Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certaine religious man gaue vnto Henry the first Duke of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he serued in the warres of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kinges which should be annoynted therewith should bee the champions of the Church Duke Henry deliuered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked vp the same in a barred chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should bee crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remained there eyther not remembred or not regarded vntill this present yeere wherein the King being vpon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the iewels and monumentes of his progenitours found this Violl and Prophesie and vnderstanding the secret was desirous to be anoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was vnlawfull and the precedent vnseene that a King should bee anoynted twice whereupon he brake of that purpose and tooke the Violl with him into Ireland and when hee yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishoppe of Canterburye demaunded it of him agayne and dyd receaue and reserue the same vntill the coronation of King Henrie who was the first King of this realme that was anoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse eyther of the authoritye or of the certaintye of these prophesies but wee may easily obserue that the greatest part of them eyther altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sence then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henrie the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controuersies in poyntes of religion in any other extraordinarye mattter hee did as much make the Church champion as shew himselfe a champion of the Church but afterwardes his successours were entytuled Defenders of the fayth and howe in action they veryfied the same I referre to remembraunce and reporte of later times Now it had beene considered that the tytle which was deriued to King Henrie from Edmund whome they surnamed Crouchbacke would bee taken but for a blynde and idle iest for that it was notorious that the sayd Edmund was neyther eldest sonne to King Henry the thyrd as it was plainely declared by an acte of Parlament nor yet a misshapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant commaunder in the field and so fauoured of the King his Father that hee gaue him both the heritages and honours of Sâ—â—one Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Barron of Monmuthe who to theyr owne ruine and destruction had desplaied seditious ensignes against the King And further to aduaunce him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Nauerne he created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gaue vnto him the county Castle and towne of Lancaster with the Forrestes of Wiresdale Lounsdale Newcastle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priuiledges and high titles of homour Therefore King Henry vpon the day of his Coronation caused to be proclaimed that he claymed the Kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because he was of the bloud royall and next heyre male vnto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March vnto his secret friends and so is the Pirate to the Marchant when hee despoyleth him of all that hee hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had been openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therfore the sayd Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then he that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dynt of force But such was the condition of the tyme that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon he dessembled eyther that he saw his wrong or that hee regarde it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by vntimely opposing himselfe to haue it oppressed and depressed for euer to this ende hee withdrewe himselfe farre from London to his Lordshippe of Wigmore in the West partes of the realme and there setled himselfe to a priuate and close life Idlenes and vacancy from publike affaires he accompted a vertue and a deepe point of wisedome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeelde a reckoning In reuenues he was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessiue yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew eyther of wit and courage in his minde to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to be enuyed And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared he passed vnregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so daungerous as a good opinion and raking vp those coales in obscuritie for a time which shortly after set all the realme on fire King Henrie presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henrie being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the realme assembled together in the Parlament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of Fraunce aud of all the dominions to them apperteyning should be vnited and remaine in the person of King Henrie and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henrie his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successour in the premisses and if he should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successiuely in order and to the heyres of their bodyes lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sorte settled in King Henrie and in his line it was mooued in the Parlament what should be doone with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes vsed both libertie and constancie in a good cause in his secret iudgement did neuer giue allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike vntill he might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupred by none he rose vp and with a bould and present spirit vttered his minde as followeth This question right Honourable
haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
by the commaundement or conâ—iuence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many 〈…〉 suspicions of poisonâ— and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester who beeing a tyrant and vsurper was lawfully slaine in the field and so in his person hauing no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent dealers that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie as reuenge our iniuries and harmes and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment and many times by waye of retaliation euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was King Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all wrighters agree although all agree not vppon the manner of the violence Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie and grace and comlinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abiect spirit but the one by ease the other by flatterie were much abased He deserued many friends but found fewe because hee sought them more by liberalitye then vertuous dealing He 〈◊〉 merueilous 〈◊〉 in all his actions which may verye well bee 〈◊〉 to his negligence and sloath for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will loose whatsoeuer fortune or other mens 〈…〉 hee was driuen is such distresse that 〈…〉 it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie for which other men will not sticke to put theyr goods and liues and soules in hazarde Hee liued three and thirtie yeares and reigned two and twentie His dead body was embaulmed and 〈…〉 couered with Lead all saue his face and carryed 〈…〉 and in all the chiefe places by the waye his face was 〈…〉 that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paulâ— the King beeing present and all the chiefe 〈…〉 Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking ham shire about 〈…〉 myle from London and there obscurely 〈◊〉 by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noble men without coâ—â—â—uence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the 〈…〉 but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken vp and remooued to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters with Queene Anne his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet could not readily finde rest for his bones euen after death It was not amisse in regard of the common wealth that he was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had 〈◊〉 him prisoner and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her dayeâ— this yeere also dyed Thomas Moâ—bray the exiled duke of Norfolke whose death would much haue been lamented if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he ouerliued his honour saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this 〈…〉 Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons Iohn Richard Arthur this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not stayrred his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing he did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten eyther his fame or his fall but by moderation attayned safely that degree of praise and honour which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behinde him two noble sonnes expresse resemblencers of his integritie Edward who succeeded in his dignitie and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantlye kept his fidelitie nor stoutlie maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd by which title and discent his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie as heereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in making preparation to inuade England and to that end had now raysed an armie royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to haue beene transported But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Richard did the more hasten his death vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose gaue ouer the enterprise some being grieued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plentifull a countrie others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabell his daughter who had bin espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours and gaue in answere that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice which should fullye commune and conclude with them both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henrie Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meete sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the Frenchmen especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest Sonne a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres but the French King denyed that
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
the next parliament which he appointed should begin the third day of February then next ensuing as well you as they shall be present and iustice indifferently done vnto all In the meane time he tooke all parties into his protection that none should endanger or endammage another desiring the Lordes to beare in minde that as princes must not rule without limitation so subiectes must vse a meane in their libertie Then he caused the duke and the Earles which all this time kneeled before him to arise and went with them into his priuate Chamber where they talked a while and drunke familiarly together afterwards with a most friendly farwell he licenced them to depart They of the contrarie faction were not present at this meeting and if they had it was thought that the presence of the King should little haue protected them This act of the King was diuers waies taken some iudged him fearefull others moderate rather in sparing the bloud of his subiectes The Lordes were verie ioyfull of his good-will and fauour which as by base or bad meanes they would not seeke so being well gotten they did highly esteeme Yet they thought it the safest course not to seperate themselues suspecting the mutabilitie of the King and the malice of their enemies of whome they knewe neither where they were nor what they did entend and being men of great wealth and great power and greatly bent to hurtfull practises they were feared not without a cause for the Duke of Ireland either by setting on or sufferance of the King was all this time mustering of Souldiours out of Cheshire and Wales where hee gathered an armie both for number and goodnesse of men sufficient if another had beene generall to haue maintained the side When the Lordes were aduertised hereof they deuided themselues beset all the waies by which the Duke should passe to London determining to encounter him before he did increase his power and countenance his actions with the puissance or name of the King At the last he was met by the Earle of Derby at a place called Babbelake neere to Burforde and there the Earle put his men in array resoluing with great boldnesse to hazard the battaile his Souldiers also were ful of courage and hart disliking nothing more then delay as a loosing of time and a hinderance to the victorie but the Duke being a man not fit for action yet mutinous and more apt to stirre strife then able to stint it vpon newes of an enemie would presently haue fled There was then in the armie as a principall Commaunder one Sir Thomas Molineux Constable of Cheshire a man of great wealth and of good proofe in seruice vpon whose leading all that countrie did depend he perswaded the Duke that this was but a part of the forces that were against them and led onely by the Earle of Derby a man of no speciall name at that time among the Lordes and if they could not beare through that resistance it was but in vaine to attempt any great atchiuement by armes Hereupon the Duke stayed his steps but his faint spirits were mooued by this speech rather to desire victory then to hope it his souldiers also were dul silent sad and such as were readier to interpret then execute the captaines commandement So they ioyned battell but scarse ten ounces of bloud was lost on both sides before the duke of Ireland set spurres to his horse and forsooke the field His souldiers seeing this threw away their vnfortunate weapons more for indignation then for feare ruffling their rancks and yeelding to the Earle the honour of the field Sir Thomas Molineux in flying away was forced to take a Riuer which was neere and as he was comming foorth againe a certaine Knight whose name was Sir Thomas Mortimer pulled off his helmet and stabbed him into the braines with his dagger The rest submitted themselues to the discretion of the victorours making them lords ouer their life and death but their yeelding was no sooner offered then it was accepted the Earle presently commaunding that none should be harmed but those that did make resistance or beare armour the Souldiours also being willing to shew fauour towardes their countreymen as ledde into this action partly vpon simplicitie partly to accompany these which came vpon feare Then the Gentlemen were still reteined in the Earles company the common souldiers were dispoiled of their armour onely and so returned againe to their peaceable businesse at home And this was the first acte whereby reputation did rise to the side and the greatnes began whereunto the Earle afterwards attained The Duke of Ireland at the beginning of his flight was desirous to haue passed the riuer which ranne by and comming to a bridge he found the same broken from thence he posted to another bridge which he found guarded with Archers At the last his fearefulnesse being feared away as nothing maketh men more desperate vpon a doubtfull danger then feare of that which is certaine he aduentured to take the streame in the midst wherof he forsooke his horse and swam to the other side and so by benefit of the night escaped and fled into Scotland and shortly afterpassed the seas into Flanders and from thence traueiled into France where the continuall gall of his griefe soone brought his loathed life to an end His horse was taken with his brest-plate his helmet and his gauntlets whereupon it was generally supposed that he was drowned and as in great vncerteineties it often happeneth some affirmed that they sawe his death which men either glad to heare or not curious to search did easily beleeue whether this were thus contriued of purpose or fell so out by chance it was a great meanes of his escape by staying the pursute after him which otherwise had bene made His coach also was taken and certaine of the Kings letters found wherein he desired the Duke to come to London with all the power and speede hee could make and he would be ready to die in his defence so vnskilfull was he in matters of gouernment that to pleasure a few he regarded not the discontentment of all the rest The Earle of Suffolke vpon this accident shaued his beard and in base and disguised attire fled to Calice and either for feare or for shame neuer after returned into England he was a cruell spoiler and a carelesse spender in war contemptible in peace in supportable an enemie to all cousaile of others and in his owne conceite obstinatly contentious of a good wit and ready speach both which hee abused to the cunning commending of himselfe and crafty deprauing of others he was lesse loued but better heard of the King then the Duke of Ireland the more hurtful man the more hateful the Duke beeing charged with no great fault but onely the Kings excessiue fauour in their course of good and bad fortune both of them were famous alike Also the Archbishop of Yorke Iustice Trisiliane and
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
qualitie in high degrees of office and seruice then proclamations were made that if any man had been oppressed by these Lords or by any officers vnder them he should prooue his complaint and receiue recompence It was made a question whether it was not meete that these noble men should be put to death the importunitie of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policie was against it and especially the opinion of clemencie which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this parlament also the Lorde Fitzwater appealed the sayd Duke of Aumerle sonne to the Duke of Yorke vpon points of high treason likewise the Lord Morley appealed Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisburie and moe then twentie other appeilants waged battaile but the king purposing to laye the foundation of his realme by fauour and not by force gaue pardon and restitution alike to all vppon sureties and band for their alleageance and in a sweet and moderate oration he admonished and as it were intreated the one part that ould griefes and grudges should not be renued but buried together with the memorie of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their mindes the other part he desired to be more regardfull of their actions afterward and for the time past rather to forget that euer they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laide vppon any saue onely the Earle of Salisburie and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and fauour with King Richard these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King receiued freelye to fauour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Gouernour of Calice The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exceâ—â—â— was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in lawe to King Henrie whose sister the Lady Elizabeth he had taken to wise The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loyaltie vnto King Richard a grieuous crime among rebels because they did not onlie stomacke and storme at his deiection but stirre also more then others and assaye to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes bouldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed vnfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prooue soundly firme so they that haue shewed themselues true to one prince may the better be trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to be misliked of Princes so he entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeauouring by courtesie and liberalitie to make them fast and faithful vnto him this fact was diuerslie enterpreted according to mens seueral dispositions some admiring the kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes haue to this purpose preuailed with some yet the common course may mooue vs commonly to coniecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like vnto Glasse which beeing once cracked can neuer bee made otherwise then crazed and vnsound Furthermore to qualifie all preiudice and hard opinion which other princes might chaunce to conceiue King Henrie dispatched Embassadours to diuers countries neere vnto him to make it knowne by what title and by what fauour and desire of all the people he atteyned the kingdome To the court of Rome hee sent Iohn 〈◊〉 Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into Fraunce hee sent Waker Shirlowe Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine he sent Iohn Treuor Bishop of S. Assaphâ—â— and 〈◊〉 William Parrâ— and into Almaine he sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned eyther their honour or their harme seemed eyther not to regarde what was doone or easely to bee perswaded that all was doone well But Charles King of Fraunce was so distempeâ—ed at this dishonourable dealing with his sonne in lawe King Richard that by violence of his passion he fell into his oulde panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of Phisicke returning to the sobrietie of his sences he purposed to make sharpe warre vpon that disloyall people as he termed them for this iniurie against their lawfull and harmlesse Prince Many noble men of Fraunce shewed themselues verye forwarde to enter into the seruice but especially the Earle of Saint Paule who had maryed King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these nouelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time vnder the English subiection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were greiued at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had disteyned their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoyle of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the Frenchmen against whose violence they suspected that the realme of England beeing distracted into ciuill factions eyther would not attend or should not be able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partlie fretting at his iniurie and partlie lamenting his infortunitie because he was borne and brought vppe within theyr Cittie And thus in the violence some of theyâ— anger some of theyr griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good God sayd they where is the world become saintes are turned to Serpents and Doues into diuels The English nation which hath been accompted fierce onely against theyr â—oes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and louing Prince and haue most barbarouslie betrayed him Who would euer haue thought that Christians that ciuill people that any men would 〈◊〉 haue violated all religion all lawes and all honest and orderlie demeanure And although the heauens blush at the view and the earâ—â— sweat as the burthen of 〈…〉 and all man proclaime and exclaime open shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the reuenge but stand vpon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessitie Well let them be able to blinde 〈◊〉 worlde and to resist 〈…〉 yet shall they neuer be able to escape 〈…〉 desire to be powred vpon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and they gouernement too milde for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King wil euer repose any trust in such 〈…〉 them with lawes as theeues are with 〈◊〉 What 〈◊〉 hee 〈◊〉 can recouer theyr credite What time wyll
Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishoppe of Caerliele Sir Thomas Biunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all poyntes both of feature and fauour so neerely resembled King Richard that the Lordes dissembled afterwardes that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrewe themselues into a secret Chamber to counsaile heere the Duke of Exceter who was moste hotly bent eyther to restore or to reuenge the cause of his deposed brother declared vnto the rest the alleageance that they had sworne vnto King Richard the honours and 〈◊〉 whereunto they were by him aduaunced that therefore they were bounde both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that king Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and vniustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neyther the obedience of subiectes nor loue of friendes as though they were men who knewe to doe any thing better then to defend and if neede were to dye for theyr lawfull Prince and louing patron that king Henrie by violent inuading or fraudulent insinuating himelse into the kingdome of his naturall and leige Prince was but a tyrant and vsurper and such a one as it was lawfull for any man by any meanes to throw downe without respect whether he were a good man or euill for it is lawfull for no man vpon pretence and shewe of goodnesse to draw soueraignty vnto himselfe that the lawes and examples of best gouerned common wealthes did not onely permit this action but highly honoured it with statues and garlandes and tytles of nobility and also rewarded it with all the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable and almost necessarie to the common wealth by extinguishing those warres which the Scots menaced the Frenchmen prepared and the Welshmen had already begun vpon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the common wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policie and to that purpose he deuised that a solemne Iustes should be challenged to be kept at Oxforde in Christmasse holydayes betweene him and twentie on his part and the Earle of Salisburie and twentie on his part to which king Henrie should be inuited and when he was most intentiue in regarding their militarie disport he should sodainlie be surprized by men which without suspition might at that time be assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently bee restored both to his liberty and to his state This deuise was no sooner vttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resoluing vpon the enterprize they tooke an oath vpon the Euangelistes the one to be true and secret to the other euen to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartite wherein they bound themselues to doe their best assay for the death of the one king and deliuerance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and deliuered to euery Lord a counter pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whome howe they should be ordred and placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all thinges were thus contriued and theyr hungry ambitious mindes were well filled with the vaine winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exceter came to the king at Windsore and desired him for the loue that he bare to the noble feares of Cheualry that he would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the iudge of theyr performances if any controuersie should arise The king supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in shew easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other confederates where they busily bestirred themselues in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of thys acte When the Dutchesse of Exceter king Henries Sister perceiued the drift of the deuise and saw that the Duke was vppon his iourney alas good Lady howe was shee distracted in minde with a sharpe conflicte of her conceiptes one waye she was mooued with nature towardes her brother another waye shee was more strongly stirred with loue towards her Lord and husband and both wayes shee was deuided in dutie And what sayd shee is this loue then against nature or about it shall I bee vndutifull to my Prince or is no dutie comparable to the dutie of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two deerest friends in this case of extremitie that it is doubtfull which but certainlie one must be ruined by the other Heerewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped vnto her and seazing softlie vppon her hand vsed these wordes What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on floate Content your selfe woman for whatsoeuer the euent shall be it cannot bee euill to you nor worse to me then now it is For if my purpose preuaile and my brother bee restored againe to his crowne both of vs shall be sure neuer to decline if it bee preuented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall be doone vnto you and I shall be then sure of that distruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When hee had thus saide hee kissed her and so leauing her to the torture of a thousand thornie thoughts he tooke his iorney towards Oxforde with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There he sound all the rest of his complices well armed and banded except onely the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and defendants were in a readinesse determined the daye following to ride to Oxforde according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much maruailed at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it euery man coniectured as he was diuersly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent vnto him in poste to knowe the certaine truth Before the messenger came to the Duke hee was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of York and carried with him his counterpane of the Indenture of confederacy As they sate at dinner the
to relent they decreased euery daye more and more both in power and in hope King Henrie the next morning after hee was come to the Tower sent to the Maior of the Citie to put Souldiours in armes for his resistance who presentlye presented vnto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent vpon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thanks and soone after he issued out of London with twentie thousand tall men and came to Hounslowe Heath abiding there and as it were daâ—ing his enemyes to ioyne issue in the field contemning theyr disorderlye multitude as a vayne terrour of names without forces But the confederates eyther for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of theyr owne or else lingring perhappes after some succour out of Fraunce refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting vp the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented vnto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richardes wife did then abyde to whom vppon the plaine trueth before declared fame had falslye descanted that King Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henrie for feare of him was fledde with his children and friendes to the Tower of London All which was as lightlye beleeued as it was vainlye toulde wherevppon shee defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his seruants that attended vppon her and hauing in some sorte satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight she and the Lordes departed together first to Wallingforde and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the waye to take armour and to rise in ayde of king Richard who was saide they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lordes tooke theyr lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie in one Inne the Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the towne suspecting all this countenance to be but the vaine flashe of a false fire did in the night with about foure score Archers beset and set vpon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie laye who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put vpon necessitie shewed great manhood and persistance in defending themselues against the townsmen The Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates wherevpon a certaine Priest of their companye set diuers houses in the towne on fire supposing thereby to diuert the townsmen from theyr assault to the sauing of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their furie and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would neuer labour to rescue their losses but to reuenge them and that with the bloud of the Lordes those flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an vproare and in armes shooting fiercelie and running vpon the Lords with a rashe and desperate rage not caring to loose many wherof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exceter and they that were with him perceiued the force of the assaylants daungerouslie to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to susteine the furie of so many so obstinately bent they fledde out of the backe side towards the campe intending to bring the whole army to the rescue but the soldiers hauing heard a tumuâ—â— and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puisance whereupon being strooke with a sodaine and false feare and wanting a commaunder of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselues without measure and so whilest euery man endeuoured to saue himselfe all were brought to theyr confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury the Lords Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselues against the townsemen as they coulde who manfully maintained the fight with great bloudshed of theyr enemies from midnight vntill three of the clocke the next day in the after noone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wounded to death and taken and the same euening theyr heades were stricken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Bâ—â—nard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and 28. other Lordes Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exceter when he found the army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but moste especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this vnhappy tumult many times he did attempt to haue escaped by sea into Fraunce but he was alwayes driuen backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee sat at supper in a certaine friendes house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conâ—ecture that the death of the Duke of Glocester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryuance chiefly in the same place had been apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their actions eyther by their pleasure or by their power that reuenge of iniurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth neuer faile but commeth surely although perhappes slowly This duke was a man of high parentage of a franke minde and wealth answerable thereunto openly praiseâ— worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of he was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towardes Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalenâ— the counterfeite of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartred with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chapleines Diuerse other Lordes and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatible nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in reuenging his owne iniury or rather maintaining the iniury he had done the heads of the chiefe conspiratours were pitched vpon poles and set ouer London Bridge in all other partes of the realme a spectacle both lamentable and
he would any more ioyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so vnfortunately succeeded theÌ„ they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but heereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be deliuered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was neuer consummate by reason wherof she was not dowable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeeres before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of 30 yeeres was continued and confirmed for the time then vnexpyred Some authors affirme that a newe truce was taken but these also are at diffierence for some report that it was during the life of both the Kinges others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparaunce of truth by reason of the open hostilitye which the yeere following did breake foorth betweene the two realmes Shortly after King Henrie sent the Lady Isabell vnder the conducte of Lorde Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester in royall estate to Calice she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewelles and plate which shee brought into England with a great surple sage of rich giftes bestowed vpon her by the king at Calice she was receiued by the Earle of S. Paule Leiuetenant for the French king in Picardy and by him was conducted to king Charles her Father who afterwardes gaue her in marriage to Cbarles sonne to Lewes Duke of Orleance and so was eyther rest or respite of wars procured in Fraunce whilest neerer stirres might be brought to some stay For within the realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the common wealth should not cease to be torne by multiplying of diuisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen vpon aduantage of the doubtfull and vnsetled estate of king Henrie resolued to breake and make a defection before eyther the king could ground his authority or the people frame themselues to a new obedience and hauing learned that common causes must be maintained by concord they sought by assemblyes to establish an association and to set vp theyr owne principality againe To this purpose they created for theyr Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious person and apt to set vp diuision and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomacke of an aspiring spirit and in wit somewhat aboue the ordynarie of that vntrayned people boulde craftie actiue and as he listed to bend his minde mischieuous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashlye aduenturous in his young yeeres hee was brought vp to the studye of the Common Lawe of the Realme at London and when he came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name hee was particularlye incensed by a priuate suite for certayne landes in controuersie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his tytle was ouerthrowen and being a man by nature not of the myldest by this prouocation he was made sauadge and rough determining eyther to repayre or to reuenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberalitie had been too excessiue for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessitie doe and dare somewhat and more daunger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashlie Heerewith opportunitie was then likewise presented for troublesome times are most fit for great attempts and some likelyhood there was whilest the King and the Lordes were hard at variance that harme might easelie be wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and vppon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning he pretented to his countrymen the recouerie of theyr free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweete that euen wilde Birdes will rather liue hardlye at large in the ayre then bee daintily dyeted by others in a Cage and opportunitie was at that time fitlie offered or else neuer to be expected to rid them of theyr thraldome falselie and coulourablie intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fullye wexen and eyther of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was there any difference which of them should preuayle sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the ouerthrow would ruine the one and the victorie the other So hee exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for libertie and Lordes could not endure together then to resume their auncient customes and lawes whereby more then armes commonwealths are established and enlarged so should they bee a people vncorrupt without admiâ—tion of forreine manners or bloud and so should they forget seruitude and eyther liue at libertie or else perhaps bee Lordes ouer other Heerevppon many flocked vnto him the best for loue of libertie the basest of desire of bootie and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became commaunder of competent forces to stand openly in the fielde And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set vppon his ould aduersarie Reignold Lorde Grey of Ruthen whose possessions he wasted and spoyled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gaue him faire and friendlie enterteinment and promised him releasment if he would take his daughter to wife This hee desired not so much for neede of his abilitie or ayde as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lorde would giue reputation to the house that was then but in rising But the Lorde Greye at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that he was no warde to haue his marriage obtruded vppon him Well sayde Owen Glendore although you bee not my warde yet are you in my warde and the suing of your liuerie will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very riche to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliuerance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in lawe trifled out the time of his enlargement vntyll hee dyed The Welshmen being confident vppon this successe began to breake into the borders of Hereford shire and to make spoyle and pray of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche who for feare of King Henrie had withdrawne himselfe as hath been declared to Wiggmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrye and meeting with the Welshmen they ioyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme of a loose skirmish but standing still and maintaining their place they endeauoured with
Lordes concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure eyther safe quiet or daungerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolue vppon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things First whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henrie be with good iudgement or iustice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a king being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title may vppon imputation eyther of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subiects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which he should deserue so heauie iudgement I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state or in a consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet he hath not supreme power of Maiestie but in the one the people haue the highest empire in the other the Nobilitie and chiefe men of estate in neyther the Prince Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians who after the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their Kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce who were many times arreigned vppon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power ouer the people then the people had ouer them Of the second condition were the Romaine Emperours at the first of whome some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were sodainlie surprised by iudgement and authoritye of the Senate and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not onely restrayne but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state such are also the Kinges of Denmarke and Sweueland who are many times by the nobilitye deiected eyther into pryson or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power neuer pertayned to his dignitie In these and such like gouernmentes the Prince hath not regall rightes but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdomes of Iudea and Israell and is now in the kingdomes of England Fraunce Spaine Scotland Muscouia Turky Tartaria Persia Aethiopia and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he bee vnprofitable to the subiectes yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person nor hazard his power whether by iudgement or els by force for neyther one nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince from whome all authority is deriued and whose onely presence doeth silence and suspend all inferiour iurisdiction and power As for force what subiecte can attempt or assist or counsaile or violence against hys Prince and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeede from punishment of secular lawes except by worde or deed it breake foorth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince without attempt without endeuour haue beene adiudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince haue afterwardes beene executed for the same All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King it hath bin adiudged to deserue death And least any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety are the onely authors of these iudgementes let vs a little consider the patternes and preceptes of holy Scripture Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slue the King burnt the Temple tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty after the glut of this bloudy butchery the people which remayned he led Captiue into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commaunded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fierye furnace What crueltye what iniustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him and of Baltasar hys Sonne that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen and Ezechtel with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer whose homager and tributary he was What snall we say of Saul did he not put all the Priestes to execution because one of them did relieue holy and harmelesse Dauid did he not violently persecute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite he fell twice into the power of Dauid who did not onely spare but also protect the King and reprooued the pretoâ—an souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine who vpon request and for pitty had lent his hand as he said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israell and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle reuelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other perticuler and priuiledged commaundement but in the generall precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obedience vnto Princes whether they be good or euill the law of God ordaineth that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet Dauid forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord rayle vpon the iudges neither speake euill against the ruler of the people And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers And least