Private men may make war against Princes if not theire owne as Abraham against the King of Babylon and his Neighbours So may Soveraign Princes against private men whether they be their owne subjects as David against Ishbosheth and his party or Strangers as the Romans against Pirates The onely doubt is whether any person or persons publique or private can make a lawful War against those that are set over them whether supream or subordinate unto them And in the First place It is on all hands granted That they that are Commissionated by the highest powers may make War against theire Inferiors as Nehemiah against â—obiâ— Sanballat by the Authority of Artaxtrxes But whether it be lawful for Subjects to make warre against those who have the supream power over them or against such as act by according to their Authority is the thing in question It is also by all good men acknowledged That if the Commands of a Prince shall manifestly contradict either the Law of Nature or the Divine precepts they are not to be obeyed for the Apostles when they urged that Maxim Act. 4. Deo magis quam hominibus obediendum That God is rather to be obeyed than man unto such as forbad them to preach in the Name of Jesus did but appeal to a principle of right Reason which Nature had insculp't in every mans breast and which Plato expresseth in almost the very same words But yet if either for this or any other cause any Injury be offered unto us because it so please him that hath the Soveraigne power it ought rather to be patiently tolerated than by Force resisted For although we do not owe an active Obedience to such commands of Princes yet we do owe a passive though we ought not to violate the laws of God or of Nature to fulfill the Will of the greatest Monarch yet ought we rather patiently to submit to whatsoever he shall inflict upon us for not Obeying than by Resistance to violate our Countryes Peact The best and safest Course we can steer in such a case is Either by Flight to preserve our selves or resolvedly to undergo whatsoever shall be imposed upon us 2. War against Superiors as such is unlawful And naturally all men have a Right to repell Injuries from themselves by Resisting them as we have already said but Civil Societies being once Instituted for the Preservation of the Peace there presently succeeded unto that Common-Wealth a certain greater Right over us ours so far forth as was necessary for that end And therefore that promiscuous Right that Nature gave us to râ—ssst the Common-Wealth for the maintaining of good Order and publick Peace hath a Right to prohibit which without all doubt it doth seeing that otherwise it cannot obtein the end it proposeth to it self For in case that Promiscuous Right of forcible Resistance should be tolerated it would be no longer a Common-Wealth that is a Sanctuary against Oppression but a confused Rabble such as that of the Cyclops whereof the Poet thus Where every Ass May on his wife children judgement pass A dissolute Company where All are speakers and none hearers like to unto that which Valerius records of the Bebriâ—ii Who all Leagues and Laws disdain And Justice which men's minds in peace retain Salust makes mention of a wild and savage people living like Beasts in Woods and mountains without Lawes and without Government whom he calls Aborigixes and in another place of the Getuli who had neither Lawes good Customs nor any Princes to govern them But Cities cannot subsist without these Generale pactum est societatis humanae Regibus obâ—aiâ—â— All humane societies saith St. Augustine unanimously agree in this to obey Kings So Aeschylus Kings live by their owne Lawes Subject to none And Sophocles They Princes are obey we must what not To the same Tune sings Euripides Folly in Kings must be with patience born Whereunto agrees that of Tacitus Principi summum rerum arbitrium Dii dederunt c. Subditis obsequii gloria relicta est God hath invested a Prince with Soveraign power leaving nothing to Subjects but the Glory of Obedience And here also Base things seem noble when by Princes done What they Impesâ— bear thou be 't right or wrong Sen. Wherewith agrees that of Salust Impune quid vis facere hoc est Regem esse To do any thing without fear of punishment is peculiar to Kings for as Mark Anthony urged in Herod 's Case If he were accountable for what he hath done as a King he could not be a King. Hence it is that the Majesty of such as have Soveraign power whether in one or more is fenced with so many and so severe Lawes and the Licentiousnesse of Subjects restrained with such sharp and exquisite Torments which were unreasonable if to resist them were lawfull If a Souldier resist his Captain that strikes him and but lay hold on his Paâ—tizan he shall be cashiered but if he either breake it or offer to strike againe he shall be put to Death For as Aristotle observes If he that is an Officer strike he shall not be struck againe 3. The Vnlawfulness of making War against our Superiours is proved by the Jewish Law. Jos 1. 18. 1. Sam. 8. 11. Dent. 17. 14. By the Hebrew Law He that behaved himself contumaciously against either the High Priest or against him who was extraordinarily by God ordained to govern his people was to be put to death and that which in the eighth Chapter of the first Booke of Samuel is spoken of the Right of Kings to him that throughly inspects it is neither to be understood of their true and just Rights that is of what they may do â—ustly and honestly for the Duty of Kings is much otherwise described Deut 8 11. nor is it to be understood barely of what he will do for then it had signified nothing that was singular or extraordinary for private men do the same to private men But it is to be understood of such a Fact as usurps or carries with it the priviledge of what is right that is that it must not be restisted although it be not right for Kings have a Right peculiar to themselves and what in others is punishable in them is not That old saying Summâ—m jus summa injuria Extreme right is extreme Wrong is best sitted to the Case of Kings whose absolute power makes that seem right which strictly taken is not so There is a main difference between Right in this sense taken and Just for in the former sence it comprehends whatsoever may be done without fear of Punishment but Just respect only things lawful and honest And though some Kings there be who are what Servius in Cicero's Philippicks is commanded to be Magis justitiae quam Juris consulti more regardful of their honour and duty than of their power and prerogatives yet this doth not diminish their Soveraign Right because if they will they may do
mine Enemy but I dare not transgress the Commands of God. Lib. 2. And Josephus speaking of David after he had cut off Sauls Garment saith That his heart smote him So that he confessed Injustuâ— facinus crat Regem suum occidere It was a a wicked act to kill his Soveraign And presently after Horrendum Regem quamvis malum occidâ—re poenam enim id factenti imminere constat ab eo qui Regem dedit It is an horrid act to kill a King though wicked for certainly He by whose providence all Kings reign will pursue the Regicide with vengeance inevitably To reproach any private man falsely is forbidden by the Law but of a King we must not speak evil though he deserve it because as he that wrote the Problems fathered upon Aristotle saith He that speaketh evil of the Governour scandalizeth the whole City So Joab concludes concerning Shimei as Josephus testifies Shalt thou not dye who presumest to curse him whom God hath placed in the Throne of the Kingdom The Laws saith Julian are very severe on the behalf of Princes for he that is injurious unto them doth wilfully trample upon the Laws themselves Misopogoris Now if we must not speak evil of Kings much less must we do evil against them David repented but for offering violence to Saul's Garments so great was the Reverence that he bare to his person and deservedly For since their Soveraign power cannot but expose them to the General Hatred therefore it is sit that their security should especially be provided for This saith Quintilian to the fate of such as sit at the Stern of Government that they cannot discharge their Duty faithfully nor provide for the publick safety without the envy of many And for this cause are the persons of Kings guarded with such severe Laws which seeem like Draco's to be wrote in blood as may appear by those enacted by the Romans for the security of their Tribunes whereby their persons became inviolable Amongst other wise Sayings of the Esseni this was one That the persons of Kings should be held as sacred And that of Homer was ast noable His chiefest care was for the King That nothing should endanger him And no marvel For as St. Chrysostome well observes If any man kill a sheep he but lessens the number of them but if he kill the Shepherd he dissipates the whole flâ—ck The very Name of a King as Curtius tel's us among such nations as were governed by Kings was as venerable as that of God. So Artabanus the Persian Amongst many and â—â—â—se most excellent Laws we have this seems to be the best which commands us to aâ—ore our Kings as the very image of God who is the Saviour of all And therefore as Plutarch speakes Nec â—as nec lâ—iâ—um est Regis corpori manus inferre It is not permitted by the Laws of God or man to offer violence to the person of a King. But as the same Plutarch in another place tells us The principal part of 〈◊〉 is to save him that saves all If the eye observe a blow threatning the head the hand being instructed by nature interposeth it self as preferring the safety of the head whereupon all other members depend before their own Wherefore as Cassiodâ—â—e notes He that with the loss of his own life Redeems the Life of his Prince doth well if in so doing he propose to himself the freeing of his own soul rather than that of another mans body for as conscience teacheth him to express his sidelity to his Soveraign so doth right Reason instruct him to prefer the life of his Prince before the safety of his own body But here a more difficult question ariseth as namely Whether what was lawful for David and the Maccabees be likewise lawful for us Christians Or whether Christ who so often enjoins us to take up our Cross do not require from us a greater measure of patience Surely where our Superiours threaten us with Death upon the account of Religion our Saviour advised such as are not obliged by the necessary Duties of their Calling to reside in any one place to flee but beyond this nothing St. Peter tells us That Christ in his suffering left us an ensample who tho' he knew no sin nor had any guile found in his mouth yet being reviled reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but remmitted his cause to him that judgeth righteously 1. Pet. 4. 12 13 14 15 16. Nay he adviseth us to give thanks unto God and to rejoice when we suffer persecution for our Religion and we may read how mightily Christian Religion hath grown and been advanced by this admirable gift of patience wherefore how injurious to those anc ent Christians who living in or near the times of either the Apostles themselves or men truly Apostolical must needs be well instructed in their Discipline and consequently walked more exactly according to their Rules yet suffered death for their saith how injurious I say to these men are they who hold that they wanted not a Will to resist but rather a power to defend themselves at the approach of death Surety Tertullian had never been so imprudent nay so impudent as so considently to have affirmed such an untruth whereof he knew the Emperor could not be ignorant when he wrote thus unto him If we had a will to take our private Revenge or to act as publick Enemies could we want either numâ—â—rs of men or stores of warlike Previsions Are the Moors Germans Partisians or the people of any one Nation more than those of the whole Worlâ— We though strangers yet dâ— fill all places in your Dominions your Cities Islands Castles Forts Assemblies your very Camps Tribes Courâ—s Palaces Seâ—â— es only your Temples we leave to your selves For what war have we not alwaies declared our selves sit and ready though in Numbers of men we have sometimes been very unequal How cometh it then to p ss that we suffer Death so meekly so patiently but that we are instructed by our Religion that it is much better to be killed than to kill Cyprian also treading in his Masters steps openly declares That it was from the principles of their Religion that Christians being apprehended made no Resistance nor attempted any revenge for injuries unjustly done them though they wanted neither numbers of men nor other means to have resisted but it was their confidence of some diviâ—e Vengeance that would fall upon their persecutors that made them thus patient that perswaded the innocent to give way to the nocent Lib. 5. So Lactantius We are willing to conside in the Majesty of God who is able as well to revenge the contempt done to Himself as the injuries and hardships done unto us Wherefore though our sufferings be such as cannot be expressed yet we do not mutter a word of discontent but refer our selves wholly to him who judgeth righteously And to the same tune sings St Augustine When Princes err they
English Plantations in the West-Indies which are contiguous to the French should be Alarm'd is no wonder for they were ever jealous of their Neighbourhood and always stood upon their Guard But that We should be afraid of being delivered up to the French when there is neither War betwixt the two Crownes nor any Freâ—chmen that we can yet heare of to receive us is one of the most unaccountable things in the world From what parts must they come from Canada we know they cannot they have Reason enough to look to themselves for they are more afraid than we France have their hands full at home and it s well knowne they cannot spare any from the West-Indies they made their utmost effort against Estatia and by the best intelligence we can get in that Service or War there was not one Friggat Must they then drop out of the Clouds or do we expect a Fleet from Vtopia Certainly this must needs convince any considering man that we have been extreamly abused and we must be stupid and sencelesse to think that Sr. Edmond Andros and ten or twelve men more for that is all the number said to be concerned in this wonderfull plott could they be guilty of so horrid a wickednesse impiety were able to deliver so many Thousand men well appointed into the hands of a few French men who from God knows whence were to come the Lord knows when 27. That it was either our Duty to God or that we had either the Nobility Gentry or Commons of England for our President I cannot by any means allow and I am amaz'd to see Christians call that a Duty which God has so remarkably shewed his displeasure against in all Countries and Ages Is not Rebellion as the sin of Witcheraft Numb 11. 12 16. Who was it that sent the Leprosie amongst the children of Israel for their Murmurring Psal 78. Or how came the Sudden fire with which they were burnt up How many Thousands perished by the Pestilence Or were they a few that were stung to death with the fiery Serpents Do we not read that The earth opened and swallowed up some of their Captaines with their wives and Children quick which horrible destruction fell upon the Israelites for their murmurring against Moses whome God had appointed their Head Chiefe Magistrate What shall I say of Absalom What of Achitophel Or what of Sheba Holy Writt is so full of Examples of the like nature that no body can esteem that a Duty which is so often testifyed against And as it is far from being our duty to God so there is no parallel between the proceedings of the Lords Spirituall Temporall in England and ours here for the Designe of establishing Popery Arbitrary Government there was so evident that no room was left for the least doubt of it That there could be a Contrivance to introduce Popery here is altogether ridiculous incredible For who was to have effected it Could these few of the Church of England who with the hazzard of their lives and fortunes so lately opposed it in Europe and that in all Ages have been the onely Bulwark against it Or were the 〈◊〉 Independents or Annabaptists to have brought this about It must have been one of these for I dare be bold to say there are not two Roman Catholicks betwixt this and New-Yorke and I think the others are not likely to accomplish it which makes it plaine to me there could not be any such designe I have sufficiently demonstrated in the third Article the little Right we have to any other Government in the Plantations and that we cannot justly call that Arbitrary which by the Law we are obliged to submit to so that betwixt theire Condition and ours there can be no Parity As their Reasons and ours were different so are the Measures which have been taken for His late Hignesse the Prince of Orange haveing well weighed and considered the tottering Condition of the Protestant Religion all over Europe thought it was high time for Him to take up Arms as well for His owne Preservation as that of his Neighbours and Allies We do not finde that notwithstanding the danger that hung over their Heads the people of England took up armes to right themselves but instead thereof they became humble suppliants to His Highness for his Favour and Protection which He was pleased to grant them Neither do we finde that the Lords Spirituall Temporall assumed any Authority for which they had no colour of Law as they are Peers they are invested with the highest Authority are the Grand Conservators of the Peace of the Nation they never left their Duty and Allegiance to his late Majesty untill he first left the Kingdome and all things were transacted in his Name and by his Authority untill the very minute the Prince was proclaimed who came not by Force to Conquer and Subject the Nation to a forreigne power nor to subvert and destroy the Lawfull Government but to maintaine support the same in a peaceable manner by a Free Parliament for which his Majestie issued forth his Writts and had he thought fit to have stayd untill their sitting all Griveances might have been redressed the Prince or Peers never abrogated nor altered any of the lawful powers of the Nation but strengthened confirmed all that were capable of bearing Office by which there was alwaies a due Administration of Justice The Sword was never said to rule sâ—ay and by consequence that Confusion and Disorder avoided which our Ilâ—â—gall Arburary Proceedings have precipitated us into As to the Fancifull Stories of Macquaes Subterranean Vaults Fire-works French Friggots Poisoning the Souldiers to the Eastward c. they are so apparently false strangely ridiculous that by this time no man in his wits can believe them and I need no Argument to confute the Credit of those monstrous follies since time and Experience have sufficiently demonstrated them to be meer Lyes Inventions And now I hope all sober thinking men are convinced That the before alledged Reasons are in themselves either absolutely false or of little moment and consequently no sufficient grounds for us to take up Arms. All that remains on this head therefore will be to shew 1st That If all the Reasons had been true yet it could not justifie our Proceedings And 2. If our Condition had been as bad and our Grievances really as great as we were made believe these measures could never Mend the one nor Redresâ—e the other The most excellent Grotius hath so learnedly wrote upon the first of these that I shall presume to use no other Argument than his own upon that head which pray consider Private men may without doubt saith he Grot. de jure Belli Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. Quaest 1. make War against private men as the Traveller against the Theife or Robber So may Soveraigne Princes States against Soveraign Princes as David against the King of the Ammonites
otherwise without the danger of being resisted And therefore it is added in that place of Samuel before cited That when the people should at any time be thus oppressed by their Kings as if there were no Remedy to be expected from men they should invoke His help who is the Supream Judge of the whole Earth So that whatsoever a King doth tho' the same done by an inferior person would be an Injury yet being done by him is Right As a Judge is said Jus reddere to do Right though the 〈◊〉 he gives be unrighteous 4. By the Gâ—s 〈◊〉 When Christ in the New-Testament Commanded to give Caesâ—r his due doubtless he intended that his Disciples should yield â—s great if not a greater Obedience as well active aâ— passive unto the higher power than what was due from the Jews to their Kings which St. Paul who was beâ—â— able to interpret his Masters Words expounding Romans 13. doth at large describe theduty of Subjects Charging those that resist the power of Kings with no less Crime than Rebellion against God's Ordinance and with a Judgment as great as their Sin For saith he They that do so resist shall receive unto themselâ—â—s damnation And a little aser he urgeth the Necessity of our Subjection Not altogether for fear but for conscience as knowing that he is the 〈◊〉 of God for our Good. Now if there be a necessity of our Subjection then there is the same necessity for our not resisting because he that resists is not subject Neither did the Apostle mean such a necessity of subjection as â—risâ—th from an apprehension of same worse inconvenience that might follow upon our resistance but such as proceeds from the sense of some benefit that we receive by it whereby we stand obliged in duty not unto man onely but unto God So that He that Resists the power of the sapream Magistrate incurrs a double Punishment saith Plato First from God for breaking that good Order which he hath constituted amongst men And Secondly From the Common Wealth whose righteous Laws made for the preservation of the publick peace are by Resistance Weakned and the Common-Wealth thereby 〈◊〉 For canst thou believe saith Plato that any City or Kingdom can long stand when the publick Decrees of the Senate shall be wiâ—fully 〈◊〉 and trampled upon by the over-swelling power of some private men who i◠〈◊〉 against the Execution of the Laws do as much as in them lies d ssolve 〈◊〉 Common-wealth consequntly bring all into confusion The Apostle therefore sortisies this Necessity of publick Subjection to Princes with 2 main Reasons First because God had constituted and approved of this order of Commanding and Obeying and that not only under the Jewish but under the Christian Law Wherefore the powers that are set over us are to be Observed not servilely superstitiously or out of Fear but with free rational generous Spirits tanquam a Diis aaâ—ae as being given by the Gods saith Plato or as St. Paul tanquam a Deo ordinaâ—ae as if ordained by God himself Which Order as it is Originally God's so by giving it a Civil Sanction it becoms ours also For thereby we add as much Authority to it as we can give The other Reason is drawn ab utsli from Profit because this Order is constituted for our good and therefore in Conscience is to be obeyed and not resisted But here some men may say That to bear injuries is not at all profitable unto us whereunto some men haply more truly than aposiâ—ely to the meaning of the Apostle give this Answer That patiently to bear Injuries conduceth much to our Benefit because it entitles us to a Reward far transcending our Sufferings as St. Paul testisies But though this also be true yet it is not as I conceive the proper and genuine sense of the Apostles words which doubtless have Respect to that Universal Good whereunto this Order was first instituted as to its proper end which was the publick peace wherein every particular man is as much concerned if not much more than in his Private for what Protection can good Laws give if Subjects may refuse to yield their obedience to them whereas by the Constant observance of good Laws all Estates both publick and private do grow up and flourish together Plato And certainly these are the good Fruits that we receive from the supream Powers for which in Conscience we owe them Obedience For no man did ever yet wish ill to himself But he that resists the power of the Magistrate and willfully violates the Laws established doth in effect as far as in him is dissolve his Countrey 's peace and will in the end bury himself also in the ruins of it Plato Besides the Glory of Kings consists in the prosperity of their Subjects When Sylla had by his Cruelty almost depopulated not Rome only but all Italy one seasonably admonisht him Sinendos esse aliquos vivere ut essent quibus imperet That some should be permitted to live over whom he might rule as a King. Floras Aug. de civ Dei. Lib. 3. cap. 28. It was a common Proverb among the Hebrews Nisi Potestas publica esset alter alterum vivum deglutiret Were it not for the Soveraign Powers every Kingdom would be like a great Pond wherein the greater Fish would alwaies devour the Lesser Agreeable whereunto is that of Chrysostome Vnless there were a power over us to restrain our inordinate Lusts Men would be more sierce cruel than Lions Tygers not only biting but eating devouring one another Take away Tribunals of Justice and you take away all Right Property and Dominion No man can say this is mine House this my Land these my Goods or my Servants but Omnia erunt Fortiorum the longest Sword would take all Chrys de statuis 6. ad Eph. The mighty man could be no longer secure of his estate than until a mightier than he came to dispossess him The weaker must alwaies give place to the Stronger and where the strength was equal the loss would be so too and this would at length introduce a general Ataxy which would be far more perilous than a perfect Slavery Wherefore seeing that God hath Established and humane Reason upon Tryal approved of Soveveraign Empire as the best Preservative of humane Societies that every mâ—n should yield Obedience thereunto is most rational For without Subjeâ— ion there can be no Proctection Objâ—ct But here it will he objected That The Commands of Pâ—irces do not 〈…〉 to the Publique Good and therefore when they 〈◊〉 from that â—nd for which they were ordained they ought not to be obeyed To which I answer That though the Supream Magistrate doth sometimes either through Fear Anger â—â—st Coveteousness or such like inordinate 〈…〉 the ordinary pâ—â—h of Justice and Equity yet are these 〈…〉 but seldome â— to be passed over as personal blemishes which aâ— Tacitus rightly observes are abundantly recompensed by the more frequent
examples of better Princes Besides the Lives of Princes are to be considered with some grains of allowance in respect of those many provocations and opportunities they have to offend which private men have not All men have their Failings we our selves have ours and in case we will admit of none in Kings we must not rank them amongst men but Gods. The Moon hath her spots Venus her Mole and if we can find nothing under the Sun without blemish why should we expect perfection in Kings He is very uncharitable that judges of Rulers by some few of their evil Deeds passing over many of their good ones Seeing therefore that there is in all men's lives as in our best Coin an intermixture of good and evil it is sufficient to denominate a Prince good if his Vertues excel his Errors Besides to charge the Vices of Kings upon the Government as they usually do who affect Innovation is but a Cheat For what is this but to condemn the Law for the Corruption of some Lawyers Or Agriculture because some men do curse God for a Storm Si mentiar Ego mentior non Negotium If I do lye saith the Merchant in St. Augustine it is I that am to be be blamed not my Calling And if some Princes do prevaricate in some things they and not their Function are â—o be blamed But as to Laws tho they cannot be so made as to fit every mâ—n Case yet it sufficeth to denominate them good if they obviate such 〈…〉 as are frequently practised and so do good to the generality of the People But as to such cases which because they rarely happen cannot so easily be provided against by particular Laws even these aâ—so are understood to be restrained by general Rules For though the Reason of the Law being particularly applyed to that special Case hold not yet in the General under which special Cases may lawfully be Comprehended it may And much better is it so to do than to live without Law or to permit every man to be a law to himself Very apposite to this purpose is that of Seneca Lib. 7. de Benef cap 16. Better is it not to admit of some excuses though just from a few than that All should be permitted to make whatsoever they please Memorable is that of Pericles in Thucydides Lib. 2. Better it is for private men that the Common-Wealth flourish though they thrive not in it than that they should abound grow rich in their own private estates and the Common-Wealth pine and Wither For if the whole be ruined every private mans Fortunes must needs be ruined with it but if the Common-Wealth flourish every private mans estate though in it self weake may in time be repaired Wherefore since the state if well ordered can easily support any private mans fortunes but a private mans estate though never so well ordered cannot repair the loss of the publique state why do ye not rather contribute your utmost care to advance the Publique than as ye now do seek to build your own private Fortunes upon the publique Ruines Wherewith agrees that of Ambrose de Off. Lib. 3. Eadem est singulorum utilitas quae Universorum The Profit which the Common-Wealth receives redounds to every private man. And that also in the Law Semper non quod privatim interest ex sociis sed quod communi societate expedit servari debet Evermore not that which particularly availeth any one party but that which conduceth to the Benefit of the Common Society is to be observed When the Common people in â—ome began to Mutinee by reason of some Taxes extraordinarily imposed on them Laevinus the Consul exhorted the Senate to encourage the people by their own example and to that very end advised every Senator to bring into the Senate-house all the Gold Silver and Brass Money he had that it might be delivered to the â—râ—umoâ—ri for the publ ck service adding this reason If our City overcome no man needs to fear his own 〈◊〉 but if it fall let no man think to preserve his own Liv. l. 26. For as Plato rightly observes What is common strengthens a city but what enricheth private families only weakens and diss lves it And therefore it concerns both Princes and subjects to prefer the Affairs of the Common-Wealth before their own either pleasure or Profit It is a very true Observation of Xenophon's He that in an Army behaves himself sediâ—ion sly against his General sins against his own Life And no less true is that of Jamblicus No man should think himself a Loser by what the Common-wealth gains for every private mans loss is sufficiently recompensed in the publick profit For as in the natural body so doubtless in the Civil In totius Salute Salus est partium the well being of every part consists in the safety of the whole But without doubt among those th ngs that are publick the chief principal is that aforesaid Order of weâ—â— Commanding and well-Obeying which cannot consist where private Subjects assume that Licence of resisting the publick Magistrate which is excellently described by Dion Cassius whose words sound much to this sâ—â—se I cannot conceiâ—e it seemly for a Prince to submit to his subjects for there can be no safety whâ—â—e the free are advanced above the Head or wher they undertake to govern whose Duty it is to be governed What a dismal Confusion would it introduce in a Family if Children should be permitted to despise their Parents or Servants to dispute the Commands of their Masters In what a dâ—sperate Condition is that Patient that will not be ruled in all things by his Physitian And what hopes can there be of that Ship where the Marriners refuse to obey their Pilot Surely God hath ordained and humane Reason upon tryal hath found it necessary that for the preservation of 〈◊〉 me Society some should Command and some Obey To the Testimony of St. Paul we shall add that of St. Peter whose words are these Honour the King Servants be ye subjects to your Masters with all fear and not only to the good gentle but also to the froward For this is thank-worthy if a man for conscience sake â—â—â—ourd God endure Grief suffering wrongfully for what glory is it if when ye be buffeted for your faults ye take it patiently But if when ye do well suffer for it ye take it patiently this is acceptable with God. 1. Fet. 2. 17 18 19. And this he by and by confirms by Christ's own Example which Clemens also in his Constitutions thus expresseth The servant that seareth God saith he will serve his Master also with all faithfulness yea though he be impious and unjust Whence we may observe two things First That under the subjection that servants are in even to hard Masters is also couched that of Subjects unto Kings though Tyrannical And therefore as a little before he commanded Subjection to every humane Ordinance that is to the Laws and
Constitutions of Princes without distinction for when that Epistle was written there were very few Princes that were not Idolaters yet submit we must saith St. Peter for all that and that pâ—opter Dominum for the Lord's sake So what follows in the same Chapter being built upon the same foundation respects the Duty as well of subjects as of Servants And so requires the same Obedience as well passive as Active Such as we usually pay to our Parents according to that of the Poet Thy Parents love if good if bad yet bear And also that of Terence To bear with parents piety Commands And that likewise of Ciccro in his Oration for Claentius Men ought not only to câ—nceâ—l the injuryes done unto them by their parents but to bear them with 〈◊〉 A young man of Ercâ—ria that had been long educated under 〈◊〉 being demanded What he had learned Answered Meekly to bear â—is â—rath So Justin relates of 〈◊〉 That he endured the Reproaches of the King with the same calmness of Spirit as if he had â—een his Father Iâ—b 15. â—â—renda sum 〈◊〉 ingeria The Humours of Kings most be endured saith Tacitus Ann. 16. Hist 6. And in another place he tells us That Good Emperours are to be wished for but whensoever they are they must be obeyed So also Livy As the Râ—ge of our Parents so the Cruelty of our Countrey are no ways to be 〈◊〉 but by patience and Sufferance For which Claudius highly extâ—ls the Persians who obeyed all their Kings equally tho never so cruel 5. Neither did the Practice of the primitive Christians swerve from this Law of God which is an undeniable Argument that they so understood it For though the Roman Emperours were sometimes the very worst of men and deadly Enemies to the Christian Faith yea though there wanted not such under their Government who under the specious pretence of freeing the Common-Wealth from Tyranny and Oppreâ—â—â—on took Arms against them you could theâ— never perswade the Christians to join with them In the Constitutions of Clemens we read â—â—giae potestati resistere Nefas To 〈◊〉 the power of a King is impious â—eâ—tullian in his Apology writes thus Wâ—at was that Cassius that â—â—nspiâ—â—d against the life of Julius Caesar What was that Polcennius N gâ—r that in love to his own countrey took Arms in Syria as Clodius Albinus did in France Britain against that bloody Emperour Septimius Severus Or What was that Plautianus who to set the Common-Wealth free from Tyranny attempted the Life of the same Emperour in his own pallace What was that Aelius Laetus who having sâ—st poâ—sened that infamous Emperour Commodus fearing it should not take that effect which he desired did afterwards hirâ— Narcissus a strong Wrestler to strangle him Or What was that Parthenius whose fact Tertullian doth so much detest who being Chamberlain to that execrable Tyrant Domitian yet killed him in his own Chamber What saith Terâ—ilian were all these Surely not Christians but Romans Nay So abominated they were by Christians that Tertullian seems to glory in this that though Christians were every where reproached as Enemies nay Traitors to the Imperial Crown yet could they never find any of them either stained with that Crime or so much as favouring those Treasonable Practices of either Cassias Niger or Albinus When St. Ambrose was commanded by the Emperour Valentinus to give up his Church to be Garrisun'd by Souldiers though he took it to be an injury done not only to himself and his Congregation but even unto Christ himself yet would he not take any advantage of the commoâ—â—â—s it made among the People to make Resistance Sâ—â— Gratian c. 23. q. 8. If the Emperour saith he had commanded what was in my power to give were it mine House Land Goods Goâ—d or Si ver how readily should I obey Whatsoever is mine I would wiâ—ingly offer hat the Temple of God I cannot give away 〈…〉 to any man Cum ad custâ—diâ—ndum nâ—n 〈…〉 〈◊〉 it was commitâ—ed to mâ—e to defend and to 〈…〉 And whereâ—s the people being â—â—raged thereby 〈…〉 to repel the Souldiers he reâ—used it saying 〈…〉 Though provoked and compelled thereunto yet withstand or resist I cannot grieve and weep and mourn I can against Arms Souldiers and Coths I have no other weapons but Tears for these are the only Forts and Muâ—ments of a Priest Aliter nec debeo nâ—c possum resistere Otherwise I neither ought nor can resist Lib. 5. Orat. in Aâ—xen And presently after being commanded to appease the Tumult he replied That not to excite them was in his power but being exasperated and enraged to appease them was in the sole power of Him who when He pleased could â—â—â—ll the ragings of the Seas the madness of the people Epist 33. And in another place he writes thus Will ye hale me to prison or cast me into chains I am willing to suffer neither shall I guard my self with multitudes of people who offer themselves to defend me Neither would he make use of the Forces of Maximus when offered against the Emperor though an Artan and a grievous Persecutor of the Church In imitation of whom Gregory the Great in one of his epistles confesseth That if he would have engaged himself in the Death of the Lombards that Nation had at that day had neither King Dukes nor Earls but had been reduced into extreme Confusion Greg. l. 6. Ep. 1. Nazianzen informs us That Julian the Apostate was diverted from some bloody designs he intended against the Church by the Tears of Christians Adding withal That These are our best Preservatives against Persecutions Naz Orat. 1. in Julian And because a great part of his Army were Christians therefore his cruelty towards them would have been not injurious to the Church of Christ only but would at that time have much endagerd the Common-Wealth Unto all which we may also add that of St. Augustine where expounding those places of St. Paul he saith Even for the preservation of our own Lives we ought to submit to the supreme Power not to resist them in whatsoever they shall take away from us 6. 〈◊〉 Magistrates ought not to resist the Supream Some very learned men there are even this age who accommodating themselves tâ—o servilâ—lâ— to the times and places wherein they live do perswade themselves lâ—st and then others That though this licence of Resisting the Supream power be inconsistent with the Condition of private men yet it agâ—ee with the Rights of inserior Magistrates nay further that theâ— sin in case they do it not which Opinion is to be exploded us For as in Logick there is a Genus which is called 〈◊〉 which though it be comprehensive of all that is under it as a living Creature comprehends both man and Beast yet hath it a Cenus above it in respect whereof it is but a Species As a living Creature is to a body which comprehends all sorts of bodies both animate and