makes no mention therein of Agapius Leo Allatius has outragiously used the same Patriarch in his Book de Perpetua Consensione and has not fail'd to describe at length the Councils of Cyrillus de Berrhaea and Parthenius but he mentions not a word of Agapius The aforesaid Allatius wrote a Book against Dr. Creygton wherein he indeavours to prove the Greeks believe Transubstantiation He has made a Collection of whatsoever favours his Cause out of all Authors whether Prints or Manuscripts Mr. Arnaud knows it very well seeing 't is from thence he has taken his most specious Arguments but he tells us not a Word of Agapius which makes me justly Suspect that 't is the Work of some Imposture But be it as it will 't is silly to Triumph with it till 't is proved Authentick IN fine to clear the Dispute of all Impertinencies and Illusions with which Mr. Arnaud has pestered it we must retrench the Testimonies of the false Greeks that is to say of those who having bin brought up in Latin Seminaries and being in their Hearts Romanists yet Live in the Communion of the Greek Schismatical Church and even sometimes Possess the highest Dignities Gerganus Bishop of Arta in the Epistle before his Catechism complains In Refuta Caryophr very much against these sort of People He says they are secret Enemies outwardly seem to be Greeks but are Latins in their Hearts and Caryophilus that relates this Complaint of Gerganus agrees in this Particular We have already seen by Report of the Jesuits themselves that one of the chiefest Employs of the Missionaries in the East is to gain privately the Bishops and Priests to make use of them upon Occasion or insensibly to insinuate the Romish Faith into the Minds of the Greek Youth under Pretence of teaching them Languages and Philosophy that by this means they may fill by degrees the Ecclesiastical Charges with their Creatures We have already seen even by the Testimony of Allatius and Thomas a Jesu that this is the Advantage received from the Seminary at Rome wherein Greek Children are brought up in the Opinions and Maxims of the Roman Church and from whence they are sent into their own Countries to receive Orders from Schismatical Bishops to the end they may be promoted to Bishopricks by the Schismatical Patriarchs and carry on the Latin Interest under this false Pretence I do not pretend to decide here the Question whether this way of Proceeding be justifiable or not this being not my Business Let every Man judg thereof as he pleases But I Affirm 't is not possible for People to be more disingenuously dealt with than we are by Mr. Arnaud in making use of the Testimony of these Persons whereby to decide the Question between us If this be his way of Confounding Ministers and Triumphing at their Defeat his Victories indeed will be easy but his Triumph neither Honourable nor Just Is it not a disingenuous Artifice thus to make use as he hath done of the Mystery of the Missions and Seminaries to blind the World imagining his indirect Dealing will scape being taken Notice of AND thus does Mr. Arnaud gloriously retayl out to us the Testimony of Paysius Ligaridius together with the Letters of Mr. de Pompone his Nephew He first produces some Collections out of him Translated into our Language and in fine has Translated his Treatise into Latin and inserted it in his 12th Book Would we know who this Paysius Ligaridius is observe what Mr. Pompone has writ of him in his Letter He is a Greek say's he by Nation and a Religious of the Order of St. Basil He was sometime a Student at Rome and Padoua and being returned from thence to Constantinople was made Archbishop of Gaza in Palestine Mr. Pompone seems to make this Acknowledgment with some kind of Constraint I the rather tell you say's he whatsoever I know of this Archbishop because I do not doubt but some Calvinists here have given notice of this Treatise to Mr. Claude and informed him he ought to be Suspected seeing he was Educated at Rome and went out Doctor at Padoua so that he may think his Testimony ought to be rejected being brought up in our Religion Should we not have known then of Mr. Pompone what kind of Man this Archbishop was were it not for that he feared some Calvinists at Stockholm would give an Account of him to Claude the Minister Alas we are not beholding to him for his Account for we can be informed elsewhere by a Latiniz'd Greek at Venice who goes under the Name of Signor Gradenigo observe what he lately Wrote concerning him Paysius Ligaridius studied at Rome and when he left that City was a Zealous Defendor of the Latins but I heard since he has publickly abjured the Romish Religion when made Metropolitain of Gaza TO give the World a more particular Character of this Person and such as are like him it will not be amiss to relate at large this Abjuration mentioned by Signor Gradenigo Observe here then what Dr. Bazire an English Divine whose Testimony I have already Cited wrote to me who was present at Jerusalem when Paysius was made Archbishop of Gaza In the Year 1646 say's he during the Troubles in England King Charles the first of Blessed Memory sent me over from England to France to his Son then Prince of Wales my now gracious Sovereign Charles the Second whom God grant long to Reign After an abode of two Years in France I resolved to make a long Voyage and to visit all Syria Mesopotamia and Palestine which I did in five Years time Being in the Year 1652 at Jerusalem in the Temple of the Sepulchre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to pray and behold the Holy Places in Imitation of that Alexander mentioned by Eusebius in the sixth Book of his Ecclesiastical History Paysius Ligaridius came to me from the Patriarch of Constantinople whose Name likewise was Paysius to present me with a Cake on which was described the whole History of our Saviour from his Annunciation to his Ascension and in leaving me Invited me to be present on the Morrow at his Spiritual Marriage these were his Expressions meaning his Installment into the Dignity of Metropolitain of Gaza The next Day being the fourteenth of September 't was performed and I was present at the Ceremony The Patriarch sat upon his Throne which was hung with rich Turky Carpets and under him sat the Metropolitains and a little lower the Bishops Archimandrites c. Whilst the Office was Celebrating Ligaridius rehearsed a Confession of Faith a Copy of which he afterwards gave me Before his Consecration he twice or thrice trampled under his Feet a Picture which represented a City scituated on seven Hills with a two headed Eagle soaring over it The Latins there present were extreamly offended thereat for they knew well enough this City represented Rome After the Consecration was ended I withdrew into a publick House of Entertainment in
be an effect of the displeasure which he had to be accused of Heresie by his adversaries yet do acknowledg that he was drawn over thither by Alfred Cujus munificentia illectus magisterio ejus ut ex Scriptis Regis intellexi Melduni resedit says Simeon of Durham which is to say that he was won by the Kings liberality to be his Tutor Roger de Howden and Matthew of Westminster say the same thing in the same terms so that according to them these two things do not contradict one another that John Scot was call'd into England by Alfred and yet came thither thro some disgust which his enemies had given him in France THIRDLY French Historians say also that John Scot was called over into England by Alfred Observe here what an ancient Chronicle of France says which ends in 1137. At the entreaty of Alfred John Scot return'd Hist Fran. T. 3. p. 359. from France where he was with Charles the Bald. But fourthly If we suppose that this John Scot whom the Historians say was fetcht over from France into England together with S. Grimbald by an Ambassador sent on purpose by Alfred for him is different from our John Scot it cannot be said who he was Asserus speaks of him not as of an obscure person but as a famous man The King says he sent beyond Sea into France Embassadors to search for Masters and drew over Grimbald a Priest and a Monk he brought over likewise John who was also a Priest and a Monk a man of a great wit and well vers'd in all Sciences Let us be inform'd who this famous man was in France this man that was so well known and deserved to be sent for by an Embassage For we do not any where find there was in France after the middle of the 9th Century any other man of this Character and name of John but John Scot. We find indeed mention made of of Grimbald that he was a Monk of S. Bertin who understood Musick but was far from equalling in Wit and Learning this John Scot of whom Asserus speaks How then came it to pass that there remains no trace of this pretended John supposing this was not he THE Author of the Dissertation's third foundation is that John Scot withdrew from France into England about the year 864. whereas John Scot the Abbot of Aetheling companion of S. Grimbald came over there but in 884. But why must John Scot have pass'd over from France into England about the year 864. Because says our Author Nicholas the First prayed Charles the Bald to send him speedily John Scot or at least to suffer him no longer to remain in his Vniversity of Paris lest he should corrupt it with his Errors Hinc est quod dilectioni vestrae vehementer rogantes mandamus quatenus Apostolatui nostro Joannem repraesentari faciatis aut certe Parisius in Studio cujus jam olim Capital fuisse perhibetur morari non sinatis ne cum tritico sacri eloquii grana Lolii Zizaniae miscere dignoscatur panem quaerentibus venenum porrigat 'T was without doubt adds our Author after these Letters that John Scot withdrew into England Seeing then Pope Nicolas has govern'd the Church since the year 858 till 868. We must place th' arrival of John Scot into England about the year 864. that is to say twenty years before Alfred caused Grimbald and John to come to him For Asser assures us this was in the year 884. THIS reasoning supposes facts which are not proved First This fragment of the Letter of Nicolas I. to Charles the Bald wherein is mention of John Scot and the University of Paris is a piece supposed a great while after the 9th Century for the University of Paris as I have already observ'd began not before the 12th Century and these terms of Studium and of Capital to express the University and Rector of it were not in use in Nicolas I. his time Secondly The Author of the Dissertation informs us that the Letter of Anastasius the Popes Library-keeper to Charles the Bald of which we have already spoken was written in the year 875. and proves it by a Manuscript of the Jesuits of Bourges which bears expresly this date Now in this Letter Anastasius gives singular commendations to John Scot calling him virum per omnia sanctum what likelihood is there then Anastasius would give praises of this kind to a man who was esteem'd at Rome an Heretick and was oblig'd for this reason and the Popes accusation to withdraw from the Court of Charles OUR Author impertinently supposes from the testimony of Asserus that John the Abbot of Aetheling pass'd not over into England till 884. Had he read Asserus with a little more reflection he would have found that altho Asserus refers the sending for of Grimbald and John to the year 884 yet does he not thereby intend precisely to fix it to the year 884. Asserus recapitulates on the year 884. the private life of Alfred since the year 868. which was the year of his Marriage omitting several important things that he might not interrupt the narration of the Wars of this Prince even as in the year 868. he had recapitulated whatsoever Alfred had done during his youth So Asserus does not say in that year as he must have done if he would have precisely design'd the year 884. but he says in these times his temporibus THE fourth proof of the Author of the Dissertation is no better than the rest He says that Mr. Claude having written that John Scot died in the year 884. or in the preceding year he could not be this John whom Alfred the King of England sent for by reason of his Reputation and Learning seeing that this John was not made Abbot till the year 888. or 887. as all Historians agree and that he began not his regency at Oxford till the year 886. as we find in the Annals of the Monastery of Winchester of which Grimbald was made Abbot at the same time as John his companion was of that of Aetheling BUT there 's no solidity in this proof First It is plain one cannot gather any thing certain from Historians either touching the year of John Scot's death nor that wherein Alfred called Grimbald and John into England Secondly Neither is there any certainty in the Annals of Winchester which refer to the year 886. the foundation of the University of Oxford by Grimbald and John his companion two years after their arrival in England for this so great an antiquity of the University of Oxford is a mere fable as has been proved by Bishop Vsher so that whatsoever can be reasonably Antiq. Brit. p. 340 341 342. concluded hence is that there being nothing certain in all this Chronology there can be nothing alledged hence to conclude that John Scot died in the year 883. or 884. And consequently the conjecture of Mr. Claude who has only in this respect
I pretend to manifest by those very things he has offered and Perverted That if the Greeks and other Eastern Christians doe believe Transubstantiation as fully as the Church of Rome yet does it not thence follow that this Doctrine has bin perpetual in that Church seeing they might have received it from the Latins FIRST then Mr. Arnaud takes a great deal of Pains to prove there has bin a frequent Commerce between the Greeks and Latins for he tells us that L. 2. C. 8. P. 172. Pisa Venice Rome and several other Cities of Italy were full of Greeks That Constantinople was full of Latins and Latin Churches that the Armies were usually made up of Greek Italian and French Soldiers which were continually in great Numbers at Jerusalem where they communicated in the same Churches from the Hands of the Patriarch and Priests of that City That so great was the multitude of Pilgrims that they administred the Sacrament every Day that Persons of the greatest Quality namely Kings Princes and Prelates and Ladies of the highest Rank undertook these Pilgrimages and that Jerusalem was then that is to say in the eleventh Century a place whereunto all the Nations of the World resorted I shall not now enter into a Debate concerning what he tells us touching the Christians receiving the Communion at Jerusalem from the Patriarch and Priests of that City He affirms it without proving it for there is very little likelyhood that â—ersons of different Churches who were so greatly divided would receive the Communion together from the same Person But be it as it will I am so far from raising a Contest about this frequent Commerce of the Greeks with the Latins that I take it for granted to the end I may thereby demonstrate to Mr. Arnaud the weakness of his Argument For when he shall prove that the Greeks believe the Conversion of Substances and adore the Sacrament he may then well conclude against me that I have bin guilty of Rashness in denying it but he cannot any ways thereby advantage his Cause seeing it will remain still to be examined whether these People did not receive these Doctrines from the Latins by means of their mutual Commerce since Berengarius was last condemned What I related in the preceeding Chapter touching the Ignorance which hath reigned for so long a time in those Countries and the foolish Superstitions which were introduced even without our Knowledg of their Original will ever render this Supposition probable it being no difficult matter to conceive that a Doctrine of this Nature might creep in in the Dark amongst ignorant and superstitious People who held a perpetual Commerce with others that make open Profession of this Doctrine Mr. Arnaud proceeds farther and relates the History of the Croisado's towards the end of the eleventh Century and in the twelfth for the Conquest L. 2. C. 10. of the Holy Land and this History does well deserve our Notice For there will result from it these two Truths the one that the bad Condition of the Greeks and other Eastern Christians obliged them how Proud and Haughty soever they might otherwise be to a servile Complacency with the Latins and to an accommodation with their Humours and Interest And the other that the Latines have not neglected this favourable Occasion which the Conjuncture of Affairs then offered them to establish their Religion in the East WE all know in what Condition Palestine Syria and Egypt lay when Guilliel Tyr. Bell. Sacri Lib. 1. C. 1. those of the West went thither The Saracens had overrun these Countries from Heraclius his time that is to say from the seventh Century and the Power of these Infidels grew formidable to all the World whilst the Greeks strength continually decayed whether by the Supinity of their Emperours or by the horrible Crimes with which the same Emperours dishonoured their Throne The Turks having subdued Persia overspread the whole East and possessed themselves of Palestine Syria Cilicia Isauria Pamphilia Idem L. 5. C. 9. Lycia Pisida Lyconia Cappadocia Galatia Pontus Bythinia and moreover of a considerable part of Asia minor and so greatly terrified the Greeks as relates Wm. of Tyre that scarcely did they repute themselves safe within the Walls of Constantinople altho the Sea was as a Rampire betwixt them The Christians in the East had already received the Benefit of Charlemain's Intercession for them to Aron under whose Government they then Idem L. 1. C. 2. lived But this lasted not long for the Miseries into which they fell afterwards became so intollerable that towards the end of the eleventh Century Simeon Patriarch of Jerusalem according to the Relation of Wm. of Tyre Gill. Tyr. L 6. C. 11. Jacob. de Vâ—â—r Hist Orient C. 16. and James de Vitry resolved to procure the Assistance of the Latins and write to Pope Urban the second and the Western Princes as well in his own Name as in that of the whole Church by means of a French Pilgrim called Peter the Hermit a Native of the Diocess of Amiens Wm. of Tyre observes that in the Conference the Patriarch had with this Hermit he told him amongst other things That they could expect no help from the Greeks altho of the same Blood with them and their Neighbours because they could hardly preserve themselves having fallen into such a Declension that within a short time they had lost above half their Empire In effect Mr. Arnaud hath himself very well observed that the Emperours of Constantinople finding themselves P. 192. unable to withstand the Turkish Power implored the Assistance of the Christian Princes in Europe and especially that of the Pope who at that time was the most Powerful even in Temporals of all Christendom and that Alexis Comnenus sent for that Purpose Embassadors to the Council of Plaisance THIS then was the true State of Affairs amongst the Greeks and other Eastern Christians which forced them to a great Complyance with the Latins from whose Assistance they expected their Establishment THESE Letters of the Patriarch of Jerusalem and the Entreaties of Alexis together with the Sollicitations of Peter the Hermit procured the Expedition of the Latins into Syria and Palestine The Success is known I shall say no more but that the Christians of that Country only changed their Masters for the Lattins setled themselves there not only as Friends and Deliverers but Conquerors which made all things depend on their Will for as soon as ever they possessed themselves of Syria and Palestine they established Latin Bishops there and drove out the Greek Bishops from their Churches that would not yield Obedience to the Roman Church nor accommodate themselves to its way of Worship Mr. Arnaud does not wholly accord with me in this We must imagine saies he there was a million L. 2. C. 10. P. 193. of Transubstantiators that passed over from Europe into Asia and made themselves Masters of a great part of these Eastern Provinces
the middle of the eleventh Century The Emperor Constantin Monomaque who then Reigned seeing this Difference did not stick to take the Church of Rome's part he commanded therefore Cerularius to write back to the Pope Letters of Reconciliation and Peace and the Pope sends thereupon to Constantinople in order to the Churches Re-union his Legats Humbert and Frederic Cardinals and Peter Arch-Bishop of Melphus with Letters to the Emperor and Patriarch The Emperor granted to these Legates whatsoever they desired even to the constraining Nicetas Pectoratus a Greek Monk that had written against the Romain Church to burn publickly his own Book and anathematise all those that would not acknowledg the Pope's Supremacy or dared in any wise censure the Doctrines of the Latins This Protection so raised the Legates Courage that coming into the Patriarchal Church in the presence of all the People and Greek Clergy they Excommunicated the Patriarch and Bishop of Acrida and all that took their Parts which raised such a Tumult in Constantinople that the Emperor had much ado to save the Legates from the Popular Fury who after this returned into Italy whereupon the Patriarch Excommunicated on his Side the Legates and rased the Popes Name out of the Diptyches which are Tables wherein the Names of those that are prayed for in the Divine Service were set down Some Authors say that he Anathematised the Pope and all the Latines as Hereticks but Leo Allatius cites the Testimony of an anonymous Author by which it appears that the Emperor hindered by his Authority this Excommunication In the time saies this Author that Michael Cerularius Anonym apud Allat de perp Cons L. 2. C. 8. held the See of Constantinople the four Patriarchs rased the Pope's Name out of the Dyptiches and yet did they not fully pronounce the Anathema against the Latines being hind'red by the Emperor who considered them as a great and mighty Nation and therefore was afraid of their usual Incursions IN the Year 1071 Michael Parapinacius was made Emperor being a Prince that loved his Ease and therefore withstood not the Turks Progress into Europe He observed the usual Policy of the Greek Emperors which L. 2. C. 8. P. 173. was to favour the Latines and Mr. Arnaud observes from Baronius and Leo Allatius that Pope Alexander the second sent to him Peter Bishop of Anagnia Allet de Perp. Cons L. 2. C. 9. as his Nuncio Allatius adds that Peter remained a Year at Constantinople Which shews us saies he This Emperor was in the Communion of the Roman Church and in effect Gregory the seventh Excommunicated upon his account Nicephorus Botionatus who had usurped the Empire and shut up Michael in a Monastery IN the Year 1081 Nicephorus Botoniatus was handled by Alexis Comnenus in the same manner that Michael was used by Nicephorus that is to say he was deprived of the Empire and shut up in a Monastery But Alexis getting into his place varied not from the Custom of his Predecessors the necessity of his Affairs obliging him to turn himself on the Side of the Latins more openly than others had done before him and observe their Measures altho inwardly he did not affect them He obstructed their Designs on the Holy Land as much as in him lay and hind'red their Passage thither obliging them sometimes to turn their Arms against him and chastize him Rationar temp Part 1. L. 8. C 13. Baron ad ann 1095. severely which caused Pelavius the Jesuit to say That it was impossible for a man to be more deceitful and unjust than this Emperor was towards the Latines in this whole Expedition Yet had he sent his Embassadors to the Council of Plaisance to sollicite the Pope and Western Princes to undertake the War against the Infidels He flattered the Romain Church on all Occasions sending Allat de Cons L 2. C. 10. oftentimes Presents to the Monastery of Mount Cassin using likewise the same Liberality towards the other Latine Churches and especially that of St. Marc at Venice on which he bestowed considerable Revenues as 't is observed by Allatius who alledgeth for this the Testimony of the Princess Ann Barron ad ann 109◠Comnenus the Daughter of this Emperor He likewise gave his helping Hand towards the Essay of a Re-union made at the Synod of Bary in the Year 1097. He sent Embassadors to Rome in Behalf of Pope Paschal the second Baron ad ann 1112 ad ann 1118. who obtained the Papacy two Years after the Synod of Bary and this Pope in the second Year of his Popedom sent him the Arch-Bishop of Milain Eo solo nomine quod ipse existimo saies Allatius ut si quid erat in Graecia Allat ubi supra noxium ex Cerularii Schola radicitus extirparet Graecosque alios contineret in fide To the end he might utterly Extirpate whatsoever remained of Cerularius his Doctrine and keep the other Greeks in the Faith JOHN Comnénus who succeeded Alexis was yet more favourable to the Latines than Alexis for this I suppose is the Jesuit Peteau's meaning when he saies that he was Patre aliquanto commodior a little less troublesom than his Father I do not observe there has bin any thing more said of him on this Subject unless that he received a Letter from Peter the Abbot of Clugny in which he entreated him to surrender a Monastery belonging to them of his Order at Constantinople and which had bin taken from them promising he should participate of all the Merits of that Order if he re-established them Baronius saies likewise that Anaclet the Antypope to Innocent Baron ad ann 1130. the second wrote to this Emperor informing him of his Promotion to the Popedom and that he called him his most dear Son AFTER John succeeded Manuel Comnénus a Prince very much addicted to Dissimulation and double Dealing who on one hand did the Latines all the Mischief he privately could by the Secret Intelligence he held with the Sarracens and on the other earnestly endeavoured at a complyance with the Desires of the Church of Rome touching the Re-union of the Greeks Allatius tells us that he sent Embassadors to Pope Alexander the Allat de Perp. Cons L. 2. C. 11. third to treat with him concerning this Re-union and that the Pope sent John the Sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome to Constantinople to reduce the Greeks by his Sermons He likewise tells us 't was this Emperor that obliged Hugo Eterianus to write against the Greeks touching the Procession of the Holy Ghost that the Empress his Wife as Mr. Arnaud himself observes after him was a Germain and of the Romish Religion and that he bestowed great Gifts on the Latine Churches whereupon the Latine Bishops for an acknowledgment of his Munificence set up his Image in their Churches It is difficult to Imagine how a Prince who in his Heart so greatly hated the Latines that the Jesuit Peteau has not stuck
thereupon to call him hominem subdolum Christianis rebus quae ad Latinos spectabant infestum iniquum Ration Temp. Part 1. C. 8. C. 21. adeo ut cum Saracenis in eorum conspiraret exitium that is to say a Person so deceitful and cruel to the Latine Church that he conspired its Ruine together with the Saracens yet should favour the Latins in his Empire and endeavour to procure the Re-union of its Church with the Roman But Allatius unties the Knot by shewing us in the Acts of Alexander the third that the Allat ubi Supra Design of this Emperor was so to bring it about that the Pope who was at Variance with the Emperor Frederick should take away from him the Latin Empire and render it to the Greeks to whom Manüel affirmed it did justly belong and for this Effect he sent Embassadors to the Pope and the Pope sent back together with his Embassadors the Bishop of Ostia to negociate this Affair at Constantinople Howsoever it was it sufficiently appears that all these different Interests yielded the Latins fit Opportunities to plant their Doctrines amongst the Greeks EMANUEL'S Intrigue was so far carried on that he assembled a Allat de Perp. Cons L. 2. C. 2. Idem Ibid. Council at Constantinople where the Reunion of the Churches was proposed Some say the Latins required no more of the Greeks but the Acknowledgment of the Popes Authority the grant of Appeals and the Commemoration of him in the publick Prayers of their Church Others say the Latins would have intirely subjected the Greeks to their Wills and Customs That which is certain is they could not Agree and that the Emperor himself lent his helping Hand to separate them yet not daring to Anathematise Ancyr an apud Allat Ibid. the Latins because saies a Greek Author Cited by Allatius they were a great and famous People AFTER the Latins had established their Empire at Constantinople the Greeks withdrew into Asia where they chose an Emperor and Patriarch and the Affairs of the Latins falling to decay there was an after Tryal made upon the Greeks touching a Reunion Mr. Arnaud observes that the Pope wrote about it to Germain the Patriarch of Constantinople and 't is very L. 3. C. 2. likely he forgot not to sollicite the Emperor who was then John Ducas He sent two Dominicans and two Franciscans who caused an Assembly to be called for this Effect but to no purpose For each of them had his particular Interest and Design in this Affair THE Pope intended to subject the Greek Church to himself and the Emperor endeavoured to hinder the Pope from favouring the Latins who held Constantinople and to Regain this City as the Greeks did some time after Mathew Paris gives an account of these Letters of the Patriarch to the Mat. Par. in Henrico 3. Pope and of the Popes to the Patriarch concerning this Negotiation THEODORUS Lascaris succeeded John Ducas in the Year 1255. Raynald ad ann 1256. numb 47. Pope Alexander the fourth fail'd not to sollicite him to a Reunion he sent him an express Legate for that purpose but this Emperor soon died whereupon this Affair was no farther prosecuted ALLATIUS observes there was then a Greek Patriarch Named Blemmida Allat de Cons Perp. L. 2. C. 14. who was a Learned Man and very Zealous for this Union with the Latins MICHAEL Paleologus obtaining the Empire and having a while after made himself Master of Constantinople endeavoured above all others at L. 5. C. 1. P. 255. a Reunion with the Latines Mr. Arnaud acknowledges that having united himself to the Church of Rome he forced by all manner of Severity the Bishops and Religious Greeks to do the same This Prince Contracted a particular Friendship with Gregory the Tenth before he came to the Popedom according to Allatius which gave him the greater Facility to Negociate with the Allat de Perp. Cons L. 2. C. 15. Church of Rome He sent several times his Embassadors and the Pope his Legates in order to a Reconciliation He held several Councils on this Occasion Ibid. and Inflicted the greatest Torments on those that had the Courage to resist him and promoted others who embraced this Union these are Allatius his own Words He falsly accused John Veccus Treasurer to the Church of Constantinople and caused him to be Imprisoned because Veccus had said in his hearing that altho the Latines were not respected as Hereticks yet were Pachymer Hist Lib. 5. C. 12. they such nevertheless which so greatly provoked this Emperor as caused him to think of nothing but Revenge And for as much as Veccus had sheltred himself in the Temple of St. Sophia and the Emperor daring not to Violate this Asylum he wrote to him very kind Letters intreating him to come to him which Veccus had no sooner endeavoured but was apprehended and carried to the Tower where he was sollicited to joyn with the Idem C. 13. Latins THIS Prince made and unmade Patriarchs at his Will he usurped saies the Historian Raynaldus the Ecclesiastical Authority placing and displaing Raynald ad ann 261. Num. 32. Vide. Pach. Patriarchs at his Pleasure He first of all constrain'd Arsenius to resign up his place to Nicephorus and after the taking of Constantinople he recalled the same Arsenius who had excommunicated him for what he had done against John Lascaris the Son of Theodorus to whom the Empire did of Right belong and whose Eyes he had caused to be put out and seeing he could not prevail on this Patriarch he raised up false Witnesses against him and caused him to be deposed in a Synod and Germain chosen in his place Germain not being sutable to his Humour he so far prevailed with him as to obtain a voluntary Resignation to Joseph but Joseph not consenting to the Reunion with the Latins nor the sending of Deputites to the Pope with whom the Emperor had charged them to conclude this Affair he caused him therefore to retire into a Covent upon Condition that if this Matter broke off he should enter again into his charge of Patriarch Now the Deputies being returned with the News of the Reunion accomplished the Emperor chose this same above named John Veccus who at length suffered himself to be won either by the reading of some Books put into his Hands or by the Miseries he had suffered during a long Imprisonment and hope of a contrary Usage Yet Veccus did not please him long IT would be a difficult matter to relate here all the Violences and Cruelties of Michael against those that withstood the Reunion of the two Churches It will be sufficient to relate here two or three of them by which we may judge of the rest He Imprisoned Holobulus Rhetor of the Church of Constantinople whose Office according to Codinius was to Interpret the Holy Scriptures and caused him to be cruelly Scourged and at length a Pachymer L. 5.
the Patriarch of the Eastern Jacobites of two Arch Bishops one a Jacobit and the other a Nestorian of the Conversion of the Patriarch of the Nestorians and of an other Patriarch of the Jacobits in Egypt He added farther that all these Nations viz. the Christians of Chaldea Media Persia Armenia Syria Phenicia India Ethiopia Libya and Egypt yielded themselves to their Exhortations there remaining none but the Greeks that persevered in their Malice and who every where withstood the Doctrine of the Roman Church either privately or openly in blaspheming all its Sacraments INNOCENT the fourth who succeeded Gregory wrote to the Prince Raynald ad ann 1245. num 11. of Bulgaria Solliciting him to embrace the Religion of the Latins and for this effect sent him several Monks and Fryars entreating him to give them a favourable Hearing In the Year 1246 he sent Fryar Ascelinus Simon of St. Quentin Alexander and Albertus of the Order of Preachers and John du plan Carpin with Fryar Bennet a Polander of St. Francis's Order to the Tartars to perswade them to receive the Christian Faith they passed thro Russia and delivered to Duke Daniel to Basil his Brother and the Bishops of that Country the Popes Letters which conjured them to forsake the Greek John du Plan's Voyage C. 9. C. 24. Religion which they professed and unite themselves to the Roman Church they likewise endeavoured with all their Power to effect this and the Success of their Negociation was that the Russians sent Deputies to Opizon who was then the Popes Legate in Poland offering to submit themselves to the Roman Church provided the Pope would raise their Countries into a Kingdom and bestow the regal Crown on their Duke Opizon gladly received them and granted what they demanded The Pope sent the Arch Bishop of Prusia in quality of a Legate and ordered for their Instruction in the Romish Religion a Mission made up of as many Secular Priests as Religions of the Order of Preachers and Fryar Minorites amongst whom there was chosen a certain Preaching Fryar named Alexius who was particularly to attend the Prince The Arch Bishop of Prussia reconciled King Daniel his Brother Basil who was King of Laudemirie and likewise their People to the Church of Rome BUT whilst Innocent endeavoured the Conversion of the Russians he neglected not the rest of the Christians in the East He earnestly laboured saies Raynald ad ann 1247. num 30. ad ann 1253 num 38. Raynaldus to Reduce those People how far distant soever they were and for this purpose sent them several Religious who were Learned and Zealous for the propogating of the Faith whom he honoured with the Title of Apostolical Legates He farther saies that he gave to Lawrence his Penetentiary a large Commission for the same purpose injoyning him to take care of Armenia Iconia Turky Greece Babylon and endeavour to gain the Greeks who were in the Patriarchate of Antioch Jerusalem and Kingdom of Cyprus as well as the Jacobites Maronites and Nestorians IN the Year 1253 the foresaid Innocent the fourth sent William de Rubruquis Voyage of Rubriq C. 1. c. and Bartholomew de Cremone who were of the Order of Fryar Minorites into Tartaria where they found several Christians of the Greek and Nestorian Religion for the Reduction of whom they laboured with all their Power URBAIN the fourth imitating in this his Predecessors sent in the Year 1264 Nicholas Bishop of Crotonia with Gerard and Rayner Monks of the Raynald ad ann 1264. num 64. 65. Order of Fryar Minorites to Michael Paleologus the Grecian Emperor who had re-taken Constantinople To the end saies Raynaldus he might be instructed together with his People in the Orthodox Religion It appears by the Letters of Clement his Successor that Urbain sent moreover other Monks to Constantinople on the same Design to wit Simon Peter de Moras Peter de Raynald ad ann 1267. numb 73. Ibid. num 81. Crista and Boniface and Clement sent Dominicans IN the Year 1276 two Bishops and two preaching Fryars went into Greece by order of Pope Innocent the twenty first to instruct farther the Idem ad ann 1276. num 45. ad ann 1277. num 20. 21. Greeks and confirm them in Obedience to the Roman See to which the Emperor Michael Paleologus had obliged them to submit themselves A little while after there was another Mission of Fryar Minorites to the Tartars to instruct them more fully in the Articles of the Roman Faith who Idem ad ann 1278. num 17. 18. c. had embraced the Christian Religion This was in the Year 1278 under Pope Nicholas the third TOWARDS the end of this Century Nicholas the fourth sent others Idem ad ann 1288. num 29. 30. 31. after the same manner for the Reduction of those People who professed the Greek Religion Raynaldus tells us that this Pope made use of Dominicans particularly for this purpose and sent them to preach thro out all the East Ibid. num 32. in Greece Bulgaria Valachia to the Syrians Iberians Allains Russians Jacobites Ethiopians Nestorians Georgians Armenians Indians to the Tartarian Christians and generally to all strange Nations separated from the Roman Church And for this purpose he likewise made use of the Fryar Minorites of whose Order he had bin himself that he sent to several Eastern Ibid. num 33. Bishops a Summary of the Christian Faith according to which he would have the People instructed and earnestly recommended his Emissaries to Kings and Princes to the end that being respected by them their Labours might be the more Effectual BONIFACE the eighth renewed these general Missions into the East and to encourage them the more to acquit themselves well in their Employ Idem ad ann 1299. num 39. 4041. he augmented their Priviledges after a very considerable manner This was in the Year 1299 These continued under the following Popes as it appears by the Letters that John the twenty second sent them in the Year 1318 wherein he gives God thanks for the Progress the Fryar Predicants had made and exhorted them to continue there The same appears by other Letters of Gregory the eleventh towards the end of the fourteenth Century THERE are likewise two other Relations of the Voyages of two Dominicans The wonderful History of the great Cham of Tartaria Paris 1529. Fol. 40. one named Brother Bieul the other Brother Oderick who went by the Popes Command to preach in the East The first of these does not set down the time but I suppose 't was about the fourteenth Century for therein is mention made of the Death of Argon King of the Tartars which hap'ned towards the end of the thirteenth Century The second bears date 1330. It appears by the first of these that there was at that time Houses of Dominican Fryars set up in Asia for the Conversion of the Schismaticks We came directly saies this Author
and dispers'd it in the minds of several without resistance and thus this Doctrin has made in the space of these hundred years insensible progresses establishing it self by little and little under the name and title of the Churches Faith till having been at length directly and formally contradicted in the 11th as an innovation this Doctrin found it self the strongest and triumph'd over the contrary Doctrin What difficulty can be rais'd against this Hypothesis which may not be casily solved If it be said that Paschasus did not propose any thing but what all the faithful already distinctly knew and believed Paschasus himself will answer for me that he has moved several persons to the understanding of this Mystery which supposes that before his time 't was not sufficiently known and that he discovered things of which the people were ignorant Odon will answer for me that the most learned had but little knowledg of the mystery of the Eucharist if they had not read Paschasus his Book If it be said his Doctrin met with no contradiction Paschasus himself will tell you that some blamed him for attributing more to the word of Christ than the truth it self has promised us and 't is hereon he disputes against his Adversaries Should a man deny that the two Doctrins that of Paschasus and that of his Adversaries were both taught in the 10th Century he will I think be convinced of the contrary by the proofs I have given and in effect there 's no great likelihood that the Doctrin of John Scot and Bertram who wrote by the command of King Charles the Bald of France and that of Raban three persons of great note in the Church should be thus extinct in so short a time without any Councils condemning it without the Court of Romes concerning her self with it without the interposition of temporal Princes and that there should I say remain no trace of it in the 10th Century He that shall think it strange that the people of the 10th Century have taken for the Faith of the Church that which was in effect an innovation need only call to mind the ignorance wherein the people lived for when a man does not know what the Church believes 't is no hard matter for him to be deceived and to take that which she does not believe for what she does That man that questions this ignorance need only for his conviction to read the proofs I have given of it Should any man alledg it to be strange such men as an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and an Abbot of Clugny should be deceived 't is easie to shew the weakness of this objection by th' example of several that are men of better parts than those now in question who now take for the Doctrin of the Church what is not so The Disciples of Paschasus found in his Book such specious Arguments as deceiv'd 'em and 't is a thing ordinary enough to be surprized by false colours Should it be said to be impossible but that the Disciples of Paschasus knowing Bertram's Doctrin was taught in several places have openly condemned it and disputed against those that held it First I answer I do not know whether we may absolutely say there was no dispute about it for there may be disputes and we not know of 'em but supposing there were not I answer that seeing 't is no Miracle that disputation should cease sometimes in an enlightned Age amongst learned and zealous men without any Conversions on either side 't is much less one in a dark and troublesom Age wherein persons thought of nothing less than disputing The Disciples of Paschasus thought they were oblig'd to be contented in recommending the reading of Paschasus his Book to all persons and in confirming their Opinion by Miracles If it be likewise said that those that followed the Doctrin of Bertram ought to dispute against those that follow'd that of Paschasus I must say so too but that men do not do always what they are obliged to do because they have not always that zeal knowledg or industry which they ought to have How should they dispute one against another who left for the most part their Flocks without Pasture without Instruction without Preaching Howsoever this is as I said a thing certain that there were persons in this Century who held the Doctrin of Paschasus and others that of Bertram Whether they disputed or no it concerns me not to know 't is sufficient for me that this Age held both these Doctrins which I think cannot be denied When two opposite Doctrins are taught and both as the true Faith of the Church in an Age of Ignorance to speak after the manner of men and according to the terms of our Dispute 't is equally impossible either of them should get the upper hand because they want that understanding which is requisite to to make aright judgment and moreover if the one be asserted by persons of Authority and great Reputation it is almost impossible but this will carry it away from the other Whence it follows the progress of the Real Presence in the 10th Century has been not only possible but easie and even unavoidable To which if we add another matter of fact which is that we do not find there were Disputes in this Century on this subject whence we will conclude that these progresses we speak of have been made in an insensible manner at least in our respect which is to say that if there were any noise or contests the knowledg of 'em never came to us which suffices to decide the question between us two AND this is what I had to say touching the state of the 10th Century in respect of Transubstantiation and the Real Presence I take no notice of those violent accusations which Mr. Arnaud brings against our Morals under pretence we do not reckon Piety to consist in affected Penances and outward Mortifications which for the most part have more shew than substance We praise and recommend as earnestly as we can the practice of Fasting but believe it better to abstain from Vice than Meats the use of which God has given us with sobriety We believe every man ought to be content with the condition wherein God has placed him to make good use of his Estate and endure Poverty without envy murmurings and repinings to live holily in Caelibacy and chastly in Marriage to carry our selves justly to our Inferiors and obediently to Superiors But we do not approve of mens withdrawing themselves out of that rank and order wherein providence has placed them nor making of particular rules and binding men to th' observance of 'em by Vows nor that the Rich should ransom their sins by great offerings to Ecclesiastical persons who have no need of 'em â—or of Voluntary Poverty much less that men should imagin to satisfie the Almighty for their sins and merit any thing of him by these kind of observances 'T is not from Seneca we have learn'd this Divinity
in which he asserts the conversion of the substances of Bread and Wine into those of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ with the subsistence of accidents without a subject and uses the very term of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If Mr. Arnaud has meant by the Greek Church the persons of that Party I have already declared to him and again tell him that I have not disputed against him We do not pretend to dispute the Conquests of the Missions and Seminaries let him peaceably enjoy 'em we mean only the true Greeks who retain the Doctrin and ancient expressions of their Church And as to those we are certain of two things the one that they hold not the Transubstantiation of the Latins which I believe I have clearly proved and the other that they alone ought to be called the true Greek Church altho the contrary Party were the most prevalent and possessed the Patriarchates Mr. Arnaud himself has told us that these Seats are disposed of by the sovereign authority of the Turks to those that have most money and we know moreover the great care that has been taken to establish the Roman Doctrins in these Countries thro the Neglect and Ignorance of the Prelates Monks and People whether by instructing their Children or gaining the Bishops or filling the Churches with the Scholars of Seminaries and other like means which I have describ'd at large in my second Book Mr. Arnaud perhaps will answer that he likewise maintains on his side that this Party which teaches Transubstantiation is the true Greek Church and the other but a Cabal of Cyril's Disciples I answer that to decide this question we need only examin which of these two Parties retains the Doctrin and Expressions of the ancient Greeks for that which has this Character must be esteem'd the true Greek Church and not that which has receiv'd novelties unknown to their Fathers Now we have clearly shew'd that the conversion of Substances Transubstantiation and the Real Presence are Doctrins and Expressions of which the Greeks of former Ages have had no knowledg whence it follows that the Party which admits these Doctrins and Expressions are a parcel of Innovators which must not be regarded as if they were the true Greek Church Let Mr. Arnaud and those who read this Dispute always remember that the first Proposition of the Author of the Perpetuity is that in the 11th Century at the time of Berenger's condemnation the Greeks held the Real Presence and Transubstantiation that this is the time which he chose and term'd his fix'd point to prove from hence that these Doctrins were of the first establishment of Religion and consequently perpetual in the Church Which I desire may be carefully observed to prevent another illusion which may be offered us by transferring the question of the Greeks of that time to the Greeks at this and to hinder Mr. Arnaud and others from triumphing over us when it shall happen that the Missions and Seminaries and all the rest of the intrigues which are made use of shall devour the whole Land of Greece For in this case the advantage drawn hence against us will be of no value 't will neither hence follow that the Doctrins in question have been perplex'd in the Church nor that the Greek Church held 'em in the time of Berenger's condemnation and what I say touching the Greeks I say likewise touching the other Eastern Churches over which the Roman Church extends its Missions and Care as well as the Greeks AS to what remains let not Mr. Arnaud be offended that in the refutation of his Book in general I have every where shewed the little justice and solidity of his reasonings and especially in the refutation of his first sixth and tenth Book I acknowledg he has wrote with much Wit Elegancy and polite Language and attribute to the defect of his subject whatsoever I have noted to be amiss either in his Proofs or Answers but 't is very true the world never saw so many illusions and such great weakness in a work of this nature and all that I could do was to use great condescentions in following him every where to set him strait I have only now to beseech Almighty God to bless this my Labor and as he has given me Grace to undertake and finish it so he will make it turn to his Glory and the Churches Edification AMEN AN ANSWER TO THE DISSERTATION Which is at the end of Mr. Arnaud's Book Touching the Book of the Body and Blood of our Lord Publish'd under the name of BERTRAM AND OF THE Authority of John Scot or Erigenus LONDON Printed by M. C. for Richard Royston Bookseller to the King 's most Excellent Majesty 1683. Advertisement THOSE that shall cast their eyes on this Answer will be at first apt to think these Critical Questions belong only to Scholars Whereas we have here several important matters of fact which are in a manner necessary to the full understanding of the Controversie of the Eucharist The Church of Rome pretends we have forsaken the Ancient Faith and that Berenger was one of the first who taught our Doctrin in the beginning of the 11th Century We on the contrary maintain 't is the Roman Church that has departed from the Ancient Belief and that 't was Paschasus Ratbert who in the beginning of the 9th Century taught the Real Presence and the Substantial Conversion And to this in short may he reduced the whole Controversie which was between Mr. Claude and Mr. Arnaud Mr. Claude has strenuously and clearly shewed that as many Authors as were of any Repute im the 9th Century have opposed the Doctrin of Paschasus and that consequently Paschasus must be respected as a real Innovator Now amongst these Writers Mr. Claude produces John Scot or Erigenus and Bertram or Ratram a Religious of Corby two of the greatest Personages of that Age and shews they wrote both of 'em against the Novelties which Paschasus had broach'd that one of 'em Dedicated his Book to Charles the Bald King of France and the other likewise wrote his by the same King's Order That the first having lived some time in this Prince's Court died at last in England in great reputation for his holiness of Life that the other was always esteem'd and reverenced as the Defender of the Church which seems to be decisive in our favour Mr. Arnaud on his side finding himself toucht to the quick by the consequence of these Proofs has used his last and greatest Endeavours to overthrow or weaken ' em And for this purpose has publish'd at the end of his Book two Dissertations the one under his own name and the other under the name of a Religious of St. Genevieve whose name is not mention'd In the first which is under the name of the Religious he does two things for first he endeavours to persuade that the Book of the Body and Blood of our Lord is not in effect Ratram ' s but
the year 1080. seeing it is certain he lived till the beginning of the 12th Century But it does not follow from the error of Vossius that he was posterior to William This Continuer clearly denotes that he was Contemporary to Guitmond now Guitmond preceded William of Malmsbury for this latter wrote in 1142. whereas the other died about the end of the 11th Century or at the beginning of the 12th That if there be found several things alike in this Continuer and in William it is more reasonable to say that William has taken from the Continuer than to say the Continuer has taken from William and that the rather because William has enlarged his History farther than the other by thirty years which is the natural Character of a later Historian BUT supposing William of Malmsbury be the first who has spoken of the Martyrdom of John Scot this does but the more confirm the truth of this History for writing as he did in the very place and in the same Convent wherein what he relates hapned 't is just to believe that in this Narration he has offered nothing but what was grounded on authentick Acts or on a Tradition which in his time pass'd for an undeniable truth in this Convent IT is to no purpose for the Author of the Dissertation to distinguish what this William of Malmsbury has taken from the ancient Monuments of his Church and what he has added thereunto of his own He ought not thus to make of his own head this distinction on an Historian of the 12th Century and to tell us precisely here 's what he has taken from the Monuments of his Church here 's what he has added thereunto of his own There was one John that suffered Martyrdom and was reputed a Saint this is of the ancient Monuments of the Church of Malmsbury but that this John was John Scot is an addition of William This distinction of our Author is bold enough and was in effect unknown to Simeon of Durham to Roger de Howden to Matthew of Westminster and to all those other Historians which I have already denoted who all certainly believ'd that the Martyrdom of John Scot related by William of Malmsbury was a truth of History which is beyond question HIS telling us that William was the first Historian who gave to King Alfred two Masters of the name of John the one surnam'd the Saxon Abbot of Aetheling the other surnam'd Scot and since a Martyr First William does not say formally that this was two different men John the Saxon and John Scot nor that one was surnam'd the Saxon and the other Scot he says only in one place Joannem ex antiqua Saxonia oriundum and in another Joannes Scotus Neither must one necessarily conclude from his discourse that he regarded them as two different men as will appear if we take notice of what he wrote and of the occasion which has oblig'd him the first time to make mention of this John as it were transiently reserving himself to speak of him more amply afterwards as he has done But when we should suppose that William would distinguish these two Johns this makes nothing to th' establishing what he relates of the Martyrdom of John Scot's being a fable of his own invention on the contrary this very thing would help to establish that knowing two Johns and distinguishing them he must have better known what ought to be said of both one and the other Neither can it be said that he made two Johns Tutors of Alfred for when he speaks of John who was Abbot of Aetheling he does not say that he was the Tutor of Alfred he says this only under the name of John Scot. AS to what the Author of the Dissertation has remark'd that Anastasius in his Letter written to Charles the Bald in 875. seems to speak of John Scot as of a man already dead which shews that he was not the Tutor of Alfred seeing that this Prince gave not himself to learning till in the year 884. Neither is it moreover likely that so Religious a Prince would make use of such a man as John Scot who was decried as an Heretick driven out of th' University of Paris at the earnest pursuit of Nicolas I. as holding Doctrins contrary to the principal Fundamentals of Christian Religion I answer first That our Author returns continually to his fabulous History as if John Scot could have been driven out in the 9th Century from the University of Paris which began only in the 12th Secondly It is certain that Anastasius speaks of Erigenus as of an holy and famous man Virum says he per omnia sanctum which does not shew that he was thought then unworthy of being the Kings Tutor nor that he was decried at Rome for an Heretick Thirdly Seeing that John Scot was very much esteem'd by Charles the Bald he might be so too by Alfred Son of Aetelwolph Son in law to Charles the Bald. And in effect William of Malmsbury testifies that he had seen the Letters of Alfred wherein this Prince treated John Scot with great esteem and affection Alfredi munificentia ministerio usus ut ex scriptis Regis intellexi sublimis Melduni resedit and this is a mere mockery to make these Letters pass for fictious ones fram'd by the friends of John Scot and Berenger Fourthly It is not true that Anastasius speaks positively of John Scot as of a man already deceased and supposing it were he might think so by reason of his great age or some false report of his death In fine our Author absurdly supposes that Alfred did not betake himself to learning till the year 884. he has faln into this mistake for want of considering that altho Asserus and some of those that have follow'd him have attributed to this year what they have said of the Piety of Alfred and his applying himself to learning yet this happens merely from their recapitulating what hapned since the year 868 till 884 as I have already observ'd NEITHER is there more strength in the Argument which our Author draws from some terms which William of Malmsbury makes use of in relating the History of the Martyrdom of John Scot. Hoc tempore creditur fuisse Joannes Scotus propter hanc infamiam credo taeduit eum Franciae à pueris quos docebat ut fertur perforatus martyr aestimatus est He pretends that these terms are doubtful fears and suspicions and that these ways of speaking are likely to make one doubt of the truth of this relation BUT all this deserves no answer First The Author of the Dissertation has mixt Simeon of Durham's Text which bears Propter hanc infamiam c. with that of William of Malmsbury who relates this fact as a thing evidently certain And in effect the first term creditur refers to the time wherein John Scot lived in England The second credo is added by the Author of the Dissertation being not the Text of Simeon of