of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
to death either by the commandement or connivence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many and manifest suspicions of poyson and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vncle the Duke of Glouâ—ester who being a Tyrant and Vsurper was lawfully shine in the field and so in his person having no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent Dâ—alers that God in his secret judgement doth not alwayes so certainely provide for our safety as revenge our injuries and harmes and that all our unjust actions have a day of payment and many times by way of retaliation even in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was king Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all Writers agree although al agree not upon the manner of the violence He was a man of personage rather wel proportioned then tall of great beauty and grace and comelinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abject spirit but the one by ease the other by flattery were much abased Hee deserved many friends but found few because hee sought them more by liberality then vertuous dealing Hee was marvellous infortunate in all his actions which may very well be imputed to his negligence and sloath for he that is not provident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will lose whatsoever fortune or other mens labours doe cast upon him At the last hee was driven to such distresse that hee accounted it as a benefit to be disburdened of his royall dignity for which other men will not sticke to put their goods and lives and soules in hazard Hee lived three and thirty yeares and raigned two and twenty His dead body was embalmed and seared and covered with Lead all save his face and carried to London and in all the chiefe places by the way his face was uncovered and shewen that by view thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul the King being present and all the chiefe men of the Citie Then hee was conveyed to Langley Abbey in Buckinghamshire about twenty miles from London and there obscurely enterred by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noblemen without confluence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the Funerals but afterwarward at the commandement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken up and removed to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his ancestors with Queene Anna his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and unfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and unquiet could not readily find rest for his bones even after death It was not amisse in regard of the Common-wealth that hee was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among their good deeds And thus doe these and the like accidents daily happen to such Princes as will bee absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeare Humfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as hee returned out of Ireland where King Richard had left him prisoner and shortly after the Dutchesse his Mother with violence of griefe ended her dayes this yeare also dyed Thomas Mowbray the Exiled Duke of Norfolke whose death would much have beene lamented if hee had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he over-lived his honour and saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this time Iohn Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife hee left behind him three sonnes Iohn Richard and Arthur this Ioan was afterwards married to King Henry as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeare Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not slayned his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his carriage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing hee did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten either his fame or his fall but by moderation attained safely that degree of prayse and honour which others aspiring unto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behind him two noble sons expresse resemblancers of his integrity Edward who succeeded in his dignity and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantly kept his fidelity nor stoutly maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the third by which title and discent his posterity claimed the Crowne and Kingdome of this Realme from the successors of King Henry as hereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of France lost no time all this while in making preparation to invade England and to that end had now raysed an Army royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to have beene transported But it is very like that this haste for the deliverance of King Richard did the more hasten his death upon newes whereof the French-men perceiving their purpose for his restitution to bee to no purpose gave over the enterprise some being grieved that the occasion was lost of making spoyle of so plentifull a countrey others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whereupon it depended Shortly after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabel his daughter who had beene espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henry most honourably received these Embassadors and gave in answer that he would speedily send his Commissioners to Calice which should fully commune and conclude with them both of this and other weighty affayres concerning both the Realmes Not long after hee sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henry Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meet sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the French-men especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had given in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that shee might bee married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest sonne a
their bad desires Honores quos quieta Reipublica desperant perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur Thus Counsell heard approved and put in practice the corrupt and ambitious Bishop is easily insnared to their part by money and opinion or increase of power Articles are in all hast forged and urged against the Earle as sale of Crowne land wast of the Kings Treasure and lastly that which these doubtfull times held capitall his giving allowance to any thing that might breed a rupture betweene the Soveraigne and the Subjects as hee had done in making way with the King to annihilate all Patents granted in his nonage and enforced the Subject to pay as the record saith Non juxta singulorum facultatâ—m sed quicquid Iustitiarius aestimabat Well hee cleared himselfe of all but the last and did worthily perish by it for acts that fill Princes Coffers are ever the ruines of their first Inventers bad times corrupt good Councels and make the best Ministers yeeld to the lust of Princes therefore this King cannot passe blamelesse that would so easily blemish all former merits of so good a servant for that wherein himselfe was chiefe in fault But Princes natures are more variable and sooner cloid then others more transitory their favours and as their minds are large so they easily over-looke their first election tying their affections no further then their owne satisfactions The Bishop now alone manageth the State chooseth his chiefe instrument Peter de Rivallis a man like himselfe displaceth his natives and draweth Poictions and Brittons into Offices of best trust and benefit and the King into an evill opinion of his people For nothing is more against the nature of the English then to have Strangers rule over them of this mans time Wendover an Authour then living saith Iuditia commutuntur injustis Leges ex legibus Pax discordantibus justitia injuriosis Thus the plot of the tumultuous Barons went cleare and had not the discreeter Bishop calmed all by dutifull perswasions and informing the King that the support of this bold mans power whose carriage before had lost his Father Normandy the love of his people and in that his Crowne would by teaching the sonne to reject in passion the just petitions of his loyall Subjects as of late the Earle of Pembrooke his Earle Marshall of England the due of his Office drive all the State into discontent by his bad advise and corrupt manners doubtlesse the rebellious Lords had ended this distemper as their designe was in a civill Warre Denials from Princes must bee supplied with gracious usage that though they cure not the sore yet they may abate the sence of it but best it is that all favours come directly from themselves denials and things of bitternesse from their Ministers Thus are the Strangers all displaced and banished Rivallis extortions ransackt by many strict Commissions of enquiry the Bishop sent away disgraced finds now that Nulla quae sita scelere potentia diuturna and that in Princes favours there is no subsistance betweene the highest of all and precipitation The Lords still frustrate of their malicious ends beganne to sow of these late grounds of the peoples discontent Querelas ambiguos de Principe sermones quoque alia turbamenta vulgi and tooke it up a fashion to endeare and glorifie themselves with the sencelesse multitude by depraving the Kings discretion and Governement whose nature too gentle for such insolent Spirits was forced as Trevet saith to seeke as hee presently did advise and love amongst strangers seeing no desert could purchase it at home all bore themselves like Tutors and Controllers few like Subjects and Councellours God wee see holdeth the hearts of Princes and sendeth them such Councellours as the quality of the Subject meriteth For Mountford a Frenchman became the next Object of the Kings delight a Gentleman of choyce blood education and feature on this mans content the heady affection of the Soveraigne did so much Doate that at his first entrance of Grace in envy of the Nobility hee made him Earle of Leycester and in no lesse offence of the Clergy by violating the rites of the holy Church gave him his vowed vailed sister to wife More of Art then usually some have deemed this act of the Kings making the tye of his dependancy the strength of his assurance so both at his will Mountford made wanton thus with dalliance of his Master forgetteth moderation for seldome discretion in youth attendeth great and suddaine fortunes hee draweth all publike affaires into his owne hands all favours must passe from him all preferments by him all suites addressed to him the King but as a cipher set to adde to this figure the more of number Great is the Soveraignes errour when the hope of Subjects must recognize it selfe beholden to the servant which ought immediately to bee acknowledged from the goodnesse and good election of himselfe Though Princes may take above others some reposefull friend with whom they may participate their neerest passions yet ought they so to temper the affaires of their favour that they corrupt not the effects of their principalities At this the great and gravest men began to grieve knowing the unworthy without honour or merit thus to deale alone in that which should passe through their hands and to leape over all their heads to the greatest Honour and Offices and therefore runne along with the then rising grace of the Kings halfe brethren though strangers hoping thereby to devide that power which otherwise they saw impossible to breake Leycester confident of his Masters love and impatient to beare either rivall in favour or partner in rule opposeth them all but findeth in his ebbe of favour the Fortune of others and that this King could ever as easily transferre his fancy as hee had setled his affection Great wee see must bee the art and cunning of that man that keepes himselfe a sloate in the streame of Soveraignes favour since the change of Princes wils which for the most part are full of fancy and soone satiate are hardly arrested Who so would effect this must onely attend the honour and service of his Master and dispoiled of all other respects transforme himselfe into his inward inclination and worke into necessity of imployment by undergoing the Offices of most secrecy either of publick service or Princes pleasures hee must also beate downe Competitours of worth by the hands of others conceale his owne greatnesse in publick with a fained humility and what impotency or Government hee affecteth let it rather seeme the worke of others out of conveniency then any appetite of his owne Now were the raines of rule by this advantage taken by the rebellious Lords and put alone into the hands of the Kings halfe brethren Adam Guido Godfray and William himselfe as before Et magna Fortuâ—a licentiam tantum usurpans For to act his owne part hee was ever wier-drawne when he
voluntati ejus obtemperarent At which day upon new grant of the great Charter admittance to his Councell of some persons elected by the Commons and promise to rely upon his Natives and not Strangers for advise hereafter they spare him such a pittance as must tie him to their Devotion for a new supply Thus Parliaments that before were ever a medicine to heale up any rupture in Princes fortunes are now growne worse then the mallady sith from thence more malignant humours beganne to raigne in them then well composed tempers The King by this experienced of the intents of his rebellious Lords and finding that the want of Treasure was the way whereby they inthralled his Majesty begins now to play the good husband closeth his hand of wast and resolves himselfe too late to stand alone such experience is pernitious to the private and dangerous to the publique good of a State when it never learnes to doe but by undoing and never sees order but when disorder shewes it Yet still alas such was his flexibility when hee came to bee pressed by his French Minions that hee could not hold his hand any longer from their vast desires and endlesse wast So that an Authour then living saith it became a by-word Our inheritance is converted to Allienâ— and our houses to Strangers Followers to a King excessive in guifts are excessive in demands and cut them not out by reason but by example Favours pâ—st are not accompted wee love no bounty but what is meerely future the more that a Prince weakeneth himselfe in giving the poorer hee is of friends For such prodigality in a Soveraigne ever ends in the rapine and spoile of his Subjects Yet before the King would againe submit himselfe as hee had the last Parliament to so many brave and strict inquiries of his disloyâ—ll Subjects hee meaneth to passe through all the shifts that extremity of need with greatnesse of mind could lay upon him Hee beginneth first with sale of Lands and then of Iewels pawneth Gascoyne and after that his Imperiall Crowne and when hee had neither credit to borrow having so often failed the trust hee had made nor pawnes of his owne hee then layeth to pawne the Iewels and Ornaments of St. Edwards Shrine and in the end not having meanes to defray the diet of his Court was enforced to breake up house and as Paris saith with his Queene and Children Cum Abbatibus Prioribus satis humilâ—ter Hospitia qua sivit prandia This low ebbe which againe the Kings improvidence had brought him to gave great assurance to the Rebellious Lords that they should now at the last have the Soveraigne power left a prey to their ambitious designes and to bring it faster on they desire nothing more then to see the Kings extremity Constraine a Parliament for at such times Princes are ever lesse then they should bee Subjects more To hasten on the time and adapt the meanes there are sowne certaine seditious rumours that the Kings necessity must repaire it selfe upon the fortunes and blessings of his people that having nothing of his owne left hee might and meant to take of others For Kings may not want as long as the Subjects have meanes to supply This tooke fire just to their minds and wrought a little moving in the State which doubtlesse had flamed higher if the King had not asswaged it by Proclamations wherein hee declared Quod quidam malivoli sinistra praedicantes illis falso suggesserant illum velle eos indebite gravari ac jura liberâ—atos Regni subvertere per suggestiones illas dolosas omnina falsas eorum corda à sua maledictione fidelitate averterent but desireth that Hujusmodi animorum suorum perturbationibus ne finem adhiberent for that hee was ever ready to defend them from the oppression of the great Lords Et omnia jura consuetudinis eorum debitas bonas consuetas in omnibus per omnia pleâ—ius observare and that they may rest of this secure Dâ— volunâ—aâ—e sua libera litteras suas fâ—cit patentes But seeing still that Majesty and right subsist not without meanes and power and himselfe had of neither so much as would stop the present breach in his owne wants or his Subjects loyalties hee flieth to the bosome of his people for reliefe and Councell At Oxford they met in Parliament where his necessity met so many undutifull demands that hee was forced to render up to their Rebellious will his Royall power Heere the Commons knowing that Quum elegere inceperunt they were Loco libertatis stood with the King to have the managing of the State put to the care of twenty foure whereof twelve by their election whereto they looke strictly and the other by him who in all things else was left a Cipher and in this whether by feare or remissenes filled up his number with Mountford Glocester and Spencer which besides the weakening of his owne part wonne to those his late opposites an opinion of great interest they had got in his favour hee now hath left neither election of publick office nor private attendants his halfe brethren and their followers hee must dispoile of all fortune and exile by prescription under his owne hand commanding his writs Pro transportatione fratrum suorum to bee directed to the Earles of Hartford and Surrey and not to passe either their Money Armes or Ornaments Nisi in forma quà m dicti Comites injunxerent and after their departure enjoyned the men of Bristoll that they should not permit any Strangers Sive propinquos Regis applicare in portu but so to behave themselves therein that as well the King Quà m Magates sui eos merito dâ—beant câ—mmâ—ndare Thus wee see how easily mens estates doe change in a moment and how hard it is to make use of all things ill gotten Richard elect of the Empire the Kings full brother and then beyond Sea must bee wrought by letter as his free desire to confirme by oath those former restrictions of regall power which though performed yet would the Lords suffer neither the one or the other to enter Dover Castle the key of the Kingdome which they had furnished as most of the other Fortes of reputation in the Realme with Guardians of their owne sworne respectively to the State and then taking the like assurance of all the Shrieffes Bailiffes Coroners and other publick Ministers searching the behaviour of many by strict Commission upon oath to winne opinion in shew among the Vulgar who groaned under their late Extortions whereas their end was truly as it after proved by displacing the faithfull servants of the King to open a way to their owne dependants Thus changing sole power into the rule of many and those by popular election made the State beleeve that this forme of limited policy they had utterly suppressed the mind of man for ever
great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glory then refuse either for perill or for paines and in service hee often proved himselfe not onely a skilfull Commander by giving directions but also a good Souldier in using his weapon adventuring further in person sometimes then policy would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receipts hee was very courteous and familiar respectively towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regard especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by unprofitable curtesies then by churlish benefits In all the changes of his estate hee was almost one and the same man in adversity never daunted in prosperity never secure retaining still his Majesty in the one and his mildnesse in the other neither did the continuance of his raigne bring him to a proud poâ—t and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares hee remained so gentle and faire in carriage that thereby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard Hee could not lightly bee drawne into any cause and was stiffe and constant in a good Yet more easie to bee either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to bee terrified by threats To some men hee seemed too greedy of glory making small difference of the meanes whereby hee attained it and indeed this honour in noble minds is most hardly over-ruled and oftentimes it draweth even the wisest awry But before I proceed any further in describing either the qualities or acts of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his Cosin Germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either causes or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the third crowned King over this Realme of England in the eleventh yeare of his age at which yeares the mind of man is like to the potters earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way soever it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the governance of the King at the first was committed to certaine Bishops Earles Barons and Iustices But either upon nicenes to discontent the King or negligence to discharge their duty every one was more ready with pleasant conceits to delight him then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speeches need small endeavour and alwayes findeth favour whereas to advise that which is meet is a point of some paines and many times a thanklesse office Hereupon two dangerous evils did ensue flattery brake in and private respects did passe under publike pretences In the third yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should bee committed to one man to avoid thereby the unnecessary wast of the Treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend unto many So by the whole consent of the Nobility and Commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwick and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Exchequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did immoderately bend himselfe to the favouring and advancing of certaine persons which were both reproveable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconveniences for many young Noble-men and brave Courtiers having a nimble eye to the secret favours and dislikes of the King gave over themselves to a dissolute and dishonest life which findeth some followers when it findeth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thrive the King also by favouring these was himselfe little favoured and loved of many for it is oftentimes as dangerous to a Prince to have evill and odious adherents as to bee evill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veere Earle of Oxford Michael Delapoole afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminency either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwayes next unto him both in company and counsell by these hee ordered his private actions by these hee managed his affaires of state hee spared neither the dignity nor death of any man whose authority and life withstood their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee removed Sir Richard Scroope from being Lord Chancellour of England to which office hee was by authority of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the grant of certaine Lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his deniall the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties upon whom the King might cast away and consume but spend in good order hee could not advertising him also to have respect that riote did not deceive him under the terme and shew of liberality and that gifts well ordered procure not so much love as placed without discretion they stirre envy This Chancelour was a man of notable integrity and diligence in his office not scornefully turning away from the ragged coate of a poore suppliant or pale face of a sickly and feeble limmed â—uâ—er holding up their simple soiled bils of complaint nor yet smothering his conscience with partiall maintaining of such as were mighty but being alike to all hee was soone disliked of those that were bad In the eight yeare of this Kings raigne the destruction of the Duke of Lancaster was intended likewise upon the like dislike the plot was laied by Iustice Trisilian offences were devised Appellours appointed and Peeres named hee should have beene put under arrest suddenly and forthwith arraigned condemned and executed But the Duke upon privy intelligences of these contrivances fled to his Castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the King So this matter beganne to grow to a head of division which the Common people at that time very busily desired and fought but the Kings Mother travelling incessantly betweene the King and the Duke notwithstanding shee was both corpulent and in yeares laboured them both to a reconcilement the King with regard of the dangerous and discontented times the Duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and advise partly by their inclination bending to the safest course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and distrust on the other was for that time layed aside The same yeare Michael Delapoole was made Chancellour of England and created Earle of Suffolke and Robert Veere Earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dublin being the first
man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veerâ— the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of â—ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
In the meane time hee tooke all parties into his protection that none should endanger or endammage another desiring the Lords to beare in mind that as Princes must not rule without limitation so Subjects must use a meane in their liberty Then hee caused the Duke and the Earles which all this time kneeled before him to arise and went with them into his private Chamber where they talked a while and drunke familiarly together and afterwards with a most friendly farewell hee licensed them to depart They of the contrary faction were not present at this meeting and if they had it was thought that the presence of the King should little have protected them This act of the King was divers wayes taken some judged him fearefull others moderate rather in sparing the bloud of his Subjects The Lords were very joyfull of his good will and favour which as by base or bad meanes they would not seeke so being well gotten they did highly esteeme Yet they thought it the safest course not to separate themselves suspecting the mutability of the King and the malice of their enemies of whom they knew neither where they were nor what they did intend and being men of great wealth and great power and greatly bent to hurtfull practices they were feared not without a cause for the Duke of Ireland either by setting on or sufferance of the King was all this time mustering of Souldiers out of Châ—shire and Wales where hee gathered an army both for number and goodnesse of men sufficient if another had beene generall to have maintained the side When the Lords were advertised hereof they devided themselves and beset all the wayes by which the Duke should passe to London determining to encounter him before hee did increase his power and countenance his actions with the puissance or name of the King At the last hee was met by the Earle of Derby at a place called Babbelake neere to Burford and there the Earle put his men in array resolving with great boldnesse to hazard the battailâ— his Souldiers also were full of courage and heart disliking nothing more then delay as a loosing of time and a hinderance to the victory but the Duke being a man not fit for action yet mutinous and more apt to stirre strife then able to stint it upon newes of an enemy would presently have fled There was then in the army a principall Commander one Sir Thomas Molineux Constable of Châ—shire a man of great wealth and of good proofe in service upon whose leading all that Countrey did depend hee perswaded the Duke that this was but a part of the forces that were against them and led onely by the Earle of Derby a man of no speciall name at that time among the Lords and if they could not beare through that resistance it was but in vaine to attempt any great atchevement by armes Hereupon the Duke stayed his steps but his faint Spirits were moved by this speech rather to desire victory then to hope it his souldiers also were dull silent and sad and such as were readier to interpret then to execute the Captaines commandement So they joyned battell but scarce tenne ounces of bloud was lost on both sides before the Duke of Ireland set spurres to his horse and forsooke the field His souldiers seeing this threw away their unfortunate weaponâ— more for indignation then for feare ruffling their ranks and yeelding to the Earle the honour of the field Sir Thomas Molineux in flying away was forced to take a River which was neere and as hee was comming foorth againe a certaine Knight whose name was Sir Thomas Mortimer pulled off his helmet and stabbed him into the braines with his dagger The rest submitted themselves to the discretion of the Victorers making them Lords over their life and death but their yeelding was no sooner offered then it was accepted the Earle presently commanding that none should bee harmed but those that did make resistance or beare armour The souldiers also being willing to shew favour towards their Countrey-men as led into this action partly upon simplicity partly to accompany these which came upon feare Then the Gentlemen were still retained in the Earles company the common Souldiours were dispoiled of their armour onely and so returned againe to their peaceable businesse at home And this was the first act whereby reputation did rise to the side and the greatnesse beganne whereunto the Earle afterwards attained The Duke of Ireland at the beginning of his flight was desirous to have passed the River which ranne by and comming to a bridge hee found the same broken from thence hee posted to another bridge which hee found guarded with Archers At the last his fearefulnesse being feared away as nothing maketh men more desperate upon a doubtfull danger then feare of that which is certaine hee adventured to take the streame in the midst whereof hee forsooke his horse and swam to the other side and so by benefit of the night esâ—aped and flied into Scotland and shortly after passed the Seas into Flanders and from thence travelled into France where the continuall gall of his griefe soone brought his loathed life to an end His horse was taken with his brest-plate his helmet and his gauntlets whereupon it was generally supposed that hee was drowned and as in great uncertainties it often happeneth some affirmed that they saw his death which men either glad to heare or not curious to search did easily beleeve whether this were thus contrived of purpose or fell so out by chance it was a great meanes of his escape by staying the pursute after him which otherwise had beene made His coach also was taken and certaine of the Kings letters found wherein hee desired the Duke to come to London with all the speed and power hee could make and hee would bee ready to dy in his defence so unskilfull was hee in matter of government that to pleasure a few hee regarded not the discontentment of all the rest The Earle of Suffolke upon this accident shaved his beard and in base and disguised artire fled to Calis and either for feare or for shame never after returned into England he was a cruell spoiler and a carelesse spender in Warre contemptible in peace in-supportable an enemy to all Counsaile of others and in his owne conceit obstinately contentious of a good wit and ready speech both which hee abused to the cunning commending of himselfe and crafty depraving of others hee was lesse loved but better heard of the King then the Duke of Ireland the more hurtfull man and the more hatefull the Duke being charged with no great fault but onely the Kings excessive favour in their course of good and bad fortune both of them were famous alike Also the Archbishop of Yorke Iustice Trisilian and others of that faction ranne every man like connies to their covert Yea the King betooke himselfe to the Tower of London and there made provision for his Winter aboad having
either safe quiet or dangerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolve upon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things Frist whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henry bee with good judgement or justice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a King being lawfully and fully instituted by any just title may upon impution either of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subjects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which hee should deserve so heavy judgement I will not speake what may be done in a popular state or in a Consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet hee hath not supreme power of Majestie but in the one the people have the highest Empire in the other the Nobility and chiefe men of estate in neither the Prince Of the first sort was the common-wealth of the Lacedaemoans who after the form of government which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petty Kings of every Citie in France who were many times arraigned upon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power over the people then the people had over them Of the second condition were the Roman Emperours at the first of whom some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were suddenly surprized by judgement and authority of the Senate and such are now the Emperors of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not only restraine but sometimes also remove from their Imperiall state such are also the Kings of Denmarke and Sweveland who are many times by the Nobility dejected either into prison or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flaunders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power never pertained to his dignity In these and such like governments the Prince hath not regall rights but is himselfe subject to that power which is greater then his whether it bee in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soveraigne Majesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdome of Iudea and Israel and is now in the kingdomes of England France Spaine Scotland Muscovia Turky Tartaria Persia Ethiopia and almost all the kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he be unprofitable to the subjects yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neither harme his person nor hazard his power whether by judgement or else by force for neither one nor all Magistrates have any authority over the Prince from whom all authority is derived and whose only presence doth silence and suspend all inferiour jurisdiction and power As for force what subject can attempt or assist or counsaile or conceale violence against his Prince and not incurre the high and hainous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeed from punishment of secular lawes except by word or deed it breake forth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred Majesty of a Prince without attempt without endeavour have beene adjudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession have discovered their treacherous devises against the person of their Prince have afterwards been executed for the same All Lawes doe exempt a mad man from punishment because their actions are not governed by their will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neither can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious mind yet if a mad man draw his sword upon his King it hath beene adjudged to deserve death And lest any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of their owne safety and soveraignety are the onely Authors of these judgements let us a little consider the Patternes and Preceprs of Holy Scripture Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria wasted all Palestine with fire and sword oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slâ—e the King burnt the Temple tooke away the Holy Vessels and Treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his unmercifull souldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citie after the glut of this bloody butchery the people which remayned he led captive into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commanded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fiery Furnace What cruelty what injustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant and promiseth hyre and wages for his service and the Prophets Ieremiah and Baruch did write unto the Iewes to pray for the life of him and of Baltazar his sonne that their dayes might bee upon earth as the dayes of Heaven and Ezechiel with bitter termes abhorteth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he revolted from Nebuchadnezzar whose homager and tributary he was What shall we say of Saul did hee not put all the Priests to execution because one of them did relieve holy and harmelesse David did hee not violently persecute that his most faithfull servant and dutifull sonne in law during which pursuit he fell twice into the power of David who did not only spare but also protect the King and reproved the Pretorian souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lap of his garment and afterwards caused the Messenger to bee slaine who upon request and for pitty had lent his hand as hee said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slew Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israel and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle and revelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other particular and priviledged Commandement but in the generall Precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also and our very thoughts are strictly charged with duty and obedience unto Princes whether they bee good or evill the law of God ordaineth That hee which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet David forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord raile upon the Iudges neither speake evill against the Ruler of the people And the Apostles doe demand further that even our thoughts and soules be obedient to higher powers And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away
all doubt they make expresse mention of the evill For the power and authority of wicked Princes is the ordinance of God and therefore CHRIST told Pilate that the power which hee had was given him from above and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a Prophane and Heathen Prince the Lords annointed For God stirred up the Spirit even of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehosaphat said to his Rulers they execute not the judgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof David calleth them Gods because they have their rule and authority immediately from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adjudged by their Subjects for no power within their Dominion is superiour to theirs but God reserveth them to the forest triall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wisemâ—n will the Lord appearâ— unto them and a hard judgement shall they have The law of God commandeth that the Childe should bee put to death for any conâ—umely done unto the Parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanies odious and execrable both to God and man surely hee deserveth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift up his hand against him for no offence is so great as to bee punished by parricide but our Countrey is deerer unto us then our Parents and the Prince is Pater patriae the Father of our Countrey and therefore more sacred and deere unto us then our Parents by nature and must not bee violated how imperious how impious so ever hee bee doth hee command or demand our persons or our purses wee must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kings have Dominion over the bodies and over the cattle of their Subjects at their pleasure Doth hee enjoyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God wee must neither wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selves to all manner of punishment and shew our subjection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an Heresie to hold that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his Subjects for any disorder or default either in life or else in government there will bee faults so long as there are men and as we endure with patience a barren yeare if it happen and unseasonable weather and such other defects of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of Rulers and quietly expect either reformation or else a change But alas good King Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he ever committed examine rightly those imputations which are laid against him without any false circumstance of aggravation and you shall find nothing objected either of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and oversights have escaped him yet none so grievous to bee termed tyranny as proceeding rather from unexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull malice Oh how shall the World bee pestered with Tyrants if Subjects may rebell upon every pretence of tyranny how many good Princes shall dayly bee suppressed by those by whom they ought to bee supported if they leavy a subsidy or any other taxation it shall bee claimed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attempts against their Persons it shall bee exclaimed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaimed tyranny But let it bee that without authority in us or desert in him King Richard must bee deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason have wee without his right to give it to him if hee make title as Heire unto King Richard then must hee yet stay untill King Richards death for no man can succeed as Heire to one that liveth But it is well knowne to all men who are not either wilfully blind or grossely ignorant that there are some now alive Lineally descended from Lâ—onel Duke of Clarence whose off-spring was by judgement of the High Court of Parliament holden the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard declared next Successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the title from Edmund Crouchback I will passe it over seeing the authours thereof are become ashamed of so absurd abuse both of their owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the claime is now made by right of conquest by the cession and grant of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a Subject pretend against his Soveraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heinous treason as for the resignation which King Richard made being a pent Prisoner for the same cause it is an act exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to bind him and seeing that by the lawes of this Land the King alone cannot alienate the ancient Jewels and ornaments partaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot give away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the Kingdome Neither have wee any custome that the people at pleasure should elect their King but they are alwayes bound unto him who by right of bloud is right successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence usurped for nothing can then be freely done when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his Legions obtaine the law of Velleia to be made whereby hee was created Dictatour for fourescore yeares and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Servia to bee promulged by which hee was made perpetuall Dictatour but both these lawes were afterwards adjudged void As for the deposing of King Edward the second it is no more to bee urged then the poisoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must live according to lawes and not to examples and yet the Kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke back to times lately past we shall find that these titles were more strong in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster For King Henry the first being at large liberty neither restrained in body nor constrained in mind had appointed him to succeed as it was upon good credit certainely affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was annointed King and obtained full possession of the Realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Anjowe having a neerer right by his Mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his Father was a stranger and himselfe borne beyond the Seas raised such rough warres upon King Stephen that there was no end of spoiling the goods and spilling the bloud of the unhappy people besides the ruines and deformities of many Cities and
these Lords or by any Officers under them he should prove his complaint receive recompence It was made a question whether it was not meet that these Noble men should be put to death the importunity of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policy was against it and especially the opinion of clemency which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this Parliament also the Lord Fitzwater appealed the said Duke of Aumerle Sonne to the Duke of Yorke upon points of High treason likewise the Lord Monley appealed Iohn Montacuâ—e Earle of Salisbury and more then twenty other appealants waged battaile but the King purposing to lay the foundation of his Realme by favour and not by force gave pardon and restitution alike to all upon sureties and band for their allegeance and in a sweet and moderate oration hee admonisheth and as it were intreated the one part that old griefes and grudges should not bee renewed but buried together with the memory of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their minds the other part hee desired to bee more regardfull of their actions afterwards and for the time past rather to forget that ever they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laid upon any save onely the Earle of Salisbury and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and favour with King Richardâ— these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King received freely to favour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Governour of Calis The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the Kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in law to King Henry whose Sister the Lady Elizabeth hee had taken to wife The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loialty unto King Richard a grievous crime among rebels because they did not onely stomack and storme at his dejection but stirre also more then others and assay to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes boldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed unfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prove soundly firme so they that have shewed themselves true to one Prince may the better bee trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to bee misliked of Princes so hee entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeavouring by courtesie and liberalty to make them fast and faithfull unto him this fact was diversly interpreted according to mens severall dispositions some admiring the Kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes have to this purpose prevailed with some yet the common course may move us commonly to conjecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like unto Glasse which being once cracked can never bee made otherwise then crazed and unsound Furthermore to qualifie all prejudice and hard opinion which other Princes might chance to conceive King Henry dispatched Embassadours to divers Countries neere unto him to make it knowne by what title and by what favour and desire of all the people hee attained the Kingdome To the Court of Rome hee sent Iohn Trevenant Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into France hee sent Walter Sherlow Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine hee sent Iohn Trevor Bishop of S. Assaphes and Sir William Parre and into Almaine hee sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned either their honour or their harme seemed either not to regard what was done or easily to bee perswaded that all was done well But Charles King of France was so distempered at this dishonourable dealing with his Sonne in law King Richard that by violence of his passion hee fell into his old panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of physick returning to the sobriety of his sences hee purposed to make sharpe warre upon that disloyall people as hee termed them for this injury against their lawfull and harmelesse Prince Many Noble men of France shewed themselves very forward to enter into the service but especially the Earle of Saint Paul who had married King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these novelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time under the English subjection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were grieved at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had destained their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoile of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the French-men against whose violence they suspected that the Realme of England being distracted into civill factions either would not attend or should not bee able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partly fretting at his injury and partly lamenting his infortunity because hee was borne and brought up within their City And thus in the violence some of their anger some of their griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good GOD said they where is the World become Saints are turned to Serpents and Doves into Divels The English nation which hath beene accompted fierce onely against their foes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and loving Prince and have most barbarously betrayed him Who would ever have thought that Christians that civill people that any men would thus have violated all Religion all Lawes and all honest and orderly demeanure And although the Heavens blush at the view and the Earth sweat at the burthen of so vile a villany and all men proclaime and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the revenge but stand upon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessity Well let them bee able to blind the world and to resist mans revenge yet shall they never be able to escape either the sight or vengeance of Almighty God which we daily expect and earnestly desire to bee powred upon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall subjects but fetter them with Lawes as theeves are with Irons What carriage hereafter can recover their credit What time will
their names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter of whom mention hath beene made before Thomas Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishop of Caerliele Sir Thomas Blunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all points both of feature and favour so neerly resembled King Richard that the Lords dissembled afterwards that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrew themselves into a secret Chamber to counsaile here the Duke of Exceter who was most hotly bent either to restore or to revenge the cause of his deposed brother declared unto the rest the allegeance that they had sworne unto King Richard the honours and preferments whereunto they were by him advanced that therefore they were bound both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that King Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and unjustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neither the obedience of subjects nor love of friends as though they were men who knew to doe any thing better then to defend and if need were to dye for their lawfull Prince and loving Patron that King Henry by violent invading or fraudulent insinuating himselfe into the kingdom of his naturall liege Prince was but a tyrant usurper such aone as it was lawful for any man by any means to throw down without respect whether hee were a good man or evill for it is lawfull for no man upon pretence shew of goodnes to draw soveraignty unto himself that the laws examples of best governed common-wealths did not only permit this action but highly honored it with statues garlands title of Nobility also rewarded it with al the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable almost necessary to the Common-wealth by extinguishing those wars which the Scots menaced the French-men prepared the Welshmen had already begun upon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the Common-wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policy and to that purpose hee devisâ— that a solemne Iusts should bee challenged to be keept at Oxford in Christmasse holy-dayes betweene him and twenty on his part and the Earle of Salisbury and twenty on his part to which King Henry should be invited and when hee was most intentive in regarding their military disport hee should suddenly be surprised by men which without suspition might at that time bee assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently be restored both to his liberty and to his estate This devise was no sooner uttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resolving upon the Enterprize they tooke an oath upon the Evangelists the one to bee true and secret to the other even to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartiâ—e wherein they bound themselves to doe their best assay for the death of the one King and deliverance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and delivered to every Lord a counter-pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whom how they should bee ordered placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all things were thus contrived and their hungry ambitious minds were well filled with the vain winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exeter came to the King at Windsore desired him for the love that he bare to the noble feats of Chevalry that hee would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the Iudge of their performances if any controversie should arise The King supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in show easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other consederates where they busily bestirred themselves in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of this act When the Dutchesse of Exceter K. Henries sister perceived the drift of the devise and saw that the Duke was upon his journey alas good Lady how was shee distracted in mind with a sharpe conflict of her conceipts one way she was moved wiâ—h nature towards her brother another way she was more strongly stirred with love towards her Lord and husband and both wayes she was divided in duty And what â—aid shee is this love then against nature or above it shall I bee undutifull to my Prince or is no duty comparable to the duty of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two dearest friends in this case of extremity that it is doubtfull which but certainely one must bee ruined by the other Herewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped unto her and seazing softly upon her hand used these words What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on sloate Content your selfe woman for whatsoever the event shall bee it cannot bee evill to you nor worse to mee then now it is For if my purpose prevaile and my brother be restored againe to his Crowne both of us shall bee sure never to decline if it be prevented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall bee done unto you and I shall bee sure then of that destruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When he had thus said hee kissed her and so leaving her to the torture of a thousand thorny thoughts hee tooke his journey towards Oxford with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There hee found all the reâ—â— of his complices well armed and banded except only the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and Defendants were in a readinesse determined the day following to ride to Oxford according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much marvelled at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it every man conjectured as he was diversly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent unto him in poste to know the certaine truth Before the Messenger came to the Duke he was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of Yorke and carried with him the counterpane
fearefully shrinking backe and when they once began to relent they decreased every day more and more both in power and in hope King Henry the next morning after he was come to the Tower sent to the Major of the Citie to put Souldiers in armes for his assistance who presently presented unto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill-men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent upon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thankes and soone after hee issued out of London with twenty thousand tall men and came to Hounslow Heath abiding there and as it were daring his enemies to joyne issue in the field contemning their disorderly multitude as a vaine terrour of names without forces But the confederates either for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of their owne or else lingring perhaps after some succour out of France refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting up the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented unto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richards wife did then abide to whom upon the plain truth before declared fame had falsly descanted that K. Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henry for feare of him was fled with his children and friends to the Tower of London All which was as lightly beleeved as it was vainely told whereupon she defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his servants that attended upon her and having in some sort satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight shee and the Lords departed together first to Wallingford and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the way to take armour and to rise in ayde of King Richard who was said they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lords tooke their lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury in one Inne the Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the Towne suspecting all this countenance to bee but the vaine flash of a false fire did in the night with about fourescore Archers beset and set upon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury lay who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put upon necessity shewed great man-hood and resistance in defending themselves against the Townsmen The Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates whereupon a certaine Priest of their company set divers houses in the Towne on fire supposing thereby to divert the townsmen from their assault to the saving of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their fury and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would never labour to rescue their losses but to revenge them and that with the blood of the Lords vvhose flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an uproare and in armes shooting fiercely and running upon the Lords with a rash and desperate rage not caring to loose many whereof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exeter and they that were with him perceived the force of the assaylants dangerously to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to sustaine the fury of so many so obstinately bent they fled out of the back-side towards the Camp intending to bring the whole Armie to the rescue but the souldiers having heard a tumult and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puissance whereupon being strooke with a sodain and false feare and wanting a Commander of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselves without measure and so whilst every man endeavoured to save himselfe all were brought to their confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury and the Lords and Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselves against the townesmen as they could who manfully maintained the fight with great bloodshed of their enemies from midnight untill three of the clocke the next day in the afternoone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wonded to death and taken and the same Evening their heads were striken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Barnard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and twenty eight other Lords Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exeter when he found the Army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but most especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this unhappy tumult many times hee did attempt to have escaped by Sea into France but hee was alwayes driven backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee saâ—e at supper in a certain friendâ— house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conjecture that the death of the Duke of Gloucester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryvance chiefly in the same place had beene apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their Actions either by their pleasure or by their power that revenge of injurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth never fayle but commeth surely although perhaps slowly This Duke was a man of high parentage of a franke mind and wealth answerable thereunto openly praise worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of hee was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towards Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalen the counterfeit of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartered with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chaplaines Divers other Lords and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatable nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in revenging his owne injury or rather maintaining the injury that hee had done the heads of the chiefe conspirators were pitched upon poles and set over London Bridge in all other parts of the Realme
man answerable to her in equall degree both of blood and of yeares but the French King denyed that hee would any more joyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so unfortunately succeeded then they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but hereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be delivered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was never consummate by reason whereof shee was not donable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeares before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of thirty yeares was continued and confirmed for the time then unexpired Some Authors affirme that a new truce was taken but these also are at difference for some report that it was during the life of both the Kings others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparance of truth by reason of the open hostility which the yeare following did breake forth betweene the two Realmes Shortly after King Henry sent the Lady Isabel under the conduct of Lord Thomas Piercy Earle of Worcester in Royall estate to Calis she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewels and Plate which shee brought into England with a great surplusage of rich gifts bestowed upon her by the King at Calis shee was received by the Earle of S. Paul Lieutenant for the French King in Picardy and by him was conducted to King Charles her Father who afterwards gave her in marriage to Charles Sonne to Leâ—es Duke of Orleances and so was either rest or respite of warres procured in France whilest neerer stirres might bee brought to some stay For within the Realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the Common-wealth should not cease to bee torne by multiplying of divisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen upon advantage of the doubtfull and unsetled estate of King Henry resolved to break and make a defection before either the King could ground his authority or the people frame themselves to a new obedience and having learned that common causes must bee maintained by concord they sought by assemblies to establish an association and to set up their owne principality againe To this purpose they created for their Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious Person and apt to set up division and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomack of an aspiring Spirit and in wit somewhat above the ordinary of that untrained people bould crafty active and as he listed to bend his mind mischievous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashly adventurous in his young yeares he was brought up to the study of the Common law of the Realme at Loâ—don and when hee came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name he was particularly incensed by a private suite for certaine lands in controversie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his title was overthrowne and being a man by nature not of the mildest by this provocation he was made savadge and rough determining either to repaire or to revenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberality had beene too excessive for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessity doe and dare somewhat and more danger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashly Herewith oportunity was then likewise presented for trouble sometimes are most fit for great attempts and some likelihood there was whilest the King and the Lords were hard at variance that harme might easily bee wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and upon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning hee pretended to his Countreymen the recovery of their free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweet that even wilde birds will rather live hardly at large in the aire then bee daintily dieted by others in a Cage and oportunity was at that time fitly offered or else never to bee expected to rid them of their thraldome falsely and colourably intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fully wexen and either of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was their any difference which of them should prevaile sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the overthrow would ruine the one and the victory the other So he exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for liberty and Lords could not endure together then to resume their ancient customes and lawes whereby more then armes Common-wealths are established and enlarged so should they be a people uncorrupt without admixion of forraigne manners of bloud and so should they forget servitude and either live at liberty or else perhaps be Lords over other Hereupon many flocked unto him the best for love of liberty the basest for desire of booty and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became Commander of competent forces to stand openly in the field And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set upon his old adversary Reignold Lord Grey of Ruthen whose possessions hee wasted and spoiled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gave him faire and friendly entertainment and promised him releasement if he would take his Daughter to wife This he desired not so much for need of his ability or aid as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lord would give reputation to the house that was then â—ut in rising but the Lord Grey at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that hee was no ward to have his marriage obtruded upon him Well said Owen Glendore although you bee not my ward yet are you in my ward and the suing your livery will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very rich to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliverance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the Damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in law trifled out the time of his enlargement untill hee died The Welshmen being confident upon this successe beganne to breake into the borders of Hereford-shire and to make spoile and prey of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of March who for feare of King Henry had withdrawne himselfe as hath beene declared to Wigmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrey and meeting with the Welchmen they joyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme