. 21. THou shalt not doe injury to a stranger 1. There are two reasone why men are apt to doe wrong unto strangers a both because they are not allied by affinity or consanguinity and therefore no naturall affection is commonly shewed toward them because they are destitute of friends and patrons and therefore lye more open to wrong Tostatus 2. The stranger must neither bee injured in word nor wronged in deed Simler Neither secretly by fraud nor openly by violence neither must they be hindred by any private man nor publikely prejudiced by lawes made against them Tostat. And it is not enough not to doe them wrong but we must help them and doe them what good we can Gallas 3. And this reason is added because they were strangers in Egypt they did feele
by experience what it was to use strangers hardly that by their own experience they might learne to have compassion on others Simler For the law of nature teacheth not to doe that unto another which we would not have offered to our selves Cajetan They in Egypt would not have had the Egyptians to deale so hardly with them and God punished the Egyptians for their sakes let them take heed then by those judgements which â—ell upon the Egyptians lest they bee punished in like manner for afflicting strangers Simler 4. Other reasons beside may bee added as that strangers as well as they were created according to Gods image and they have the same common father and let them remember the uncertaintie of mans condition Qua variis casibus est exposita c. which is exposed to divers chances they doe not know how soone they may bee driven to sojourne in a strange countrey Marbach 5. The evill entreating of strangers was odious even by the light of nature among the heathen Plato affirmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God is a revenger of wrongs and injuries done unto strangers in so much as those cities were famous which were kinde to strangers as the Athenians the Lucari Egineta which were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of strangers And they were noted of infamy that used strangers hardly as the Lacedemonians with others Galass QUEST XXXIX Why widowes and orphans are not to be oppressed Vers. 22. YEe shall not trouble any widow 1. As the former law enjoyned pity and commiseration to be shewed toward strangers that were in misery so this provideth for such as are in misery being not strangers as Widowes and orphans Tostat. 2. And although none at all are to be wronged and afflicted yet these especially must not bee hurt Quia defensorem non habent Because they have none to defend them Chrysost. Carâ—â—do patre seâ— marito c. The one wanteth a father the other an husband Cajetan 3. The Lord here threatneth that he will be revenged of such as oppresse the widow and fatherlesse and three punishments are threatned they shall be smitten with the sword and the other two are sequels hereof their wives shall become widows and their children fatherlesse Tostat. 4. Which punishments are procured by these degrees the widowes and fatherlesse being oppressed doe cry unto God for prayer made in time of affliction is most fervent then though men regard not their teares and prayers yet God will Pellican And his anger will wax hot against them because they oppresse those whom God favoureth and loveth as wee use to bee angry with those which hurt either our selves or our friends whom we love Borrh. QUEST XL. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall Vers. 23. SO hee call and cry unto mee c. Divers causes and occasions there are set forth in Scripture which doe procure the exaudition and hearing of our prayers 1. When two consent together and offer up their prayers with one accord their voyce is heard Matth. 18.19 2. Prayer made in faith is effectuall as the Apostle saith The Prayer of Faith shall save the sicke 3. Continuance and perseverance in prayer is availeable Luk. 11.8 Because of his importunity he would arise and give him as many as he needed 4. Prayer joyned with almes and deeds of charity is so much the more respected with God Act. 10.4 Thy prayers and thy almes are come up in remembrance before God 5. Fasting joyned with prayer maketh it more fervent Matth. 17.21 This kind cannot goe out but by prayer and fasting 6. And the greatnesse of affliction Psal. 118.5 I called upon the Lord in trouble and he heard mee As in this place the Lord heareth the cry of the widowes and fatherlesse that call unto him Lippom. ex collationibus Patrum And here they cry Non tantum sono vocis quantum intentione cordis c. Not so much by sound of voice as in the intention and elevation of their hearts Thomas QUEST XLI Why usury is called biting Vers. 25. THou shalt not oppresse him with usury The word nashach whence is derived neshech usury signifieth to bite usury then is called a biting 1. Because as the biting of a Serpent parum percipitur in principio c. is but little felt in the beginning but afterward the whole body is inflamed upon that biting So usury is not felt in the beginning but at the last devorat totam hominis substantiam c. It devoureth all a mans substance So R. Salom. ex Lyran. 2. Or because the usurer tanquam hirudâ—â—â—nem succum sanguinem exugit c. as an horse-leach sucketh out all the juyce and bloud Galass 3. Morsus serpentis non sinit dormâ—re The biting of a serpent will not suffer one to sleepe neither will usury suffer the man that is incumbred therewith to be at rest Simler 4. And it may be so called in respect of the greedy desire of usurers which live upon the poore and eat them up by usury tanquam canis famelicus alios mordendo seipsum pascens as an hungry dog by biting and devouring others feeding himselfe Calvin 5. Usury is called a biting Quia lethaliter moâ—det eos qui ea gravantar because it biteth and gripâ—â—h those to death which are oppressed with it QUEST XLII VVhat usurie is HEnce it is evident that usury is unlawfull But before the severall points belonging to this question can be discussed first we must see what usury is 1. Plus ex mutuâ— velle quam mutuatum sit iniquum est To desire more by lending than was lent is wicked Cajetan He then counteth that usury when any thing is received for loane more than that which was lent 2. Vsura est lucrum quoâ—â—â—nipeâ—â—r soliâ—◠〈…〉 causa Usury is a gaine which is taken only for lending Vrsinus Quicquid 〈…〉 What gaine soever was given beside the principall whereupon it is called in the Hebrew turbith that is increase of the multiplying Calvin 3. After the same manner was usury defined in 〈…〉 as Carthag 3. c. 16. Nullus clericorum amplius accipiat quam cuiquam accomodavit That 〈◊〉 of the Clergy should receive more than he hath lent Augustine thus describeth an usurer Si plus quâ—m 〈◊〉 expectas accipere foenerator es If thou looke to receive more than thou hast given thou art an usurer So also Concil Lateranens Vsury is thus defined Quando ex usurei quae non germinat nullo labore nullo sâ—â—ptâ— nullo periculo lucrum conquiri studetur c. When by the use of a thing which increaseth not gaine is sought without any labour cost or hazard QUEST XLIII Of divers kinds of usuries THere were divers kinds of usury 1. As that which was called Vsura centesima the usury of the hundreth part quae aquiparatur sorti in anno which did rise to bee equall to the principall in one yeare 2. Then there was Dimidia centesimae