the excellency of Divine Grace so the Second being that maintained by the Franciscans was plausible and populare and cherished humane presumption c. The whole passage we have had before in the Second Chapter Numb 4. but we shall answer to no more of it than the former Clause Concerning which it may be said that though Father Paul the Author of the History hath filled the Christian World with admiration yet it is obvious to the eye of any discerning Reader that in many places he savoureth not so much of the Historian as he doth of the Party and that being carryed by the Interest of his Native Countrey which was the Signory of Venice he seldom speaks favourably of the Jesuits and their adherents amongst which the Franciscans in these points are to be accounted Secondly that either Father Paul did mistake himself or else that his Translator hath mistaken his meaning in making the Second Opinion to be more pleasing to the Preaching Fryers than the understanding Divines the name of Preaching Fryers being so appropriated in common speech to those of the Dominican Order that it is never applyed unto any other And Thirdly That the Authority of Father Paul is no otherwise to be embraced in Doctrinal matters what credit soever may be given to him in point of History than as it is seconded by Reason And certainly if we proceed by the rule of Reason that Doctrine must needs more cherish humane presumption which puffeth men up with the certainty of their Election the infallibility of assisting and persisting Grace and the impossibility of falling from the attaining of that salvation which they have promised to themselves than that which leaves these points uncertain which puts a man to the continnal necessity of calling on God and working out the way unto his salvation with fear and trembling He that is once possessed with this persuasion that all the sins which he can possibly commit were they as many as have been committed by all mankind since the beginning of the World are not able to frustrate his Election or separate him from the love and favour of Almighty God will be too apt to swell with Pharisaical pride and despise all other men as Heathens and Publicans when such poor Publicans as have their minds humble and relying on God will stand aloof not daring to approach too near the Divine Majesty but crying out with God be merciful unto me a sinner and yet shall be more justified in the sight of God than the others are For this we need produce no proof we find it in the supercilious looks in the haughty carriage of those who are so well assured of their own Election who cannot so disguise themselves as not to undervalue and despise all those who are not of the same party and persuasion with them A race of men whose insolence and pride there is no avoid by a modest submission whose favour there is no obtaining by good turns and benefits Quorum superbiam frustra per modestiam obsequium effugeris as in another case was said by a Noble Britain And finally it is objected but the Objection rather doth concern the men than the Doctrine that the Arminians are a Faction a turbulent seditious Faction so found in the Vnited Provinces from their very first spawning not to be suffered by any Reason of State in a Commonwealth So saith the Author of the pamphlet called the Observator observed and proves it by the wicked conspiracy as he calls it of Barnevelt Obf. Observed p. 46. who suffered most condignly as he tells us upon that account 1619. And afterwards by the damnable and hellish plot of Barnevelts Children and Allies in their designs against the State and the Prince of Orange P. 37. This Information seconded by the Author of the Book called The Justification of the Fathers c. who tells us but from whom he knows not that the States themselves have reported of them that they had created them more trouble than the King of Spain had by all his Wars And both these backt by the Authority of King James who tells us of them in his Declaration against Vorstius That if they were not with speed rooted out no other issue could be expected than the Curse of God infamy throughout all the Reformed Churches and a perpetual rent and destraction in the whole body of the State This is the substance of the Charge So old and common that it was answered long since by Bishop Ridly in Qu. Maries days when the Doctrine of the Protestants was said to be the readiest way to stir up Sedition and trouble the quiet of the Commonwealth wherefore to be repressed in time by force of Laws To which that godly Bishop returns this Answer That Satan doth not cease to practice his old guiles and accustomed subtilties He hath ever this Dart in a readiness to whirl against his adversaries to accuse them of Sedition that he may bring them if he can in danger of the Higher Powers for so hath he by his Ministers always charged the Prophets of God Ahab said unto Elias art thou he that troubleth Israel The false Prophets complained also to their Princes of Jeremy that his words were seditious and not to be suffered Did not the Scribes and Pharisees falsly accuse Christ as a seditious person and one that spake against Caesar Which said and the like instance made in the Preachings of St. Paul Confer between Kidley and Latimer he concludes it thus viz. But how far they were from all sedition their whole Doctrine Life and Conversation doth well declare And this being said in reference to the Charge in general the Answer to each part thereof is not far to seek And first it hath been answered to that part of it which concerns King James that the King was carried in this business not so much by the clear light of his most excellent understanding as by Reason of State the Arminians as they call them were at that time united into a party under the command of John Olden Barnevelt and by him used for the reasons formerly laid down to undermine the power of Maurice then Prince of Orange who had made himself the Head of the Contra-Remonstrants and was to that King a most dear Confederate Which Division in the Belgick Provinces that King considered as a matter of most dangerous consequence and utterly destructive of that peace unity and concord which was to be the greatest preservation of the States Vnited on whose tranquillity and power he placed a great part of the peace and happiness of his own Dominions Upon which reason he exhorts them in the said Declaration To take heed of such infected persons their own Countrey-men being already divided into Factions upon this occasion as he saith which was a matter so opposite to Vnity which was indeed the only prop and safety of their State next under God as of necessity it must by little and little
as he makes very ancient Joseph Scaliger de emendat Temp. 1.7 cujus cultus institutio vetustissima est as his own words are grounding the same upon the reading of the Law in the time of Ezra So I conceive their form of worship on the same was no less ancient than those times For whereas Ezra is confessed by those who approve not Liturgies to be the Author of those 18 Benedictions Smectymn Vindicat. p. 26. so much in Use amongst the Jews of the second Temple some of those Benedictions seem to me to be composed for the Meridian of this feast though they might elso serve at other times as occasion was Of which take this as most agreeable to the intention of the festival Cited by H. Thorndike c. 10 of his Religious Assembl Blessed art thou O Lord our God the King of the world that hast sanctified us with thy Precepts and given us command concerning the matters of the Law And sweeten O Lord the words of the Law in our mouths and in the mouth of thy people the house of Israel and make us all and our Children and our Childrens Children knowers of thy Name and learners of thy Law for it self Blessed art thou O Lord which teachest thy people Israel the Law So far the very words of the Benediction a Benediction made by the self same Author who as it is conceived by Scaliger did ordain the Festival The like Authority was exercised by the Jewish Church in Instituting set and appointed Fasts for the chastising of the body and the afflicting of the soul that so Gods worship might go forward with the greater fervour Of these we find some mentioned in the Prophecy of the Prophet Zachary as viz. the Fasts of the fifth and seventh moneth cap. vii v. 5. The Fasts of the fourth and tenth moneths cap. viii v. 19. The several occasions of the which you may see elsewhere Besides which Annual Fasts they used to fast upon the Monday and the Thursday Jejuno his in Sabbato said the Vain-glorious Pharisee in S. Lukes Gospel and many times they did impose upon themselves a seven days Fast the better to profess their sorrow and bewail their sins Luk. 18.12 For which consult 1 Sam. xxxi 13. 1 Chron. x. 12. 2 Esdras v. 13 20. And we have reason to believe that there were certain and determinate forms of publick worship for all the residue because we find them on those last What was the course observed in reading of the Law upon the second and fifth days of the week we have seen before and shall add only this at present that they Assembled in those days in their several Synagogues not only in the greater Towns but the smaller Villages Maimon in Megillah c. 1. n. 6. ap H. Thorndike as the Rabbins tell us But for the seven days Fast the form and order of the same according as it was performed by those which dwelt in Hierusalem was this as followeth When they prayed after this order in Hierusalem they went into the Mountain of the Temple against the East gate And when the Apostle of the Congregation the same who in S. Luke is called the Minister cap. iv 20. was come unto the prayer which began with this He that heard Abraham c. and ended with these words viz. Blessed be thou O Lord God our God the God of Israel from generation to generation The People answered Blessed be the name of his glorious Kingdom to all generations and for evermore Then said the Officer of the Synagogue unto the Priests which blew the Trumpets Sound ye the Sons of Aaron sound and then prayed again And though it seemeth by the Rabbin Id. in Tanaioth c. 4. n. 14. cited by Mr. Thorndike cap. of his Religious Assemblies c. that this prescribed form was fitted only to the Meridian of Hierusalem yet there is little question to be made but that it served also for all the Synagogues about Judaea there being no imaginable reason why a prescript form of publick worship conceive me in the moral parts thereof which was observed in the Temple should not be used in the Synagogues which in performance of Gods service was to take pattern from the Temple Only some difference there was in the present case but such a difference as is a matter of meer nicety not of any moment For when this form was used in the Synagogue the People answered Amen at the end of the Prayer But when they used it in the Mountain of the Temple that is within the outmost compass of it their Answer was Blessed be the name of his glorious Kingdom c. as before was said it being not usual with the People as the Rabbins note cited ibid. c. 7. to answer Amen within the Mountain of the Temple So punctual were they in their forms as not to vary in a word or title from that which was prescribed in their publick Liturgies And finally that they had a prescribed form of words for their solemn and occasional Feasts is evident by that of Abel cap. ii 17. where the words occur But to look back upon the Celebration of the daily Sacrifices besides the testimonies of the Rabbins and that of the Samaritan Chronicle produced before we have it thus described by Jesus the Son of Syrac an Author of unquestionable credit to the point in hand Speaking of Simon the Son of Onias who was the High Priest at the time and his officiating at the Altar he proceeds as followeth Ecclus. 50.14 And finishing the Service at the Altar that he might adorn the Offering of the most high Almighty he stretched out his hand to the Cup wherewith the Drink-offering was to be made and poured of the blood of the Grape he poured out at the foot of the Altar a sweet smelling savour unto the most high King of all Then shouted the Sons of Aaron and sounded the silver Trumpets and made a great noise to be heard for a remembrance before the most High Then all the People hasted together and fell down to the Earth upon their faces towards the Lord God Almighty the most High The Singers also sung praises with their voices with great variety of sounds was there made sweet melody And the People besought the Lord most High by prayer before him that is merciful till the Solemnity of the Lord was ended and they had finished his Service Then went he down and lifted up his hands over the whole Congregation of the Children of Israel to give the blessing of the Lord with his lips and to rejoyce in his Name And they bowed themselves down to worship the second time that they might receive a blessing from the most High So far the Author of Ecclesiasticus who lived in the latter end of Ptolemy Euergetes King of Egypt as himself tells us in his Preface Now in these words of his if we mark them well we find particularly all the parts
of publick worship which before we spake of The daily Sacrifice performed by the Priests alone the moral part of Gods divine service joyntly discharged by Priests and People The Singers we find singing Hymns and Songs of Praise to the Lord their God the People first making Confession of their Sins and to that purpose falling flat upon their faces and after pouring out their souls in prayer for his grace and mercy the High Priest giving of the blessing to the Congregation as the Lord appointed the people bowing down and worshipping at the receiving of the same And all this in a regular and prescribed way nothing in all the course thereof being left unto the liberty of Priest or People but the confession of their private and particular sins which every one had leave to cast in what mould he would As for the reading of the Law and Prophets it 's true we find no mention of it in this description of the service by the Son of Syrac But then perhaps the reason was because the reading of the Law was only used as an ordinary part of the publick Liturgy on the Sabbath days and it appeareth not by the place that this was done upon the Sabbath Finally such and none but such was the daily service of the Synagogue excepting that there was no Sacrifice to be done therein Of which this Maimony the learnedest and most exact of all the Rabbins Let a man saith he go always Morning and Evening to the Synagogue for his Prayer is not heard always but in the Synagogue And he that dwelleth in a City where there is a Synagogue and prayeth not there with the Congregation this is he that is called a bad Neighbour Cited by H. Thorndike ut supra And certainly as 't is well noted to my hand he well may be called a bad Neighbour who will not lend his Neighbours Prayers the strength of his own but himself finds the fruit of his own bad Neighbourhood when his own prayers want the assistance of his Neighbours The mentioning of Jesus the Son of Syrac serves here most fitly as an Usher to make room for Jesus the Son of God whose testimony to the point in hand whether by way of Affirmation or of Approbation will be worth our having For sure there 's no man so profanely impudent as to affirm so impiously wretched as to think that Christ our Saviour would have kept himself to the Jewish forms in case the Jewish Church had done amiss in the devising of such forms and other Ceremonies or wanted good Authority to enjoynn the same In those points therefore wherein he conformed himself to the Jewish Ordinances there is no question to be made but that those Ordinances were conform to the Word of God When they were otherwise in such points as they made the Word of God of none effect by their traditions he therein left them to themselves and gave no countenance at all unto them by the authority of his practice Their Synagogues for which they had no special warrant from the Word of God he liked well enough and therefore often honoured them with his blessed presence The weekly reading of the Law and Prophets Luk. 4.16 for which there was no order and command of Moses or of any other of Gods Secretaries for ought which hitherto appears he approved right well taking the book when it was offered by the Minister reading the place or lesson destinate to the present day and after preaching on the same Ibid. The course of publick worship in the holy Temple he esteemed so highly that he confirmed the title given unto it in the Prophet Esay namely that glorious Attribute of Domus Orationis or an House of Prayer And for the Feast of Dedication though of no other institution than meerly Ecclesiastical and humane he thought it no disparagement to the Lord and Master of the Feast to keep and celebrate the same with the rest of the people Joh. 10.22 23. It was at Hierusalem the Feast of the Dedication And Jesus walked in the Temple in Solomons Porch But that wherein he shewed himself most punctually conformable to the Jewish rites was in the keeping of the Passeover Of which Aynsworth in Exod. 12. thus Aynsworth in his notes on Exodus These observations of the Jews saith he whiles their Common-wealth stood and to this day may give light unto some particulars in the Passeover which Christ kept as viz. why they lay down one leaning on anothers bosom Joh. xiii 23. contrary to the first institution of it why he rose from Supper and washed and sate down again Joh. xiii 4 5 12. why he blessed or gave thanks for the bread apart and for the cup apart Mark xiv 22 23. why it is said he took the cup after Supper Luk. xxii 20. And finally why they sung an Hymn or Psalm at the end of the Supper Mat. xxvi 30. Beza goeth somewhat further yet and to those points before observed addeth also this Ex iis demum intelligitur quaenam sit illa panis benedictio fractiò porrectio itidemque poculi mutua praebitio Reza in Annot. in Mat. 25. by which he makes the blessing breaking and distributing both of the bread and cup in the blessed Eucharist to have been borrowed from those Rites But he that hath gone furthest is the famous Scaliger who doth affirm expresly of our Saviour Christ Scalig. de Emendat Temp. l. 6. nihil immutasse in ritu that he did vary in no point of circumstance from the usual rites save that he changed those words which the Ancients used in giving to their guests the Bread and Wine and substituted others in the place thereof more sutable to his intention So that whatever poor opinion the world hath entertained of late concerning Liturgies and set forms of Prayer and of the authority of the Church in ordering matters which concern Gods publick worship It seems our Lord and Saviour was persuaded otherwise he had not else so punctually and precisely conformed unto the one and obeyed the other And therefore O most blessed Saviour since thou didst think it no dishonour to thy glorious Majesty to frame thy self unto those publick forms and rites of religious worship which were prescribed by that Church wherein thou didst vouchsafe to sojourn for a certain season Continue unto us that humble modesty that we may gladly yield obedience to those forms of worship which were prescribed by the Church our common Mother assisted by as great a measure of thy grace and Spirit Thus having drawn down the beginning and success of Liturgies or of prescribed and determinate Forms of Worship call it which you will from the first times unto the best from the first giving of the Law to the end thereof we might now see in what condition they have stood in the Christian Church and that too in the purest and best times of Christianity But we must first observe
next It is meet and right so to do And then the Bishop It is meet right and our bounden duty above all things to praise thee the true God who wast from all eternity before the foundation of the world was laid Finally this being done let the Bishop give unto the people the blessing of peace Id. l. 2. c. 57. And as Moses did command the Priests to bless the people in these words The Lord bless thee and keep thee the Lord make his Face to shine upon thee and grant thee peace So shall the Bishop use this Form Conserva Domine populum tuum incolumen c. Preserve O Lord thy people in safety and bless thine inheritance which thou possessest and hast purchased with the Blood of Christ and callest a Royal Priesthood and holy Nation Afterwards let him go to the Consecration all the people standing and praying softly to themselves and the Oblation being made let every one severally receive the Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour coming in order thereunto and with fear and reverence the Women being also veiled or covered as becomes their Sex And whilst that this is doing let the doors of the Church be shut that neither any Infidel or Vnbaptized person be present at it So far and to this purpose Clemens or whosoever was the Author of the Constitutions which how it doth agree with the publick Forms still extant on record in the works and monuments of such Ancient Writers of whom there is no question amongst Learned men we shall see anon One thing must first be taken into consideration and that is whether in the reading of the holy Scripture the Minister was left to his own Election although not for the number of the Sections or Chapters as we call them now yet to read what and where he would without appointment of the Church A point which hath already been resolved by the Church of England declaring The Preface to the Book of Common Prayer How it was so ordered by the ancient Fathers that all the whole Bible or the greatest part thereof should be read over once every year intending thereby that the Clergy and especially such as were Ministers of the Congregation should by often reading and meditation of Gods words be stirred up to godliness themselves and be more ale to exhort others by wholesome Doctrine and to confute them that were Adversaries to the truth And further that the people by daily hearing of holy Scripture read in the Church should copntinually profit more and more in the knowledge of God and be the more inflamed with the love of his true Religion And certainly it was a good and godly institution savouring most abundantly of the primitive wisdom though now I know not how it comes to pass it be made a matter of no moment sive biennio sive triennio absolvatur lectio sacrae Scripturae Altare Damasc c. 10. p. 633. whether the Scriptures be read over in two years or three so it be read at all in the Congregation So little thanks or commendations hath this unhappy Church of England for labouring to revive the ancient orders of the Primitive times and to bring the people of the Lord to be acquainted with his holy Word But it is said that in the Primitive times there was no such custom but all was left both for the choice and number of the Lessons arbitrio Ecclesiae * Id. Ibid. to the discretion of the Church that is to say for nothing else can be the meaning to the discretion of the Minister And this they prove from that of Justin Martyr produced before where it is said that they did read the writings of the Prophets and Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. as they translate it quoad tempus fert as the time would bear But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if translated rightly is indeed quantum licet as much as is lawful and permitted which quite destroyeth their meaning and confirms the Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concedo admitto Hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impersonaliter exponitur licet locus est facultas est in the common Lexicon * v. Stephant Thesaurum And this appears further by the best classick Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non licebat manere in Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam primum licuerit in Herodotus so in others also And that it was thus in the antient practice appeareth very plainly by that of Austin though of a later standing than the times we speak of where it is said that in the meeting or assembly for religious Worship scripturarum divinarum lecta sunt solennia †Augustin de civit Dei l. 22. cap. 8. the solemn and appointed Lessons out of holy Scripture were read unto the Congregation And if they were solennia then that is set out determined and appointed for times and seasons I cannot think thatthey were otherwise in these former days unless it were on extraordinary and great occasions in which that course might possibly be dispensed withal as in the times of persecution and the like extremities And so we come unto the third age of the Church and there we shall begin with Origen who grew into esteem and credit in the beginning of this Century and so continued till the midst By him it is observed and exceeding rightly in Ecclesiasticis observationibus nonnulla esse hujusmodi quae omnibus quidem facere necesse est nec tamen rationem eorum omnibus patere that in the usages of the Church there are many things which of necessary are to be done by every man although the reason of them be not known to all * Origen in Numer cap. 4. Homil 5. Which said in general he thus descends unto particulars Nam quod genua flectimus orantes quod ex omnibus coeli plagis ad solam Orientis partem conversi orationem fundimus non facile cuique puto ratione compertum Sed Eucharistiae sive percipiendae sive eo ritus quo geritur explicandae vel eorum quae geruntur in baptismo verborum gestorumque ordinum atuqe interrogationum ac responsionum quis facile explicet rationem Et tamen omnia haec operta relata portamus super humeros nostros cum ita implemus ea exequimur ut à magno Pontifice ab ejus filiis tradita commendata suscepimus For when we kneel saith he in the time of Prayer and that of all the points in Heaven we turn unto the East when we make our prayers I think the reason why we do so is not known to any Or who can readily assign a reason of those Rites and Ceremonies used both in the receiving of the Eucharist or at the consecrating of the same or of those many things which are done in baptism the words and gestures the order there observed the Interrogatories and the Answers And yet all these we undergo whether revealed
Concil Laodicen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to name the Psalm and to begin it as some about this time had presumed to do it being permitted as he noteth after the Psalm was so begun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Lay-men of what rank soever if they had tuneable voices or could sing their parts might then joyn with them asin consort to make up the Harmony The next care taken by this Council was that the Gospels and other parts of the holy Scripture might be read upon the Saturday or the old Jewish Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whereof the reason is thus given by Balsamon Concil Ladoic Can. 15. because that day had been formerly spent in Feasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that the people used not to assemble on it Balsamon in Can. 16. Laodicen for religious offices which to redress it was determined by this Canon that on that day as well as others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all sorts of Ecclesiastical ministrations were to be performed The last was for the ordering of the Psalms concerning which it was ordained that between every portion of the Psalms for they divided the whole Psalter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in Canon 17. Concil Laodic Can. 17. into several portions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some part of holy Scripture should be intermingled lest else the people might be tyred with continual singing Here then we have certain prescribed Rules and Orders for the officiating of Gods publick Service the Palms divided into Portions those Portions intermingled with the reading of the holy Scripture a prescribed office ordered for the Saturday and finaly a punctual direction not only who should name or begin the Psalm but from what Book it should be read But there 's another Canon of this Council which looks more backward and did not so much introduce any new Orders into the Church as confirm the old and doth indeed give as full a view of the several parts and Offices of the publick Service as any other of that time whatever The first part of the Service we have seen before in Justin Martyr that which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Common-prayers of the Church at which all sorts of people were and might be present This ended with the Sernion as we saw before And we shall see now more particularly what they had to do after that was done For howsoever it may seem in that place of Justin that presently upon the conclusion of the Sermon they went unto the Celebration of the blessed Eucharist yet that is on a supposition that there were none present but Believers only and such as were prepared to Communicate But being that in those severe Ages of the Church they had not only Catechumeni such as desired to be admitted into the bosom of the Church and had not yet received that Sacrament of Baptism but such as having been Baptized were for their lapses and offences put to open Penance as well as godly and religious persons against whom no bar could be pretended the Offices of the Church were to be so fitted that every one of these conditions might not want his part And this is that which we find described in this Canon thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil Laodicen Can. 19. c. After the Bishop hath done his Sermon let first the prayer be said for the Catechumeni they being gone the prayers for such who are under penance are to be dispatched and when they have received Imposition of hands and are also gone then let the prayers for the faithful be thrice made thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the first softly every man secretly to himself the second and the third aloud which done the Peace or kiss of peace is to be given and so they are to go to the Oblation And let none but such as be in Orders enter within the rail 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or come within the place where the Altar stands to receive the Sacrament So far the Canon of the Council by which it is apparent that each sort of Auditors had a peculiar course or Office besides that part of publick Service in which they joyned all together as before was said But whether the prayers here spoken of were left at liberty to the discretion of the Minister or in a prescribed and determinate Form we must see elsewhere And in my mind we cannot see it at a fuller view than in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens undoubtedly more ancient than the times we speak of where we find it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. All rising up let the Deacon go into some eminent place and say Constitut Apost lib. 8. c. 5. None of the hearers none of the unbelievers depart the place And silence being made he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pray ye hearers And all the faithful shall pray for them with a good devotion saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord have mercy upon them Then let the Dacon thus proceed Id. cap. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Let us all pray to God for the Catechumeni that our good God of his abundant love to man-kind would graciously hear their prayers and give them help minate their understandings instruct them in knowledge and teach them his Commandments c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover let us beseech God for them that having obtained remission of their sins by Baptism they may be meet partakers of the holy Eucharist and dwell for ever with the Saints c. Now unto every point or period contained in this solemn prayer the people answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lod have mercy on them after the manner of the Litany and the whole prayer being ended they bowed their heads under the Bishops hands by whom they were dismissed with a Benediction conform unto the Canon of the Laodicean Council which before we spake of Which done the Deacon standing as before said thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Depart ye Catechumeni in peace The Ite missa est in the Western Churches is the same with this Then follow prayers for the Engergumeni or such as were possessed with unclean spirits And that being ended together with another for the Baptized or Illuminati the Deacon said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pray ye devoutly which be under Penance and then goeth on Id. ibid. cap. 8. Pray we for those which be under Penance that God would shew them the way of repentance accept their Recantation and Confession and finally beat down Satan under their feet c. the people still subjoyning unto every clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord have mercy on them Thus much and more unto this purpose in the Constitutions And I the rather am inclined to admit these Forms or to resolve it at the least that set Forms they had for these several Offices because the Minister by whom they were performed was of no higher Order than a Deacon For had the
of work since the time of the old Martin Mar-prelat began to teem again with a new brood of Libellous Pamphlets the Females of Sedition as a Learned Gentleman truly calls them in which the Bishops were reproached with Innovating in the Worship of God here by Law established in order to some dark design to bring in Popery The antient usages of the Church grounded on Law required by Canon and Authorized by the stamp of Supream Authority had lien so long under the Rubbish of neglect and discontinuance by the remisness to say no worse of it of the former Government that the endeavour of reducing them to use and practice was forthwith clamorously branded with the odious name of an Innovation though when it came unto the trial the Innovation lay at their doors who had raised he clamor Amongst which Innovations so unjustly charged there was none made a greater and more general noise than the requiring a set Form of Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons imputed by H. E. to the late Archb. as an act of his and yet confessed so much he was transported by his spleen and passion to be prescribed in the Canon of 603. full 30 years before that Prelate had attained the See of Canterbury During these heats I was requested by the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of W. to ease him of some pains in searching into the constant practice of this Church since the Reformation as to that particular as also to consider of the grounds and motives which might induce the Bishops of those times to compose the Canon in which that Form had been prescribed that haing satisfied himself in all points which concerned that Argument towards which my poor endeavours were not likely to contribute much he might with greater confidence require the Clergy of his Diocess to conform unto it An employment which I undertook with a ready chearfulness as one that had been always trained up in the School of obedience and looked upon the just motions of my Superiors as in the nature of commands What satisfaction this discourse then gave unto hisLordship I forbear to add and what contentment it may give to the Reader now I forbear to guess The fate of Books depends not in these times as in those before on the capacity of the Reader but on his private interess so as it is not to be hoped that such as are approved by some will be liked of all though most of those who may mislike may give no sufficient reason for it All therefore which I have to do is to submit it to the judgment of the equaland unbyassed Reader from whom I am as willing to receive satisfaction in any controverted point as to use my best endeavours to give it to him And so good Reader I conclude with those words of the Poet Tu vergo si quid novisti rectius istis Candidus imperti si non his utere mecum If thou hast better reasons lend me thine Or otherwise make bold with these of mine A BRIEF DISCOURSE Touching the Form of Prayer c. 1. The Introduction to the whole 2. The Canon of the year 1603. 3. The meaning and purpose of that Canon 4. The Injunction of Qu. Elizabeth to the same effect 5. The Injunction of King Edward VI. to the same effect 6. The like Injunction of King Henry VIII 7. The ground and reason of the Injunction of that King and the exemplification of it in the practice of Bishop Latimer 8. The difference between Invocation and that bidding of Prayer which is required by the Canon 9. The Canon justified by the practice of Bishop Andrews 10. By the practice of Bishop Jewel in Qu. Elizabeths time 11. By the practice of Archbishop Parker in King Edwards time 12. By the like practice of Bishop Latimer in that Kings time also 13. More of the practice of Bishop Latimer in this point 14. The same proved also by the practice of Bishop Gardiner 15. The result arising both from the precept and the practice of the Church herein 16. How the now Form of Prayer by way of Invocation was first taken up 17. No Prayer by way of Invocation used by the Antients in their Sermons 18. The Prayer appointed by the Canon and Injunctions used rather heretofore as a part of the Sermon than as a preparation to it 19. Bidding of Prayer more consonant unto the meaning of the Law than any set Prayer in the way of Invocation 20. Bidding of Prayer more proper for the place or Pulpit which was not made for Prayer but for Exhortation 21. The like concluded from the posture of the Preacher also 22. Some inconveniences arising from the Form of Prayer by Invocation 23. More inconveniencies of that nature by accusing the Liturgie as defective 24. The conclusion and submission of the whole to his Lordships judgment INventae erant Epistolae ut certiores faceremus absentes si quid esset quod eos scire aut nostrum aut ipsorum interesset Epistles were devised as Tully writes to Curio to this end and purpose that we might certifie the absent of those things which are most proper for their knowledge and our relation They are our Messengers for love our Posts for business our Agents in the managing and dispatch of the weightiest Affairs such as most nearly do concern us which being a chief Use and Benefit of Letters no marvail if they have been used in all former Ages not only to maintain an intercourse between Friends in point of Amity but to lay down in them our resolutions as occasion is in point of Controversie The several Writings in this kind of the antient Authors as well the Christian as the Gentile what are they but so many precepts and directions by which to regulate our Conversations or reasons and authorities on the which to rest our judgments Upon which ground my most Honoured Lord I have adventured to declare by this way of Letter what I have found upon due search in answer to the proposition which your Lordship recommended to me touching the Form of Prayer appointed in the Canon to be used by Preachers before the Sermon Of which such question hath been made in these busie times whether it ought to be by way of Invocation as a formal Prayer or else by way of Exhortation as a bidding of Prayer For resolution of the which I shall first lay down the very Canon and after briefly shew unto you what is most like to be the true intention of it out of the publick Monuments of this Church and constant practice of those men who are above exception for the point in hand and also by such other pregnant reasons as I have thought most proper to confirm the same Now for the title of the Canon it runs thus Can. 55. The Form of a Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons The body of it is this Before all Sermons Lectures and Homilies Preachers
pay no Tithes unto their Ministers and in the mean time that the Tithes should be taken up towards the maintenance of the War for the common liberty But when the War was brought to so fair an issue that the Boor thought to be exempted from the payment of Tithes Answer was made that they should pay none to the Minister as they had done formerly whereby their Ministers in effect were become their Masters but that the Tithes were so considerable a Revenue that the State could not possibly subsist without them that therefore they must be content to pay them to the States Commissioners as they had done hitherto and that the State would take due care to maintain a Ministery By means whereof they do not only pay their Tithes as in former times but seeing how short the publick allowance made their Ministers doth come of that which some are pleased to call a Competency they are constrained as it were out of common charity if not compelled thereto by order to contribute over and above with the rest of the people for the improvement and increase of the Ministers pension And so it was in Scotland also after the Lords of new erection had ingrossed the Tithes I cannot say that there is any such design as to annex the Tithes to the Crown though if they be taken from the Clergy they ought of common right to return again unto the Crown from whence they came But I dare say the Landholder will conceive himself as much defrauded of his expectation as if there was And when he finds that instead of paying no Tithes at all he is to pay a valuable consideration in money for them will think himself so far from being beholden to the Undertakers of this project that he will think the old way better and more easie to him His money he accompts his own and parts as sadly from it as from so much of his blood The Tithes he looks upon as another mans which never were in his possession or to be reckoned of as a part of himself and therefore lets them go without grief or trouble And I have marked it commonly amongst my Neighbours who I believe are of the some temper with other Oceupants that the same men who took no thought for parting with their Tithes in kinds having compounded for them at a rate in money invented more delays and made more excuses to put the payment off for a week or two and so from one day to another than for the payment of their Tithes in all their life time So dear a thing is money to us Countrey people that he who shall persuade us to redeem a supposed inconvenience with a real and a constant expence of treasure will be counted but an evil Counsellor A visible evidence whereof we have now amongst us For though the quartering of Souldiers be the heaviest bondage that ever a free-born people did languish under and such as men of means and quality would buy out upon any terms Yet generally the Countrey-man had rather make himself a Slave and his Wife a Drudge and let them spend upon his Victuals than part with money to remove them to some other place My inference hereupon is this either the valuation of each several Benefice will be true and real to the worth or not If not it may redound indeed to the Ploughmans profit but then it comes accompanied with a publick fraud which I believe no Christian State will be guilty of And on the other side if the rates be made according to the full worth of the Benefice it will be little to the profit of the Husbandman who might have farmed his Tithes as cheap of the Parson or Vicar besides the hearts-grief it will be unto many of them to part with ready money for a thing of convenience without which they might live as happily as their Fathers did And if it be not to the profit of the Ploughman this way I am sure that in another way it will not be to his content or his profit either For taking it for granted as I think I may that I have hit on the design which is now on foot that is to say that the yearly profits of each Benefice in every County be brought into one common bank or treasury within the County and then disposed of by Trustees according as they judge of the deserts of the person and take into consideration his Family-charge It may so happen and will doubtless that in a Parish where the Tax or Sessement cometh to 400 l. per annum the Minister may not be allowed above an hundred The residue will be wholly in Mr. Treasurers power either to feast with his Friends or lay up for his Children or at the best to setle it on such who relate unto him or can make means and friends to enlarge their Pensions though such perhaps as were never seen nor heard of by the Parish whence the money comes And if men think it as it is an ill piece of Husbandry to have the Soil carried off their own Land and laid on anothers to the impoverishing of their own and inriching of his I cannot see but that it will be thought a worse piece of Husbandry and prove of very ill digestion to most Country stomachs to have the fat of their livings carried to another place and given unto a man whom they never saw and who is never like to feed their souls with the bread of life or their bodies with the life of bread their own poor Minister mean while from whom they have reason to expect it being so discouraged and impoverished that he can do neither For whereas those who were possessed of the richer benefices did use to keep good Hospitality to entertain their Neighbours and relieve their Poor and do many other good offices amongst them as occasion served both to the benefit and comfort of all sorts of Parishioners It may so happen and it will as before I said that the Minister may be so ill befriended by Mr. Treasurer and the rest of the Trustees for the County that instead of being either a benefit or a comfort to them in the way proposed he may prove a burden and a charge And though I doubt not but as great care will be taken as can be desired in the choice of those who are to have the disposing of the publick monies yet to suppose that men once setled in an office of such trust and power may not be subject unto partialities and corrupt affections were an imagination fitter for the Lord Chancelour Verulams new Atlantis or Sir Thomas Moore his Predecessors old Vtopia or a Platonick Common-wealth than the best tempered government in the Christian world For my part looking into the design with the best eyes I have and judging of it by the clearest light of understanding which God hath given me I am not able to discern but that the change of Tithes into Stipends in the way propounded will
for your souls as they that must give account Chrysost in 13. ad Heb. c. If you would know of Chrysostom who these Rulers are he will tell you that they are the Pastors of the Church whom if you take away from the Flock of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you utterly destroy and lay waste the whole Theophy in 13. ad Heb. Next ask Theophylact than whom none ever better scanned that Fathers writings what he means by Pastors and he will tell you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he speaks of Bishops Oecumen in locum The very same saith Oecumenius noting withal that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we read submit doth signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very punctual and exact obedience But to go higher yet than so Ignatius the Apostles Scholler one that both knew S. Paul and conversed with him will tell us that the Rulers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Saint Paul here speaketh of were no other than Bishops For laying down this exhortation to the Trallenses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be subject to your Bishop as unto the Lord he gives the self-same reason of it which S. Paul here doth viz. Because he watcheth for your souls as one that is to render an account to Almighty God The like we also find in the Canons commonly ascribed to the Apostles which questionless are very ancient in which the obedience and conformity which is there required of the Presbyters and Deacons to the directions of their Bishop is grounded on that very reason alledged before And for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul it is not such a stranger in the writings of the elder times but that they use it for a Bishop as may appear by that of the Historian where he calls Polycarpus Bishop of the Church of Smyrna Eâ—â—eb hist l. 3. cap. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that Church Ignatius writing as he saith not only to the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also unto Polycarpus Bishop of the same Where lest it may be thought that the preposition doth add unto the nature of the word Id. l. 14. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we find the same Historian speaking of the same Polycarpus in another place where he gives notice of an Epistle written in the name of the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which this Polycarpus had the Government and a Bishop doubtless In the which place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is conform most fully to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul differing no otherwise than the verb and participle Now those which in the Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all the old Translations that I have met with are called Praepositi Obedite Praepositis vestris as the Latines read it and amongst them Praepositi are taken generally for the same with Bishops Oprian l. 1. ep 3. S. Cyprian thus Ob hoc Ecclesiae praepositum prosequitur for this cause doth the enemy pursue him that is set over the Church that the Governour thereof being once removed he may with greater violence destroy the same Id. lib. 3. ep 14. More clearly in another place What danger is not to be feared saith he by offending the Lord when some of the Priests not remembring their place neither thinking that they have a Bishop set over them challenge the whole government unto themselves Cum contumeliâ contemptu Praepositi even with the reproach and contempt of the Prelate Id. lib. 3. ep 9. or him that is set over them Most clearly yet where speaking of the insolency of a Deacon towards his Bishop he makes Episcopus and Praepositus to be one same thing willing the Deacon Episcopo Praeposito suo plena humilitate satisfacere with all humility to satisfie his Bishop or Praepositus Saint Austin speaks as fully to this purpose as Saint Cyprian did Ad hoc enim speculatores De civitat Dei l. 1. c. 9. i.e. populorum Praepositi in Ecclesiis constituti sunt c. For this end are Bishops for speculatores and Episcopi are the same Office though in divers words I mean the Prelates or Praepositi ordained in the Churches that they should not spare to rebuke sin In the same work De civitate he speaks plainer yet For speaking of these words of the Divine I saw seats Id. l. 20. c. 9. and some sitting on them and judgment was given he expounds it thus This is not to be understood saith he of the last Judgment Sed sedes praepositorum ipsi Praepositi intelligendi sunt per quos Ecclesia nunc gubernatur but the seats of the Praepositi and the Praepositi themselves by whom the Church is now governed and they were Bishops doubtless in Saint Augustines time must be understood More of this word who list to see may find it in that learned Tract of Bishop Bilson entituled Chap. 9. The perpetual Government of Christs Church who is copious in it Beza indeed the better to bear off this blow hath turned Praepositos into Ductores and instead of Governours hath given us Leaders Where if he mean such Leaders as the word importeth Leaders of Armies such as Command in chief Lieutenants General he will get little by the bargain But if he mean by Leaders only guides and conducts Paraeus Paraeus comment in Heb. 13. though he follow him in his Translation will leave him to himself in his Exposition who by Ductores understandeth Ecclesiae Pastores gubernatores the Pastors and Governours of the Church Neither can Beza possibly deny but that those here are called Ductores Beza Annot. in Heb. 13.17 qui alibi Episcopi vocantur which elsewhere are entituled Bishops But where he doth observe that because the Apostle speaketh of Praepositi in the plural number Ex eo quod loquitur Paulus in plurali mumero Ibid. therefore Episcopal jurisdiction was not then in use it being indeed against the ancient course and Canons to have two Bishops in one Church there could not any thing be spoken to pretermit the incivility of his expression more silly and unworthy of so great a Clerk For who knows not that the Jews being dispersed into many Provinces and Cities must have several Churches and therefore several Bishops or Praepositos to bear Rule over them This business being thus passed over and the Churches of Saint Peters planting in the Eastern parts being thus left unto the care and charge of several Bishops we will next follow him into the West And there we find him taking on himself the care of the Church of Rome or rather of the Church of God in Rome consisting for the most part then of converted Jews The current of antiquity runs so clear this way that he must needs corrupt the Fountains who undertakes to trouble or disturb the stream His being there and founding
the City Provinces As for the Church of Antiochia it spread its bounds and jurisdiction over those goodly Countries of the Roman Empire from the Mediterranean on the West unto the furthest border of that large dominion where it confined upon the Persian or the Parthian Kingdom together with Cilicia and Isauria in the lesser Asia But whether at this time it was so extended I am not able to determine Certain I am that in the very first beginning of this Age all Syria at the least was under the jurisdiction of this Bishop Ignatius in his said Epistle to those of Rome Ignat. ad Rom. stiling himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not a Bishop in Syria but the Bishop of Syria which sheweth that there being many Bishops in that large Province he had a power and superiority over all the rest Indeed the Bishops of Hierusalem were hedged within a narrower compass being both now and long time after subject unto the Metropolitan of Caesarea as appears plainly by the Nicene Canon though after they enlarged their border and gained the title of a Patriarch as we may see hereafter in convenient time Only I add that howsoever other of the greater Metropolitan Churches such as were absolute and independent as Carthage Cyprus Millain the Church of Britain Concil Ni. c. 7◠and the rest had and enjoyed all manner of Patriarchal rights which these three enjoyed yet only the three Bishops of Rome Antioch and Alexandria had in the Primitive times the names of Patriarches by reason of the greatness of the Cities themselves being the principal both for power and riches in the Roman Empire the one for Europe the other for Asia and the third for Africk This ground thus laid we will behold what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers And first Saint Irenaeus a Bishop and a Martyr both derives an argument from hence to convince those Hereticks which broached strange Doctrines in the Church Iren. contr haer lib. 3. cap. 3. Habemus annumerari eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis c. we are able to produce those men which were ordained Bishops by the Apostles in their several Churches and their successors till our times qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab hiis deliratur who neither knew nor taught any such absurdities as these men dream of Which said in general he instanceth in the particular Churches of Rome Ephesus and Smyrna being all founded by the Apostles and all of them hac ordinatione successione by this Episcopal ordination and succession deriving from the Apostles the Preaching and tradition of Gods holy truth till those very times The like we find also in another place where speaking of those Presbyteri so he calleth the Bishops which claimed a succession from the Apostles He tells us this quod cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt that together with the Episcopal succession Ir. adv haeres l. 4. cap. 43. they had received a certain pledge of truth according to the good pleasure of the Father See to this purpose also cap. 63. where the same point is pressed most fully and indeed much unto the honour of this Episcopal succession Where because Irenaeus called Bishops in the former place by the name of Presbyters I would have no man gather Smectym p. 23. as some men have done that he doth use the name of Bishops and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a promiscuous sense much less conclude that therefore Presbyters and Bishops were then the same For although Irenaeus doth here call the Bishops either by reason of their age or of that common Ordination which they once received by the name of Presbyters yet he doth no where call the Presbyters by the name of Bishops as he must needs have done if he did use the names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a promiscuous sense as it is supposed And besides Irenaeus being at this time Bishop if not Archbishop of the Church of Lyons could not but know that he was otherwise advanced both in power and title as well in Dignity as Jurisdiction than when he was a Presbyter of that very Church under Pothinus his Predecessor in that See and therefore not the same man meerly which he was before But to let pass as well the observation as the inference certain I am that by this argument the holy Father did conceive himself to be armed sufficiently against the Hereticks of his time and so much he expresseth plainly saying that by this weapon he was able to confound all those qui quoquo modo vel per sui placentiam malam vel vanam gloriam vel per coecitatem malam sententiam praeter quam oportet Ire adv haeres l. 3. c. 3. colligunt Who any way either out of an evil self complacency or vain-glorious humour or blindness of the mind or a depraved understanding did raise such Doctrins as they ought not So much for blessed Irenaeus a man of peace as well in disposition and affection as he was in name Next let us look upon Tertullian who lived in the same time with Irenaeus beginning first to be of credit about the latter end of this second Century Baron ann eccl anno 196. Pamel in vita Tertull. as Baronius calculates it and being at the height of reputation an 210. as Pamelius noteth about which time Saint Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom And if we look upon him well we find him pressing the same point with greater efficacy than Irenaeus did before him For undertaking to convince the Hereticks of his time as well of falshood as of novelties and to make known the new upstartedness of their Assemblies which they called the Church he doth thus proceed Tertull. de praes adv haeres c. 32. Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum c. Let them saith he declare the original of their Churches let them unfold the course or order of their Bishops succeeding so to one another from the first beginning that their first Bishop whosoever he was had some of the Apostles or of the Apostolical men at least who did converse with the Apostles to be their founder and Predecessor For thus the Apostolical Churches do derive their Pedegree Thus doth the Church of Smyrna shew their Polycarpus placed there amongst them by Saint John and Rome her Clement Consecrated or Ordained by Peter even as all other Churches also do exhibit to us the names of those who being Ordained Bishops by the Apostles did sow the Apostolical seed in the field of God This was the challenge that he made And this he had not done assuredly had he not thought that the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ had been an evident demonstration of the truth thereof which since the Hereticks could not shew in their Congregations or Assemblies it
the Scriptures only were in those times read publickly in the Congregation but the Epistles and discourses of such Learned men as had been eminent for place and piety as in the after-times on defect of Sermons it was the custom of the Church to read the Homilies of the Fathers for their edification Conciliorum Tom. 2. Concerning which it was ordained in a Council at Vaux Anno 444. that if the Priest were sick or otherwise infirm so that he could not preach himself the Deacons should rehearse some Homily of the holy Fathers Si presbyter aliqua infirmitate prohibente per seipsum non potuerit praedicare sanctorum Patrum homiliae à Diaconibus recitentur so the Council ordered it The third and last Writer of this Century which gives us any thing of the Lords day Strom. l. 7. is Clemens Alexandrinus he flourished in the year 190. who though he fetch the pedegree of the Lords day even as far as Plato which before we noted yet he seems well enough contented that the Lords day should not be observed at all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We ought saith he to honour and to reverence him whom we are verily persuaded to be the Word our Saviour and our Captain and in him the Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not in selected times as some do amongst us but always during our whole lives and on all occasions The Royal Prophet tells us that he preaised God seven times a day Whence he that understands himself stands not upon determinate places or appointed Temples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much less on any Festivals or days assigned but in all places honours God though he be alone And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. making our whole lives a continual Festival and knowing God to be every where we praise him sometimes in the fields and sometimes sailing on the Seas and finally in all the times of our life whatever So in another place of the self-same Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He that doth lead his life according to the Ordinances of the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then keeps the Lords day when he casts away every evil thought and doing things with knowledge and understanding doth glorifie the Lord in his Resurrection By which it seems that whatsoever estimation the Lords day had attained unto at Rome and Corinth yet either it was not so much esteemed at Alexandria or else this Clemens did not think so rightly of it as he should have done Now in the place of Justin Martyr before remembred there is one special circumstance to be considered in reference to our present search for I say nothing here of mingling water with the Wine in the holy Sacrament as not conducing to the business which we have in hand This is that in their Sundays service they did use to stand during the time they made their Prayers unto the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as his words there are Such was the custom of this time and a long time after that though they kneeled on other days yet on the Lords day they prayed always standing Yet not upon the Lords day only but every day from Easter unto Pentecost The reason is thus given by him who made the Responsions ascribed to Justin That so saith he we might take notice as of our fall by sin so of our restitution by the grace of Christ Resp ad qu. 105. Six days we pray upon our knees and that 's in token of our fall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But on the Lords day we bow not the knee in token of the Resurrection by which according to the Grace of Christ we are set free from sin and the powers of death The like saith he is to be said of the days of Pentecost which custom as he tells us and cites Irenaeus for his Author did take beginning even in the times of the Apostles Rather we may conceive that they used this Ceremony to testifie their faith in the Refurrection of our Lord and Saviour which many Hereticks of those times did publickly gain-say as before we noted and shall speak more thereof hereafter But whatsoever was the reason it continued long and was confirm'd particularly by the great Synod of Nice what time some People had begun to neglect this custom The Synod therefore thus determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that forasmuch as some did use to kneel on the Lords day Can. 20. and the time of Pentecost that all things in all places might be done with an uniformity it pleased the holy Synod to decree it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that men should stand at those times when they made their prayers For Fathers which avow this custom consult Tertullian lib. de corona mil. S. Basil l. de Sp. S. c. 27. S. Hierom. adv Luciferian S. Austin Epist 118. S. Hilaries Praefat. in Psalm Ambros Serm. 62. and divers others What time this custom was laid by I can hardly say but sure I am it was not laid aside in a long time after not till the time of Pope Alexander the third who lived about the year 1160. Decret l. 2. tit 9. c. 2. For in a Decretal of his confirmatory of the former custom it was prohibited to kneel on the times remembred Nisi aliquis ex devotioned id velit facere in secreto unless some out of pure devotion did it secretly Which dispensation probably occasioned the neglect thereof in the times succeeding the rather since those Hereticks who formerly had denied the resurrection were now quite exterminated This circumstance we have considered the more at large as being the most especial difference whereby the Sundays service was distinguished from the week-days worship in these present times whereof we write And yet the difference was not such that it was proper to the Lords day only but if it were a badge of honour communicated unto more than forty other days Of which more anon But being it was an Ecclesiastical and occasional custom the Church which first ordained it let it fall again by the same Authority In the third Century the first we meet with is Tertullian who flourished in the very first beginnings of it by whom this day is called by three several names For first he calls it Dies solis Sunday as commonly we now call it and saith that they did dedicate the same unto mirth and gladness not to devotion altogether Diem solis laetitiae indulgemus Cap. 16. in his Apologetick The same name is used by Justin Martyr in the passages before remembred partly because being to write to an Heathen Magistrate it had not been so proper to call it by the name of the Lords day which name they knew not and partly that delivering the form and substance of their service done upon that day they might the better quit themselves from being worshippers of the Sun as the Gentiles thought For by their meetings on this
Propositions being easie and intelligible as they stand by themselves but are made more difficult and obscure even to learned men by interweaving them with many intricate Disputes touching the correspondence of free will with Prescience Providence and Predestination Disputes so intricate and perplexed that Armachanus as great a Clerk as almost any in his time travelled no less than twenty years in the search of one of them alone and yet could not find it And yet I cannot say that the consent in those three Propositions before remembred in which the Church hath generally concentred since the death of St. Augustine hath met with no dissenting Judgment in these later times Some men restraining all our Actions to so strict a Rule as to make the will of man determined and tied up in all particulars even to the taking up of a Rush or Straw as in another case it was taught by Cartwright the great Bel-weather of the Flock in Queen Elizabeths time sufficiently derided Eccles polit lib. 11. p. 96. or rather gravely reprehended for it by judicious Hooker And if we meet with any thing which looks that way in the Writings of some Dominican Fryers who stifly stand to all the rigours of St. Augustine in the controversies of Predestination Grace Free-will c. against the Jesuits and Franciscans it is to be imputed rather to the errour of their Education a stiffness in maintaining their old Opinions or finally to that Animosity which commonly the weaker party carrieth against the stronger than to any clear and evident Authority which they can pretend to from that Father or any other ancient Writers of unquestioned credit which said I hope it will be granted without much difficulty that such a Doctrine of Predestination as neither directly nor indirectly makes God to be the Author of sin nor attributes so much to the will of man in depraved Nature as to exclude the influences of Gods Heavenly Grace is more to be embraced than any other which dasheth against either of the said extreams And that being granted or supposed I shall first lay down the Judgment of the differing parties in the Article of Predestination and the points depending thereupon and afterwards declare to which of the said differing Parties the Doctrine of the Church of England seemeth most inclinable CHAP. II. Of the Debates amongst the Divines in the Council of Trent touching Predestinations and Original Sin 1. The Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians touching Predestination and Reprobation 2. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way 3. As also the old Franciscans with Reasons for their own and against the other 4. The Historians Judgment interposed between the Parties 5. The middle way of Catarinus to compose the differences 6. The newness of St. Augustines Opinion and the dislike thereof by the most learned Men in the Ages following 7. The perplexities amongst the Theologues touching the absoluteness of the Decrees 8. The Judgment of the said Divines touching the possibility of falling from Grace 9. The Debates about the nature and transmitting of Original Sin 10. The Doctrine of the Council in it IN such conditions stood Affairs in reference to the Doctrines of Predestination Grace Free will c. at the first sitting down of the Council of Trent in which those Points became the subject of many sad and serious Debates amongst the Prelates and Divines then and there Assembled which being so necessary to the understanding of the Questions which we have before us I shall not think my time ill spent in laying down the sum and abstract of the same as I find it digested to my hand by Padre Paulo the diligent and laborious Author of the Tridentine History only I shall invert his Method by giving precedency to the Disputes concerning Predestination before the Debates and Agitations which hapned in canvasing the Articles touching the Freedom of mans Will though those about Free-will do first occur in the course and method of that Council It being determined by the Council as that Author hath it to draw some Articles from the Writings of the Protestants concerning the Doctrine of Predestination It appeared that in the Book of Luther in the Augustan Confession and in the Aplogies and Colloquies there was nothing found that deserved Censure But much they found among the Writings of the Zuinglians out of which they drew these following Articles Viz. 1. For Predestination and Reprobation that man doth nothing but all is in the will of God 2. The Predestinated cannot be condemned nor the Reprobate saved 3. The Elect and Predestinated only are truly justified 4. The Justified are bound by Faith to believe they are in the number of the Predestinated 5. The Justified cannot fall from Grace 6. Those that are called and are not in the number of the predestinated do never receive Grace 7. The Justified is bound to believe by Faith that he ought to persevere in Justice until the end 8. The Justified is bound to believe for certain that in case he fall from Grace he shall receive it again In the examining the first of these Articles the Opinions were diverse The most esteemed Divines amongst them thought it to be Catholick the contrary Heretical because the good School-Writers St. Thomas Scotus and the rest do so think that is that God before the Creation out of the Mass of mankind hath elected by his only and meer mercy some for Glory for whom he hath prepared effectually the means to obtain it which is called to predestinate That their number is certain and determined neither can there any be added The others not predestinated cannot complain for that God hath prepared for them sufficient assistance for this though indeed none but the Elect shall be saved For the most principal reason they alledged that S. Paul to the Romans having made Jacob a pattern of the predestinated and Eau of the Reprobate he produceth the Decree of God pronounced before they were born not for their Works but for his own good pleasure To this they joyned the example of the same Apostle That as the Potter of the same lump of Clay maketh one Vessel to honour another to dishonour so God of the same Mass of men chooseth and leaveth whom he listeth for proof whereof S Paul bringeth the place where God saith to Moses I will shew mercy on whom I will shew mercy and I will shew pity on whom I will shew pity And the same Apostle concludeth It is not of him that willeth or of him that runneth but of God who sheweth mercy adding after that God sheweth mercy on whom he will and hardneth whom he will They said further That for this cause the Council of the Divine Predestination and Reprobation is called by the same Apostle the height and depth of Wisdom unsearchable and incomprehensible They added places of the other Epistles where he saith We have nothing but what we have received from God that we are not
able of our selves so much as to think well and where in giving the cause why some have revolted from the Faith and some stand firm he said it was because the Foundation of God standeth sure and hath this seal the Lord knoweth who are his They added divers passages of the Gospel of S. John and infinite Anthorities of S. Augustine because the Saint wrote nothing in his old Age but in favour of this Doctrine But some others though of Iess esteem opposed this opinion calling it hard cruel inhumane horrible impious and that it shewed partiality in God if without any motive cause he elected one and rejected another and unjust if he damned men for his own will and not for their faults and had created so great a multitude to condemn it They said it destroyed Free-will because the Elect cannot finally do evil nor the Reprobate good that it casteth men into a gulph of desperation doubting that they be Reprobates That it giveth occasion to the wicked of bad thoughts not caring for Pennance but thinking if they be elected they shall not perish if Reprobates it is in vain to do well because it will not help them They confessed that not only works are not the cause of Gods election because that is before them and eternal but that neither Works foreseen can move God to Predestinate who is willing for his infinite mercy that all should be saved to this end prepareth sufficient assistance for all which every man having Free-will receiveth or refuseth as pleaseth him and God in his eternity foreseeth those who will receive his help and use it to good and those who will refuse and rejecteth these electeth and predestinateth those They added That otherwise there was no cause why God in the Scriptures should complain of sinners nor why he should exhort all to repentance and conversion if they have not sufficient means to get them that the sufficient assistance invented by the others is insufficient because in their opinion it never had nor shall have any effect The first Opinion as it is mystical and hidden keeping the mind humble and relying on God without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of sin and the excellency of Divine Grace so this second was plausible and popular cherishing humane presumption and making a great shew and it pleased more the preaching Fryers than the understanding Divines And the Council thought it probable as consonant to politick Reason It was maintained by the Bishop of Bitonto and the Bishop of Salpi shewed himself very partial The Defenders of this using humane Reasons prevailed against the others but coming to the testimonies of Scripture they were manifestly overcome Calarinus holding the same Opinion to resolve the places of Scripture which troubled them all invented a middle way That God of his goodness had elected some few whom he will save absolutely to whom he hath prepared most potent effectual and infallible means the rest he desireth for his part they should be saved and to that end hath promised sufficient means for all leaving it to their choice to accept them and be saved or refuse them and be damned Amongst these there are some who receive them and are saved though they be not of the number of the Elect of which kind there are very many Other refusing to co-operate with God who wisheth their salvation are damned The cause why the first are predestinated is only the will of God why the others are saved is the acceptation good use and co-operation with the Divine assistance foreseen by God why the last are reprobated is the foreseeing of their perverse will in refusing or abusing it That S. John S. Paul and all the places of Scripture alledged by the other part where all is given to God and which do shew infallibility are understood only of the first who are particularly priviledged and in other for whom the common way is left the admonitions exhortations and general assistances are verified unto which he that will give ear and follow them is saved and he that will not perisheth by his own fault Of these few who are priviledged above the common condition the number is determinate and certain with God but not of those who are saved by the common way depend on humane liberty but only in regard of the fore-knowledge of the works of every one Catarinus said He wondred at the stupidity of those who say the number is certain and determined and yet they add that others may be saved which is as much as to say that the number is certain and yet it may be enlarged And likewise of those who say That the Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation though it be necessary for him that is saved to have a greater which is to say a sufficient unsufficient He added that S. Augustins Opinion was not heard of before his time and himself confesseth it cannot be found in the works of any who wrote before him neither did himself always think it true but ascribed the cause of Gods will to merits saying God taketh compassion on and hardneth whom he listeth But that will of God cannot be unjust because it is caused by most secret merits and that there is diversity of sinners some who though they be justified deserve justification But after the heat of Disputation against the Pelagians transported him to think and speak the contrary yet when his opinion was heard all the Catholicks were scandalized as S. Prosper wrote to him and Genadius of Marselles fifty years after in his judgment which he maketh of the famous Writers said That it hapned to him according to the words of Solomon That in much speaking one cannot avoid sin and that by his fault exagitated by his Enemies the question was not then risen which might afterwards bring forth Heresie whereby the good Father did intimate his fear of that which now appeareth that is that by that opposition some Sect and Division might arise The censure of the second Article was diverse according to the three related Opinions Catarinus thought the first part true in regard of the efficacy of the Divine Will towards those who were particularly favoured But the second false concerning the sufficiency of Gods assistance unto all and mans liberty in co-operating Others ascribing the cause of Predestination in all to humane consent condemned the whole Article in both parts But those that adhered unto S. Augustine and the common opinion of the Theologans did distinguish it and said it was true in a compound sense but damnable in a divided a subtilty which confounded the minds of the Prelates and his own though he did exemplifie it by saying he that moveth cannot stand still it is true in a compound sense but is understood while he moveth but in a divided sonse it is false that is in another time Yet it was not well understood because applying it to his purpose It cannot be said that a man predestinated can be damned
Among which those of the Calvinian party would fain hook in Wicklif together with Fryth Barns and Tyndal which can by no means be brought under that account though some of them deserved well of the Churches for the times they lived in They that desire to hook in Wicklif do first confess that he stands accused by those of the Church of Rome for bringing in Fatal Necessity and making God the Author of sin and then conclude that therefore it may be made a probable guess that there was no disagreement between him and Calvin The cause of which Argument stands thus That there being an agreement in these points betwixt Wicklif and Calvin and the Reformers of our Church embracing the Doctrines of Wicklif therefore they must embrace the Doctrines of Calvin also But first it cannot be made good that our Reformers embraced the Doctrines of Wicklif or had any eye upon the man who though he held many points against those of Rome yet had his field more Tares than Wheat his Books more Heterodoxies than sound Catholick Doctrine And secondly admitting this Argument to be of any force in the present case it will as warrantably serve for all the Sects and Heresies which now swarm amongst us as well as for that of Calvin Wicklif affording them the grounds of their several dotages though possibly they are not so well studied in their own concernments For they who consult the works of Thomas Waldensis or the Historia Wicklifiana writ by Harpsfield will tell us that Wicklif amongst many other errours maintained these that follow 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of Bread 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments than Lay-men have 3. That all things ought to be common 4. That it is as lawful to Christen a Child in a Tub of water at home or in a Ditch by the way as in a Font-stone in the Churches 5. That it is as lawful at all times to confess unto a Lay-man as to a Priest 6. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in or to do any Divine Service in 7. That burying in Church-yards is unprofitable and in vain 8. That Holy-days ordained and instituted by the Church and taking the Lords day in for one are not to be observed and kept in reverence inasmuch as all days are alike 9. That it is sufficient and enough to believe though a man do no good works at all 10. That no Humane Laws or Constitutions do oblige a Christian 11. And finally That God never gave grace nor knowledge to a great person or rich man and that they in no wise follow the same What Anabaptists Brownists Ranters Quakers may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion as the Calivinsts can if Wicklifs Doctrine be the rule of our Reformation Which because possibly it may obtain the less belief if they were found only in the works of Harpsfield and Waldensis before remembred the Reader may look for them in the Catalogue of those Mala Dogmata complained of by the Prolocutor in the Convocation Anno 1536. to have been publickly preached printed and professed by some of Wicklifs Followers for which consult the Church History lib. 4. fol. 208. and there he shall be sure to find them It is alledged in the next place that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points may be found in the Writings of John Frith William Tyndal and Dr. Barns collected into one Volume and printed by John Day 1563. of which the first suffered-death for his conscience Anno 1533. the second Anno 1536. and the third Anno 1540 called therefore by Mr. Fox in a Preface of his before the Book the Ring-leaders of the Church of England And thereupon it is inferred that the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination must be the same with that which was embraced and countenanced by the first Reformers But first admitting that they speak as much in honour of Calvins Doctrine as can be possibly desired yet being of different judgments in the points disputed and not so Orthodox in all others as might make them any way considerable in the Reformation it is not to be thought that either their Writings or Opinions should be looked on by us for our direction in this case Barns was directly a Dominican in point of Doctrine Frith soared so high upon the Wing and quite out-flew the mark that Tyndal thought it not unfit to call him down and lure him back unto his pearch and as for Tyndal he declares himself with such care and caution excepting one of his fllyings out against Free-will that nothing to their purpose can be gathered from him Secondly I do not look on Mr. Fox as a competent Judge in matters which concern the Church of England the Articles of whose Confession he refused to subscribe he being thereunto required by Archbishop Parker and therefore Tyndal Frith and Barns not to be hearkned to the more for his commendation Thirdly if the testimony of Frith and Tyndal be of any force for defence of the Calvinists the Anti-Sabbatarians any more justly make use of of it in defence of themselves against the new Sabbath speculations of Dr. Bond and his Adherents embraced more passionately of late than any Article of Religion here by Law established Of which the first declares the Lords day to be no other than an Ecclesiastical Institution or Church Ordinance the last that it is still changeable from one day to another if the Church so please For which consult the Hist of Sab. l. 2. c. 8. Let Frith and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient Witnesses when they speak against the new Sabbath Doctrines or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvins and then I am sure his followers will lose more on the one side than they gained on the other and will prove one of the crossest bargains to them which they over made And then it is in the fourth place to be observed that the greatest Treasury of Learning which those and the Famerlines could boast of was lock'd up in the Cloisters of the Begging Fryers of which the Franciscans were accounted the most nimble Disputants the Dominicans the most diligent and painful Preachers the Augustinians for the most part siding wit the one and the Carmelites or White Fryers joyning with the other so that admitting Frith and Tyndal to maintain the same Doctrine in these points which afterwards was held forth by Calvin yet possibly they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine in opposition to the errours of the Church of Rome which had not then declared it self on either side but as the received Opinion of the Dominican Fryers in opposition to the Franciscans The Doctrine of which Dominican Fryers by reason of their diligent preaching had met with more plausible entertainment not only amongst the inferiour fort of people but also amongst many others of parts and
Free-will can do without Grace is but sin c. fol 269. In which passages of those godly Martyrs as there is nothing in it self not Divine and Orthodox so find we somewhat in their writings which doth as truly and Religiously express the workings of Gods Spirit in the heart of man without depriving him of the ability of co-operation which afterwards was taught and countenanced by the Church of England Of which thus Tyndal in his Path-way Collection of his works sol 382. When the Evangelion is preached saith he the Spirit of God entreth into them whom God hath ordained and appointed to Everlasting life and openeth their inward eyes and worketh such a belief in them when the woful Consciences feel and taste how sweet a thing the bitter death of Christ is and how merciful and loving God is through Christs Purchasing and Merits so that they begin to love again and consent to the Law of God how that it is good and ought so to be and that God is righteous that made it and desire to fulfil the Law as a sick man desireth to be whole According to which Doctrine 19. Sund. after Trin. the Church hath taught us to pray thus viz. O God forasmuch as without thee we are not able to please thee grant that that working of the Spirit may in all things direct and rule our hearts through Christ our Lord Amen More of which Prayers might be produced to the same effect were not this enough the point concerning the necessity of Gods grace towards mans Conversion not being in Dispute between the Parties Now for Gods Grace according as it is set forth in the Church of England we shall consider it in the general offer and extent the efficacious workings of it and the concurrence of mans will in the beginning and accomplishment of his own Conversion And first as to the general offer of the Grace of God we find Bishop Hooper thus discoursing in the sixth Chapter of his Exposition of the Ten Commandments Thus did S. Paul saith he convince the Gentiles of sin because they knew the evil they did was condemned by the testimony of their own Conscience for the Law of God to do well by is naturally written in the heart of every man He that will diligently search himself Exposi cap. 6. shall sometime find the same and in case man should behold his own misery both in body and soul although there were no Law correcting nor no Heavens over our heads to testifie the justice and judgment of God and the equity of an honest life mans Conscience would tell him when he doth well and when he doth evil Further saith he the judgment and discovery of Reason directs not only to live just in this World but also to live for ever in Eternal felicity without end And that cometh by the similitude of God which remaineth in the soul since the sin of Adam whereby we plainly see that those excuses of ignorance be damnable when man sees that he could do well if he followed the judgment of his own Conscience Our Articles indeed say nothing to this particular but our Liturgy doth and somewhat is found also of it in the Book of Homilies For what can be more clear and full than that clause in the Collect where it is said if God Almighty That he sheweth to all men being in errour the light of his truth to the intent they may return to the way of righteousness c. What more comfortable to a man deprived of the outward benefit of the Word and Sacraments than that clause in the Homily where it is said Exhortation to Holy Scripture Hom. p. 5. That if we lack a Learned man to instruct and teach us God himself from above will give light unto our minds and teach us those things which are necessary for us If then it be demanded How it comes to pass that this general Overture of Grace becomes so little efficacious in the hearts of men we shall find Bishop Hooper ascribing it in some men to the lack of faith and in others to the want of repentance Touching the first Pres to the Expost of the Law he tells us this That S. Paul concludes and in a manner includeth the Divine Grace and Promise of God within certain terms and limits that only Christ should be profitable and efficacious to those that apprehend and receive this abundant Grace by faith and to such as have not the use of faith neither Christ nor Gods Grace to appertain After which he proceedeth in this manner toward the other sort of men which make not a right use of this general Grace for want of Repentance d. ib. Howbeit saith he that we know by the Scripture that notwithstanding this imperfection of faith many shall be saved and likewise notwithstanding that Gods promise be general unto all people of the world yet many shall be damned These two points must therefore diligently be discussed first how this faith being unperfect is accepted of God then how we be excluded from the promise of grace that extendeth to all men c. To which first it is thus answered That S. Paul S. John and Christ himself damneth the contemners of God or such as willingly continue in sin and will not repent these the Scripture excludeth from the general promise of Grace Here then we have the Doctrine of the Church of England delivered in the Liturgy and the Book of Homilies more punctually pressed and applied in the words of godly Bishop Hooper concerning Universal Grace and somewhat also of the reasons of its not being efficacious in all sorts of men relating to that liberty which remains in man of closing or contending with it as he is either ruled by reason or else misguided by the tyranny of his lusts and passions But before I come unto this point we may behold the necessary workings of Gods Grace preventing man by the inspirations of his holy Spirit and the concurrence or co-operation of mans will being so prevented which is the Celestial influences of the Grace of God Of which the Church hath spoken so fully in all the Authentick Monuments and Records thereof that no true English Protestant can make question of it Artic. 10. For thus she tells us in the tenth Article of her Confession viz. That the condition of man after the fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable unto God without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will In the first clause the Church declares her self against the old Pelagians and some of the great School-men in the Church of Rome and in the last against the Manichees and some of the more rigid Lutherans in the
from time to time though possibly a great part of them might be present and consenting also 1552. Nor stood this book nor the Article of Freewill therein contained upon the order and authority only of this Convocation but had as good countenance and encouragement to walk abroad as could be superadded to it by an Act of Parliament as appears plainly by the Kings Preface to that Book and the Act it self to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader But if it be replyed that there is no relying on the Acts of Parliament which were generally swayed changed and over-ruled by the power and passions of the King and that the Act of Parliament which approved this Book was repealed the first year of King Edward the sixth as indeed it was we might refer the Reader to a passage in the Kings Epistle before remembred in which the Doctrine of Freewill is affirmed to have been purged of all Popish Errors concerning which take here the words of the Epistle Epist Ded. viz. And for as much as the heads and senses of our people have been imbusied and in these days travelled with the understanding of Freewill Justification c. We have by the advice of our Clergy for the purgation of Erroneous Doctrine declared and set forth openly plainly and without ambiguity of speech the meer and certain truth of them so as we verily trust that to know God and how to live after his pleasure to the attaining of everlasting life in the end this Book containeth a perfect and sufficient Doctrine grounded and established in holy Scriptures And if it be rejoyned as perhaps it may that King Henry used to shift Opinion in matters which concerned Religion according unto interest and reason of State it must be answered that the whole Book and every Tract therein contained was carefully corrected by Archbishop Cranmer the most blessed instrument under God of the Reformation before it was committed to the Prolocutor and the rest of the Clergy For proof whereof I am to put the Reader in mind of a Letter of the said Archbishop relating to the eighth Chapter of this book in which he signified to an honourable Friend of his that he had taken the more pains in it because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces that is to say the Kings censure and judgment he could have nothing in it that Momus himself could reprehend as before was said And this I hope will be sufficient to free this Treatise of Freewill from the crime of Popery But finally if notwithstanding all these Reasons it shall be still pressed by those of the Calvinian party that the Doctrine of Freewill which is there delivered is in all points the same with that which was concluded and agreed on in the Council of Trent as appears Cap. de fructibus justificationis merito bonorum operum Can. 34. and therefore not to be accounted any part of the Protestant Doctrine which was defended and maintained by the Church of England according to the first Rules of her Reformation the answers will be many and every answer not without its weight and moment For first it was not the intent of the first Reformers to depart farther from the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome than that Church had departed from the simplicity both of Doctrine and Ceremonies which had been publickly maintained and used in the Primitive times as appears plainly by the whole course of their proceedings so much commended by King James in the Conserence at Hampton Court Secondly this Doctrine must be granted also to be the same with that of the Melancthonian Divines or moderate Lutherans as was confessed by Andreas Vega one of the chief sticklers in the Council of Trent who on the agitating of the Point did confess ingenuously that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and the Church touching that particular And then it must be confessed also that it was the Doctrine of Saint Augustine according to that Divine saying of his Sine gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus subsequente ne frustra velimus ad pietatis opera nil valemus which is the same of that of the tenth Article of the Church of England where it is said That without the grace of God preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will we can do nothing that is acceptable to him in the ways of piety So that if the Church of England must be Arminian and the Arminian must be Papist because they agree together in this particular the Melancthonian Divines amongst the Protestants yea and St. Augustine amongst the Ancients himself must be Papists also CHAP. XIII The Doctrine of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance 1. The certainty of Grace debated in the Council of Trent and maintained in the Affirmative by the Dominicans and some others 2. The contrary affirmed by Catarinus and his adherents 3. The doubtful resolution of the Council in it 4. The Calvinists not content with certainty of Grace quoad statum praesentem presume upon it also quoad statum suturum 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the judgment in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed 6. The Doctrine of the Church of England in the present Artìcle 7. Justified by the testimonies of Bishop Latimer Bishop Hooper and Master Tyndal 8. And proved by several arguments from the publick Liturgy 9. The Homily commends a probable and sted-fast hope But 10. Allows no certainty of Grace and perseverance in any ordinary way to the Sons of men OF all the Points which exercised the wits and patience of the School-men in the Council of Trent there was none followed with more heat between the parties than that of the certainty of Grace occasioned by some passages in the writings of Luther wherein such certainty was maintained as necessary unto justification and an essential part thereof In canvasing of which point the one part held that certainty of grace was presumption the other that one might have it meritoriously The ground of the first was Hist of the Coun of Trent fol. 205. c. that Saint Thomas Saint Bonaventure and generally the School-men thought so for which cause the major part of the Dominicans were of the same opinion besides the authority of the Doctors they alledged for reasons that God would not that man should be certain that be might not be lifted up in pride and esteem of themselves that he might not prefer himself before others as he that knoweth himself to be just would do before manifest sinners and a Christian would so become drowsie careless and negligent to do good Therefore they said that uncertainty was profitable yea and meritorious besides because it is a passion of the mind which doth afflict it and being supported is turned to merit They alledged many places of the Scripture also of Solomon that a man knoweth not
Papist nor Pelagian 3. The common practices of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries the name of Freewill-men to whom given why 4. The Doctrine of John Knox in restraining all mens actions either good or evil to the determinate Will and Counsel of God 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination in whom and the Genevian Notes we find Christ to be excluded from being the foundation of mans Election and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only 6. God made to be the Author of sin by the Author of a Pamphlet entituled against a Privy Papist and his secret Counsels called in for the proof thereof both by him and Knox with the mischiefs which ensued upon it 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crowly imputing all mens sins to Predestination his silly defences for the same made good by a distinction of John Verons and the weakness of that distinction shewed by Campneys 8. The Errours of the former Authors opposed by Campneys his book in answer to those Errours together with his Orthodoxy in the point of universalRedemption and what he builds upon the same 9. Hissolid Arguments against the imputing of all actions either good or evil to Predestination justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitaine 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowly according to the Genius of the sect of Calvin THUS we have seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Five Controverted Points according to the Principles and persuasions of the first Reformers And to say truth it was but time that they should come to some conclusion in the Points disputed there being some men who in the beginning of the Reign of King Enward the sixth busily stickled in the maintenance of Calvins Doctrins And thinking themselves to be more Evangelical than the rest of their Brethren they either took unto themselves or had given by others the name of Gospellers Of this they were informed by the reverend Prelate and right godly Martyr Bishop Hooper in the Preface to his Exposition of the Ten Commandments Our Gospellers saith he be better learned than the holy Ghost for they wickedly attribute the cause of Punishments and Adversity to Gods Providence which is the cause of no ill as he himself can do no ill and over every mischief that is done they say it is Gods Will. In which we have the men and their Doctrine too the name of Gospellers and the reason why that name was ascribed unto them It is observed by the judicious Author of the Book called Europae Speculum that Calvin was the first of these latter times who search'd into the Counsels the Eternal Counsels of Almighty God And as it seems he found there some other Gospel than that which had been written by the four Evangelists from whence his followers in these Doctrines had the name of Gospellers for by that name I find them frequently called by Campneys also in an Epistolary Discourse where he clears himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism which some of these new Gospellers had charged upon him which had I found in none but him it might have been ascribed to heat or passion in the agitation of these Quarrels but finding it given to them also by Bishop Hooper a temperate and modest man I must needs look upon it as the name of the Sect by which they were distinguished from other men And now I am fallen upon this Campneys it will not be unnecessary to say something of him in regard of the great part he is to act on the stage of this business Protestant he was of the first Edition cordially affected to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the present points but of a sharp and eager spirit And being not well weaned from some points of Popery in the first dawning of the day of our Reformation he gave occasion unto some of those whom he had exasperated to inform against him that they prosecuted the complaint so far that he was forced to bear a faggot at St. Pauls Cross as the custom was in all such cases Miles Coverdale then or not long after Bishop of Exon preaching a Sermon at the same But whatsoever he was then in other Doctrinals he hath sufficiently purged himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism wherewith he had been charged by those of the adverse Party Answer to a certain Letter p. 3. For whereas one William Samuel had either preached or written in Queen Maries times That a man might deserve God c. Campneys beholds it for a Doctrine so blasphemous and abominable that neither Papists nor Pelagians nor any other Heretick old or new hath ever-written or maintained a more filthy and execrable saying For it is the flat and manifest denying both of God the Father and of his Son Christ Jesus neither doth it require any confutation to him that doth but confess that there is a God And as for my self saith he I do not love my life so dearly as I hate this vile saying deadly He gives not long after to the Popish Pelagians the name of a filthy and detestable Sect. p. 5. mustereth up all the errours of Pelagius which had been publickly recanted in the Synod of Palestine and falling upon that which teacheth That the grace of God is given according unto our deserving he declares it to be vile and abominable contrary to the manifest mind and words of the Apostle p. 12. Finally Not to trouble my self with more particulars encountring with another of the Pelagian Heresies he passionately cries out O blasphemy intolerable O filthy puddle and sink most execrable full of stinking Errours full of damnable presumption like to the pride of Lucifer most abominable p. 15. This is enough to free this man from being either a Papist or Pelagian Heretick as his Enemies made him And for the other reproach which they laid upon him of being an Enemy to Gods Predestination I conceive it will not be regarded as a matter of moment considering the Disputes between them and the usual acts of the Calvinians to defame their Adversaries We shewed before how Bogerman Paraeus and the rest of the Calvinian Sect reproach'd the Remonstrants with Pelagianism in their publick Writings though as free from it as themselves We shewed before how Cross in the continuation of his Belgick History imposeth on them for some of their detestable Opinions that they made God to be the Author of sin and that he had created the infinitely greatest part of mankind to no other end but to burn them in Hell-fire for ever which horrid blasphemies they both abominated and confuted to their best abilities The like unworthy practices were used by Calvin and Beza against Sebastian Castel a man of no less learning but of far more modesty and moderation than either of them whom they never left persecuting and reviling till they had first cast him out of Geneva and afterwards brought him to his grave And this they
tres solum inventi fuere qui edicto resisterint that is to say the Word of God is not made the weaker by my sole appearing in defence thereof no more than when there were but three he means the three Hebrew Children in the Book of Daniel which durst make open opposition to the Kings Edict Liberius thought himself sufficient to keep possession of a truth in the Church of Christ till God should please to raise up more Champions in all places to defend the same not thinking it necessary to return any other answer or to produce the names of any others of his time who turned Athanasius as much as he which brings into my mind a passage in the conference betwixt Dr. Ban Featly and Sweat the Jesuite in which the Jesuite much insisted on that thred-bare question viz. where was your Church before Luther which when the Doctor went to shew out of Scriptures and Fathers some of the Papists standing by cried out for names those which stood further of ingeminating nothing but Names Names whereupon the Dr. merily asked them if nothing would content them but a Buttery book And such an Answer I must make in the present case to such as take up testimony by tale not weight and think no truth is fairly proved except it come attended with a cloud of witnesses But what we want in number now he shall find hereafter when we shall come to take a view of King James his Reign to which now we hasten CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused the inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament An. 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons for it 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon. Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius than against their persuasions 10. Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges 11. The publishing of Mountagues answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his appeal licensed by the Kings appointment 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England NOw we come unto the Reign of King James of happy memory whose breeding in the kirk of Scotland had given some hopes of seeing better days to the English Puritans than those which they enjoyed under Queen Elizabeth Upon which hopes they presented him at his first coming to the Crown with a supplication no less tedious than it was impertinent given out to be subscribed with a thousand hands though it wanted many of that number and aiming at an alteration in many points both of Doctrine and Discipline But they soon found themselves deceived For first the King commanded by publick Proclamation that the divine service of the Church should be diligently officiated and frequented as in former times under pain of suffering the severest penalties by the Laws provided in that case And that being done instead of giving such a favourable answer to their supplication as they had flattered themselves withal he commended the answering of it to the Vice-Chancellour Heads and other Learned men of the University of Oxon from whom there was nothing to be looked for toward their contentment But being thirdly a just Prince and willing to give satisfaction to the just desires of such as did apply themselves unto him as also to inform himself in all such particulars as were in difference betwixt the Petitioners and the Prelates he appointed a solemn Conference to be held before him at Hampton Court on Thursday the 12th of January Anno 1603. being within less than ten moneths after his entrance on the Kingdom To which Conference were called by several Letters on the Churches part the most Reverend and right renowned Fathers in God Dr. John Whitgift Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London Dr. Tobie Matthews Bishop of Durham Dr. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester Dr. Gervase Babbinton Bishop of Worchester Dr. Anthony Rudd Bishop of Davids Dr. Anthony Walson Bishop of Chichester Dr. Henry Robbinson Bishop of Carlile and Dr. Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough as also Dr. James Mountague Dean of the Chappel Dr. Thomas Ravis Dean of Christ Church Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum Dr. Lancelot Andrews Dean of Westminster Dr. John Overald Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. William Barlaw Dean of Chester Dr. Giles Tompson Dean of Windsor together with Dr. Joh King Arch-Deacon of Nottingham and Dr. Richard Field after Dean of Glocester all of them habited and attired according to their several ranks and stations in the Church of England And on the other side there appeared for the Plantiff or Petitioner Dr. Reynolds Dr. Spark Mr. Knewstubs and Mr. Chatterton the two first being of Oxon and the other of Cambridge Con. at H. C. p. 27. apparelled in their Turky Gowns to shew as Bishop Bancroft tartly noted they desired rather to conform themselves in outward Ceremonies with the Turks than they did with the Papists The first day of the Conference being spent betwixt the King and the Bishops the second which was the 16th of the same moneth was given to the Plantiffs to present their grievances and to remonstrate their desires amongst which it was named by Dr. Reynolds Con. at H. C. p. 24. as the mouth of the rest That the nine Assertions Orthodoxal as he termed them concluded upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Book of Articles which when King James seemed not to understand as having never heard before of those nine Assertions Pag. 40. c. He was informed that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity my Lords Grace
Thine always to be commanded in the Churches service P. H. Lacies Court in Abingdon Decemb. the 29th 1659. FINIS THE STUMBLING-BLOCK OF DISOBEDIENCE AND REBELLION Cunningly laid by Calvin in the Subjects way Discovered Censured and Removed By PETER HEYLYN D. D. ROM xiv 13. Offendiculum fratri tuo ne ponas Let no man put a Stumbling-block or an occasion to fall in his brothers way ISAM xxiv 6. And David said to his men The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the anointed of the Lord. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. THE PREFACE IT will appear to any who shall read this Treatise that it was written in the time of Monarchical Government but in the later and declining times thereof when the change of that Government was in agitation and in part effected In which respect I doubt not but the publishing of this Discourse at this present time may seem unseasonable unto some and yet it may be thought by others to come out seasonably enopugh for these following Reasons 1. To give warning to all those that are in Supreme Authority to have a care unto themselves and not to suffer any Popular and Tribunitian Spirits to grow amongst them who grounding upon Calvins Doctrine both may and will upon occasion create new disturbances 2. To preserve the Dignity of the Supreme Power in what Person soever it be placed and fix his Person in his own Proper Orb the Primum Mobile of Government brought down of late to be but one of the three Estates and move in the same Planetary Sphere with the other two 3. To keep on foot the claim and Title of the Clergy unto the Reputation Rights and Priviledges of the Third Estate which doth of right belong unto them and which the Clergy have antiently enjoyed in all and to this day in most Christian Kingdoms 4. To shew unto the World on whose authority the Presbyterians built their damnable Doctrine not only of curbing and restraining the power of Princes but also of deposing them from their Regal Dignity whensoever they shall please to pretend cause for it For when the Scotch Commissioners were commanded by Queen Elizabeth to give a reason of their proceedings against their Queen whom not long before they they had deposed from the Regal Throne they justified themselves by those words of Calvin which I have chosen for the Argument of this Discourse By the Authority of Calvin as my Author hath it they endeavoured to prove that the Popular Magistrates are appointed and made to moderate and keep in order the excess and unruliness of Kings and that it is lawful for them to put the Kings that be evil and wicked into prison and also to deprive them of their Kingdoms If these reasons shall not prove the seasonableness of this Adventure I am the more to be condemned for my indiscretion the shame whereof I must endure as well as I can This being said in order to my Justification I must add somewhat of the Book or Discourse it self in which the canvasing and confuting of Calvins Grounds about the Ephori of Sparta the Tribunes of Rome and the Demarchi of Athens hath forced me upon many Quotations both Greek and Latin which to the Learned Reader will appear neitehr strange nor difficult And for the sake of the Vnlearned which are not so well verst and studied in foregin Languages I have kept my self to the direction of St. Paul not speaking any where in a strange Tongue without an Interpreter the sense of every such Quotation being either declared before or delivered after it Lastly whereas the Name of Appius Claudius doth many times occur in the History of the Roman Tribunes it is not always to be understood of the same Man but of divers men of the same Name in their several Ages as the name of Caesar in the New Testament signifieth not one man but three that is to say the Emperour Tiberius in the Gospels Claudius in the Boo of the Acts and that most bloody Tyrant Nero in the Epistle to the Philippians Which being premised I shall no longer keep the Reader in Porch or Entrance but let him take a view of the House it self the several Rooms Materials and Furniture of it long Prefaces to no long Discourses being like the Gates of Mindum amongst the Antients which were too great and large for so small a City The Argument and occasion of this following Treatise Joh. Calvini Institution Lib. 4. cap. 20â— Sect. 31. NEQVE enim si ultio Domini est effrenatae dominationis correctio ideo protinus demandatam nobis arbitremur quibus nullum aliud quam parendi patiendi datum est Mandatum De privatis hominibus semper loquor Nam siqui nunc sint Populares Magistratus ad moderandum Regum libidinem constituti quales olim erant qui Lacedaemoniis Regibus oppositi erant Ephori aut Romanis Consulibus Tribuni Plebis aut Atheniensium Senatui Demarchi qua etiam forte potestate ut nunc res habent funguntur in singulis Regnis tres Ordines cum primarios Conventus peragunt adeo illos ferocienti Regum licentiiae pro officio intercedere non veto ut si Regibus impotenter grassantibus humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant corum dissimulationem nefaria perfidia non carere affirmem qua populi liberiatem cujus se Dei ordinatione tuiores positos norunt fraudulenter produnt NOR may we think because the punishment of licentious Princes doth belong to God that presently this power is devolved on us to whom no other warrant hath been given by God but only to obey and suffer But still I must be understood of private persons For if there be now any popular Officers ordained to moderate the licentiousness of Kings such as were the Ephori set up of old against the Kings of Sparta the Tribunes of the people against the Roman Consuls and the Demarchi against the Athenian Senate and with which power perhaps as the World now goes the three Estates are seized in each several Kingdom when they are solemnly assembled so far am I from hindring them to put restraints upon the exhorbitant power of Kings as their Office binds them that I conceive them rather to be guilty of a perfidious dissimulation if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insult on the common people in that they treacherously betray the Subjects Liberties of which they knew they were made Guardians by Gods own Ordinance THE STUMBLING-BLOCK OF Disobedience and Rebellion c. CHAP. I. The Doctrine of Obedience laid down by CALVIN and of the Popular Officers supposed by him whereby he overthroweth that Doctrine 1. The purpose and design of the Work in hand 2. The Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes soundly and piously laid down by Calvin 3. And that not only to
the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some popular Officers ordained of purpose te regulate the power of Kings 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine in the point of Obedience 7. Severasl Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and his Scholars 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience 10. The method and distribution of the following Work SOME Writers may be likened unto Jeremies Figs of which the Prophet saith that if they were good they were very good Jerem. 24.4 if evil very evil such as could not be eaten they were so evil Of such a tempera nd esteem was Origen amongst the Ancients of whom it was observed not without good cause that in his Expositions of the Book of God and other learned Tractates which he writ and published where he did well none could do it better and where he failed at all no man erred more grosly And of this sort and composition was Mr. Calvin of Geneva than whom there is not any Minister of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas who hath more positively expresly laid down the Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes and the unlawfulness of Subjects taking Arms against their Soveraign nor opened a more dangerous gap to disobedience and rebellions in most States of Christendom In which it is most strange to see how prone we are such is the frailty and corruption of our sinful nature to refuse the good and choose the evil to take no notice of his words when it most concerns us when we are plainly told our duties both to God and man and on the other side to take his words for Oracles his Judgment for infallible all his Geese for Swans when he saith any thing which may be useful to our purposes or serve to the advancement of our lewd designs The credit and authority of the man was deservedly great amongst the people where he lived and in short time of such authority and esteem in the World abroad that his works were made the only Rule to which both Discipline and Doctrine was to be conformed and if a Controversie did arise either in points Dogmatical or a case of Conscience his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sufficient to determine in it at least to silence the gainsayers And as it is observed in the works of Nature that corruptio optimi est pessima and that the sweetest meats make the sourest exrements so the opinion and esteem which some of the Reformed Churches and conceived of him which to say the truth was great and eminent and the ill use they made of some words and passages in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes have been the sad occasion of those Wars and miseries which almost all the Western parts of Christendom have been so fatally involved in since the times he lived Which words and passage as they are cautelously laid down and compassed round with many fair expressions of affection to the Supream Powers that they might pass without discovery and be the sooner swallowed by unwary men so by his followers who are exceeding wise in their Generations have they been hidden and concealed with all art that may be For though they build their dangerous Doctrines upon his foundation and toss this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this ball of discord and dissension from one hand to another yet do they very cunningly conceal their Author and never use his name to confirm their Tenets And this they do upon this reason that if their Doctrine give offence unto Christian Princes and any of their Pamphlets be to feel the fire or otherwise come under any publick censure as not lonce since hapned to Paraeus the Patron of their Sect might escape untouched and his authority remain unquestioned to give new life unto their hopes at another time In which respects and withal seeing that the heads of this monstrous Hydra of sedition do grow the faster for the cutting and that the lopping off the Branches keeps the Trunk the fresher I shall pass by the petit Pamphleters of these times and strike directly at the head and without medling with the boughs or branches will lay my Ax immediately to the root of the Tree and bring the first Author of these factious and Antimonarchical Principles which have so long disturbed the peace of Christendom to a publick trial A dangerous and invidious undertaking I must needs confess but for my Countreys and the truths sake I will venture on it and in pursuance of the same will first lay down the doctrine of Obedience as by him delivered which I shall faithfully translate without gloss or descant and next compare his Doctrine with our present practice noting wherein his Scholars have forsaken their Master with application unto those who do most admire him and finally I shall discover and remove that Stumbling-block which he hath cunningly laid before us but hid so secretly that it can hardly be discerned at which so many a man hath stumbled both to the breaking of his own neck and his Neighbours too This is the race that I am to run the prize I aim at is no other than forasmuch as in me lieth to do good to all men to those especially who think themselves to be of the houshold of Faith And therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let us on in Gods Name Subditorum erga suos Magistratus Officium primum est de eorum functione quà m honorificientissimè sentire Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. fect 22. c. the first duty of the Subjects towards their Magistrates is to think wondrous honourably of their place and function which they acknowledg to be a jurisdiction delegated by Almighty God and therefore are by consequence to respect and reverence them as the Ministers and Deputies of God For some there are who very dutifully do behave themselves towards their Magistrates and would have all men do the like because they think it most expedient for the Common-wealth and yet esteem no otherwise of them than of some necessary evils which they cannot want 1 Pet. 2.17 Prov. 24.21 But St Peter looks for more than this when he commandeth us to honour the King and so doth Solomon also where he requires us to fear God and the King For the first under the term of honouring comprehends a good esteem a fair opinion the other joyning God and the King together shews plainly that in the person of a King there is a Ray of sacred majesty And that of Paul is richly worth our observation Rom. 13.5 where
that they were instituted in a time when the affairs of State were managed by nine Annual Magistrates all of them chosen by the people and accomptable to them Livie hist lib. 2. In all these cases cum non in regno populus esset sed in libertate when the people had sued out their Wardship and thought themselves to be at liberty freed from those bonds which Nature and Allegiance formerly had laid upon them they did no more than what a wise and understanding people had good cause to do in taking the best course they could for their future safety And in my mind the people pleade most unanswerably in their own behalf when they alledged se foris pro imperio libertate dimicantes Id. ibid. domi à civibus captos oppressos that fighting valiantly abroad both for their own liberty and their Countreys honour against their Kings they were oppressed and wronged at home by their fellow-Citizens that their condition as things stood was better in times of War than in times of peace their liberty never more assured than when they were amongst their Enemies and therefore being no otherwise bound to submit themselves to that change of Government than as it had been introduced by their own consent they had all the reason in the World to get as good terms as they could and be no losers by the bargain Which though it were the case and plea particularly of the people of Rome might be used also very fitly by the Spartans and Athenians on the self-same reasons But this can no way be pretended or alledged by those who live in an established and successional Monarchy where there is one only to command in chief and nothing left to the Subject praeter obsequii gloriam Tacit. Annal. but the glory of obedience only and the necessity of submiting with a Loyal heart to those commands and impositions which may be laid upon them with an unjust hand So that admitting it for true as indeed it is not the Ephori the Demarchi and the Tribunes were ordained for the ends supposed yet it can follow by no rules of Law or Logick that because such popular Officers have been sometimes instituted to keep the scale upright and the balance even betwixt the Nobles and the People in an Aristocratie therefore the like are to be fancied in a setled Monarchy for moderating the licentiousness that is to say for that no doubt must be his meaning for regulating the Authority of the Sovereign Prince Thus have we seen a manifest discovery of Calvins purpose for setting up some popular Officers in every Kingdom to regulate the Authority and restrain the power of Sovereign Princes and we may see a secret and more subtle danger included in that short Parenthesis than what is obvious at first sight to the unwary Reader For by the instances proposed and presented to us it seems to be his meaning that those popular Officers should not have powr only to restrain their Kings when they trangress the bounds of Law or Equity and either Tyranically oppress the Subject or wilfully dilapidate the Patrimony of the Common-wealth but that they should set themselves against them and controul their doings in the same way and after the same manner as the Ephori did the Kings of Sparta or the Tribunes did the Roman Consuls Now we have shewn before out of several Authors Vide Chap. 1. that the Ephori did not only take upon them to appoint such Privy Counsellors about their Kings as to them seemed best to limit and prescribe them in the choice of their Wives to send them out unto the Wars and recall them home as if they had been hirelings only and of no more reckoning to put them upon Fine and Ransom if they did any thing which was not pleasing to these humorous Gentlemen to have them at command both to come and go at often as they whistled for them or held up a Finger and finally to look for lowly reverence from them whensoever they vouchsafed to summon them to attend their pleasures but also to imprison next to banish and in fine to murder them And we have shewed you of the Tribunes that after they had fortified themselves with large priviledges and grew predominant in the affections of the common people Vide Chap. 2. they did not only quarrel and oppose the Consuls under pretence of setting forth new Laws for the peoples benefit nor were content to ut the people into the possession of all the Offices and honours of the Common-wealth which formerly belonged to the Nobles only whether the Consuls would or not but sometimes clap'd them up in Prison and sometimes forced them to fly the Senate-house for their lives and safety and sometimes threw them down headlong out of their Chairs of State to the great danger of their lives and disgrace of their persons Princes should be in worse condition than their meanest Subjects if they were under the command of such powerful masters who being exalted from mean fortunes and ignoble Families little acquainted with good manners and less with any thing which is brave and Rohal would think themselves unworthy of so great an Office should they not Lord it to the purpose and exercise all kind of Tyranny on their captived Kings which insolence and malice could suggest unto them If Jack be once in Office he must be a Gentleman and gallop to the Devil if he get on Horseback Juvenal Sat. Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum as the Poet hath it If once the Bramble come to have Dominion over the trees of the forrest he will not only rob the Olive of his fatness the Vine of his rich Wines and the Fig-tree of his sweetness but also will devour the Cedars even the Cedars of Lebanon Judg. c. 9. No King or other Supream Magistrate shall dare to stand before them or if he do a fire shall come out of the Bramble and consume him utterly Such popular Officers as those of whom Calvin speaks are of such credit and Authority with the common people whose Officers they are in name but in fact their Masters that if they do but blow the Trumpet and say We have no part in David nor no inheritance at all in the son of Jesse 2 Sam. 20. every man will unto his Tents and forsake the King or Supream Magistrate to follow after them though men of Belial And this I do believe the rather to be Calvins meaning because G. Buchannan who built on his foundation and pursued his Principles doth not only exceedingly commend the act of Theopompus in setting up the Ephori in the State of Sparta and the Answer which he made his Wife when she murmured at it but thinks it very meet and reasonable that a free people as all Subjects are in his opinion should be armed with the like Authority in reprimenda tyrannidis acerbitate De jure regni
held on the 25th of June 1622. were severally condemned to be erroneous scandalous and destructive of Monarchical Government Upon which Sentence or determination the King gave order that as many of those books as could be gotten should solemnly and publickly be burnt in each of the Universities and St. Pauls Church-yard which was done accordingly An accident much complained of by the Puriten party for a long time after who looked upon it as the funeral pile of their Hopes and Projects till by degrees they got fresh courage carrying on their designs more secretly by consequence more dangerously than before they did The terrible effects whereof we have seen and felt in our late Civil Wars and present confusions But it is time to close this point and come to a conclusion of the whole discourse there be no other Objections that I know of but what are easily reduced unto those before or not worth the answering 15. Thus have we taken a brief survey of those insinuations grounds or principles call them what you will which Calvin hath laid down in his book of Institutions for the incouragement of the Subjects to rebellious courses and putting them in Arms against their Sovereign either in case of Tyranny Licentiousness or Mal-administration of what sort soever by which the Subject may pretend that they are oppressed either in point of Liberty or in point of Property And we have shewn upon what false and weak foundations he hath raised his building how much he hath mistaken or abused his Authors but how much more he hath betrayed and abused his Readers For we have clearly proved and directly manifested out of the best Records and Monuments of the former times that the Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes in the State of Rome to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi in the Common-wealth of Athens to oppose the Senate or if they were that this could no way serve to advance his purpose of setting up such popular Officers in the Kingdoms of Christendom those Officers being only found in Aristocraties or Democraties but never heard or dreamt of in a Monarchical Government And we have shewn both who they are which constitute the three Estates in all Christian Kingdoms and that there is no Christian Kingdom in which the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they do call them have any authority either to regulate the person of the Sovereign Prince or restrain his power in case he be a Sovereign Prince and not meerly titular and conditional and that it is not to be found in Holy Scripture that they are or were ordained by God to be the Patrons and Protectors of the common people and therefore chargeable with no less a crime than a most perfidious dissimulation should they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly abuse that power which the Lord hath given them to the oppression of their Subjects In which last points touching the designation of the three Estates and the authority pretended to be vested in them I have carried a more particular eye on this Kingdom of England where those pernicious Principles and insinuations which our Author gives us have been too readily imbraced and too eagerly pursued by those of his party and opinion If herein I have done any service to supream Authority my Countrey and some misguided Zealots of it I shall have reason to rejoyce in my undertaking If not posterity shall not say that Calvins memory was so sacred with me and his name so venerable as rather to suffer such a Stumbling-block to be laid in the Subjects way without being censured and removed than either his authority should be brought in question or any of his Dictates to a legal tryal Having been purchased by the Lord at so dear a price we are to be no longer the Servants of men or to have the truth of God with respect of persons I have God to be my Father and the Church my Mother and therefore have not only pleaded the cause of Kings and Supream Magistrates who are the Deputies of God but added somewhat in behalf of the Church of England whose rights and priviledges I have pleaded to my best abilities The issue and success I refer to him by whom Kings do Reign and who appointed Kings and other Supream Magistrates to be nursing Fathers to his Church that as they do receive authority and power from the hands of God so they may use the same in the protection and defence of the Church of God and God even their own God will give them his Blessing and save them from the striving of unruly people whose mouth speaketh proud words and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity FINIS De Jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR A BRIEF DISCOURSE ASSERTING THE Bishops Right of Peerage WHICH EITHER By Law or Ancient Custom DOTH Belong unto them WRITTEN By the Learned and Reverend PETER HEYLYN D. D. In the Year 1640. When it was Voted in the Lords House That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the EARL of STRAFFORD He being dead yet speaketh Heb. xi 4. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. A PREFACE ALthough there are Books enough writ to vindicate the Honours and Priviledges of Bishops yet to those that are fore-stalled with prejudice and passion all that can be said or done will be little enough to make them wise unto sobriety to prevail with them not to contradict the conviction of their mind with absurd and fond reasonings but that Truth may conquer their prepossessions and may find so easie an access and welcome unto their practical judgments that they may profess their faith and subjection to that order which by a misguided zeal they once endeavoured to destroy Many are the methods that have been and are still used to rase up the foundation of Episcopacy and to make the Name of Bishop to be had no more in remembrance For first some strike at the Order and Function it self And yet St. Paul reckons it among his faithful sayings 1 Tim. 3.1 that the Office of a Bishop is a good work And the order continued perpetually in the Church without any interruption of time or decrees of Councils to the contrary for the space of many Centuries after the Ascension of Christ and the Martyrdom of the Apostles For they ordained Bishops and approved them Before St. John died Rome had a succession of no less than four viz. Linus Anacletus Clemens and Evaristus Jerusalem had James the just and Simeon the Son of Cleophas Antioch had Euodius and Ignatius and St. Mark Anianus Abilius and Cerdo successively fill'd the See of Alexandria All these lived in St. Johns days and their order obeyed by Christians and blessed by God throughout the whole world for the Conversion of Jews and Gentiles for the perfecting of the Saints and the edifying of
Page 477 6. The prosecution of the former story and ill success therein of the undertakers ibid. 7. Restraint of worldly business on the Lords day and the other Holy-days admitted in those times in Scotland Page 478 8. Restraint of certain servile works on Sundays Holy-days and the Wakes concluded in the Council of Oxon under Henry III. ibid. 9. Husbandry and Legal process prohibited on the Lords day first in the Reign of Edward III. Page 479 10. Selling of Wools on the Lords day and the solemn Feasts forbidden first by the said King Edward as after Fairs and Markets generally by King Henry VI. Page 480 11. The Cordwainers of London restrained from selling their Wares on the Lords day and some other Festivals by King Edward IV. and the repealing of that Act by King Henry VIII Page 481 12. In what estate the Lords day stood both for the doctrine and the practice in the beginning of the Reign of the said King Henry ibid. CHAP. VIII The story of the Lords day from the Reformation of Religion in this Kingdom till this present time 1. The doctrine of the Sabbath and the Lords day delivered by three several Martyrs conformably to the judgment of the Protestants before remembred Page 483 2. The Lords day and the other Holy-days confessed by all this Kingdom in the Court of Parliament to have no other ground than the Authority of the Church Page 484 3. The meaning and occasion of that clause in the Common-Prayer-book Lord have mercy upon us c. repeated at the end of the fourth Commandment Page 485 4. That by the Queens Injunctions and the first Parliament of her Reign the Lords day was not meant for a Sabbath day Page 486 5. The doctrine in the Homilies delivered about the Lords day and the Sabbath ibid. 6. The sum and substance of that Homily and that it makes not any thing for a Lords day Sabbath Page 487 7. The first original of the New Sabbath Speculations in this Church of England by whom and for what cause invented Page 489 8. Strange and most monstrous Paradoxes preached on occasion of the former doctrines and of the other effects thereof Page 490 9. What care was taken of the Lords day in King James his Reign the spreading of the doctrines and of the Articles of Ireland Page 491 10. The Jewish Sabbath set on foot and of King James his Declaration about Lawful sports on the Lords day Page 493 11. What Tracts were writ and published in that Princes time in opposition to the doctrines before remembred ibid. 12. In what estate the Lords day and the other Holy-days have stood in Scotland since the Reformation of Religion in that Kingdom Page 494 13. Statutes about the Lords day made by our present Sovereign and the misconstruing of the same His Majesty reviveth and enlargeth the Declaration of King James Page 496 14. An exortation to obedience unto his Majesties most Christian purpose concludes this History Page 497 Historia Quinqu-Articularis Or a Declaration of the Judgment of the Western Churches and more particularly of the Church of England in the five Controverted Points c. CHAP. I. The several Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of Sin or attribute too much to the Natural freedom of Man's Will in the Works of Piety 1. God affirmed by Florinus to be the Author of sin the Blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus and the foul Consequents thereof Page 505 2. Revived in the last Ages by the Libertines said by the Papists to proceed from the Schools of Calvin and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome Page 506 3. Disguised by the Maniches in another dress and the necessity thereby imposed on the Wills of men ibid. 4. The like by Bardesanes and the Priscilianists the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer and the words of St. Augustine Page 507 5. The Error of the Maniches touching the servitude of the Will revived by Luther and continued by the rigid Lutherans ibid. 6. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian by that of Calvin touching the Absolute Decree the dangers which lie hidden under the Decree and the incompatibleness thereof with Christs coming to Judgment ibid. 7. The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers touching the freedom of the Will abused by Pelagius and his followers Page 508 8. The Heresie of Pelagius in what it did consist especially as to this particular and the dangers of it ibid. 9. The Pelagian Heresie condemned and recalled the temper of S. Augustine touching the freedom of the Will in spiritual matters ibid. 10. Pelagianism falsly charged on the Moderate Lutherans How far all parties do agree about the freedom of the Will and in what they differ Page 509 CHAP. II. Of the Debates amongst the Divines in the Council of Trent touching Predestination and Original Sin 1. The Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians touching Predestination and Reprobation Page 510 2. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way ibid. 3. As also the old Franciscans with Reasons for their own and against the other Page 511 4. The Historians judgment interposed between the Parties ibid. 5. The middle way of Catarinus to compose the differences ibid. 6. The newness of St. Augustines Opinion and the dislike thereof by the most Learned men in the Ages following Page 512 7. The perplexities amongst the Theologues touching the absoluteness of the Decrees ibid. 8. The judgment of the said Divines touching the possibility of falling from Grace ibid. 9. The Debates about the nature and transmitting of Original Sin ibid. 10. The Doctrine of the Council in it Page 513 CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will with the Conclusions of the Council in the five Controverted Points 1. The Articles against the Freedom of the Will extracted out of Luther's Writings Page 314 2. The exclamation of the Divines against Luther's Doctrine in the Point and the absurdities thereof ibid. 3. The several judgments of Marinarus Catarinus and Andreas Vega ibid. 4. The different judgment of the Dominicans and Franciscans whether it lay in mans power to believe or not to believe and whether the freedom of the Will were lost in Adam ibid. 5. As also of the Point of the co-operation of mans Will with the Grace of God Page 515 6. The opinion of Frier Catanca in the point of irresistibility ibid. 7. Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer and more cordially approved by others but in time rejected ibid. 8. The great care taken by the Legates in having the Articles so framed as to please all parties Page 516 9. The Doctrine of the Council in the five Controverted Points ibid. 10. A Transition from the Council of Trent to the Protestant and Reformed Churches Page 517 CHAP. IV. The judgment of the Lutherans and Calvinians in these five Points with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Council of Dort 1. No difference in Five Points betwixt the
doctrins An Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same ibid. 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times the case of Liberius Pope of Rome and that the testimonies of this kind are rather to be valued by weight than tale Page 627 CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled Page 628 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James Page 629 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition ibid. 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it Page 630 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused The inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession ibid. 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their Predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament Anno 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons of it Page 631 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-Calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland ibid. 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon Calvanists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud Page 632 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that King was more incensed heainst the party of Arminius than against their perswasions ibid. 10. The Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges Page 633 11. The publishing of Mountagues Answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his Appeal Licensed by the Kings appointment Page 634 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England ibid. A Postscript to the Reader concerning some particulars in a Scurrilous Pamphlet Entituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare c. Page 635 The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience and Rebellion c. CHAP. I. The Doctrine of Obedience laid down by Calvin and of the Popular Officers supposed by him whereby he overthroweth that Doctrine 1. THe purpose and design of the work in hand Page 645 2. The Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes soundly and piously laid down by Calvin Page 646 3. And that not only to the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants Page 647 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it Page 649 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some particular Officers ordained of purpose to regulate the power of Kings Page 650 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine as to the point of Obedience Page 651 7. Several Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him Page 653 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and the Scholars ibid. 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience Page 654 10. The method and distribution of the following work Page 655 CHAP. II. Of the Authority of Ephori in the State of Sparta and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The King of Sparta absolute Monarch at the first Page 656 2. Of the declining of the Regal power and the condition of that State when Lycurgus undertook to change the Government Page 657 3. What power Lycurgus gave the Senate and what was left unto the Kings ibid. 4. The Ephori appointed by the Kings of Sparta to ease themselves and curb the Senate Page 658 5. The blundering and mistakes of Joseph Scaliger about the first Institution of the Ephori Page 659 6. The Ephori from mean beginnings grew to great Authority and by what advantages Page 660 7. The power and influence which they had in the publick Government Page 661 8. By what degrees the Ephori incroached on the Spartan Kings Page 662 9. The insolencies of the Ephori towards their Kings altered the State into a Tyranny Page 663 10. The Spartan Kings stomach the insolency of the Ephori and at last utterly destroy them Page 664 11. An application of the former passages to the point in hand Page 665 CHAP. III. Of the Incroachments of the Tribunes on the State of Rome and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The Tribunes of the People why first Instituted in the State of Rome Page 666 2. And with what difficulty and conditions Page 667 3. The Tribunes fortifie themselves with large immunities before they went about to change the Government Page 668 4. The Tribunes no sooner in their Office but they set themselves against the Nobility and the Senate contrary to the Articles of their Institution Page 669 5. The many and dangerous Seditions occasioned by the Tribunes in the City of Rome Page 670 6. The Tribunes and the People do agree together to change the Government of the State Page 671 7. By what degrees the People came to be possessed of all the Offices in the State both of power and dignity Page 672 8. The Plots and Practices of the Gracchi to put the power of the Judicature and Supream Majesty of the Senate into the hands of the People ibid. 9. The Tribunes take upon them to commit the Consuls and bring all the Officers of the State under their command Page 673 10. The Office and Authority of the Tribunes reduced unto its antient bounds by Corn. Sylla and at last utterly destroyed Page 674 11. An Application of the former passage to the point in hand Page 675 CHAP. IV. Of what Authority the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of the danger and unfitness of the instances produced by Calvin 1. Athens first governed by Kings and afterwards by one Sovereign Prince under other titles Page 676 2. The Annual Magistrates of Athens what they were and of what Authority Page 677 3. By whom and what degrees the State of Athens was reduced to a Democratie Page 678 4. Of the Authority of the Senate and the famous Court of the Areopagites Page 679 5. What the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of what Authority Page 680 6. The Demarchi never were of power to oppose the Senate nor were ordained to that end ibid. 7. Calvins ill
second Age. Theophilus Caesariens who lived about the times of Commodus and Severus the Roman Emperors makes mention of it and fixeth it upon the 25 of Decemb. as we now observe it Natalem Domini quocunque die 8. Calend. Januar. venerit celebrare debemus as his own words are And after in the time of Maximinus which was one of the last great Persecutors Nicephorus tells us that In ipso natalis Dominici die l. 7. c. 6. Christianos Nicomediae festivitatem celebrantes succenso templo concremavit even in the very day of the Lords Nativity he caused the Christians to be burnt at Nicomedia whilst they were solemnizing this great Feast within their Temple I say this Great Feast and I call it so on the Authority of Beda Orat. de Philogon who reckoneth Christmas Easter and Whitsontide for majora solennia as they still are counted But before Bede it was so thought over all the Church Chrysostom calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mother or Metropolis of all other Feasts See Binius Conc. T. 1. And before him Pope Fabian whom but now we spake of ordained that all Lay-men should communicate at least thrice a year which was these three Festivals Etsi non frequentius saltemter in Anno Laici homines communicent c. in Pascha Pentecoste Natali Domini So quickly had the Annual got the better of the weekly Festivals According to which ancient Canon the Church of England hath appointed that every man communicate at least thrice a year of which times Easter to be one Before we end this Chapter there is one thing yet to be considered which is the name whereby the Christians of these first Ages did use to call the day of the Resurrection and consequently the other days of the week according as they found the time divided The rather because some are become offended that we retain those names amongst us which were to us commended by our Ancestors and to them by theirs Where first we must take notice that the Jews in honour of their Sabbath used to refer times to that distinguishing their days by Prima Sabbati Secunda Sabbati and so until they came to the Sabbath it self As on the other side the Gentiles following the motions of the Planets gave to each day the name of that particular Planet by which the first hour of the day was governed as their Astrologers had taught them Now the Apostles being Jews retained the custom of the Jews and for that reason called that day on which our Saviour rose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 una sabbati the first day of the week as our English reads it The Fathers many of them followed their example Saint Austin thereupon calls Thursday by the name of quintum sabbati Epist 118. and so doth venerable Beda hist lib. 4. c. 25. Saint Hierom Tuesday tertium sabbati in Epitaph Paulae Tertullian Friday by the old name parasceve l. 4. advers Marcion Saturday they called generally the Sabbath and Sunday sometimes dies solis De invent rerum l. 5 6. and is sometimes Dominicus Pope Silvester as Polydore Virgil is of opinion vanorum deorum memoriam abhorrens hating the name and memory of the Gentile-Gods gave order that the days should be called by the name of Feriae and the distinction to be made by Prima feria secunda feria c. the Sabbath and the Lords day holding their names and places as before they did Hence that of Honorius Augustodunensis Hebraei nominant dies suos De imagine mundi cap. 28. una vel prima sabbati c. Pagani sic dies Solis Lunae c. Christiani vero sic dies nominant viz. Dies Dominicus feria prima c. Sabbatum But by their leaves this is no universal rule the Writers of the Christian Church not tying up their hands so strictly as not to give the days what names they pleased Save that the Saturday is called amongst them by no other name than that which formerly it had the Sabbath So that when ever for a thousand years and upwards we meet with sabbatum in any Writer of what name soever it must be understood of no day but Saturday As for the other day the day of the Resurrection all the Evangelists and Saint Paul take notice of no other name than of the first day of the Week Saint John and after him Ignatius call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Lords day But then again Justin Martyr for the second Century doth in two several passages call it no otherwise than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sunday as then the Gentiles called it and we call it now And so Tertullian for the third who useth both and calls it sometimes diem solis and sometimes Dominicum as before was said Which questionless neither of them would have done on what respect soever had it been either contrary to the Word of God or scandalous unto his Church So for the after Ages in the Edicts of Constantine Valentinian Valens Gratian Honorius Arcadius Theodosius Christian Princes all it hath no other name than Sunday or dies solis and many fair years after them the Synod held at Dingulofinum in the lower Bavaria Anno 772. calls it plainly Sunday Festo die solis prophanis negotiis abstineto of which more hereafter And Aventine for the latter Writers who lived not till the Age last past speaking of the battel fought near Cambray between Charles Martel and Hilpericus King of France saith that it hapned on the thirteenth of the Calends of April Hist l. 3. quae tum dies solis ante Paschalia erat being the Sunday before Easter They therefore are more nice than wise who out of a desire to have all things new would have new names for every day or call them as sometimes they were the first day of the week the second day of the week sic de coeteris and all for fear lest it be thought that we do still adore those Gods whom the Gentiles worshipped Cont. Faust l. 19. c. 5. Saint Augustine as it seems had met with some this way affected and thus disputes the case with Faustus Manichaeus Deorum suorum nomina gentes imposuerunt diebus istis c. The Gentiles saith the Father gave unto every day of the week the name of one or other of their Gods and so they did also unto every month If then we keep the name of March and not think of Mars Why may we not saith he preserve the name of Saturday and not think of Saturn I add why may we not then keep the name of Sunday and not think of Phoebus or Apollo or by what other name soever the old Poets call him This though it satisfied the Manichees will not perhaps now satisfie some curious men who do as much dislike the names of months as of the days To others I presume it may give some reason why we retain the name of Sunday not
only in our common speech but in the Canons of the Church and our Acts of Parliament as being used indifferently by so many eminent persons in the Primitive Church as also in an open Synod as before was thewn from thence transmitted by our Fathers unto their posterity Better by far and far less danger to be feared in calling it the Sunday as the Gentiles did and as our Ancestors have done before us than calling it the Sabbath as too many do and on less authority nay contrary indeed to all Antiquity and Scripture CHAP. III. That in the fourth Age from the time of Constantine to Saint Austin the Lords day was not taken for a Sabbath day 1. The Lords day first established by the Emperour Constantine 2. What Labours were permitted and what restrained on the Lords day by this Emperours Edict 3. Of other Holy days and Saints days instituted in the time of Constantine 4. That weekly other days particularly the Wednesday and the Friday were in this Age and those before appointed for the meetings of the Congregation 5. The Saturday as highly honoured in the Eastern Churches as the Lords day was 6. The Fathers of the Eastern Churches cry down the Jewish Sabbath though they held the Saturday 7. The Lords day not spent wholly in Religious Exercises and what was done with that part of it which was left at large 8. The Lords day in this Age a day of Feasting and that it hath been always deemed Heretical to hold Fasts thereon 9. Of Recreation on the Lords day and of what kind those Dancings were against the which the Fathers inveigh so sharply 10. Other Imperial Edicts about the keeping of the Lords day and the other Holy-days 11. The Orders at this time in use on the Lords day and other days of publick meeting in the Congregation 12. The infinite differences between the Lords day and the Sabbath HItherto have we spoken of the Lords day as taken up by the common consent of the Church not instituted or established by any Text of Scripture or Edict of Emperour or Decree of Council save that some few particular Councils did reflect upon it in the point of Esater In that which followeth we shall find both Emperours and Councils very frequent in ordering things about this day and the service of it And first we have the Emperour Constantine who being the first Christian Prince that publickly profest the Gospel was the first also that made any Law about the keeping of the Lords day or Sunday De vit Const lib. 4. c. 18. Of him Eusebius tells us that thinking that the chiefest and most proper day for the devotion of his Subjects he presently declared his pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every one who lived in the Roman Empire should take their ease or rest in that day weekly which is intituled to our Saviour Now where the Souldiers in his Camp were partly Christians and partly the Gentiles it was permitted unto them who professed the Gospel upon the Sunday so he calls it freely to go unto the Churches and there offer up their Prayers to Almighty God But such as had continued still in their ancient Errours were ordered to assemble in the open Fields upon those days and on a signal given to make their prayers unto the Lord after a form by him prescribed The Form being in the Latin Tongue was this that followeth Te solum Deum agnoscimus te regem prositemur te adjutorem invocamus per te victorias consecuti sumus Cap. 20. per te hostes superavimus à te praesentem felicitatem consecuntos fatemur futuram adepturos speramus tui omnes supplices sumus à te petimus ut Constantinum Imperatorem nostrum una cum piis ejus liberis quam diutissime nobis salvum victorem conserves In English thus We do acknowledge thee to be the only God we confess thee to be the King we call upon thee as our helper and defender by thee alone it is that we have got the Victory and subdued our Enemies to thee as we refer all our present happiness so from thee also do we expect our future Thee therefore we beseech that thou wouldest please to keep in all health and safety our noble Emperour Constantine with his hopeful Progeny Nor was this only to be done in the Fields of Rome in patentibus suburbiorum campis as the Edict ran but after by another Proclamation he did command the same over all the Provinces of the Empire Cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Eusebius hath it So natural a power it is in a Christian Prince to order things about Religion that he not only took upon him to command the day but also to prescribe the scrvice to those I mean who had no publick Liturgy or set Form of Prayer Nor did he only take upon him to command or appoint the day as to all his subjects and to prescribe a form of Prayer as unto the Gentiles but to decree what works should be allowed upon it and what intermitted In former times though the Lords day had got the credit as to be honoured with the publick meetings of the Congregation yet was it not so strictly kept no not in time of divine service but that the publick Magistrates Judges and other Ministers of State were to attend those great Employments they were called unto without relation to this day or cessation on it and so did other men that had less employments and those not so necessary These things this pious Emperour taking into consideration and finding no necessity but that his Judges and other publick Ministers might attend Gods service on that day at least not be a means to keep others from it and knowing that such as dwelt in Cities had sufficient leisure to frequent the Church and that Artificers without any publick discommodity might for that time forbear their ordinary labours he ordered and appointed that all of them in their several places should this day lay aside their own Business to attend the Lords But then withal considering that such as followed Husbandry could not so well neglect the times of Seed and Harvest but that they were to take advantage of the fairest and most seasonable weather as God pleased to send it he left it free to them to follow their affairs on what day soever left otherwise they might lose those blessings which God in his great bounty had bestowed upon them This mentioned in the very Edict he set forth about it First for his Judges Citizens or inhabitants of the greater Towns L. Omnes cap. de feriis and all Artificers therein dwelling Omnes Judices urbanaeque plebes cunctarum artium officia venerabili die Solis quiescant Next for the people of the Contrey Rure tamen positi libere licenterque agrorum culture inserviant quoniam frequenter evenit ut non aptius alio die frumenta sulcis vinea scrobibus mandentur
Festivals whatsoever they should abstain from every kind of bodily labour save what belong'd to dressing meat But that which needs must most afflict them is that the Council doth profess this abstinence from bodily labour which is there decreed to be no Ordinance of the Lords that he exacteth no such duty from us and that it is an Ecclesiastical exhortation only and no more but so And if no more but so it were too great an undertaking to bring all Nations of the World to yield unto the prescript of a private and particular Canon made only for a private and particular cause and if no more but so it concludes no Sabbath Yet notwithstanding these restraints from work and labour the Church did never so resolve it that any work was in it self unlawful on the Lords day though to advance Gods publick service it was thought good that men should be restrained from some kind of work that so they might the better attend their prayers and follow their devotions It 's true these Centuries the fifth and sixth were fully bent to give the Lords day all fit honour not only in prohibiting unlawful pleasures but in commanding a forbearance of some lawful business such as they found to yield most hinderance to religious duties Yea and some works of piety they affixt unto it for its greater honour The Prisoners in the common Goals had formerly been kept in too strictly It was commanded by Honorius and Theodosius at that time Emperours Anno 412. that they should be permitted omnibus diebus dominicus every Lords day to walk abroad with a guard upon them as well to crave the charity of well disposed persons as to repair unto the Bathes for the refreshing of their bodies Nor did he only so command it but set a mulct of 20 pound in gold on all such publick ministers as should disobey the Bishops of the Church being trusted to see it done Where note that going to the Bathes on the Lords day was not thought unlawful though it required no question corporal labours for had it been so thought as some thought it afterwards the Prelates of the Church would not have taken it upon them to see the Emperours will fulfilled and the Law obeyed A second honour affixt in these Ages to the Lords day is that it was conceived the most proper day for giving holy Orders in the Church of God and a Law made by Leo then Pope of Rome and generally since taken up in the Western Church that they should be conferred upon no day else There had been some regard of Sunday in the times before and so much Leo doth acknowledge Quod ergo à patribus nostris propensiore cura novimus servatum esse à vobis quoque volumus custodiri ut non passim diebus omnibus sacerdotalis ordinatio celebretur Ept. Decret 81 But that which was before a voluntary act is by him made necessary and a Law given to all the Churches under his obedience Vt his qui consecrandi sunt nunquam benedictiones nisi in die resurrectionis dominicae tribuantur that Ordinations should be celebrated on the Lords day only And certainly he gives good reason why it should be so except in extraordinary and emergent cases wherein the Law admits of a dispensation For on that day saith he The holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles and thereby gave us as it were this celestial rule that on that day alone we should confer spiritual orders in quo collata sunt omnia dona gratiarum in which the Lord conferred upon his Church all spiritual graces Nay that this business might be done with the more solemnity and preparation it was appointed that those men who were to be invested with holy Orders should continue fasting from the Eve before that spending all that time in prayer and humbling of themselves before the Lord they might be better fitted to receive his Graces For much about these times the service of the Lords day was enlarged and multiplyed the Evenings of the day being honoured with religious meetings as the Mornings formerly Yea and the Eves before were reckoned as a part or parcel of the Lords day following Cui à vespere sabbati initium constat ascribi as the same Decretal informs us The 251. Sermon de tempore ascribed unto St. Austin doth affirm as much but we are not sure that it is his Note that this Leo entred on the Chair of Rome Anno 440. of our Saviours birth and did continue in the same full 20 years within which space of time he set out this decretal but in what year particularly that I cannot find I say that now the Evenings of the Lords day began to have the honour of religious Meetings for ab initio non fuit sic it was not so from the beginning Nor hd it been so now but that almost all sorts of people were restrained from works as well by the Imperial Edicts as by the constitutions of particular Churches by means whereof the afternoon was left at large to be disposed of for the best increase of Christian Piety Nor probably had the Church conceived it necessary had not the admiration which was then generally had of the Monastick kind of life facilitated the way unto it For whereas they had bound themselves to set hours of prayer Epitaphium Panlae matr Mane hora tertia sexta nona vespere noctis medio at three of the clock in the Morning at six at nine and after in the Evening and at midnight as St. Hierom tells us the people generally became much affected with their strict Devotions and seemed not unwilling to conform unto them as far at least as might consist with their Vocations upon this willingness of the people the service of the Church became more frequent than before and was performed thrice every day in the greater Churches where there were many Priests and Deacons to attend the same namely at six and nine before Noon and at some time appointed in the Evening for the afternoon accordingly as now we use it in our Cathedral and Collegiate Churches But in inferiour Towns and petty Villages where possibly the people could not every day attend so often it was conceived sufficient that they should have the Morning and the Evening prayer sung or said unto them that such as would might come to Church for their devotions and so it is by the appointment of the Rubrick in our Common Prayer book Only the Sundays and the Holy days were to be honoured with two several meetings in the Morning the one at six of the clock which simply was the morning service the other at nine for the administration of the holy Sacrament and Preaching of the Word to the Congregation This did occasion the distinction of the first and second Service as we call them still though now by reason of the peoples sloth and backwardness in coming to the Church of God they are in most places
joyn'd together So whereas those of the Monastick life did use to solemnize the Eve or Vigils of the Lords day and of other Festivals with the peculiar and preparatory service to the day it self that profitable and pious custom began about these times to be taken up and generally received in the Christian Church Of this there is much mention to be found in Cassian as Institut lib. 2. cap. 18. l. 3. c. 9. Collat. 21. c. 20. and in other places This gave the hint to Leo and St. Austin if he made the Sermon to make the Eve before a part or parcel of the day because some part of the Divine Offices of the day were begun upon it And hence it is that in these Ages and in those that followed but in none before we meet with the distinction of matutinae vespertinae precationes Mattins and Evensong as we call it the Canons of the Church about these times beginning to oblige men to the one as well as formerly to the other The Council held in Arragon Conc. Tartaconens Can. 7. hereupon ordained Vt omnis clerus die Sabbati ad vesperam paratus sit c. That all the Clergy be in readiness on the Saturday vespers that so they may be prepared with the more solemnity to celebrate the Lords day in the Congregation And not so only sed ut diebus omnibus vesperas matutinas celebrent but that they diligently say the morning and the evening service every day continually So for the mattins on the Sunday Gregory of Tours informs us of them Motum est signum ad matutinas Erat enim dies dominica how the Bell rung to mattins for it was a Sunday I have translated it the Bell according to the custom of these Ages whereof now we write wherein the use of Bells was first taken up for gathering of the people to the house of God there being mention in the Life and History of St. Loup or Lupus Baron Ann. Anno 614. who lived in the fifth Century of a great Bell that hung in the Church of Sens in France whereof he was Bishop ad convocandum populum for calling of the congregation Afterwards they were rung on the holy-day Eves to give the people notice of the Feast at hand and to advertise them that it was time to leave off their businesses Solebant vesperi initia feriarum campanis praenunciare so he that wrote the life of Codegundut Well then the Bells are rung and all the people met together what is expected at their hands That they behave themselves there like the Saints of God in fervent Prayers in frequent Psalms and Hymns and spiritual Songs hearing Gods holy Word receiving of the Sacraments These we have touched upon before as things that had been always used from the beginnings of the Church Collections for the poor had been sometimes used on this day before but now about these times the Offertory began to be an ordinary part of Gods publick Worship Pope Leo seems to intimate it in his fifth Sermon de collectis Et quia die dominico proxima futura est collectio vos omnes voluntariae devotioni praeparare c. and gives them warning of it that they may be ready For our behaviour in the Church it was first ordered by St. Paul that all things be done reverently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of the Angels according to which ground and warrant it was appointed in these Ages that every man should stand up at the reading of the Gospel and the Gloria Patri that none depart the Church till the service ended Pope Anastasius who lived in the beginning of the fifth Age is said to have decreed the one Dum S. S. Epl. Decret 1 ap Bin. Evangelia in Ecclesia recitantur sacerdotes caeteri omnes praesentes non sedentes sed venerabiliter curvi in conspectu sancti Evangclii stantes dominica verba attente audiant fideliter adorent The Priests and all else present are enjoyned to stand their Bodies bowed a little in sign of reverence during the reading of the Gospel but by no means to hear it sitting adding some joyful acclamation at the end thereof such as is that of Glory be to thee O Lord. So for the Gloria Patri that form of giving to the Lord the Glory which belongs unto him we find in Cassian that they used to stand upon their feet at the doing of it In clausula Psalmi Institut lib. 2 c. 8. omnes astantes pronunciant magno clamore Gloria Patri c. that gesture being thought most natural and most proper for it No constitution needed to enjoyn those Duties which natural discretion of it self could dictate As for the last it seemed the people in those parts used to depart the Church some of them before the Service ended and the blessing given for otherwise there had been no Canon to command the contrary Ex malis moribus bonae nascuntur leges the old saying is And out of this ill custom did arise a Law made in a Synod held in a Town of Gallia Narbonensis the 22 of the Reign of Alaricus King of the Visi-Gothes or Western-Gothes Anno 506. Conc. Agathens Can. 47. that on the Lords day all Lay-people should be present at the publick Liturgy and none depart before the Blessing Missas die dominico secularibus audire speciali ordine praecipimus ita ut egredi ante benedictionem sacerdotis populus non praesumat So the Canon hath it According unto which it is provided in the Canons of the Church of England Can. 19. that none depart out of the Church during the time of Service and Sermon without some reasonable or urgent cause The Benediction given and the Assembly broken up the people might go home no doubt and being there make merry with their Friends and Neighbours such as came either to them of their own accord or otherwise had been invited Gregory of Tours informs us of a certain Presbyter that thrust himself into the Bishoprick of the Arverni immediately upon the death of Sidonius Apollinaris who died about the year 487 and that to gain the peoples favour on the next Lords day after Jussit cunctos cives praeparato epulo invitari Hist l. 31. he had invited all the principal Citizens to a solemn Feast Whatever might be said of him that made the invitation no doubt but there were many pious and religious men that accepted of it Of Recreations after Dinner until Evening prayers and after Evening prayer till the time of Supper there is no question to be made but all were practised which were not prohibited Nam quod non prohibetur permissum est as Tertullian Of this more anon Thus have we brought the Lords day to the highest pitch the highest pitch that hitherto it had enjoyed both in relation unto rest from worldly business and to the full performance of religious Duties Whatever was