only what in them lieth to preserve and defend themselves their Religion and Laws from the violence of an Army first raised against them which being laid down and disbanded they offer to Disband theirs without any other condition But they are well assured that by this His Majesty's Answer here is not only a requiring of new Laws but a repealing of the old by Arms for His Majesty must have this Parliament adjourned to another place which by a Statute made this present Parliament cannot be done without the consent of both Houses He must have the Members disabled to sit there by the respective judgment of both Houses restored to their former capacity of sitting and voting or He will not consent to Disband And how destructive to the Liberties of the Parliament and dangerous to the Kingdom these Conditions required by His Majesty to precede the Disbanding are any man that hath an eye to see may easily discern As first to satisfie His first Proposition in yielding up the Magazines Ships and Forts into the hands of such persons as His Majesty shall appoint to receive the same without any admission to the two Houses to express their confidence in those persons which being performed were to yield up the principal part if not all the strength they have and expose themselves Religion and the Kingdom to the mercy of a powerful Popish Army raised against them and submit it to them and to the will and pleasure of those Counsellors whose interest with His Majesty hath brought this Kingdom to this desolate condition whether they would Disband or not Secondly to satisfie Him in His Proposition touching His Revenue wherein He demands a restitution of what hath been taken from Him which though it would prove no considerable Summ yet the time that the examination and agreement upon the account would necessarily take up would prove such as might very well make the Kingdom sink under the burthen of two Armies before it came to a conclusion And touching His Majesty's requiring a restitution of the Members to their sitting and Votes it is observable that the Demand is made without distinction of persons or offences so that be the persons never so criminous or the offences never so notorious and so the Judgment never so just yet all must be restored or no consent to Disbanding And the reason and ground of the Demand is as observable because they adhered to His Majesty in these Distractions An Argument they must confess much used by the Earl of Strafford in defence of his Treason who would have justified the most notorious Crimes laid to his charge by Authority and Commands derived from His Majesty and his zeal to advance His Majesty's Service and Profit And no doubt the same reason may be used for the Judges in case of Ship-mony and most of the Monopolists and Projectors who by Letters Patents had not only His Majesty's Command and Authority for the doing what they did but brought in great Summs of Mony to His use and benefit and that perhaps in times of necessity and want thereof and so consequently because these adhered to His Majesty for what they did was for His Profit with the like reason it may be required that all Impeachments and Proceedings against them should be repealed and laid aside And surely nothing can be more destructive and dangerous both to Parliament and Kingdom than the consenting to that Demand for what can be more destructive to both Houses than to restore those persons to have their former suffrage and Votes in Parliament over the Lives and Liberties of the People and the Priviledge of Parliament who have not only deserted the Parliament disobeyed and contemned their Authority neglected the Trust reposed in them by those that sent them thither in whose behalf they were to attend and serve there but by private practices and open hostility have endeavoured to destroy both Parliament and People And it would be an Objection of difficulty to answer whether in giving a consent to this Demand the People who are to chuse these Members should not be deprived of their interest and freedom of choice and election now devolved unto them by putting out the Members already sent And to this they might add the danger of the Precedent and the reflection of dishonour that would fall upon both Houses should they consent to this which would be with the same breath as it were to give and repeal their Judgment and pronounce sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves But they will not insist thereupon in a case otherwise so full of danger and inconvenience to the publick And touching the Proposition of Adjourning the Parliament twenty miles distant from London they shall not need in a case so apparent to spend many words to discover the inconvenience and unreasonableness thereof for should they assent unto it to pass over the inconveniences that would happen to such persons that should have occasion to attend the Parliament by removing it so far from the residency of the ordinary Courts of Justice and the places where the Records of the Kingdom remain whereof there is frequent use to be made it would not only give a tacite consent to those Scandals so often pressed and affirmed in several Declarations that is That His Majesty was forced for the Safety of His own Person heretofore to withdraw and hitherto to absent Himself from the Parliament which both Houses can by no means admit but must still deny but likewise to that high and dangerous Aspersion of awing the Members of this Parliament raised without doubt purposely to invalid the Acts and proceedings thereof and by that engine in case the Popish Army should prevail against the Parliament which they trust God in his goodness will never permit to overturn and nullifie all the good Laws and Statutes made this Parliament And it would give too much countenance to those unjust Aspersions laid to the charge of the City of London whose unexampled zeal and fidelity to the true Protestant Religion and the Liberty of this Kingdom is never to be forgotten That His Majesty and the Members of both Houses cannot with safety to their persons reside there whenas they are well assured that the Loyalty of that City to His Majesty and their Affections to the Parliament is such as doth equal if not exceed any other place or City in the Kingdom And with what safety the two Houses can sit in any other place when even in the place they now reside the House of Commons was in apparent danger of Violence when His Majesty accompanied with some hundreds of armed Men came thither to demand their Members let the World judge And now the Lords and Commons must appeal to the judgment of all impartial men whether they have not used their utmost and most faithful endeavours to put an end to the Distractions of this Kingdom and to restore it to a blessed and lasting Peace and whether their Propositions being
direction of the House of Commons till this Parliament it being the first appeal to the People and of a dangerous consequence to Parliaments themselves But as in other things neither Our Desires or Commands have been considered without giving Us leisure to answer either the one or the other special direction is given for the printing that Remonstrance and equal care taken for the publishing it in all places and parts of the Kingdom Having taken this care for the shaking and perplexing the minds of all men the next work was to get such a Power into their hands as might govern and dispose of those Affections To this purpose they had from the beginning of the Parliament by reason of some complaints against the immoderate exercise of the authority of the Lieutenants and their Deputies in raising Coat and Conduct-money and some excesses in them had several debates in the diminution of the Office it self but still grounded upon the illegal Pressures used by them and upon some words in the Commission it self which though of long usage in very happy days were conceived not agreeable to the Law but they were so far from supposing the Office it self or Commission to be illegal that both Houses of Parliament had recommended two Lords to Us and desired Our Commission to make them Lords Lieutenants of Yorkshire and Dorsetshire the only end seeming then to be that good and approved men should be in those imployments and trusts But at last they resolved against the Office it self and would think of some other way to provide for the safety of the Kingdom in that point and in this they had a double end First to fright all persons Members of both Houses who had been Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants to comply with them in their Votes lest they should be called in question for the execution of those Offices a Stratagem they had found to engage many persons to their Opinions as Sheriffs for the collecting Ship-money and all other persons who in truth were or might be made obnoxious to their Power then that by unsettling that whole business of the Militia throughout the Kingdom they might the more easily bring in their own power of governing it as they have since endeavoured to do And thereupon they presumed to bring in such a Bill into the House of Commons to place a General at Land and an Admiral at Sea by Act of Parliament with such Power and Authority over the Lives and Fortunes of all Our Subjects as should be liable to no control nor to be questioned by any Superintendent hand with a pre-pardon for whatsoever they should do under colour of those Offices either of which Officers should have been a much greater Man than Our Self and commanded in Our Kingdom above Us the matter of which Bill to shew their Design is since digested into their new Generals Commission and the pretended Ordinance to the Earl of Warwick And all this was then pretended to be a matter of absolute Necessity for the Preservation of Us and Our Kingdom but at that time it could procure no other credit than to be suffered to rest in the House as an evidence of the liberty might be used in the preferring of Bills They had by this time taken all the licence at their private Cabals to undervalue and vilifie Our Person and Our Power and in publick to give way and countenance to any Scandals upon Us. Letters from the Mayor of Plymouth that the Rebels in Ireland call themselves The Queen's Army and pretend the King's Authority for what they do and store of such Discourses upon such Evidence is every week printed in the Journals of the House which without doubt must be of great authority with Our People who must conceive such Informations to be not only fully and clearly proved but to be accepted and published upon very weighty reasons above the consideration of Our Honour and Safety And now they were to examine what notable credit their Remonstrance and their other general Infusions had got with the People and how ready they would be upon any occasions to venture themselves at their direction They had made themselves so terrible in the House of Commons that by their Threats and their Promises of Places and Preferments to several Men and by the absence of many they had gotten the major part But in the House of Lords their power was not the same that must be wrought another way yet there they had used all means to prevail upon the hopes and fears of such who they thought might that way be dealt with witness among many other things of the same nature that insolent Speech of Mr. Pym to the Earl of Dover That if he looked for any Preferment he must comply with them in their ways and not hope to have it by serving Vs. Shortly after their coming together upon the Recess a new Bill was preferred in the House of Commons for the taking away of the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers which being once rejected before ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session but that was easily over-ruled and in the House of Commons it did pass many good Man the more willingly concurring therein upon hope that that Bill being once consented to the Fury of that Faction which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government would be abated or that Rage being discerned they would lose that strength which supported them But the Lords quickly found that the Ring-leaders of that Faction had not Ingenuity enough to be compounded with and therefore with them it was not like to find so easie a passage Now their resort was to the People whom upon several occasions they had trained down to Westminster in great multitudes with Swords and Clubs and had often sent for them when any debate was like to be carried against them in either House the particulars whereof We are ready to prove Every Man will conceive We were in a great streight to find Our Self so much disappointed of that return the consciousness of Our own Merit and the many glorious Professions made by both Houses bade Us to expect We saw the Laws absolutely trampled under feet and a Design laid to ruin the Government of the Kingdom and to destroy Us and Our Posterity We saw this Design carried by a few Men whose Hatred and Malice to Our Person We found implacable and their Contempt of Us and Our Authority so visible and notorious that they forbore not to express it in their mention of Us in all companies We saw their Power and Interest to be so great that they were able to mis-lead very many honest Men and to countenance their actions under the name of both Houses of Parliament We were resolved that nothing they should do within those walls should provoke Us till time and the experience good Men should have of them should discover their purposes
heartily to wish that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom may be the Rule of what is or what is not to be done but how little fruit hath been gathered from this Tree they say let the Experience of the last Eighteen years judge To this His Majesty replies That it is true in some sense they are willing these Laws should be His Rule that is that He go no farther though they will by no means allow Him to go near so far but almost all their Actions and most of their Demands and particularly these do sufficiently shew that they will not admit of these Laws and Statutes to be any Rule to them And how much better fruit they have graffed than they found growing and whether they have not made use of the Cure and Remedy of Grievances a Parliament to impose more of all kind of Grievances upon the People in eighteen Months than can be objected to his Majesty or Ministers upon the breach and in the Intermission of Parliaments during those eighteen years let Experience be Judge And it cannot but appear strange to His Majesty if any thing could still appear strange to Him that the Illegalities under which His Subjects suffered by some of His Ministers in some part of His Reign should be now and by them laid as a Charge upon Him when not only the People have suffered far greater Illegalities and Pressures upon the same if not less pretences by those who charge Him with them but when He hath by His Acknowledgments by His ample Satisfactions by the submitting the Offenders to Punishment how great or near so ever to Him and by His many and solemn Protestations given security to His People that they shall never suffer the like under Him and when they on the other side as good as profess to the People that they think themselves obliged to maintain and consequently are likely to continue what they have done because they have done it and that their Actions shall not be retracted lest some reflection or dishonour fall upon both Houses and lest they may seem to pronounce a sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves This being one of the Reasons given by them why they cannot re-admit the Members they have expelled And His Majesty is confident that His People when they shall consider both His Ministers Actions and theirs and after compare His Ingenuity with their Principles will easily conceive under whose Government they are most likely to return to the known Rule of the Law and to find that ease and to be continued in those Rights in and to which they were born and of the Exorbitance of whose Power they have most reason to have any Fears and Jealousies and against whom they have most reason to desire to be secured that they shall enjoy their Rights Nor do they with more colour oppose His Majesty's Limitations and Conditions than they defend their own They object against His Majesty's Demand or Limitation of being satisfied in His first Proposition That if His Ships Forts c. were to be delivered before disbanding it must after be left to the pleasure of the Papists and other evil Councellors about His Majesty whether thay would disband or not But His Majesty replies That He made not His Limitation in these terms As soon as His first Proposition should be wholly granted to Him but As soon as He should be satisfied in His first Proposition which left room enough upon debate to have agreed either upon the time of delivery or upon sufficient caution that after the delivery the disbanding should unavoidably follow Nor can His Majesty look upon this Objection otherwise than as a jest since if after the performance of part of the Conditions He had refused to perform the rest He is perswaded that so open a breach of Faith would have given them a far greater strength than they had parted with in the Ships and Forts and have raised against Him a far greater Army than He should have refused to disband They object against His Demand of the restitution of Members that in His Demand no distinction is made of Persons or Offences when the reason thereof is that really no distinction can be made they being all equally innocent and all equally injuriously expelled not only for committing no Crime but for that Duty and Loyalty which deserves both approbation and reward And if they could make any distinction in this point or any Objection in any other which might possibly have satisfied His Majesty why did they not continue the Treaty and there offer it to and debate it with His Majesty rather than break off the Treaty without giving any Answer to any part of His Majesty's Message and to turn themselves wholly to the People from whom no return could possibly be made that might be in order to Peace They object against the Reason of this Demand That these Members have been expelled only for adhering to His Majesty That the same Reason may be used for the Judges who adhered to Him by furnishing Him with great Sums by Illegal Judgments about Ship-Money and Monopolies and that He may as well require the Houses to repeal the Impeachments and Proceedings against them To which His Majesty replies That by never having appeared at all in the favour excuse or extenuation of the fault of those Judges who are to answer for any unjust Judgment in all which His Majesty left them wholly to their Consciences and whensoever they offended against that they wronged His Majesty no less than His People and by His being yet so careful of these Lords and Gentlemen it may appear that His Majesty conceives that those only adhere to Him who adhere to Him according to Law And whether the remaining part of the Houses be not more apt to repeal their own Impeachments and Proceedings against those Judges if they conceive they may be made of use and brought to adhere to them then His Majesty is to require they should may appear by their requiring in their Fourteen Propositions that Sir John Brampston impeacht by themselves of so gret Misdemeanors may be made Chief Justice and by their freeing and returning Justice Barkley accused by themselves of High Treason to sit upon the Bench rather than free and imploy Justice Mallet who was not legally committed at first but fetcht from the Bench to Prison by a Troop of Horse and who after so many Months Imprisonment remains not only unimpeacht but wholly without any knowledge of what Crime he is suspected They next object against the Persons in whose behalf the Demand is made And to this His Majesty replies That to shew how far He was from having raised this Army or from intending to imploy it to destroy this Parliament or the Act for the continuance thereof as is falsely and maliciously charged upon him to avoid the Objection made against him as if He only pretended to desire to rule by Law but would really be the only Judge of
my reproach and my dishonour my Adversaries are all before Thee My Soul is among Lions among them that are set on fire even the sons of men whose teeth are spears and arrows their tongue a sharp sword Mine Enemies reproach Me all the day long and those that are mad against Me are sworn together O my God how long shall the sons of men turn my glory into shame how long shall they love vanity and seek after lies Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side Hold not thy peace lest my Enemies prevail against Me and lay mine honour in the dust Thou O Lord shalt destroy them that speak lies the Lord will abhor both the Blood-thirsty and Deceitful men Make my Righteousness to appear as the light and mine Innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day Suffer not my silence to betray mine Innocency nor my displeasure my Patience That after my Saviours example being reviled I may not revile again and being cursed by them I may bless them Thou that wouldst not suffer Shimei's tongue to go unpunished when by thy Judgments on David he might seem to justifie his disdainful reproaches give Me grace to intercede with thy Mercy for these my Enemies that the reward of false and lying tongues even hot burning coals of eternal fire may not be brought upon them Let my Prayers and Patience be as water to cool and quench their tongues who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell and tormented with those malicious flames Let Me be happy to refute and put to silence their evil-speaking by well-doing and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips but of my Prayer for their Repentance and thy Pardon Teach Me David's Patience and Hezekiah's Devotion that I may look to thy Mercy through mans Malice and see thy Justice in their Sin Let Sheba's Seditious speeches Rabshekah's Railing and Shimei's Cursing provoke as my humble Prayer to Thee so thy renewed Blessing toward Me. Though they curse do Thou bless and I shall be blessed and made a Blessing to my People That the stone which some builders refuse may become the head-stone of the corner Look down from Heaven and save Me from the reproach of them that would swallow Me up Hide Me in the secret of thy presence from the pride of man and keep Me from the strife of tongues XVI Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Book IT is no news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State by those who seeking to gain reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary Parts and Piety must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely So hardly can the Pride of those that study Novelties allow former times any share or degree of Wisdom or Godliness And because matter of Prayer and Devotion to God justly bears a great part in Religion being the Souls more immediate converse with the Divine Majesty nothing could be more plausible to the People than to tell them they served God amiss in that point Hence our publick Liturgy or Forms of constant Prayers must be not amended in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner to which I should easily consent but wholly cashiered and abolished and after many Popular contempts offered to the Book and those that used it according to their Consciences and the Laws in force it must be crucified by an Ordinance the better to please either those men who gloried in their extemporary vein and fluency or others who conscious to their own formality in the use of it thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright by laying all the blame upon it and a total rejecting of it as a dead letter thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts As for the matter contained in the Book sober and Learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the Cavils and exceptions of those who thought it a part of Piety to make what profane objections they could against it especially for Popery and Superstition whereas no doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the Doctrine of the Church of England and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox For the manner of using Set and Prescribed Forms there is no doubt but that wholesom words being known and fitted to mens Understandings are soonest received into their Hearts and aptest to excite and carry along with them judicious and fervent Affections Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy as I hold this to be more than of all other things wherein the constancy abates nothing of the Excellency and Usefulness I could never see any Reason why any Christian should abhor or be forbidden to use the same Forms of Prayer since he prays to the same God believes in the same Saviour professeth the same Truths reads the same Scriptures hath the same Duties upon him and feels the same daily wants for the most part both inward and outward which are common to the whole Church Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray as to whom we pray and in what words as to what sense when we desire the same things what hinders we may not use the same Words our appetite and digestion too may be good when we use as we pray for our daily bread Some men I hear are so impatient not to use in all their Devotions their own invention and gifts that they not only disuse as too many but wholly cast away and contemn the Lords Prayer whose great guilt is that it is the warrant and original Pattern of all set Liturgies in the Christian Church I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention and the vain affectations of variety for expressions in Publick Prayer or any sacred administrations merits a greater brand of sin than that which they call Coldness and Barrenness Nor are men in those Novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers as to their hearts than in the use of constant Forms where not the words but mens hearts are to blame I make no doubt but a man may be very Formal in the most extemporary variety and very fervently Devout in the most wonted expressions nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy nor are constant Forms of Prayers more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Prayer and Devotion than unpremeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it Tho I am not against a grave modest discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publick the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many Learned and Godly men such as the Composers of the Service-Book were who
at first secretly they whispered and at last publickly imputed that horrid Massacre Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels who to dishearten the English from any resistance bragged that the Queen was with their Army That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puritans That they had the King's Commission for what they did shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Patent out of Farnham Abbey by one Plunckett in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many That the Scots were in Confederacy with them to beget a Faith of which they abstained from the Lives and Fortunes of those of that Nation among them On the other side to incourage the Natives of their own Party they produce fictitious Letters wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods for the second their Estates and for the third their Lives Besides they present them with the hopes of Liberty That the English Yoke should be shaken off that they would have a King of their own Nation and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty and Irish were driven to such a Fury that they committed so many horrid and barbarous Acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there but only some Votes passed against the Rebels till the King returned to London which was about the end of November where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens and the chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love to which they were naturally prone enough had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius But this much troubled the Faction who envied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves and they endeavoured to make these loves short and unhappy for they discountenanced the prime advancers of this Honour of the King and were more eager to render Him odious For having gotten a Guard about them they likewise insinuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard and every day grew more nice and jealous of their Priviledges and Power The King's advices to more tenderness of His Prerogative or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance after which they took all occasions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsly pretended to in it This the Faction had before formed and now brought into the House of Commons where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the publick Peace and Common Good though those who preferred their Private to the General Interest and every one that was short-sighted and improvident for the future were so fierce for it that the Debates were continued all Night till ten a Clock the next Morning so that many of the more aged and Persons of best Fortunes not accustomed to such watchings were wearied out and many others not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design left the House so that at last they carried it yet but by eleven Votes Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords and the Ceremonies in the Church and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in yet named none but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in print To which the King answers in another publick Declaration but so much to the Discontent of the Demagogues to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer that they had recourse to their former Sovereign Remedy which sober men accounted a Crime and an indignity to Government the Tumults of the Rabble Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster some crying out against Bishops others belching their fury against the Liturgy and a third Party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate and especially to the Bishops at their going in or coming out of the House and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall they appeared so insolent as it was evident they wanted only some to begin for there were enough to prosecute an assault upon the King in His own Palace The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceedings of it during their so violent Exclusion Which Protestation the Commons presently accused of High Treason and caused their Commitment to the Tower where they continued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lord's House was past that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights and against the Injustice offered unto them and then afterwards released them The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety and to prevent the prophaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westminster by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall But when the terrour of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudencie they then instructed by their Heads laboured to make it more unsafe to the King by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him For at Midnight there were cries out in the Street that all People should arise to their defence for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City and cut their Throats in their Beds Than which though nothing was more false yet it found the effects of truth and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day and filled them almost with Madness The King therefore not alwaies to incourage these Violences with Patience but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these destructive Counsels the grand Movers of these Seditious practices and which was more the Inviters of a Foreign Force the Scotch Army into this Nation commands
and which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance drew many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own Opinion though their Commission and the danger of their Lives necessitated them contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences to prolong the Debates with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust yet granted what was not directly against his Honour and Conscience thus devesting Himself of His own Rights He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country For He endeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People Yet the King saw by the Obstinacy of the most powerful of those He treated with that they intended nothing less than Peace nor any thing more than His Destruction which that it might be adequate to their Malice they would have it accompanied with the damnation of His Soul as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful as the Alienation of Church-Lands Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His blood yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island He did not hearken to the same Servant who perswaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight which He assured Him was not difficult and in administring to which He offered to hazard his own blood But the King always thought His Life beneath the Honour of Faithfulness and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allotted for Him than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes which their People either cannot or will not preserve And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others than to live by His own While the Treaty thus preceeded the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton this last was bold subtle perfidious and active in all designs so that his Soul being congenial with that of Cromwell had been the cause of an Alliance betwixt them for he had married one of Cromwell's Daughters and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design drew towards London and quartered within half a days march from the City that if their Interest did require they might the more suddenly oppress those who were less favourable to their Enterprises The Officers did at first publickly profess a great Modesty as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War yet in private practised an universal Confusion for mingling counsels with their Factious party in the two Houses they set up again the meetings of their Adjutators framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty and to require that all Delinquents without difference wherein they included the Person of the King might be brought to Tryal and by their Emissaries abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignominious persons by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy and imaginary advantages by the change of Government to subscribe to them When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect and they had infected most of the Souldiers in the several Garrisons and that more parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London Ireton under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax withdraws himself privately to Windsor-Castle where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament they joyntly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King and His Restitution to the Government afterwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parliament some to please the Souldiers and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble This being prepared and the Treaty now drawing towards an End which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed that the Army might have more time to gather together and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime Therefore they speedily call a Council of War at which met the Colonels and other inferiour Officers all men of Mercenary souls seditious covetous and so accustomed to Dissimulation that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour impostures They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People while they commit the most horrid Crimes For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason or any Command of the known Will of God they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used and the credulous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints Thus having prefaced their Villany Ireton produces his Remonstrance which being read among them was received by the Souldiers who through a pleasure in blood and hopes of Spoil are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs whether good or bad that tends to disturbance and continuance of War with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven and to make it the more terrible they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army and order it to be presented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England When this Remonstrance was published the minds of men were variously affected Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the alteration of an ancient Government an attempt so far above their fortune and to design against the Person of their Sovereign who by the Splendour of His former Majesty and by a continued Descent from so many Royal Progenitors had derived all that challenges the Reverence of the People And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness that the Contrivers could not really intend the Execution but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People and their damnable blasphemies of the Almighty God did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the extremest mischiefs and that having
although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction yet answered that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England that the King should be brought to Tryal To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party First they bring from Hertfordshire a Woman some say a Witch who said that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Armie's Proceedings Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with thanks as being very seasonable and coming from an humble Spirit A second was the Agreement of the People which was a Module of a Democratical Polity wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government had their hopes raised to a share of it if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction which was the Person and Life of the King This was presented to the House of Commons by Sr Hardress Waller and sixteen other Officers as a temporary remedy for when they had perpetrated their Impiety they discountenanced and fiercely profecuted those that endeavoured it In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power notwithstanding all these publick Abhorrencies and Detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge they enacted their Bill And for President of this Court they chose one of the Number John Bradshaw A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment a Monster of Impudence and a most fierce Prosecutor of evil purposes Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law but of so virulent and petulant a Language that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking and was therefore more often bribed to be silent than fee'd to maintain a Client's cause His Vices had made him penurious and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking They also had a Sollicitor of the same metal John Cook A needy Man who by various Arts and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence yet still so poor that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid Corners to avoid the Prison So that vexed with a redious Poverty he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment which at the first mention he did profess to abhorr These were their chief Agents other inferiour Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments as Dorislaus a German Bandito who was to draw up the Charge Steel another of their Counsel under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust and relating to this the Murther of Captain Burleigh The Serjeants Clarks and Cryer were so obscure that the World had never taken notice of them but by their subserviency to this Impiety These were the publick Preparations In private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings and the Matter of their Accusation Concerning the first they were divided in Opinions Some would have the King first formally degraded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty and then as a private person exposed to Justice But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project which as all horrid acts was to be done in a present fury lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay Others rejected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sovereign Princes and they feared to confirm that common Suspicion that they followed Jesuitical Counsels whose Society it is reported upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Violence on His Majesty were but gleanings from Popish Writers These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government would have the King proceeded against as King that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty and with Him murther Monarchy For several of them did confess that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King and because the Excellency of His Parts and Eminent Vertues together with the Rights of His Birth would not suffer Him to be a private Person In their second debate about the Matter of Accusation all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell and though now his Creature yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times to blacken Him as much as they could yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King had been so publickly refuted that they could afford no colour for His Murther Therefore they formed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him And their Charge was that He had levied War against the Parliament that He had appeared in Arms in several places and did there proclaim War and executed it by killing several of the Good People for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant Traytor Murderer and an implacable Common Enemy This Charge in the Judgment of Considering Men argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it than in Him against whom it was formed for they seemed less sensible of the instability and infirmities of Humane Nature than those that had none but her light to make them generous for such never reproached their conquered Enemies with their Victory but these Men would murther their own Prince against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War which leaves the Conquered the only Criminal while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conquerour How false those Imputations of Tyranny Treason and Murther were was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign wherein it was judged that if in any thing He had declined from the safest arts of Empire it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious Persons whom the Laws had condemned to die And in the War it was known how often his Lenity had clipped the Wings of Victory But it appeared that these Men as they had broken all Rights of Peace so they would also those of Conquest and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save How little Credit their Accusation found appeared by the endeavours of all Parties to preserve the King's Person from Danger and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood For while they
by the Power nor the Flatteries of Fortune And they are therefore mentioned to gratifie Posterity for men are curious to know all even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons Being free from Incontinency and Intemperance the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exchequer He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressions but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown and the Necessities of the State His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences For He had found the Treasury low and the Debts great in His beginnings He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Europe and the Faction had obstructed the usual way of Supplies by Parliaments Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue and by sparing from Vanities make provisions for necessary and glorious Enterprises which He did effect for in that short time of Peace which He enjoyed He satisfied all the Publick Debts so furnished and increased His Navy that it was the most considerable in the whole World supported His Confederate the King of Sweden and by Money inabled him for the Victories of Germany and so fill'd His own Treasury that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject who were never more able to contribute to their own safety nor ever had more reason the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich He would also keep them so by His Frugality But those whose first care was to make Him necessitous and the next odious did brand it with the name of Covetousness which was as False as Malicious for He never spared when Just Designs call'd for Expences and was magnificent in Noble Undertakings as in the Repair of Paul's He was always Grateful although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties or their Merits but by their Expectations from His Fortune thought Him not Liberal He chose rather not to burthen His People by Subsidies than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to private persons And it may be Vanity and Ostentation but not Liberality when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fathers that His Subjects as Children might have the more He never like subtle and rapacious Kings made or pretended a Necessity for Taxes but was troubled when He found it The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure but the Provisions for the Common Safety of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small part He freely parted with His own Inheritance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour As He had these Moral Vertues which are both the signatures of Majesty and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit so He was no less compleat in the Intellectual His Understanding was as Comprehensive as His Just Power and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson and those at the Isle of Wight where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party with so much Acuteness and Felicity that even His Opposers admired Him He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers that He made it evident they perswaded Him to that which they themselves judged unlawful and had condemned as Sacriledge when they pretended to satisfie the Scruples of His Conscience and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him for ever after silenced them and permitted no Disputes but by Papers At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him One of them said in astonishment that Certainly God had inspired Him Another that His Majesty was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions But a third that had had the Honour of a nearer Service assured them that the King was never less only He had now the opportunity of appearing in His full Magnitude In the Law of the Land He was as knowing as Himself said to the Parricides yet was no boaster of His own Parts as any Gentleman in England who did not profess the Publick Practice of it especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People In that Art which is peculiar to Princes Reason of State He knew as much as the most prosperous Contemporary Kings or their most exercised Ministers yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts to colour the breaches of Faith and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians He did perfectly abhor but His Letters Declarations Speeches Meditations are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it that when He was young and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain He censured the Weakness of that Mysterious Council For He was no sooner on Shipboard but the first words He spake were I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy One that they would use Me so Ill and another that after such Vsage they permitted Me to Depart As those former parts of Knowledge did enable Him to know Men and how to manage their different humours and to temper them to a fitness for Society and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things and easily comprehended almost all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head He was well skilled in things of Antiquity could judge of Meddals whether they had the Number of years they pretended unto His Libraries and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities In Painting He had so excellent a Fancy that
or the not few years that I have been setled in my Principles it ought to be no strange thing if it be found no easie work to make Me alter them and the rather that hitherto I have according to Saint Paul's rule Rom. 14. 22. been happy in Not condemning my self in that thing which I allow Thus having shewed you How it remains to tell you what I believe in relation to these miserable Distractions No one thing made Me more reverence the Reformation of My Mother the Church of England than that it was done according to the Apostles defence Acts 24. 18. neither with multitude nor with tumult but legally and orderly and by those whom I conceive to have the Reforming power which with many other inducements made Me alwaies confident that the work was very perfect as to Essentials of which number Church-Government being undoubtedly one I put no question but that would have been likewise altered if there had been cause Which opinion of Mine was soon turned into more than a confidence when I perceived that in this particular as I must say of all the rest we retained nothing but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to be the constant universal custom of the Primitive Church and that it was of such consequence as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of a lawful Priesthood and then how the Sacraments can be duly administred is easie to judge These are the principal Reasons which make Me believe that Bishops are necessary for a Church and I think sufficient for Me if I had no more not to give my consent for their expulsion out of England But I have another obligation that to My particular is a no less tie of Conscience which is my Coronation Oath Now if as S. Paul saith Rom. 14. 23. He that doubeth is damned if he eat what can I expect if I should not only give way knowingly to my Peoples sinning but likewise be perjured My self Now consider ought I not to keep My self from presumptuous sins and you know who saies What doth it profit a Man though he should gain the whole World and lose his own Soul Wherefore my constant maintenance of Episcopacy in England where there was never any other Government since Christianity was in this Kingdom methinks should be rather commended than wondred at my Conscience directing Me to maintain the Laws of the Land which being only my endeavours at this time I desire to know of you what warrant there is in the Word of God for Subjects to endeavour to force their King's Conscience or to make him alter Laws against his will If this be not My present case I shall be glad to be mistaken or if my Judgment in Religion hath been misled all this time I shall be willing to be better directed till when you must excuse Me to be constant to the Grounds which the King my Father hath taught Me. Newcastle May 29. 1646. C. R. II. Mr Alexander Henderson's First Paper For His MAJESTY SIR IT is Your Majestie 's Royal Goodness and not my merit that hath made Your Majesty to conceive any opinion of my Abilities which were they worthy of the smallest testimony from Your Majesty ought in all duty to be improved for Your Majestie 's satisfaction And this I intended in my coming here at this time by a free yet modest expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal Government wherein I was bred in my younger years in the University Like as I did apprehend that it was not Your Majestie 's purpose to have the Question disputed by Divines on both sides which I would never to the wronging of the Cause have undertaken alone and which seldom or never hath proved an effectual way for finding of Truth or moving the minds of Men to relinquish their former Tenents Dum res transit à judicio in affectum witness the Polemicks between the Papists and us and among our selves about the matter now in hand these many years past 1. SIR when I consider Your Majestie 's Education under the hand of such a Father the length of time wherein Your Majesty hath been setled in Your Principles of Church-Government the Arguments which have continually in private and publick especially of late at Oxford filled Your Majestie 's ears for the Divine Right thereof Your Coronation Oath and divers State reasons which Your Majesty doth not mention I do not wonder nor think it any strange thing that Your Majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression I remember that the famous Joannes Picus Mirandula proveth by irrefragable Reasons which no rational man will contradict That no man hath so much power over his own Vnderstanding as to make himself believe what he will or to think that to be true which his Reason telleth him is false much less is it possible for any Man to have his Reason commanded by the will or at the pleasure of another 2. It is a true saying of the School-men Voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium non quoad specificationem Mine own will or the will of another may command me to think upon a matter but no will or command can constrain me to determine otherwise than my Reason teacheth me Yet Sir I hope Your Majesty will acknowledge for Your Paper professeth no less that according to the saying of Ambrose Non est pudor ad meliora transire It is neither sin nor shame to change to the better Symmachus in one of his Epistles I think to the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian alledgeth all those motives from Education from Prescription of time from worldly Prosperity and the flourishing condition of the Roman Empire and from the Laws of the Land to perswade them to constancy in the ancient Pagan profession of the Romans against the imbracing of the Christian Faith The like reasons were used by the Jews for Moses against Christ and may be used both for Popery and for the Papacy it self against the Reformation of Religion and Church-Government and therefore can have no more strength against the Change now than they had in former times 3. But Your Majesty may perhaps say That this is petitio principii and nothing else but the begging of the Question and I confess it were so if there can be no Reasons brought for a Reformation or Change Your Majesty reverences the Reformation of the Church of England as being done legally and orderly and by those who had the Reforming Power and I do not deny but it were to be wish'd that Religion where there is need were alwaies Reformed in that manner and by such power and that it were not committed to the Prelates who have greatest need to be reformed themselves nor left to the multitude whom God stirreth up when Princes are negligent Thus did Jacob reform his own Family Moses destroyed the golden Calf the good Kings of Judah reformed the Church
one thing which perhaps might require a larger discourse That although no humane authority can dispense with an Oath Quia Religio juramenti pertinet ad forum Divinum yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an Oath ceaseth As when we swear homage and obedience to our Lord and Superiour who afterwards ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour for then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away and therefore the Obligation Sublatâ Causâ tollitur Effectus Sublato Relato tollitur Correlatum or when any Oath hath a special reference to the benefit of those to whom I make the promise if we have their desire or consent the obligation ceaseth because all such Oaths from the nature of the thing do include a condition When the Parliaments of both Kingdoms have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a Law Your Majesty's Oath doth not bind You or Your Conscience to the observing of it otherwise no Laws could be altered by the Legislative Power This I conceive hath been the ground of removing Episcopal Government in Scotland and of removing the Bishops out of the Parliament of England And I assure my self that Your Majesty did not intend at the taking of Your Oath that although both Houses of Parliament should find an alteration necessary although which God Almighty avert You should lose Your self and Your Posterity and Crown that You would never consent to the abolishing of such a Law If Your Majesty still object that the matter of the Oath is necessary and immutable that doth not belong to this but to the former Argument 8. I have but one word more concerning Your Piety to Your Royal Father and Teacher of Happy Memory with which Your Majesty does conclude Your Majesty knows that King James never admitted Episcopacy upon Divine Right That His Majesty did swear and subscribe to the Doctrine Worship and Discipline of the Church of Scotland That in the Preface of the latter Edition of Basilicon Doron His Majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the Gospel than the pomp and Ceremonies of the Church of England and that He conceived the Prelates to savour of the Popish Hierarchy and that could His Ghost now speak to Your Majesty He would not advise Your Majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull down Your Throne with their own ruine than that they perish alone The Lord give Your Majesty a wise and discerning Spirit to chuse that in time which is right June 3. 1646. III. His MAJESTY's Second Paper For Mr Alexander Henderson A Reply to his Answer to my first Paper June 6. 1646. Mr Henderson IF it had been the Honour of the Cause which I looked after I would not have undertaken to put Pen to Paper or singly to have maintained this Argument against you whose Answer to my former Paper is sufficient without further proofs to justifie my opinion of your Abilities but it being merely as you know for my particular satisfaction I assure you that a Disputation of well chosen Divines would be most effectual and I believe you cannot but grant that I must best know how My self may be best satisfied for certainly My Tast cannot be guided by another man's Palate and indeed I will say that when it comes as it must to Probations I must have either Persons or Books to clear the Allegations or it will be impossible to give Me satisfaction The fore-seeing of which made Me at first for the saving of time desire that some of those Divines which I gave you in a List might be sent for 2. Concerning your second Section I were much to blame if I should not submit to that saying of S. Ambrose which you mention for I would be unwilling to be found less ingenuous than you shew your self to be in the former part of it wherefore my Reply is that as I shall not be ashamed to change for the better so I must see that it is better before I change otherwise Inconstancy in this were both Sin and Shame and remember what your self hath learnedly enforced that no man's Reason can be commanded by another man's Will 3. Your third begins but I cannot say that it goes on with that Ingenuity which the other did for I do not understand how those Examples cited out of the Old Testament do any way prove that the way of Reformation which I commend hath not been the most perfect or that any other is lawful those having been all by the Regal Authority and because Henry the Eighth's Reformation was not perfect will it prove that of King Edward and Q. Elizabeth to be unperfect I believe a new Mood and Figure must be found out to form a Syllogism whereby to prove that But however you are mistaken for no man who truly understands the English Reformation will derive it from Henry the Eighth for he only gave the occasion it was his Son who began and Q. Elizabeth that perfected it Nor did I ever aver that the beginning of any Humane Action was perfect no more than you can prove that God hath ever given approbation to Multitudes to Reform the Negligence of Princes For you know there is much Difference between Permission and Approbation But all this time I find no Reasons according to your promise for a Reformation or change I mean since Q. Elizabeth's time As for your Romanorum Malleus his saying it is well you come off it with yet this I may say for it seems to imply as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying and for your comparing our Reformation here to the Laodicean lukewarmness proved by Complaints Grievings c. all that doth and but unhandsomely petere Principium nor can Generals satisfie Me for you must first prove that those men had reason to complain those Churches to be grieved and how we were truly the Causers of this Schism and Separation As for those words which you will not use I will not answer 4. Here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two main Arguments but by your favour you take as I conceive a wrong way to convince Me It is I must make good the Affirmative for I believe a Negative cannot be proved In stead of which if you had made appear the practice of the Presbyterian Government in the Primitive times you had done much for I do aver that this Government was never practised before Calvin's time the Affirmative of which I leave you to prove My task being to shew the lawfulness and succession of Episcopacy and as I believe the necessity of it For doing whereof I must have such Books as I shall call for which possibly upon perusal may one way or other give Me satisfaction but I cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some Learned man whom I can trust to find out all such Citations as I have use of wherefore blame Me not
that if in this time instead of mending your Errors by delay you persist in your Errors you make them greater and irreconcileable whereas on the other side if you do go on chearfully to mend them and look to the distressed state of Christendom and the Affairs of the Kingdom as it lyeth now by this great Engagement you will do your selves honour you shall incourage Me to go on with Parliaments and I hope all Christendom shall feel the good of it V. To the House of Lords at WESTMINSTER May 11. MDCXXVI MY Lords The Cause and only Cause of My coming to you this day is to express the sense I have of all your Honours for he that toucheth any of you toucheth Me in a very great measure I have thought fit to take order for the punishing some insolent Speeches lately spoken I have been too remiss heretofore in punishing such Speeches as concern My self Not that I was greedy of their Monies but that Buckingham through his importunity would not suffer Me to take notice of them lest he might be thought to have set Me on and that he might come the forwarder to his Trial. And to approve his Innocency as touching the matters against him I My self can be a Witness to clear him in every one of them I speak not this to take any thing out of your hands but to shew the reason why I have not hitherto punished those insolent Speeches against My self And now I hope you will be as tender of My Honour when time shall serve as I have been sensible of yours VI. To the French Servants of the QUEEN at Somerset-House July 1. MDCXXVI GEntlemen and Ladies I am driven to that extremity as I am personally come to acquaint you that I very earnestly desire your return into France True it is the deportment of some amongst you hath been very inoffensive to Me But others again have so dallied with My Patience and so highly affronted Me as I cannot I will no longer endure it VII To the Lords and Commons at the opening of His Third Parliament at WESTMINSTER Mar. 17. MDCXXVII VIII MY Lords and Gentlemen The Times are now for Action for Action I say not for Words therefore I shall use but a few And as Kings are said to be exemplary to Their Subjects so I wish you would imitate Me in this and use as few falling upon speedy Consultation No man is I conceive such a Stranger to the Common Necessity as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting and not to think Supply to be the end of it And as this Necessity is the product and consequent of your Advice so the true Religion the Laws and Liberties of this State and just Defence of our Friends and Allies being so considerably concerned will be I hope arguments enough to perswade Supply For if it be as most true it is both My Duty and yours to preserve this Church and Common-wealth this Exigency certainly requires it In this time of Common danger I have taken the most antient speedy and best way for Supply by calling you together If which God forbid in not contributing what may answer the quality of My occasions you do not your duties it shall suffice I have done Mine in the Conscience whereof I shall rest content and take some other course for which God hath impowered Me to save that which the folly of particular men might hazard to lose Take not this as a Menace for I scorn to threaten any but My Equals but as an Admonition from Him who is tied both by Nature and Duty to provide for your preservations And I hppe though I thus speak your Demeanours will be such as shall not only make Me approve your former Counsels but oblige Me in thankfulness to meet you oftner than which nothing can be more pleasing to Me. I will only add one thing more and then leave My Lord Keeper to make a short Paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you which is to Remember a thing to the end we may forget it Remembring the Distractions of our last Meeting you may suppose I have no Confidence of good success at this time But be assured I shall freely forget and forgive what is past hoping you will follow that sacred advice lately inculcated to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace VIII To the Lords and Commons at WHITE-HALL April 4. MDCXXVIII MY Lords and Gentlemen I do very well approve the Methods of your Proceedings in this Parliament A Jove Principium hoping that the rest of your Consultations will succeed the happier And I like the Preamble of My Lord Keeper otherwise I should a little have suspected that you thought Me not so careful of Religion as I have and ever shall be wherein I am as forward as you can desire As for your Petition I answer first in general that I like that well and will use these as well as all other means for the maintenance and propagation of that Religion wherein I have lived and do resolve to die But for the particulars you shall receive more full Answer hereafter And now I will only add this That as we pray to God to help us so we must help our selves for we can have no assurance of his assistance if we do lie in a Bed and only pray without using other means And therefore I must remember you that if we do not make provision speedily we shall not be able to put a Ship to Sea this year Verbum sat sapienti est IX To the Speaker and House of Commons April 14. MDCXXVIII MAster Speaker and you Gentlemen When I sent to you My last Message I did not expect to Reply for I intended to hasten you not to find fault with you I told you at your first meeting that this time was not to be spent in Words and I am sure it is less fit for Disputes which if I had a desire to entertain Master Speaker's Preamble might have given Me ground enough The Question is not now What Liberty you have in disposing of matters handled in the House but rather at this time what is fit to be done Therefore I hope you will follow My example in eschewing Disputations and fall to your important business You make a Protestation of your affection and zeal to My Prerogative grounded upon so good and just reasons that I must believe you But I look that you use Me with the like charity to believe what I have declared more than once since your meeting which is that I am as forward as you for the preservation of your true Liberties Let us not spend so much time in this that may hazard both My Prerogative and your Liberties to our Enemies To be short Go on speedily with your business without any fear or more Apologies for time calls fast upon you which will neither stay for you nor Me Wherefore it is My Duty to press you to hasten as knowing the necessity of
you will I stand more for their Liberties For if Power without Law may make Laws may alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom I do not know what Subject he is in England that can be sure of his Life or any thing that he calls his own Therefore when that I came here I did expect particular Reasons to know by what Law what Authority you did proceed against Me here and therefore I am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular because the Affirmative is to be proved the Negative often is very hard to do But since I cannot perswade you to do it I shall tell you My Reasons as short as I can My Reasons why in Conscience and the Duty I owe to God first and My People next for the preservation of their Lives Liberties and Estates I conceive I cannot answer this till I be satisfied of the Legality of it All proceedings against any man whatsoever Bradshaw Sir I must interrupt you which I would not do but that what you do is not agreeable to the proceedings of any Court of Justice You are about to enter into Argument and Dispute concerning the Authority of this Court before whom you appear as a Prisoner and are charged as an high Delinquent If you take upon you to dispute the Authority of the Court we may not do it nor will any Court give way unto it you are to submit unto it you are to give a punctual and direct Answer whether you will answer your Charge or no and what you Answer is KING Sir by your favour I do not know the Forms of Law I do know Law and Reason though I am no Lawyer profess'd but I know as much Law as any Gentleman in England and therefore under favour I do plead for the Liberties of the People of England more than you do and therefore if I should impose a belief upon any man without Reasons given for it it were unreasonable but I must tell you that that Reason that I have as thus informed I cannot yield unto it Bradshaw Sir I must interrupt you you may not be permitted You speak of Law and Reason it is fit there should be Law and Reason and there is both against you Sir the Vote of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament it is the Reason of the Kingdom and they are these too that have given that Law according to which you should have ruled and reigned Sir you are not to dispute our Authority you are told it again by the Court Sir it will be taken notice of that you stand in contempt of the Court and your Contempt will be recorded accordingly KING I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent but by any Law that ever I heard of all men Delinquents or what you will let Me tell you they may put in Demurrers against any proceeding as Legal and I do demand that and demand to be heard with My Reasons If you deny that you deny Reason Bradshaw Sir you have offered something to the Court I shall speak something unto you the sense of the Court. Sir neither you nor any man are permitted to dispute that point you are concluded you may not demurr to the Jurisdiction of the Court if you do I must let you know that they over-rule your Demurrer They sit here by the Authority of the Commons of England and all your Predecessors and you are responsible to them KING I deny that shew Me one Precedent Bradshaw Sir you ought not to interrupt while the Court is speaking to you This point is not to be debated by you neither will the Court permit you to do it If you offer it by way of Demurrer to the Jurisdiction of the Court they have considered of their Jurisdiction they do affirm their own Jurisdiction KING I say Sir by your favour that the Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature I would know how they came to be so Bradshaw Sir you are not to be permitted to go on in that speech and these discourses Then the Clerk of the Court read Charles Stuart King of England you have been accused on the behalf of the People of England of High Treason and other High Crimes the Court have determined that you ought to answer the same KING I will answer the same so soon as I know by what Authority you do this Bradshaw If this be all that you will say then Gentlemen you that brought the Prisoner hither take charge of him back again KING I do require that I may give in My Reasons why I do not answer and give Me time for that Bradshaw Sir 't is not for Prisoners to require KING Prisoners Sir I am not an ordinary Prisoner Bradshaw The Court hath considered of their Jurisdiction and they have already affirmed their Jurisdiction If you will not answer we shall give order to record your Default KING You never heard My Reasons yet Bradshaw Sir your Reasons are not to be heard against the Highest Jurisdiction KING Shew Me that Jurisdiction where Reason is not to be heard Bradshaw Sir we shew it you here the Commons of England and the next time you are brought you will know more of the pleasure of the Court and it may be their final Determination KING Shew Me where ever the House of Commons was a Court of Judicature of that kind Bradshaw Serjeant take away the Prisoner KING Well Sir remember that the King is not suffered to give in His Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all His Subjects Bradshaw Sir you are not to have liberty to use this language How great a Friend you have been to the Laws and Liberties of the People let all England and the World judge KING Sir under favour it was the Liberty Freedom and Laws of the Subject that ever I took defended My self with Arms I never took up Armes against the People but for the Laws Bradshaw The Command of the Court must be obeyed No Answer will be given to the Charge KING Well Sir Then Bradshaw ordered the Default to be recorded and the Contempt of the Court and that no Answer would be given to the Charge The King was guarded forth to Sir Robert Cotton's house The Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber on Tuesday at twelve of Clock and from thence they intend to adjourn to Westminster-Hall at which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance His Majesty not being suffered to deliver His Reasons against the Jurisdiction of their pretended Court by word of mouth thought fit to leave them in writing to the more impartial judgment of Posterity as followeth HAving already made My Protestations not only against the Illegality of this pretended Court but also That no Earthly Power can justly call Me who am your King in question as a Delinquent I would not any more open My mouth upon this occasion more than to referr My self to what I have spoken were I in this Case alone
and still must pursue those ends and undergo that Charge for which it was first granted to the Crown it having been so long and constantly continued to Our Predecessors as that in four several Acts of Parliament for the granting thereof to King Edward the Sixth Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth and Our blessed Father it is in express terms mentioned to have been had and enjoyed by the several Kings named in those Acts time out of mind by authority of Parliament And therefore upon these reasons We held it agreeable to Our Kingly Honour and necessary for the safety and good of Our Kingdom to continue the receipt thereof as so many of Our Predecessors had done Wherefore when a few Merchants being at first but one or two fomented as it is well known by those evil Spirits that would have hatched that undutiful Remonstance began to oppose the payment of Our accustomed duties in the Custom-house We gave order to the Officers of Our Customs to go on notwithstanding that opposition in the receiving of the usual duties and caused those that refused to be warned to attend at the Council-board that by the wisdom and authority of Our Council they might be reduced to obedience and duty where some of them without reverence or respect to the honour and dignity of that presence behaved themselves with such boldness and insolency of speech as was not to be endured by a far meaner Assembly much less to be countenanced by a House of Parliament against the body of Our Privy Council And as in this We did what in honour and reason was fit for the present so Our thoughts were daily intentive upon the re-assembling of Our Parliament with full intention on Our part to take away all ill understanding between Us and Our people whose loves as We desired to continue and preserve so We used Our best endeavours to prepare and facilitate the way to it And to this end having taken a strict and exact survey of Our Government both in the Church and Commonwealth and what things were most fit and necessary to be reformed We found in the first place that much exception had been taken at a book intituled Appello Caesarem or An Appeal to Caesar and published in the year 1625. by Richard Mountague then Batchelour of Divinity and now Bishop of Chichester and because it did open the way to those Schisms and Divisions which have since ensued in the Church We did for remedy and redress thereof and for satisfaction of the Consciences of Our good people not only by Our publick Proclamation call in that Book which ministred matter of offence but to prevent the like danger for hereafter reprinted the Articles of Religion established in the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory and by a Declaration before those Articles We did tie and restrain all Opinions to the sense of those Articles that nothing might be left for private fancies and innovation For We call God to record before whom We stand that it is and always hath been Our hearts desire to be found worthy of that Title which We accompt the most glorious in all Our Crown Defender of the Faith neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any Innovation may steal or creep into the Church but preserve that unity of Doctrine and Discipline established in the time of Queen Elizabeth whereby the Church of England hath stood and flourished ever since And as We were careful to make up all breaches and rents in Religion at home so did We by Our Proclamation and Commandment for the execution of Laws against Priests and Popish Recusants fortifie all ways and approaches against that foreign Enemy which if it have not succeeded according to Our intention We must lay the fault where it is in the subordinate Officers and Ministers in the Country by whose remissness Jesuites and Priests escape without apprehension and Recusants from those convictions and penalties which the Laws and Our Commandment would have inflicted on them For We do profess that as it is Our duty so it shall be our care to command and direct well but it is the part of others to perform the Ministerial Office And when We have done Our Office We shall account Our Self and all charitable men will accompt Us innocent both to God and Men and those that are negligent We will esteem as culpable both to God and Us and therefore will expect that hereafter they give Us a better accompt And as We have been careful for the setling of Religion and quieting the Church so were We not unmindful of the preservation of the just and ancient Liberties of Our Subjects which We secured to them by Our gracious Answer to the Petition in Parliament having not since that time done any Act whereby to infringe them but Our care is and hereafter shall be to keep them intire and inviolable as We would do Our own Right and Sovereignty having for that purpose enrolled the Petition and Answer in Our Courts of Justice Next to the care of Religion and of Our Subjects Rights We did Our best for the provident and well ordering of that aid and supply which was granted Us the last Session whereof no part hath been wastfully spent nor put to any other use than those for which it was desired and granted as upon payment of Our Fleet and Army wherein Our care hath been such as We chose rather to discontent Our dearest Friends and Allies and Our nearest Servants than to leave Our Souldiers and Mariners unsatisfied whereby any vexation or disquiet might arise to Our people We have also with part of those Moneys begun to supply Our Magazines and stores of Munition and to put Our Navy into a constant form and order Our Fleet likewise is fitting and almost in a readiness whereby the Narrow Seas may be guarded Commerce maintained and Our Kingdom secured from all forein attempts These Acts of Ours might have made this impression in all good minds that We were careful to direct Our counsels and dispose Our actions so as might most conduce to the maintenance of Religion honour of Our Government and safety of Our People But with mischievous men once ill-affected Seu bene seu malè facta premunt and whatsoever once seemed amiss is ever remembred but good endeavours are never regarded Now all these things that were the chief complaints the last Session being by Our Princely care so seriously reformed the Parliament re assembled the twentieth of January last We expecting according to the candor and sincerity of Our own thoughts that men would have framed themselves for the effecting a right understanding between Us and Our people But some few malevolent persons like Empiricks and lewd Artists did strive to make new work and to have some Disease on foot to keep themselves in request and to be imployed and entertained in the Cure And yet to manifest how much offences have been diminished the Committees
Your Crown and Dignity with our Lives and Fortunes Your Presence in this Your great Council being the only means of any Treaty betwixt Your Majesty and them with hope of Success And in none of our Desires to Your Majesty shall we be swaied by any particular man's advantage but shall give a clear Testimony to Your Majesty and the whole World that in all things done by us we faithfully intend the good of Your Majesty and of Your Kingdoms and that we will not be diverted from this End by any private or self-respects whatsoever Jo. Brown Cler. Parliament They will not believe We have done all that in Us lies to prevent and remove the present Distractions because of the Oppressions Rapines and the like committed upon Our good Subjects by Our Soldiers Let them remember who have compelled Us and against Our Souls desire forced Us to raise those Soldiers and then if the Oppressions and Rapines were indeed such as are falsly pretended Our poor Subjects who suffer under them will look on them and only on them as the Authors of all the Miseries they do or can undergo We confess with grief of heart some Disorders have and many more may befal Our good People by Our Soldiers but We appeal to all those Counties through which We have passed what care We have taken to prevent and what Justice We daily inflict upon such Offendors neither hath the least complaint been ever made to Us of Violences and Outrages which We have not to Our utmost Power repaired or punished however those false and treasonable Pamphlets are suffered which accuse Us of giving Warrant for plundring of Houses Our Mercy and Lenity is so well known to the contrary that it is usually made an excuse by those who against their Consciences assist this Rebellion against Us that they chuse rather to offend Us upon the confidence of Pardon than provoke those Malignant Persons who without Charity or Compassion destroy all who concur not with them in Faction and Opinion How far We are from Rapine and Oppression may appear by Our Lenity to the Persons and Estates of those who have not only exercised the Militia the seed from whence this Rebellion against Us hath grown but contributed Mony and Plate to the maintenance of that Army which now endeavours to destroy Us as of Nottingham Leicester and many other places through which We have passed many of whom then were and now are in that Army to let pass Our passing by Chartly the House of the Earl of Essex without other pressures than as if he were the General of Our own Army and Our express Orders to restrain the liberty Our Soldiers would otherwise have used upon that Place and his Estate about it How contrary the proceedings are of these great Assertors of the publick Liberties appears fully by the sad instances they every day give in the plundring by publick Warrant the Houses of all such whose Duty Conscience and Loyalty hath engaged them in Our Quarrel which every good Man ought to make his own by their declaring all Persons to be out of the Protection of Parliament and so exposing them to the Fury of their Soldiers who will not assist this Rebellion against Us their anointed King by the daily Outrages committed in Yorkshire when contrary to the desire and agreement of that County signed under the hands of both Parties they will not suffer the Peace to be kept but that the Distractions and Confusion may be universal over the whole Kingdom direct their Governour of Hull to make War upon Our good Subjects in that County and so continue the robbing and plundring the Houses of all such who concur not with them in this Rebellion lastly by the barbarous Sacrilegious Inhumanity exercised by their Soldiers in Churches as in Canterbury Worcester Oxford and other Places where they committed such unheard-of Outrages as Jews and Atheists never practised before God in his good time will make them examples of his Vengeance We never did nor ever shall desire to secure the Authors and Instruments of any mischiefs to the Kingdom from the Justice of Parliament We desire all such Persons may be speedily brought to condign Punishment by that Rule which is on ought to be the Rule of all punishment the known Law of the Land If there have seemed to be any interruption in proceedings of this nature it must be remembred how long Persons have been kept under general Accusations without Trial though earnestly desired that the Members who were properly to judge such Accusations have by Violence been driven thence or could not with Honour and Safety be present at such Debates that notorious Delinquents by the known Laws were protected against Us from the Justice of the Kingdom and such called Delinquents who committing no Offence against any known Law were so voted only for doing their Duties to Us and then there will be no cause of complaint found against Us. And for the Priviledges of Parliament We have said so much and upon such reasons which have never been answered but by bare positive Assertions in Our several Declarations that We may well and do still use the same expression That We desire God may so deal with Us and Our Posterity as We desire the preservation of the just Rights of Parliament the violation whereof in truth by these desperate Persons is so clearly known to all Men who understand the Priviledges of Parliament that their Rage and Malice hath not been greater to Our Person and Government than to the Liberty Priviledge and very Being of Parliaments witness their putting in putting out and suspending what Persons they please as they like or dislike their Opinions their bringing down the Tumults to assault the Members and awe the Parliament their posting and prosecuting such Members of either House as concurred not with them in their Designs and so driving them from thence for the safety of their Lives their denying Us against the known established Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom to have a Negative Voice without which no Parliament can consist their making close Committees from whence the Members of the Houses are exempted against the Liberty of Parliament and lastly resolving both Houses into a close Committee of Seventeen persons who undertake and direct all the present Outrages and the managery of this Rebellion against Us in the absence of four parts of five of both Houses and without the privity of those who stay there which is not only contrary but destructive to Parliaments themselves By these gross unheard-of Invasions and Breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament and without them they could not have done the other they made way for their attempts upon the Law of the Land and the introduction of that unlimited Arbitrary Power which they have since exercised to the intolerable Damage and Confusion of the whole Kingdom And We assure Our good Subjects the vindication of these just Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament thus violated
to give an entire Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition before His Majesty's Reply to any part thereof or to pass from any part of that Proposition to another part of the same before His Majesty hath given a Reply concerning that part 4. Whether in case His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition do not satisfie them they have power to send up that His Answer or Reply to both Houses and proceed upon the debate of another part of the same 5. Whether they have power to conclude these two Propositions 6. Whether they have power to press or consent unto the execution of either of these two Propositions or any part of them till the whole Treaty be agreed upon Falkand The Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to attend His Majesty upon the Treaty do humbly return these Answers to the Questions propounded by His Majesty March 25. 1643. TO the First They are enjoyned not to shew or discover their Instructions or to give any Copy of them To the Second concerning His Majesty's first Proposition and the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament They humbly conceive they may pass from the one Proposition to the other after that His Majesty hath given His Answer to the particular partf either Proposition that shall be in debate To the Third They humbly conceive that they are to receive His Majesty's Reply to that part of the Proposition to which they give their Answer before they proceed to any other part of either Proposition To the Fourth They humbly conceive that when they have received His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition wherein they are not satisfied they are to send that His Majesty's Answer or Reply to both Houses and in the mean time may proceed to another part of either Proposition To the Fifth They humbly conceive they may conclude these two Propositions if they be agreed unto according to their Instructions To the Sixth They humbly conceive they may press and consent unto the execution of the two Propositions according to their Instructions before the whole Treaty be agreed upon Northumberland J. Holland B. Whitelocke W. Pierrepont W. Armyne The Papers concerning leave to repair to His Majesty March 27. 1643. WHereas we humbly presented to Your Majesty several Answers to Your Majesty's Demands in Your first Proposition and in Reply to those Answers we have received several Papers from Your Majesty our humble desires are that Your Majesty would be pleased to give us leave to repair unto You for our further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst us in those Papers we have already received or any other which we shall hereafter receive from Your Majesty before such time as we shall transmit them to both Houses of Parliament Northumberland John Holland B. Whitelocke W. Pierrepont W. Armyne March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty is well pleased that the Committee of both Houses repair unto Him for their further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst them in the Papers they have already received or any other which they shall hereafter receive from His Majesty and to which they shall not have acquiesced before they transmit them to both Houses of Parliament Falkland The Papers concerning the Revenue March 26. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue we give this Answer The two Houses of Parliament have not made use of Your Majesty 's own Revenue but in a very small proportion which for a good part hath been imployed in the maintenance of Your Majestys Children according to the allowance established by Your Self And the two Houses of Parliament will satisfie what shall remain due to Your Majesty of those summs received out of Your Majesty 's own Revenue and will leave the same to Your Majesty for the time to come We likewise humbly propose to Your Majesty that You will restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes by several Acts of Parliament or out of the provision made for the War of Ireland Northumberland Will. Pierrepont John Holland Will. Armyne B. Whitelocke March 26. 1643. HIS Majesty knows not what proportion of His Revenue hath been made use of by His two Houses of Parliament but He hath reason to believe that if much of it hath not been used very much remains still in their hands His whole Revenue being so seized and stopped by the Orders of one or both Houses even to the taking away of His Mony out of His Exchequer and Mint and Bonds forced from His Cofferers Clerks for the Provision of His Majesty's Houshold that very little hath come to His Majesty's use for His own support He is well contented to allow whatsoever hath been employed in the maintenance of His Children and to receive the Arrears due to himself and to be sure of His own for the future He is likewise willing to restore all Monies taken for His Majesty's use by any Authority from Him upon any Bills assigned to other purposes His Majesty being assured He hath received very little or nothing that way and expects that satisfaction be made for all those several vast summs received and diverted to other purposes by Orders of one or both Houses which ought to have been paid upon the Act of Pacification to His Subjects of Scotland or employed for the discharge of the Debts of this Kingdom and by other Acts of Parliament for the relief of His poor Protestant Subjects of Ireland Falkland March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to be resolved by the Committee from both Houses whether their Proposition to His Majesty to restore what hath been taken for His Majesty's use upon any of the Bills c. be a new demand or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before Falkland March 27. 1643. WHereas Your Majesty desired to be resolved by us whether the Proposition to Your Majesty to restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use upon any of the Bills c. be a new demand or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before We humbly conceive it to be no new demand but whether it be such a condition upon which only that which goes before is granted we are not able to resolve Northumberland W. Pierrepont W. Armyne John Holland B. Whitelocke March 27. 1643. WHereas we have received Your Majesty's Answer of the 26. of this instant to ours of the same date concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue We humbly desire to know of Your Majesty if You will not account Your own Revenue to be sure for the future if both Houses of Parliament do leave it in the same way as it was before these Troubles did begin Northumberland W. Pierrepont W. Armyne J. Holland B. Whitelocke March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty did intend in His former Answer by those words of being sure of His own for the future that no restraints
and Forces in opposition to each other that these Towns Forts and Ships are a great part of their Forces so that for them to restore them absolutely to the King would be for them to disband totally and for His Majesty's Forces to continue To this His Majesty answers That this Treaty was intended by Him to be in order to a firm and settled that is a just Peace and never to be such wherein a pretended Equality should exclude evident Justice Let Equality determine the manner of the disbanding of the Armies raised upon these Distractions but let Justice restore what Violence hath taken and determine of known undoubted Rights since by this Argument if any Prince seize upon any Strength that belongs to His stronger Neighbour and Arms be taken up upon it the stronger must never in a Treaty when the Armies are to be disbanded expect to have His Strength restored to him lest the other return to be what He was and what He ought to be that is the weaker of the two Secondly His Majesty answers That by the same reason of Security other Power and Prerogatives being Strength as well as Forces and neither more vested in Him nor less possible to be used for the Peoples hurt they may as well require a share and interest in those too and that things may be made sufficiently equal between the sides may expect to be as much Kings as He. Thirdly in their own opinion and by their own confession as it appears by their Argument used in the Cessation in the point of Ships if they be but allowed the Approbation of Commanders His Majesty gives up this strength to them and not they to Him and it will be their Forces and not His which are to continue undisbanded and that that they say to be contrary to Equality and as they came by these Forces it is evident to be contrary to Justice Fourthly His Majesty answers that these Forces are not so great or so great a Strength of the side that shall possess them but that the Arts Union Industry and Violence of that Party was so much too strong for His Majesty when He had that Strength as to take that Strength from Him and therefore His Majesty wonders they should make any difficulty to restore what it may appear by so fresh experience that they are so able to resume and therefore His Majesty hopes His People will attribute it to His great Desire of Peace that He did not demand some farther security to enjoy that which is not denied to be His Majesty's And His Majesty observes that both this and the second Answer were given by His Majesty to the same Arguments made upon the same occasion by their Committee in the Treaty and yet this Declaration repeats the same Arguments without replying to those Answers Fifthly His Majesty desires that the Difficulty with which His Majesty raised His Army and the Ease with which they raised theirs may be considered how impossible it would have been for Him to have raised Forces if they had not raised first and how much slowlier this Army being disbanded He could raise a new one and how quick and ready their Body of fierce eager Sectaries and Schismaticks would be to return into an Army upon the least Call and how conveniently they inhabit for so speedy a meeting being to continue most of them in or so near London that their Quarters in War were usually much more distant than their Dwellings in Peace and then His Majesty doubts not but it will appear that in this respect too the real and total Disbanding is of His Majesty's part only and that in effect the Continuance of Forces is still of theirs Their Second Argument why His Majesty should admit of their Limitations is a bundle of Precedents To which His Majesty replies First that the Records which are here quoted for these are now in the same hands as his Majesty's Magazines Towns Forts and Ships and therefore knows not how He can either have their Truth sufficiently considered and examined or without it conside in their Quotations Secondly all the particular Circumstances both of matter and time what induced it and what followed it do not herein appear though very necessary to be known that they may be possible to be answered But this His Majesty can find upon view That some of them concern not any part of what is now demanded but one of them concerns a Chancellor Treasurer and Privy-Seal and another concerns Privy-Councillors and another the Protectorship another the choice of some without whose Advice or of four of them nothing should be done by the King which it seems they have an eye upon demanding too which made them run so much in their heads who collected these as to put them in here That some concern not the Persons now demanding but conclude only for the Merchants to chuse an Admiral and not for the Houses to confide in him which Precedent may be of some use to the Common-Council but of none to the Parliament That some are of no concern at all as only about appointing of Clarks for payment of Wages yet put in to encrease the bulk That hardly any of the Precedents that concern any of the things in Question concern any more than part of those which are altogether demanded in the Limitations desired some concerning only the Command of Ships and those too not granted by Act but by Commission and that for ought appears only during pleasure some extending but to one Town or Place as Berwick or Jersey That most of these Precedents appear to have been when the Kings were in Minority and under Protectors some when they were in extreme Age and Impotency some in the Reign of a King who was shortly after deposed in Parliament too an unlikely Circumstance to invite His Majesty at this time to follow that Example others in His Reign who succeeded Him and having no Right to the Crown but the Criminal Consent of both Houses had Reason to deny them nothing who had given Him All. And of some of the Precedents now quoted the Inconveniences are known to have been so great and so suddenly found that they were so speedily revoked in Parliament with no less a Brand than as being contrary to the Customs of the Realm and to the blemishing of the Crown that if they had ingenuously added those Circumstances these Precedents would more have justified His Majesty for not yielding than them for either asking any thing towards those or but for quoting them at all But doth any of these Precedents tell us that these Parliaments claim'd any Right in any of these or that any King yield any degree of Power in any one of these Points to both Houses when they had first taken them from Him by Force and rais'd an Army by Ordinance against Him and He was in a condition to resist what they had raised And if either any of these Kings were so much in their Power
already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom Their Answer thereunto 15. February TO your Lordships fourth Paper of the 14. of Feb. it is answered that by our Propositions for settling the Admiralty of Scotland by Act of Parliament it is intended that the Admiralty and Forces at Sea c. shall be settled in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fittest for the safety and security of that Kingdom And as touching the inheritance of any person which is already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom the Estates of Parliament will do that which is agreeable to Justice The King's Commissioners Paper 15. February VVE desire to know whether the Papers delivered to us touching the Militia contain all your Lordships Propositions touching the Militia of England and Scotland and if they do not that your Lordships will deliver the rest that we may make our Answers upon the whole Their Answer 15. Feb. VVHatsoever is contained in the Propositions concerning the Militia of England and Scotland is delivered in to your Lordships except the 23. Proposition and the last Article in the 26. Proposition which are reserved for their proper place After all these passages the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper in further Answer to their Propositions concerning the Militia 17. Feb. VVE had no purpose in our Answer delivered by us to your Lordships on the sixth day of February to divide our Answers concerning the Militia of the two Kingdoms otherwise than in point of time and till we might receive satisfaction from your Lordships concerning the Powers to be given to the Commissioners of both Kingdoms and the other particulars mentioned in our Papers since delivered to your Lordships wherein we are not as yet satisfied by any Papers delivered by your Lordships to us Our further Answer to those Propositions concerning the Militia is That we are willing and do agree that the like course shall be taken and observed touching the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland as is offered in our said Paper of the sixth of February and as shall be hereafter agreed on for the Kingdom of England which we conceive to be a full security for the performance and observation of all Articles which shall be agreed upon between us in order to a blessed Peace which we are so desirous may be punctually and exactly observed that we are willing that His Majesty be desired to take a most solemn strict Oath for the full observation thereof and likewise that all persons of any immediate trust by office or attendance on His Majesty and any other whom you shall think fit shall take such Oath for the due observance of the same with such reasonable Penalties as shall be proposed by your Lordships and agreed to by us in which we believe we shall not differ with your Lordships being willing that whosoever shall in the least degree infringe the Agreement which shall be made between us may be looked upon and accounted as most pernicious Enemies to King and Kingdoms And if it shall be thought necessary to make any additional settlement of the Militia with a general reference to the good of the Kingdoms respectively we desire the same may be done after the Peace established by the joynt consent of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament in England and His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively And as we shall desire and endeavour to remove all occasions that may interrupt the Peace and Tranquillity of that Kingdom and a perfect Amity with them and shall not desire any change of or to intermeddle in their Laws or Government or give them cause to apprehend any disturbance or violation of them from this Kingdom so are we obliged with all tenderness to preserve the Honour Dignity and Constitution of this Realm And therefore as we are yet satisfied we cannot consent that any Persons authorized by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland or any advice from thence shall have any influence upon the Militia of this Kingdom or further interpose in the affairs of this Kingdom than is already provided by the Act of Pacification And we offer to your Lordships considerations whether unless there could be an union of the Laws of both Kingdoms such a mixture of Power as is now proposed and the influence thereof both upon Martial and Civil affairs may not prove very inconvenient and prejudicial to both Kingdoms and give cause of Jealousies to each other to the disturbance of that mutual Amity so much desired But if this intermingling of Power in both Kingdoms shall be further insisted on by your Lordships we propound that the same may be settled as after a Peace established shall be agreed by the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England and of His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland and if your Lordships shall insist on any thing further for necessary Security we shall apply our selves to the consideration thereof if we shall have further time so to do according to our desires grounded upon His Majesty's Letter Their Paper 17. Feb. WE do conceive that we have in our former Papers punctually satisfied your Lordships in all you desired to know concerning the Powers of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms and the other particulars mentioned by your Lordships And what your Lordships now offer concerning the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland that the like course shall be taken in it as is expressed in your Lordships Paper of the 6 th of Feb. to be observed for the Militia of this Kingdom your Lordships may remember that in our Answer to that Paper we told your Lordships it was differing from what we had proposed and unsatisfactory to our just and necessary desires for securing the Peace of the Kingdoms and it cannot be expected that what was so then for the Kingdom of England should now be thought other for the Kingdom of Scotland And though both Kingdoms be now united in the same Cause and labouring under the same Dangers and therefore necessitated to a mutual and reciprocal Assistance of each other had proposed a joynt remedy and security by that Commission desired in our 17 th Proposition we find your Lordships say that as yet you are satisfied you cannot consent unto it To which we answer That we believed we had given your Lordships such convincing Reasons as might have satisfied you and we doubt not but they may if you will recollect your memories concerning them and rightly weight them This being the last day we are to Treat upon this Subject it cannot be expected and as we conceive it is altogether needless to use any more Arguments we do therefore desire your Lordships will be pleased now at the last to give us your full and positive Answer to our Demands as we have often already pressed your Lordships And whereas your Lordships do propound that if we shall further insist upon the
because the private Interest of the Subscribers for Money was concerned in it To which we give this Answer That their Interest was conditional upon Payment of their Moneys for the maintenance of the War which was not performed and that if they had paid their Moneys yet this Cessation was rather for the advance of that Interest there being as it appears by the Papers no other visible means of preservation of the Army in Ireland and that the Statute which gave that private Interest doth not take away the Kings Power of making a Cessation and we conceive that Argument of Interest was waved But if your Lordships shall insist upon it we again desire as we did formerly that a Case may be made of it and that the Debate may be again resumed Neither do we know that any Argument was used by your Lordships from the Proceedings in Parliament and if you shall give any we shall be ready to answer it And we conceive that the Advice given to his Majesty from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland and the Testimony of the Officers of the Army expressing the miserable condition of that Kingdom and inability to bear the War should appear to your Lordships to be just grounds for His Majesties assenting to the Cessation One of the Letters delivered by us to your Lordships bearing date the fourth of April 1643. was sent by the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to Mr. Secretary Nicholas in which was inclosed their Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons of which your Lordships have likewise an Extract and a Remonstrance of the Officers of the Army to the Lords Justices and Council there and the other Letter of the fifth of May 1643. to His Majesty was from the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom All which if your Lordships please shall be examined by you with the Originals And we are therefore of opinion that our Answer formerly delivered is a good Answer to the point of Cessation in question and that it was not unfit for His Majesty to agree to that Cessation nor destructive to the Protestant Religion nor for the advantage of the Popish Rebels but much for the advantage of the Protestant Subjects there who were in apparent hazard of Destruction by Force and Famine occasioned by the want of Supplies which had been promised to them as we have formerly said And we shall give your Lordships a further Answer to your other Propositions concerning Ireland when the time comes again for that Debate Here ended the first three days of the Treaty concerning Ireland and the night before the return of the next three days their Commissioners delivered this Paper 17. February WE conceived that the Arguments used by us that His Majesty neither had nor hath Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels of Ireland might have fully satisfied your Lordships and if any Doubts yet remain we are ready by Conference to clear them Your Lordships may well call to mind the several Clauses we insisted upon in the Statute and the Arguments we have given from the Common-Law and other Proceedings in Parliament And we do affirm that several great Sums of Money were paid by particular Persons and by Corporations who according to the true intent of the Statute ought to have the benefit of the same according to divers other Acts of Parliament in pursuance thereof and upon failer of Payment by any particular Persons the Forfeiture was to accrue to the common benefit of the rest not failing and we do deny that the Argument of Interest was at all waved by us And we conceive those Wants alledged by your Lordships if any such were in justifying the Cessation were supplied from time to time by the Houses of Parliament until His Majesties Forces were so quartered in and about the common Roads to Ireland that Provisions going thither were intercepted and neither Money Cloaths Victuals or other things could pass by Land with safety to be transported And when that both Houses of Parliament were desirous further to supply those Wants and for that purpose did tender a Bill to His Majesty it was refused And we will still alledge that we have no reason to be satisfied concerning the Cessation by any Arguments used by your Lordships or by any thing contained in the Extracts of the Letters and Papers delivered to us by your Lordships as from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland and the Officers of the Army nor though desired by us have your Lordships afforded us liberty to compare those Extracts with the Originals whereby we might have the Names of the Persons by whom they were written which we now again desire We are therefore still clearly of opinion as is expressed in our former Paper of the 10. of February concerning the Cessation and do desire your Lordships full Answer to our Demands concerning Ireland The King's Commissioners Answer 18. Feb. WE did not conceive that your Lordships had believed that any Arguments used by you could satisfie us against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland which appears to have been made by him by the Advice of His Council there and for the Preservation of His Majesties Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom who in all probability would have perished by Famine and the Sword if that Cessation had not been made and we shall be very ready to receive farther Information from your Lordships by Conference or otherwise in that particular either concerning any Clauses in the Statute or Arguments at Common-Law or Proceedings of Parliament your Lordships having never mentioned the one or made any Case upon the other upon which you intend to insist And for the several great Sums of Money that were paid by particular Persons and Corporations upon that Statute mentioned by your Lordships we are sorry that we are compelled by your Lordships insisting thereon to inform your Lordships that His Majesty had clear Information that not only much of the money raised by the Act for the four hundred thousand Pound which was passed for the better suppressing that most wicked and execrable Rebellion in Ireland and for the payment of the Debts of this Kingdom but also of the Money raised by the Statute on which your Lordships insist for the speedy and effectual reducing of the Rebels of Ireland c. and other Moneys raised by Contribution and Loan for the relief of His Majesties distressed Subjects of that Kingdom were expended contrary to the intent of the Acts by which the same were levied and of the Persons who lent and contributed the same towards the maintenance of the Forces in this Kingdom under the Command of the Earl of Essex and that many Regiments of Horse and Foot levied for the War of Ireland under the Command of the Lord Wharton the Lord Kerry Sir Faithful Fortescue and others were likewise imployed in that Army under the Earl of Essex at Edge-hill and therefore His Majesty
Peers pro tempore and William Lenthal Speaker of the House of Commons My Lord and Mr. Speaker I Have received your Letter of the second of this Month containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me and though they do not come at the time appointed I shall not wonder at first judging it too short in respect of My two Houses not of My self so that I did not imagine it could be kept as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of Mouth and therefore it shall be far from Me to take Exceptions for their having elapsed the appointed time for God forbid that either my two Houses or I should carp at circumstances to give the least impediment to this Treaty much less to hinder the happy finishing of it I say this the rather because I know not how it is possible in this I shall wish to be deceived that in Forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled and if so it were more than strange that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work which as I will not believe can be stuck on by the two Houses so I am sure it shall never be by Carisbrook 7. Sept. 1648. Your good Friend CHARLES R. I think fit to tell you because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers I have sent for My Advocate Rives and D. Duck. And afterward his Majesty desired the Persons named in this Note inclosed in a Letter of one of their Commissioners Novemb. 2. to be sent to Him C. R. The Bishop of Armagh the Bishop of Excester the Bishop of Rochester the Bishop of Worcester Dr. Fern Dr. Morley The Propositions of both Houses being the same which had been presented to his Majesty at Hampton-Court and little differing from those which had been largely discussed in the former Treaties at Oxford and Uxbridg for this reason as also because neither Party did publish the particulars of this Treaty we have thought fit to represent only what is Authentick and therefore shall add only His Majesties fair Offers in order to a Peace His MAJESTIES Propositions 29. Sept. 1648. HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty which he hoped might have been obtained at Westminster between Him and His two Houses of Parliament immediately yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place as a fit means to begin a Treaty for a Peace which might put an end to His own sad Condition and the Miseries of His Kingdom For an entrance whereunto His Majesty hath already expressed His Consent to the First Proposition But finding you are limited by Instructions which you have no Warrant to communicate unto Him and having cause by your Paper of the 20. of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing though He shall give you such Reasons as may satisfie you so to do without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance where His Majesties Reasons Expressions and Offers upon Debate cannot be fully represented and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much wast of the time allotted for the Treaty here and having lately received another Paper concerning the Church containing in it self many particulars of great importance and referring to divers Ordinances Articles of Religion and other things eleven or twelve in number of great length and some of them very new and never before presented to His Majesty the due consideration whereof will take up much time and require His Majesties Presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence To the end therefore that the good work now in hand may by God's blessing proceed more speedily and effectually to an happy Conclusion and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further security and an earnest of future satisfaction His Majesty upon consideration had of yours makes these Propositions following Concerning the Church His Majesty will consent That the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament And will by Act of Parliament confirm for Three years the Directory for the Publick worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales And will likewise confirm for Three years by Act of Parliament the form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales Provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgement or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government or form of Worship but have free practice of their own profession And that a free Consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time Twenty of His Majesties Nomination being added unto them whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament how the said Church-Government and form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled or sooner if Differences may be agreed and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him may in like manner be then considered of and determined and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues His Majesty considering that during these troublesome times divers of His Subjects have made Contracts and Purchases and divers have disbursed great Sums of Money upon security and engagement of those Lands His Majesty for their satisfaction will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament whereby legal Estates for Lives or for Years at their choice not exceeding ninety nine years shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers Contractors and others to whom they are engaged at the old Rents or some other moderate Rent whereby they may receive satisfaction And in case such Lease shall not satisfie His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction Provided that the Propriety and Inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively according to the pious intentions of the Donors and Founders thereof And the rest that shall be reserved to be for their maintenance His Majesty will give His Royal Assent for the better observation of the Lords day for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom and to an Act against enjoying Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons and Non-residency and to an Act for Regulating and
than snow Teach Me to learn Righteousness by thy Judgments and to see my frailty in thy Justice While I was perswaded by shedding one mans blood to prevent after-troubles thou hast for that among other sins brought upon Me and upon my Kingdoms great long and heavy troubles Make Me to prefer Justice which is thy Will before all contrary clamors which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will It is too much that they have once overcome Me to please them by displeasing Thee O never suffer Me for any reason of State to go against my Reason of Conscience which is highly to sin against Thee the God of Reason and Judg of our Consciences Whatever O Lord Thou seest fit to deprive Me of yet restore unto Me the joy of thy Salvation and ever uphold Me with thy free Spirit which subjects my Will to none but thy Light of Reason Justice and Religion which shines in my Soul for Thou desirest Truth in the inward parts and Integrity in the outward expressions Lord hear the voice of thy Sons and my Saviours Blood which speaks better things O make Me and my People to hear the voice of Joy and Gladness that the bones which thou hast broken may rejoyce in thy Salvation III. Vpon his MAJESTIES going to the House of COMMONS MY going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the Five Members was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears yea and many of My Friends resented it as a motion rising rather from Passion than Reason and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those times required But these men knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which I thought My self so furnished that there needed nothing to such evidence as I could have produced against those I charged save only a free and legal Tryal which was all I desired Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens Persons further than I had discovered those as I thought unlawful correspondencies they had used and engagements they had made to embroyl My Kingdoms of all which I missed but little to have produced writings under some mens own hands who were the chief Contrivers of the following Innovations Providence would not have it so yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace which to preserve by calling in question half a dozen men in a fair and Legal way which God knows was all my design could have amounted to no worse effect had it succeeded than either to do Me and My Kingdom right in case they had been found guilty or else to have cleared their Innocency and removed My Suspicions which as they were not raised out of any Malice so neither were they in Reason to be smothered What flames of Discontent this spark tho I sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it soon kindled all the world is witness The aspersion which some men cast upon that action as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons and invade their Privilege is so false that as God best knows I had no such intent so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I then said or did the least intimation of any such thoughts That I went attended with some Gentlemen as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and Safety of a King so to be attended especially in discontented times so were My Followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict Nor were they more scared at my coming than I was unassured of not having some affronts cast upon Me if I had none with Me to preserve a Reverence to Me For many people had at that time learn'd to think those hard thoughts which they have since abundantly vented against Me both by words and deeds The Sum of that business was this Those men and their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted Vulgar as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties than My self and so worthier of their protection I leave them to God and their own Consciences who if guilty of evil machinations no present impunity or Popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals To which in the obstructions of Justice among men we must religiously appeal as being an argument to us Christians of that after unavoidable Judgement which shall re-judge what among men is but corruptly decided or not at all I endeavoured to have prevented if God had seen fit those future Commotions which I foresaw would in all likelihood follow some mens activity if not restrained and so now have done to the undoing of many thousands the more is the pity But to over-awe the Freedom of the Houses or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them was not at all My design I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on My side as should not have needed so rough assistance and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with Patience than to use such hazardous extremities But thou O Lord art my witness in heaven and in my heart If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent or if there were any such wickedness in my thoughts Then let the Enemy persecute my Soul and tread my life to the ground and lay mine Honour in the dust Thou that seest not as man seeth but lookest beyond all popular appearances searching the heart and trying the reins and bringing to light the hidden things of darkness shew thy self Let not my Afflictions be esteemed as with wise and godly men they cannot be any argument of my Sin in that matter more than their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency But forgive them wherein they have done amiss though they are not punished for it in this world Save thy Servant from the privy Conspiracies and open Violence of bloody and unreasonable men according to the uprightness of my heart and the innocency of my hands in this matter Plead my cause and maintain my right O thou that sittest in the Throne judging rightly that thy Servant may ever rejoyce in thy Salvation IV. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults I Never thought any thing except our Sins more ominously presaging all these Mischiefs which have followed than those Tumults in London and Westminster soon after the Convening of this Parliament which were not like a Storm at Sea which yet wants not its Terror but like an Earthquake shaking the very foundations of all than which nothing in the world hath more of horror As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea so 't is no
My own and My Subjects Miseries while as they confidently but God knows falsly divulge I repining at the establishment of this Parliament endeavoured by force and open hostility to undo what by My Royal assent I had done Sure it had argued a very short sight of things and extream fatuity of mind in Me so far to bind My own hands at their request if I had shortly meant to have used a Sword against them God knows tho I had then a sense of Injuries yet not such as to think them worth vindicating by a War I was not then compelled as since to injure My self by their not using favours with the same Candor wherewith they were conferred The Tumults indeed threatned to abuse all Acts of Grace and turn them into wantonness but I thought at length their own Fears whose Black arts first raised up those turbulent Spirits would force them to conjure them down again Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon Me or others was I then in any capacity to have taken just revenge in an Hostile and Warlike way upon those whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people that I could not have given My Enemies greater and more desired advantages against Me than by so unprincely Inconstancy to have assaulted them with Arms thereby to scatter them whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of Parliament God knows I longed for nothing more than that My self and My Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of My many Condescendings It had been a course full of Sin as well as of Hazard and Dishonour for Me to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword which I had so lately planted so much as I thought to My Subjects content and Mine own too in all probability if some men had not feared where no fear was whose security consisted in scaring others I thank God I know so well the sincerity and uprightness of My own Heart in passing that great BILL which exceeded the very thoughts of former times that although I may seem less a Politician to men yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God Nor had I any reservations in My own Soul when I passed it nor repentings after till I saw that My letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple was a temptation to them to cast Me down headlong concluding that without a Miracle Monarchy it self together with Me could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitious fall as they intended Whom God in mercy forgive and make them see at length That as many Kingdoms as the Devil shewed our Saviour and the glory of them if they could be at once enjoyed by them are not worth the gaining by ways of sinful ingratitude and dishonour which hazards a Soul worth more Worlds than this hath Kingdoms But God hath hitherto preserved Me and made Me to see that it is no strange thing for men left to their own Passions either to do much evil themselves or abuse the overmuch goodness of others whereof an ungrateful Surfeit is the most desperate and incurable disease I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act since I have no reflections upon it as a Sin of my Will tho an Error of too charitable a Judgment Only I am sorry other mens eyes should be evil because Mine were good To Thee O my God do I still appeal whose all-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions and deceitful darknesses of their hearts Thou gavest Me a heart to grant much to my Subjects and now I need a heart fitted to suffer much from some of them Thy will be done tho never so much to the crossing of ours even when we hope to do what might be most conformable to thine and theirs too who pretended they aimed at nothing else Let thy Grace teach Me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings as the fulfillings of my best hopes and most specious desires I see while I thought to allay others Fears I have raised mine own and by setling them have unsetled My self Thus have they requited me evil for good and hatred for my good will towards them O Lord be thou my Pilot in this dark and dangerous storm which neither admits my return to the Port whence I set out nor my making any other with that Safety and Honour which I designed 'T is easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of my people nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many which Thou hast suffered so far to prevail upon Me as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of greatest Indulgence to them and assurance of them But no Favors from Me can make others more guilty than My self may be of misusing those many and great ones which Thou O Lord hast conferred on Me. I beseech Thee give Me and them such Repentance as thou wilt accept and such Grace as we may not abuse Make Me so far happy as to make a right use of others abuses and by their failings of Me to reflect with a reforming displeasure upon my Offences against Thee So altho for My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy temporal Blessings yet I may be happy to enjoy the comfort of thy Mercies which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most glorious Saints VI. Vpon His MAJESTIES retirement from WESTMINSTER WIth what unwillingness I withdrew from Westminster let them judg who unprovided of tackling and victual are forced to Sea by a Storm yet better do so than venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore I stayed at White-hall till I was driven away by shame more than fear to see the barbarous Rudeness of those Tumults who resolved they would take the boldness to demand any thing and not leave either My self or the Members of Parliament the liberty of Our Reason and Conscience to deny them any thing Nor was this intolerable Oppression My case alone though chiefly Mine For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses when they had used each their own freedom Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or Reason conclusive to My Judgment nor can they include or carry with them My consent whom they represent not in any kind nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses than I see them agree with the will of God with my just Rights as a King and the general good of my People I see that as many men they are seldom of one mind and I may oft see that the major part of them are not in the right I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds how desirous I was to give all just content when I agreed to so many Bills which had been enough to secure and satisfie all if some mens Hydropick insatiableness had not
learned to thirst the more by how much the more they drank whom no fountain of Royal Bounty was able to overcome so resolved they seemed either utterly to exhaust it or barbarously to obstruct it Sure it ceases to be Counsel when not Reason is used as to men to perswade but Force and Terror as to beasts to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumultuary Patrons shall project He deserves to be a Slave without pity or redemption that is content to have the Rational soveraignty of his Soul and liberty of his Will and Words so captivated Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that Freedom which cannot be denied Me as a King because it belongs to Me as a Man and a Christian owning the dictates of none but God to be above Me as obliging Me to consent Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul which subjects Me only to God so far as by Reason or Religion he directs Me than live with the Title of a King if it should carry such a vassalage with it as not to suffer Me to use My Reason and Conscience in which I declare as a King to like or dislike So far am I from thinking the Majesty of the Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation-Oath in a blind and brutish formality to consent to whatever its Subjects in Parliament shall require as some men will needs infer while denying me any power of a Negative voice as King they are not ashamed to seek to deprive Me of the liberty of using My Reason with a good Conscience which themselves and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publick who would take it very ill to be urged not to deny whatever My self as King or the House of Peers with Me should not so much desire as enjoyn them to pass I think My Oath fully discharged in that point by my Governing only by such Laws as My People with the House of Peers have chosen and My self consented to I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to go as oft against My Conscience as I should consent to such new Proposals which My reason in Justice Honour and Religion bids Me deny Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary Government that is the Law of anothers will to which themselves give no consent that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man that must be subject to the will of others without having power left him to use his own Reason either in Person or by any Representation And if my dissentings at any time were as some have suspected and uncharitably avowed out of Error Opinionativeness Weakness or Wilfulness and what they call Obstinacy in Me which not true Judgment of things but some vehement Prejudice or Passion hath fixed on My Mind yet can no man think it other than the badg and method of Slavery by savage Rudeness and importunate obtrusions of Violence to have the mist of his Error and Passion dispelled which is a shadow of Reason and must serve those that are destitute of the substance Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or Man who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things and faithfully follows what he takes for Reason The uprightness of his Intentions will excuse the possible failings of his Understanding If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star it can be no fault in him to steer his course by such Stars as do best appear to him It argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason and convincing Arguments who call in the assistance of mere force to carry on the weakness of their Counsels and Proposals I may in the truth and uprightness of my Heart protest before God and Men that I never wilfully opposed or denied any thing that was in a fair way after full and free debates propounded to Me by the Two Houses further than I thought in good Reason I might and was bound to do Nor did any thing ever please Me more than when My Judgment so concurred with theirs that I might with good Conscience consent to them yea in many things where not absolute and moral necessity of Reason but temporary convenience on point of Honour was to be considered I chose rather to deny My self than them as preferring that which they thought necessary for My Peoples good before what I saw but convenient for My self For I can be content to recede much from My own Interests and Personal Rights of which I conceive My self to be Master but in what concerns Truth Justice the Rights of the Church and my Crown together with the general good of my Kingdoms all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in Me here I am and ever shall be fixt and resolute nor shall any man gain my consent to that wherein my Heart gives my Tongue or Hand the Lye nor will I be brought to affirm that to Men which in my Conscience I denied before God I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with My Saviour than to exchange that of Gold which is due to Me for one of Lead whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and comply to the various and oft contrary dictates of any Factions when in stead of Reason and Publick Concernments they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of Parties and flows from the partialities of private Wills and Passions I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King than to prefer his Conscience before his Kingdoms O my God preserve thy Servant in this Native Rational and Religious Freedom for this I believe is thy will that we should maintain who though Thou dost justly require us to submit our Vnderstandings and Wills to thine whose Wisdom and Goodness can neither err nor misguide us and so far to deny our carnal Reason in order to thy Sacred Mysteries and Commands that we should believe and obey rather than dispute them yet dost Thou expect from us only such a reasonable Service of Thee as not to do any thing for Thee against our Consciences and as to the desires of men enjoinest us to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Laws which are the Rules of Civil Justice and to declare our Consents to that only which our Judgments approve Thou knowest O Lord how unwilling I was to desert that place in which Thou hast set Me and whereto the Affairs of My Kingdoms at present do call Me. My People can witness how far I have been content for their good to deny My self in what Thou hast subjected to My disposal O let not the unthankful importunities and Tumultuary Violence of some mens Immoderate demands ever betray Me to that dangerous and unmanly slavery which should make Me strengthen them by my Consent in those things which I
may in all reason be thought to have more of Gifts and Graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of Prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of Prayer and that so much pretended Spirit of Prayer than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have which what they are many times even there where they make a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinency rudeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vain and ridiculous repetitions the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way Wherein men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed profane a manner Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance as Sacramental administrations and the like which are still the same Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the Duty as Forms of Publick composure or else they must every time affect new expressions when the Subject is the same which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those Duties which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private Infirmities Indispositions Errors Disorders and Defects both for Judgment and Expression A serious sense of which inconveniences in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the Wisdom and Piety of the Ancient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned Ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in more Errors Schisms Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion which are already but too many the more is the pity However if Violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations that men may not seem to have nothing to do which Law Reason and Religion forbids at least to be so obtruded as wholly to justle out the Publick Liturgy Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severity of those men who either lately had subscribed to used and maintained the Service-book or refusing to use it cryed out of the rigor of the Laws and Bishops which suffered them not to use the liberty of their Consciences in not using it That these men I say should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directory as if the Spirit needed help for Invention tho not for Expresions or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were cloathed in and confined to fit words So slight and easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to delude the Vulgar That further they should use such severity as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-Book publickly although their Consciences bind them to it as a duty of Piety to God and Obedience to the Laws Thus I see no men are prone to be greater Tyrants and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegal Novelties than such whose Pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious liberties which freedom with much regret they now allow to Me and my Chaplains when they may have leave to serve Me whose Abilities even in their extemporary way comes not short of the others but their Modesty and Learning far exceeds the most of them But this matter is of so popular a nature as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober Debates lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Laws they should have been driven either to sin more against their Knowledg by taking away the Liturgy or to displease some Faction of the People by continuing the use of it Tho I believe they have offended more considerable men not only for their numbers and estates but for their weighty and judicious Piety than those are whose Weakness or Giddiness they sought to gratify by taking it away One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book I believe was this that it taught them to pray so oft for Me to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches and even Cursings of Me in their own Forms in stead of praying for Me. I wish their Repentance may be their only Punishment that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of Publick Liturgies hath already produced they may restore that credit use and reverence to them which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms of sound and wholesom words And Thou O Lord which art the same God blessed for ever whose Mercies are full of variety and yet of constancy Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well-advised Devotions Let the matters of our Prayers be agreeable to thy will which is always the same and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy Holy Spirit in us And then we doubt not but thy Spiritual perfections are such as Thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner nor offended with the Pious constancy of our Petitions in them both Whose variety or constancy Thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded but left them to the Piety and Prudence of thy Church that both may be used neither despised Keep men in that pious moderation of their Judgments in matters of Religion that their Ignorance may not offend others nor their opinion of their own Abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities And since the advantage of Error consists in Novelty and Variety as Truth 's in Vnity and Constancy suffer not thy Church to be pestered with Errors and deformed with Vndecencies in thy Service under the pretence of Variety and Novelty nor to be deprived of Truth Vnity and Order under this fallacy That Constancy is the cause of Formality Lord keep us from formal Hypocrifie in our own hearts and then we know that praying to Thee or praising of Thee with David and other Holy men in the same Forms cannot hurt us Give us Wisdom to amend what is amiss within us and there will be less to mend without us Evermore defend and deliver thy Church
constitution The Abuses of which deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained for I think it far better to hold to Primitive and Uniform Antiquity than to comply with divided Novelty A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops humble Presbyters and sober People so as Church affairs should be managed neither with Tyranny Parity nor Popularity neither Bishops ejected nor Presbyters despised nor People oppressed And in this Integrity both of My Judgment and Conscience I hope God will preserve Me. For Thou O Lord knowest my Vprightness and Tenderness As Thou hast set Me to be a Defender of the Faith and a Protector of thy Church so suffer Me not by any violence to be over-born against My Conscience Arise O Lord maintain thine own Cause let not thy Church be deformed as to that Government which derived from thy Apostles hath been retained in purest and Primitive times till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular Envy which seeks to rob it of all the encouragements of Learning and Religion Make Me as the good Samaritan compassionate and helpful to thy afflicted Church which some men have wounded and robbed others pass by without regard either to pity or relieve As My Power is from Thee so give Me grace to use it for Thee And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING yet preserve Me in that liberty of Reason love of Religion and thy Churches welfare which are fixed in My Conscience as a Christian Preserve from Sacrilegious invasions those temporal Blessings which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy Glory Forgive their Sins and Errors who have deserved thy just permission thus to let in the wild Boar and subtile Foxes to waste and deform thy Vineyard which thy right hand hath planted and the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate O let Me not bear the infamous brand to all posterity of being the first Christian KING in this Kingdom who should consent to the oppression of thy Church and the Fathers of it whose Errors I would rather with Constantine cover with silence and reform with meekness than expose their Persons and Sacred Functions to vulgar contempt Thou O Lord seest how much I have suffered with and for thy Church make no long tarrying O my God to deliver both Me and It from unreasonable men whose counsels have brought forth and continue such violent Confusions by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches Peace thereby letting in all manner of Errors Schisms and Disorders O thou God of Order and of Truth in thy good time abate the Malice asswage the Rage and confound all the mischievous Devices of Thine Mine and thy Churches Enemies That I and all that love thy Church may sing Praises to Thee and ever magnifie thy Salvation even before the Sons of men XVIII Vpon Uxbridg Treaty and other Offers made by the KING I Look upon the way of Treaties as a retiring from fighting like Beasts to arguing like Men whose strength should be more in their Understandings than in their Limbs And tho I could seldom get opportunities to Treat yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to it having greater confidence of my Reason than my Sword I was so wholly resolved to yield to the first that I thought neither My self nor others should need to use the second if once we rightly understood each other Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me to prevent them with expresses of My Desires and even Importunities to Treat It being an office not only of Humanity rather to use Reason than Force but also of Christianity to seek peace and ensue it As I was very unwillingly compelled to defend My self with Arms so I very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace The events of all War by the Sword being very dubious and of a Civil War uncomfortable the End hardly recompencing and late repairing the mischief of the Means Nor did any success I had ever enhaunce with Me the price of Peace as earnestly desired by Me as any man tho I was like to pay dearer for it than any man All that I sought to reserve was Mine Honour and My Conscience the one I could not part with as a KING the other as a Christian The Treaty at Vxbridg gave the fairest hopes of an happy Composure had others applied themselves to it with the same Moderation as I did I am confident the War had then ended I was willing to condescend as far as Reason Honour and Conscience would give Me leave nor were the remaining Differences so essential to my Peoples Happiness or of such consequence as in the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either Security or Prosperity for they better enjoyed both many years before ever those demands were made some of which to deny I think the greatest Justice to My self and Favor to my Subjects I see Jealousies are not so easily allayed as they are raised Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements than to engage what is wanting in Equity must be made up in Pertinacy Such as had little to enjoy in Peace or to lose in War studied to render the very name of Peace odious and suspected In Church affairs where I had least liberty of Prudence having so many strict ties of Conscience upon Me yet I was willing to condescend so far to the setling of them as might have given fair satisfaction to all men whom Faction Covetousness or Superstition had not engaged more than any true Zeal Charity or love of Reformation I was content to yield to all that might seem to advance true Piety I only sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order Maintenance and Authority to the Churches Government and what I am perswaded as I have elsewhere set down My thoughts more fully is most agreeable to the true Principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection as also to the primitive Apostolical Pattern and the practice of the Universal Church conform thereto From which wholly to recede without any probable reason urged or answered only to satisfie some mens wills and phantasies which yet agree not among themselves in any point but that of extirpating Episcopacy and fighting against Me must needs argue such a softness and infirmity of Mind in Me as will rather part with Gods Truth than Mans Peace and rather lose the Churches Honour than cross some mens Factious humors God knows and time will discover who were most to blame for the unsuccessfulness of that Treaty and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities I believe I am very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men who have seriously weighed those Transactions wherein I endeavoured no less the restauration of Peace to My People than the preservation of My own Crowns to My Posterity Some men have that
height as to interpret all fair Condescendings as Arguments of Feebleness and glory most in an unflexible stifness when they see others most supple and inclinable to them A grand Maxime with them was always to ask something which in reason and Honour must be denied that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted setting Peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of War endeavouring first to make Me destroy My self by dishonourable Concessions that so they might have the less to do This was all which that Treaty or any other produced to let the world see how little I would deny or they grant in order to the Publick Peace That it gave occasion to some mens further restiveness is imputable to their own depraved tempers not to any Concessions or Negations of Mine I have always the content of what I offered and they the regret and blame for what they refused The highest tide of Success set Me not above a Treaty nor the lowest ebb below a Fight tho I never thought it any sign of true Valor to be prodigal of mens lives rather than to be drawn to produce our own Reasons or subscribe to other mens That which made Me for the most part presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty was some mens unwillingness to Treat which implied some things were to be gained by the Sword whose unreasonableness they were loath to have fairly scanned being more proper to be acted by Soldiers than by Counsellors I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that Treaties breaking and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the Sword a better opportunity to use such Moderation as was then wanting that so tho Peace were for our sins justly deferred yet at last it may be happily obtain'd What we could not get by our Treaties we may gain by our Prayers O Thou that art the God of Reason and of Peace who disdainest not to Treat with Sinners preventing them with offers of Atonement and beseeching them to be reconciled with thy self who wantest not Power or Justice to destroy them yet aboundest in Mercy to save soften our hearts by the Blood of our Redeemer and perswade us to accept of Peace with Thy self and both to procure and preserve Peace among our selves as Men and Christians How oft have I intreated for Peace but when I speak thereof they make them ready to War Condemn us not to our Passions which are destructive both of our selves and of others Clear up our Vnderstandings to see thy Truth both in Reason as Men and in Religion as Christians and encline all our hearts to hold the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace Take from us that Enmity which is now in our hearts against Thee and give us that Charity which should be among our selves Remove the evils of War we have deserved and bestow upon us that Peace which only Christ our great Peace-maker can merit XIX Vpon the various Events of the War Victories and Defeats THE various Successes of this unhappy War have at least afforded Me variety of good Meditations Sometimes God was pleased to try Me with Victory by worsting my Enemies that I might know how with Moderation and thanks to own and use his Power who is only the true Lord of Hosts able when he pleases to repress the Confidence of those that fought against Me with so great advantages for Power and Number From small beginnings on My part he let me see that I was not wholly forsaken by My Peoples Love or his Protection Other times God was pleased to exercise my Patience and teach Me not to trust in the arm of Flesh but in the living God My Sins sometimes prevailed against the Justice of my Cause and those that were with Me wanted not matter and occasion for his just Chastisement both of them and Me. Nor were my Enemies less punished by that Prosperity which hardened them to continue that Injustice by open Hostility which was begun by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults There is no doubt but personal and private Sins may oft-times over-balance the Justice of publick engagements nor doth God account every gallant man in the worlds esteem a fit instrument to assert in the way of War a righteous Cause The more men are prone to arrogate to their own Skill Valour and Strength the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own Glory I am sure the Event or Success can never state the Justice of any Cause nor the peace of mens Consciences nor the eternal fate of their Souls Those with Me had I think clearly and undoubtedly for their Justification the Word of Cod and the Laws of the Land together with their own Oaths all requiring Obedience to My just Commands but to none other under Heaven without Me or against Me in the point of raising Arms. Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Fears and wild fundamentals of State as they call them which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to alledg who being My Subjects were manifestly the first assaulters of Me and the Laws first by unsuppressed Tumults after by listed Forces The same Allegations they use will fit any Faction that hath but power and Confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the Present Laws and Governors which can never be such as some Side or other will not find fault with so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them Some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs who died fighting against Me the Laws their Oaths and the Religion established But sober Christians know that glorious Title can with truth be applied only to those who sincerely preferred God's Truth and their Duty in all these particulars before their Lives and all that was dear to them in this world who having no advantagious designs by any Innovation were religiously sensible of those ties to God the Church and My self which lay upon their Souls both for Obedience and just Assistance God could and I doubt not but he did through his Mercy crown many of them with Eternal Life whose lives were lost in so just a Cause the destruction of their Bodies being sanctified as a means to save their Souls Their Wounds and temporal Ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness while the evident approach of Death did through Gods Grace effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility Faith and Repentance which together with the Rectitude of their present Engagement would fully prepare them for a better Life than that which their Enemies brutish and disloyal Fierceness could deprive them of or without Repentance hope to enjoy They have often indeed had the better against My side in the Field but never I believe at the Bar of
solicitous for My Friends safety than Mine own chusing to venture My self upon further hazards rather than expose their resolute Loyalty to all extremities It is some skill in play to know when a game is lost better fairly to give over than to contest in vain I must now study to re-inforce my Judgment and fortifie my Mind with Reason and Religion that I may not seem to offer up My Souls Liberty or make My Conscience their Captive who ought at first to have used Arguments nor Arms to have perswaded My Consent to their new demands I thank God no Success darkens or disguises Truth to Me and I shall no less conform my words to my inward dictates now than if they had been as the words of a KING ought to be among Loyal Subjects full of power Reason is the Divinest power I shall never think My self weakned while I may make full and free use of that No eclipse of outward fortune shall rob me of that light what God hath denied of outward Strength his Grace I hope will supply with inward Resolutions not morosely to deny what is fit to be granted but not to grant any thing which Reason and Religion bids me deny I shall never think My self less than My self while I am able thus to preserve the Integrity of My Conscience the only Jewel now left Me which is worth keeping O Thou Soveraign of our Souls the only Commander of our Consciences tho I know not what to do yet mine eyes are toward Thee To the protection of thy Mercy I still commend My self As Thou hast preserved Me in the day of Battel so Thou canst still shew Me thy strength in My weakness Be Thou unto Me in My darkest night a pillar of Fire to enlighten and direct Me in the day of my hottest Affliction be also a pillar of Cloud to overshadow and protect Me be to Me both a Sun and a Shield Thou knowest that it is not any perverseness of Will but just perswasions of Honour Reason and Religion which have made Me thus far to hazard my Person Peace and safety against those that by Force have sought to wrest them from Me. Suffer not My just Resolutions to abate with My outward Forces let a good Conscience always accompany Me in my greatest Solitude and Desertions Suffer Me not to betray the powers of Reason and that Fortress of My Soul which I am intrusted to keep for Thee Lead Me in the paths of thy Righteousness and shew Me thy Salvation Make My ways to please Thee and then Thou wilt make Mine Enemies to be at Peace with Me. XXIII Vpon the SCOTS delivering the KING to the English and His Captivity at Holdenby YET may I justifie those Scots to all the world in this that they have not deceived Me for I never trusted to them further than to men If I am sold by them I am only sorry they should do it and that My price should be so much above my Saviour's These are but further Essays which God will have Me make of mans Uncertainty the more to fix Me on Himself who never faileth them that trust in him Tho the Reeds of Egypt break under the hand of him that leans on them yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence Gods Providence commands Me to retire from all to himself that in him I may enjoy My self whom I lose while I let out my hopes to others The Solitude and Captivity to which I am now reduced gives Me leisure enough to study the World's Vanity and Inconstancy God sees it fit to deprive Me of Wife Children Army Friends and Freedom that I may be wholly His who alone is all I care not much to be reckoned among the Unfortunate if I be not in the black list of Irreligious and Sacrilegious Princes No Restraint shall ensnare My Soul in sin nor gain that of Me which may make My Enemies more insolent My Friends ashamed or My Name accursed They have no great cause to triumph that they have got My Person into their power since My Soul is still My own nor shall they ever gain My Consent against My Conscience What they call Obstinacy I know God accounts honest Constancy from which Reason and Religion as well as Honour forbid Me to recede 'T is evident now that it was not Evil Counsellors with Me but a good Conscience in Me which hath been fought against nor did they ever intend to bring Me to My Parliament till they had brought My Mind to their obedience Should I grant what some men desire I should be such as they wish Me not more a King and far less both Man and Christian What Tumults and Armies could not obtain neither shall Restraint which tho it have as little of Safety to a Prince yet it hath not more of Danger The Fear of men shall never be My Snare nor shall the love of any Liberty entangle my Soul Better others betray Me than My self and that the price of my Liberty should be My Conscience The greatest Injuries My Enemies seek to inflict upon Me cannot be without My own Consent While I can deny with Reason I shall defeat the greatest impressions of their Malice who neither know how to use worthily what I have already granted nor what to require more of Me but this that I would seem willing to help them to destroy My self and Mine Altho they should destroy Me yet they shall have no cause to despise Me. Neither Liberty nor Life are so dear to Me as the Peace of My Conscience the Honour of My Crowns and the welfare of My People which My Word may injure more than any War can do while I gratifie a few to oppress all The Laws will by God's blessing revive with the Love and Loyalty of my Subjects if I bury them not by My Consent and cover them in that grave of dishonour and injustice which some mens Violence hath digged for them If my Captivity or Death must be the price of their Redemption I grudg not to pay it No condition can make a King miserable which carries not with it his Souls his Peoples and Posterities Thraldom After-times may see what the Blindness of this Age will not and God may at length shew My subjects that I chose rather to suffer for them than with them Haply I might redeem My self to some shew of Liberty if I would consent to enslave them I had rather hazard the Ruin of one King than to confirm many Tyrants over them from whom I pray God deliver them whatever becomes of Me whose Solitude hath not left Me alone For Thou O God infinitely good and great art with Me whose Presence is better than Life and whose Service is perfect Freedom Own Me for thy Servant and I shall never have cause to complain for want of that Liberty which becomes a Man a Christian and a King Bless Me still with Reason as a Man with Religion as a Christian
among the Conspirators and both heated and directed their Fury against Him They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him even after His Death as were the vilest of the Sectaries which they had never done could they have imagined Him to be theirs for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shamed the Multitude of their fictitious Saints For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government invented fresh Calumnies for the Son and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow and to hasten the Son's Restitution He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian but would be so as a King and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it which is the proper Province of a Magistrate whose Power reaches but to the Outward man that so carnal minds if they were not brought to an Obedience might yet to a Reverence and if men would not honour yet they should not despise Religion This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore Saint Paul's Church to its primitive strength and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure He taught men not to contemn the Dispensers of the Gospel because He had so great an esteem for them admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels as the Archbishop of Canterbury and the greatest Place of Trust as the Bishop of London to the Treasury consulting at once the Emolument of Religion whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate and the Benefit of the State which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully if any did more prudently than Church-men Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age therefore the King to obstruct all access of Ruine that way secured her Patrimony and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege which together with time had devoured a great part of it His endeavours this way were so strong that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with famine In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth by His Command and Instructions retrived very great Possessions which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seise upon and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality who before were contemptible in their Ministry because they were so in their Fortune His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands rather than which He did abandon His Life and parted sooner with His Blood than them He used to say Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain that said so of a Castle that was committed to his trust He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry VIII without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge He neglected the Advices of His own Party if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God as appears in His Prayers and men For when the Reverend Dr Morley now Lord Bishop of Winchester whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland and withal told Him what Answer he himself had made to them That perchance the King was abused to those Grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James ' s Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had The King answered It is true I was told so but whenever you hear that urged again give them this Answer and say that you had it from the King Himself That when I did that in Scotland I sinned against My Conscience and that I have often repented of it and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again He was careful of Uniformity both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion but Tyrants who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals work that most effectually by caressing Schisms and giving a Licence to different Perswasions as the Usurpers afterwards did Besides He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a growth were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity than the Rights of His Throne For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed and used this motive because it was a small matter He answered Though it seem to you a small thing it is not so to Me I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts and what the Example of a King which through
the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Vertue could not do that His Law should and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice for this was peculiar to His Adversaries who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at they would fawn and smile on Heaven and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God but also in Justice to Men. He was as a Magistrate should be a speaking Law It was His usual saying Let me stand or fall by My own Counsels I will ever with Job rather chuse Misery than Sin He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution Those acts of which the Faction made most noise were delivered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private Pleas and sometimes decreed to be not good which can never happen under a bad Prince The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates or the loss of their Credit Every one had both security and safety for His Life Fortune and Dignity and it was not then thought as afterwards to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law but Equity overcame His Indulgences For He knew that Vnjust Princes become Odious to them that made them so He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight on whose Estate being held by Lease from the Crown that Treasurer had a design and He secured the Petitioner in his right The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon his weaker Neighbour In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power yet He thought it a Compensation to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instrument and to secure posterity from evil Kings Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill do likewise fetter Him from doing Good and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Benefit And that such is the weakness of Humanity that he which is intrusted only to Good may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Community to feel nothing in Government besides the Advantages of it but in the Benignity of Providence and the Justice of the Prince both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him Though He was thus in Love with Justice yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour but tempered it with Clemency especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Publick Interest He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation that He would acquire it in despight of the Malignity of the times For the Exercise of this Vertue depends not only on the temper of the Prince but the frame of the People must contribute to it because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed sharper Methods are required to from Obedience Yet He was unwilling to cut off till He had tried by Mercy to amend even guilty Souls Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition and forfeited to the Law Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies being attended on by Dr Sheldon and Dr Hammond for they were the earliest in their duties at that time a discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them To which the King immediately replies I tell thee Governour I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunting and that I assure you was not a small one yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made them Prodigal No man fell in battel whom He could save He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace and therefore continually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it than make one triumph a step to another and though He was passionate to put all in Safety yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men and oftener remembred that God had made them His Subjects than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels He provided for them while in His Power and not to let them languish in Prison sent them by Passes to their own homes only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious for so He used those that were taken at Brainford But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field and fainting under their wounds He commends in His Warrants as in that to the Mayor of Newbury to the care of the Neighbourhood either tenderly to recover or decently bury and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd