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A44650 Historical observations upon the reigns of Edward I, II, III, and Richard II with remarks upon their faithful counsellors and false favourites / written by a person of honour. Howard, Robert, Sir, 1626-1698. 1689 (1689) Wing H2997; ESTC R36006 52,308 200

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Lod. Vives Galilaeus Gassendus and Des Carles and by many excellent Philosophers of our own Nation I have not given this Account with the least Design or Endeavour to lessen the Esteem of Knowledge in this particular of Philosophy For certainly the Natural Reason of things is worthy of such a search as may inform But to labour in the endless and useless searches of Subtilties and nice Distinctions can be for no other use but Disputes caus'd by the Vanity of suppos'd Victory or the Application to Interest At least I could not find a clear advantage to my self or cou'd have hoped to have offer'd any others by endeavouring to obtain the Perfections of an imperfect Study wherein nothing appear'd to me promising any thing of publick use or private demonstration For the Mathematicks setting aside that vain part of it Astrology I only know enough of it to deplore I had not made my intire Study there where a Demonstration made it more proper for the true use of men than for their Designs For in things that admit the least Dispute men must be least divided and yet Evident Truth begets the least Interest and the fewest Admirers But where things not only above Reason but contrary to Sense are impos'd upon mens Belief that implicite Faith and consequently Obedience must be the sure Foundation of Interest and those who have parted with their Wits may probably part with their Fortunes For certainly had not such extraordinary Designs prosper'd on easie men the Ecclesiasticks had not crept into such great Titles and large Possessions that the Apostles cou'd hardly find any Image of themselves in their Successors and as little in some of their Opinions who never were taught or did teach to deny Sense and to make visible Truth or sensible Demonstration a Sin. The Mathematicks have therefore caus'd less Disputes and engaged fewer in the Study of it where Truth can only be the Search and the Reward and Disputes must be confounded by Demonstration But the other Studies are most suitable to the bent Nature of Mankind where things not to be clearly decided nourish Contention and Design For easie People being ready for extraordinary Notions excuse the folly of not examining by the prudence of believing it safer to submit implicitly to others than to use their own Sense And at last by such intire submissions Impossibilities become as easie to them as Truths and Falseness as Demonstration like those that use themselves perpetually to hot Waters Spirit of Wine it self at last is swallow'd up without being perceiv'd to have any violent strength Observations on HISTORY THE next Study to this that seem'd nearest Truth and of most use was History in which the best measures of men are to be found and the Comparisons of Calms and Storms in Empires the Quiet and Revolutions under several Princes and Governours will best teach by what Methods Kingdoms have been preserv'd and shaken which is not only useful for those that govern but those that obey teaching the first how to preserve and the last how to afford the Means Nor did any thing appear more agreeable to me than the use that Machiavel makes of History in his Decads on Livy where his Discourses grounded upon Reason have yet matter of Fact to support them and brings it the nearest to a Demonstration For Notions in Politicks unsupported with Fact seem only bare Opinions but from those Accidents and Events that we have seen follow closely the Wisdom and Vertue of Princes or the Folly and Vices of them and their Favourites and Ministers sharing so much their Power may be reasonably deduc'd that Judgment of things which must be useful to practice or avoid by the ruling and obeying part There are no Prescriptions in my Opinion at least so useful against this Sickness as the Precedents in History to see what Glory and Safety wise and vertuous Princes have obtain'd and what Ruine the Cruelty and Folly of others have brought upon themselves and Subjects In every Country their own Precedents are most proper for themselves since living under the same Constitutions they may justly expect the same Effects from those happy or unfortunate Causes In all our Stories I look'd upon none so instructing as this part I have chosen where the power of firm Vertue and unsteady Errors so evidently appear'd in their close Operations I do not look upon a calm and quiet Reign so much the Proof of steady Vertue where Peace has descended with the Empire nor the Troubles of an unquiet time so clear an Evidence of unsteady Errors where the Storms and Troubles descended with the Crown But when in an immediate and repeated Succession the Extreams alternately have preserv'd and destroy'd I look upon these as the clear Testimonies of the different Powers of Vice and Vertue Steddiness and Indirectness Justice and Tyranny The Examples are no where to be found more close than in the Reigns of Edward the Second and Richard the Second The first succeeded his Father Edward who came to the Crown after many Troubles that his Father Henry the Third had long labour'd under but his steddy Vertue overcame all Troubles at home and conquer'd his Enemies abroad and was the first that made England look like a Powerful and Establish'd Monarchy His unfortunate Son Edward unravell'd what he had wound up and by unsteddy Errors shook that Power that descended so unshaken to him from his mighty Father His Son Edward the Third by Vertues and Methods of his Grandfather restor'd what his Father had lost Richard the Second the Son of the Black Prince succeeded his Grandfather in his Throne but his Great Grandfather Edward the Second in the same fatal and unsteddy measures lost more than the other had gained For though he lost his Life like Edward the Second yet he lost more than he for with him the Succession ended and fell into another Line No Subject appear'd to me so worthy of Remarks as this which evidently shews that there is a general Temper in Mankind fatal to their own Peace which even and firm Minds wou'd perceive Fortune and occasion add to or diminish the Temper of most who sink either too low or swell too high Success makes them salse to themselves and others All modest and profess'd Principles are lost in such a Temptation and both Kings and Subjects have harass'd one another by such alterations and shook the Government they both seem'd tender of Sometimes when Kings have been in such a Condition that is capable to ground sufficient Flattery upon there never want those either indigent in Fortune or Vertue to perswade Kings That Limited Power for so they call Laws observ'd is but the Fetters of a Prince and they need be worn no longer than he submits to publick Notions which are nothing but unsolid Fancies For if a King does not assume all Power the Subjects will grow into the greatest share and will necessitate him to try for all or have as good
continued their March to London where the King grants all things denied before The King that had yeilded to what was demanded by Force out of the apprehension of that Power retain'd yet his former Inclinations and was so used to act by indirectness that he rather proceeded by a familiar Method than any new Necessity and praetis'd as much from Nature as Occasion The Spencers by an Edict published in Westminster-Hall by the Earl of Hereford were banished the Realm but in a very little time when the Lords were returned home the Edict was revoked in a Council held in London where the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the Banishment of the Spencers to have been Erroneous As soon as the Lords were retired to their promised Quiet having obtained what they desired the King began to design to revenge on them the Displeasure for what he himself had granted as if all his Favours were his Errours and his Severity his prudent Justice Thus while they thought themselves restored to Peace the King prepares for War and suddenly raising Forces pursues the Barons many of whom revolt to him the rest make such preparations as was possible in so short a time and stayed with their Forces at Burton upon Tnent When the King's Army advanc'd to them they perceiv'd they were much exceeded in Numbers so that the Earl of Lancaster thought it wiser to retreat especially considering that he had sent Sir Robert Holland to raise more Forces among his Tenants which Supplies he thought it prudent to wait for But the Endeavour to retreat gave the King's Forces an Addition of Courage from that Testimony of their Fear which was made use of by Valence Earl of Pembrook who then Commanded the King's Army who after some resistance put them to flight after which the Earl of Lancaster and many Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners The News of this Defeat or his own Falseness brought Sir Robert Holland with his new raised Forces to joyn with the King. As soon as these mighty Enemies were in the King's Power the Spencers full of Revenge urged on for the Execution of all 'T is said That Valence the Earl of Pembrook who obtained the Victory interceded for Mercy but this rather hastens their Fate for Spencer was so apprehensive that the King's Mercy to any wou'd be a Cruelty to him that he successfully urg'd a quick Execution The King with other Lords among whom was Hugh Spencer now Earl of Winchester sat and gave Judgment upon the Earl of Lancaster who was presently beheaded and many other Lords in their several Countries to disperse Terror in every place Above Twenty Men of Quality were put to death at this time the first Blood of this nature that was ever shed since the Conquest Besides the Earl of Lancaster there died Fourteen Lords and Barons their Estates and Inheritances were likewise seiz'd and were us'd to advance a new sort of men who must needs applaud and flatter such Councils and Successes that had been so favourable to them and questionless the Streams of Flatteries flow'd to the King for his Choice of such a Favourite as Spencer who had now enthron'd him once again and by so much Blood procured him the surest Coronation Nor was Spencer less blind in the Judgment of his own Condition who was now Master of his King and of all those Spoils that this bloody Success had thrown into his ambitious Arms But his Condition was too prosperous temperately to consider the Vncertainty of a Violent Prosperity watched by the unwearied searches of Envy and Revenge Councils and Actions now appeared as commonly after such Success Law lay contemn'd under Power and the Interest of the Nation under Conquest all Temperate and Composing Actions formerly used were now reflected on as a Prince's Shame and any thing less than Arbitrary Power his Dishonour an ill chosen Ground of Safety in its own Nature but most improper to engage a Prince in who by the weakness of unsteddy Judgment and the ill use of Power had sufficiently by mistrust prepar'd mens minds not to be couzen'd into Flattery It must be the Concurrence of many strange Accidents and the close Reserve of a Prince's Nature that must steal him into Absolute Power otherwise we had heard of many more successful Tyrants in the World For I doubt not but generally the Natures of Men have been more ready to embrace more Power than their Abilities or Accidents have complied to assist them in And we seldom read of such as become Slaves but of such as have been well couzen'd Subjects The King's Power now seemingly grown to a great height by the Numbers that his Success encreas'd flatter'd him as well as their Tongues that nothing was able to resist him and perhaps to find uses for those Forces that now must be kept together resolves to march from York into Scotland rather with a mighty Number than a powerful Army never considering that such Numbers without suitable Discipline and Provisions were a weakness to themselves The Scots it seem'd consider'd this and kept close and hindred them of all Provisions leaving them to overcome themselves for Want increasing they were beaten without Blows and return'd pursued by Want and Dishonour as well as by the Scots who enter'd far into England and return'd with great Spoils into Scotland This unhappy King not made for Councils was as well not born for Triumph and was now perhaps at a calmer leisure to consider what he had done It seem'd something like regretting Thoughts when being earnestly sollicited to pardon one of the Duke of Lancaster's Followers a Man of a mean Condition he exclaim'd with Passion against such Councellors that prest him to spare the Life of such a Fellow and spoke not one word to spare the Life of the Duke though his near Kinsman whose Blood had so near Relation to his own making this true Reflection that his Life might have been useful to him the other 's could not Misfortune seem'd at this Instant to give the King a more temperate Consideration which in the streams of Success he would hardly have leisure to entertain but this was rather an unsteddy than a firm return to better and more prudent Thoughts and Councils his Nature was still the same which made his Favours or Displeasure equally dangerous Sir Andrew Hackley who took the Earl of Lancaster shew'd the Truth of this for growing enough to give apprehension to the Spencers he lost his new enjoy'd Honours together with his Life being first degraded of them and then executed So that the King seem'd at one time ready to destroy and to revenge Destruction just as the Displeasure and Spleen of his Ambitious Favourites guided him It was no wonder if so easie a Conquest over a King shou'd swell the Conquerour enough to burst him nor that so much Wealth and Glory shou'd so much dazzle the Eyes of Spencer as to make him loose his way but all seem'd calm nor any little speck
were Erroneous and Revocable and accordingly deliver'd these bald Opinions under their Hands and Seals It seem'd as if they durst judge no Crime less than Treason that offended the Ministers though by their bold Opinions the Parliament it self became the Traytors and a Statute Law the Treason This I suppose was highly applauded by the Ministers and the King flatter'd to believe what excellent Servants he had of such Judges by whose briskness not only the Law but the troublesome Constitution it self of the Nation might be rendred as useless as Arbitrary Power cou'd desire For if such Laws that seem'd to limit a King shou'd in themselves become void for that very Cause there could no Law be valid but such as pleas'd the Soveraign who was the Judge of his own Infringment and then all past Laws and Laws to be made would become but prostituted Writings to the Will of Princes Perhaps at that time these Judges had the Character of being the most Loyal for appearing most desperate giving that great Testimony of their Devotion that their Zeal for the Favourites was far warmer than for their Countrey and involved themselves in their Fortunes by Principles as leud as their Designs The King looked upon the Opinion of these Judges as Authentick and of validity enough to throw legally into his power the Estates and Fortunes of those Lords that appeared most Eminent against his Ministers and accordingly he began to dispose of their Estates among those that he favoured presuming them without farther Tryal Convicted Persons and to maintain this absurdity by a worse rais'd Soldiers privately and sent to surprize the Earl of Arundel The Duke of Glocester having Intelligence of all these proceedings got the Bishop of London to perswade the King from such Violences and to assure him that he had never had an undutiful thought against him and intimated how much more safe and Honourable it wou'd be for the King not to be led by false suggestions to such a fatal difference and severity with his best and greatest Subjects The Bishop performed this with his best Skill and Zeal and wrought so upon the King that he seem'd inclin'd to a more happy Temper but the Duke of Suffolk that had all Peace and Justice by which he knew he was to have little Benfit nor cou'd be probably safe longer than while he kept his King in danger quickly nipt the King's budding Gentleness and like an untimely Frost blasted the springing Hopes of Peace falling upon the Bishop with harsh and insolent Reproofs But the Bishop not daunted with his Power and Greatness boldly told him That it was not the Service of his Prince that guided him but his own violent Ambition and that rather than the Lords shou'd not be destroy'd he would involve the Nations in Ruine Adding That it was easie for such abject Spirits as his to raise Tumults which must be ended by the Ruine of the Bravest nor was he fit to give Advice that was the chief Incendiary and made a Party by his Condemnation The King was so angry to see his Favourite so roughly and boldly attacked that he commanded the Bishop out of his sight In this particular as in most of the King 's unhappy Actions he appeared against Himself and his own Reason being guided by the Duke of Suffolk who was of a contrary Interest turn'd from his own Nature and Reason by one that wanted Sense and Bowels and by this Unsteddiness kindled new Mistrusts the fruitful Nourishers of Civil Mischiefs At this the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel Warwick and Derby take Arms the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Bishop of Ely then Lord Chancellour were sent to the Lords who composed Matters so well that the Lords agreed to appear before the King at Westminster under the Promise of Protection But retaining their usual Jealousies they receiv'd the Bishop of Ely's Assurance That if there were any Danger design'd them he would give them notice Accordingly he kept his Word and a little before the Lords were to come he gave them Intelligence of an Ambush laid for them at the Mews to seize them as they came in Upon this the Lords fail'd of their coming which the King wondring at ask'd the Bishop of Ely What might be the Reason who boldly told him That the Lords durst not trust him and had discover'd the Trap laid for them Of which the King seem'd to be wholly ignorant and commanded the Sheriffs to search the Mews and to kill and carry to Prison all they found conceal'd But the Thing was true though the Place mistaken for the armed Men were secretly assembled at Westminster by Sir Richard Bramber and Sir Thomas Trivett who perceiving or being inform'd of the Discovery secretly convey'd away their Men. It seem'd as if the King were really ignorant of this that was acted by the desperate Ministers who shew'd a full Confidence in the Power they had with the King And tho' perhaps they apprehended the Action too vile to trust the King with it yet they did not doubt to bring him to approve it tho' never so base if successful enough Nor hath this been an unusual Method of Powerful Ministers and Favourites to contrive Mischiefs for their Prince to approve knowing that it is easier from the necessity of a Thing done to gain an Approbation than a Consent to the Attempt of it For a Prince that is wholly led by them and wrapt up in their desperate Counsels and Interests may scruple at a thing to be done that he cannot when 't is effected One is but a difference in Opinion the other is a deser●ion of his Party he may be free in the first but too much involved to be at liberty in the latter A Prince in this Condition has not only his own Errours but the weight of theirs to struggle under and 't is impossible he shou'd make any Calculation of his own Fortune unless he were free to examine the mischievous Effects of those ill Planets that he Himself had rais'd to such powerful Influences At last upon new Faith and Security the Lords came to the King at Westminster but so strongly guarded that they did not appear like Men that came to Submit or Petition Accordingly they challenged for Traytors the Duke of Ireland the Duke of Suffolk the Archbishop of York the Chief Justice Tresilian and others The King at that time when Favourites could not speak spoke like himself a King and with equal Temper and Reason shew'd the Lords That if all were true they alledged they had not taken the proper way too seek for Justice by a shew of Rebellion and give that opportunity to the licentious Multitude which perhaps might be difficult to take again from them And after having gently laid before them the more proper way for what they desired he raised them from their knees and retired with them All this while the adverse Party kept out of the way apprehending as justly they might the
his Valour and Conduct The Duke of Lancaster needed not the force of Eloquence to perswade him the loss of his Uncles his Banishment the Imprisonment of his Children and the loss of his Estate were powerful Exciters enough to lay hold on any Opportunity to revenge all his Wrongs To all which was added the perswasive Temptation of a Crown and sure there could be no more powerful Motives than by one way at once to satisfie both his Ambition and Revenge These Considerations and the depending on the Peoples Affections to a Change being wearied with Oppression made him venture to land with a very small Force in Yorkshire At first he gave out That he came only to recover his Inheritance and quickly found his utmost Expectation answer'd for his small Troop presently encreas'd to an Army Many of the Nobility that came in to him took an Oath of him That no bodily harm should be done to King Richard as if a Conquest and a Crown wou'd preserve that Sincerity that was inconsistent with it or that the Modesty profess'd when something was to be obtain'd should continue after the Acquisition The Duke finding every thing more successful than almost he could hope pursued that Fortune which so prosperously invited him and hasted with his still-encreasing Forces to London where he found a Reception suitable to usual Joy that discontented People shew in Alterations He was receiv'd in Triumph without Victory and with all the Testimonies of Zeal and Duty which flattering Crowds cou'd pay their lawful Prince and Soveraign Pageants and rich Presents entertain'd him and all the fulsome Praises that could be invented and as many contumelious Reproaches on their King All Testimonies of Allegiance seem'd lost the modest Mask was now taken off and War proclaim'd against King Richard and his Adherents The Duke of York in the mean time tried to raise Forces but found a general Resolution in all People not to be Enemies to the Duke of Lancaster The Favourites that were active and bold in Prosperity shew'd that neither their Skill nor their Duty was to struggle with Difficulties nor had they either Interest or Reputation if they had attempted it They were always dead Weights upon their Prince and like the nature of it hung heaviest upon weak Conditions Bushy and Greene were pursued to Bristol and there taken fatal place to hasty Favourites They were eagerly pursu'd by the flattering Fury of the People and perhaps there were some among them that before in the Prosperity of these Favourites made as passionate Professions of a contrary Devotion Bagott escap'd into Ireland and sav'd himself from the present Execution The Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer with Bushy and Greene that were taken lost their Heads These sudden Executions were but the usual Consequences of violent Changes All new-gotten Power is commonly endeavour'd to be preserv'd by Destruction and the Execution of the Unfortunate is call'd a Justice King Richard was at this time in Ireland where the news came to him of the Duke's landing in England and his successful Proceedings The news increas'd by coming and every Circumstance grew enlarg'd so that it appear'd the blackest and most portentous Storm that ever gather'd in the full Sun-shine of a Prince which his Favourites assur'd him cou'd be subject to no Eclipse The contrary appear'd to this unfortunate King who was then engag'd in Troubles in Ireland After some time he prepar'd for England having first imprison'd the Sons of the Dukes of Lancaster and Glocester in Trim-Castle and took with him the Dukes of Surrey Aumarl and Exeter and the Bishops of London Lincoln and Carlisle The Earl of Salisbury was sent before to raise an Army which he did in Cornwal but the King failing to come within the time he promis'd they all discourag'd went home This delay was attributed to the Counsel of the Duke of Aumarl who perhaps had more mind to see things determin'd by the Fortune of others than by hazarding his own After this the King Lands in Wales where he found the stream turning from him and every Place of strength submitting to the Duke of Lancaster He knew not what Course to steer but wandred to Conway-Castle where the Earl of Worcester Steward to the King's Houshold as if finding a fitting time to remember the proclaiming his Brother the Duke of Northumberland Traytor broke his Staff of Office openly in the Hall before the King's Servants and with Advice to them to be as base as himself went avowedly to the Duke The rest followed his Example and those that seem'd the most eagerly Loyal became now the most violently Rebellious And 't is improbable that those who with unlimited Flattery for their Interest and Ambition had perswaded their Prince into the dangerous Attempt of Absolute Power should in any turn of Fortune or shock of Danger retain any limited Principles The true Interest of a Prince retains the Interest of others but the Interest of private Men excludes the Prince's We have heard 't is true of some that have been successful in such unjust and dangerous Attempts but the Examples have been very few that have not been fatal at last and there are so many of the contrary that the Comparison would convince any That the just Limits within a Nation 's Constitution are much more safe as well as glorious King Richard had now cause to make such sad Reflections and by the want of Power instructed to lament the attempting of too much He saw himself forsaken by those whom he should have forsook before He now felt severely the want of that Trust and Confidence that he had destroy'd and seem'd not forsaken of his People but to have forsook them before He had forc'd them all to be in the nature of Traytors and compell'd them to purchase as it were the name of Subjects while there were none that seem'd so to him but those that needed Pardon the most such as had counsell'd him to the Ruin that now fell upon him He had been so long accustomed to follow the Counsel of others that he knew not now the way to use his own He had too long followed the mean and easie ways of Indirectness Virtuous and steddy Actions in the undisturbed part of Life give power in Extremity and the memory of what was Great and Good gives boldness to such a Mind to claim Success in the worst condition But the memory of Injuries and Injustice done to others shakes Hopes and Expectations in a dangerous Estate This he shewed by discharging his Army rather than bravely using them as if he believ'd it impossible to recover Power now since he had used it so ill before The next thing that seem'd best was to have retired till a better occasion was offered for nothing is more various or violent than the stream of Mens minds with greediness affecting Change and hurried by Expectations that are seldom answered to be eas'd from all former Grievances and Oppressions and every one that
assisted in the Alteration looks upon himself as a particular Object of Reward never considering that new-gotten Power needs more to secure it than the Ease of People will allow and when deceiv'd in that they begin to stagger and at last grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost and ready upon any occasion to revenge their mistaken Errours And perhaps King Richard might have hop'd as much in some time as the Duke of Lancaster then found But there were some who probably had before appear'd most violently Loyal who now advis'd their still-abused King to the last and worst way and sacrific'd Him for their own Peace telling perhaps That unfortunate Princes seldom found Protection abroad but were kept only as a Composition with their successful Enemies And tho he had so near Relation to the King of France yet Ties by Marriage were no Obstacle to their Vse of Interest but rather a Shelter for the more unsuspected Designs And he would accordingly find that he would be the Sacrifice of new Alliances and then 't would be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster which probably he might not hope for These false Reasons were perhaps used to him by such as could not at a less rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster than by betraying their Master into his hands for nothing could be more improbable than that he who had the Power should by Conditions preserve him who had a Right to it while neither was capable to trust the others Mercy Yet this vain Counsel was followed and as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster the Duke of Northumberland was sent to the King to assure him that the Duke would pay him all humble Obedience and only desir'd a Parliament should be called at Westminster to settle the shaken Affairs of the Nation The King must then perceive how he was forsaken by those who before had so much flatter'd him with their excessive Love and Loyalty and it seem'd a just instruction to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition They that want Virtue and profess Love should rather cause suspicion than belief especially when 't is addressed where Power and Interest may invite it But the Love of absolute Greatness in Opinion more than real and true Greatness in it self has hindred Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interrupted Flatterers such as believe their Prince has never Power enough unless it appears by the Oppression of others and like these in this unhappy King's time fall from their Professions as he declined in Power But I have read of some tho but a few who governed themselves by Principles in their Prince's Prosperity and guided by the same Virtue have not forsaken him in Adversity The King in some measure yet made a right Reflection on his Condition for he thought 't was in vain to hope that the Conqueror would restore him the Power he had gotten and therefore only to the Duke of Northumberland proposed for himself a retir'd and quiet Condition But he was as much mistaken to hope that as he guessed right to expect the other But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle he seem'd to pay him all Reverence due to a King and told him He only acted what he had done for the recovery of his Estate and Possessions But this was only that false Formality that ill men use in obtaining and seldom perform when they have obtained for such Modesty is laid aside by Success and Justice grown useless when Power is fully possessed for presently after the King was secured and in the condition of a Prisoner carried to London yet in His Name a Parliament was presently called The King now found the unhappy Truth That usually mens Professions are but the product of their present Conditions not of their Intentions and perhaps in a low estate they may wish and desire within modest limits but the violence of overwhelming Power breaking over the former bounds overthrow all mean and level thoughts Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflections on his past Actions seldom regarding his Professions when he had Power or Opportunity to violate them he could not but be prest with the memory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Glocester and the Earl of Warwick and must with detestation remember those Counsellors of Falseness and Indirectness which once destroy'd his Happiness and now aggravated his Misery He now saw their violent and loyal flatteries were meant for their own Interest not for His and that such mean things like other Insects live with a little Warmth but shrink at any Change of Weather The Duke of York that was entrusted with the Government during King Richard's absence in Ireland was become the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take which was as violent as his fogotten Duty requir'd to make his new Loyalty acceptable In the first place he advis'd That King Richard should be pressed to a voluntary Resignation and also to be solemnly Depos'd This Advice was pursued and the King seem'd as ready to yield to it as the Duke ambitiously desired it The form of the Resignation was then contriv'd to be performed the day before the Parliament was to meet and yet that Parliament was to sit tho the King was to be no longer a King in whose name it was called and certainly if there could be no Virtue in the Resignation the Dissolution of the Parliament must have been the Consequence for that which was call'd by a Power could not continue when there was a Demise of that Power but no Plot was to be seen or hit The hasty and flattering Zeal that was to be shown to the Duke of Lancaster pursued it 's violent Course through all the Obstacles of Law and Justice Among those that were Commission'd to receive his Resignation there were Lords Clergy-men and Lawyers the two Chief Justices Thormins and Markham were in the number And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes there wanted not Temporal and Spiritual Gown-men that contributed to all their Errors in their unfortunate Conditions and on their Adversities transplanted their Zeals into Sunshine These Commissioners being formerly Assembled in the Tower King Richard was brought out in all the Kingly Ornaments that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign formally in this Condition he was placed in a Chair of State and in this moment of his Royalty appear'd a King all that was now done was certainly from himself and shew'd in this Extremity virtue enough to make it evident He might have been an excellent Prince had his Ministers not Reigned more than he for he shew'd no Disorder to this great and unpresidented Action of his Life he neither seem'd to force a Resolution to endure nor affect a Temper to submit But as both had naturally sprung
from the choice of a retired Condition with this Calmness in all this Storm of Fortune he spoke to the Commissioners beginning with their acknowledging those Errors that his Youth made ill Councellors capable to imprint in him and seem'd only troubled that he had not time allowed to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation knowing now from a clear sight that he was both willing and capable to have performed so happyan Action He now perceiv'd his own Virtues when the Vices of others could no longer hide them And he that could have once been so easily perswaded that he was shot at through his wounded Ministers now saw that 't was from them he receiv'd his Wounds he neither accused any nor complained of any nor valuing a Narrative and Empty Satisfaction but concluded with the choice of losing a Kingdom rather than engage it in Blood and Confusion for his Sake desiring only to enjoy that Peace which he merited for Reserving it for others and was as willing to resign his Title to the Duke of Lancaster as he perceiv'd they were willing to receive it from him After this he read the Instrument that was prepar'd and made two Bishops his Attorneys to declare that his Resignation in Parliament which was done the Monday after and accepted of by the Lords and Commons was Legal but yet this was not thought enough but a heavy Charge in many Articles was exhibited against him The Articles were too far from my purpose and too long to set down but whoever reads them in the Rolls will find them of much weight and as shrewdly compos'd as the Nature of the thing could either bear or require there was not an Injustice or Error omitted the chiefest things contained were those Actions by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves by subjecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will thereby to bring within his Power Parliaments and Law and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleased and it was a particular Article That he should say and declare That all Law lay in his Head and Breast These are the Extremities that proceed from the Counsels of such Men who have made themselves incapable to Share or Trust in the Common Good who knowing how little they could expect from the uninterrupted Methods of Law and Justice seek to preserve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatned them And 't were impossible that Princes should involve their own in the desperate Interest of others were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hide it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power The Articles which were 29. were owned by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious that they needed no further Examination or Proof And joined with the Consent of the King on whom they were charged It was judged sufficient for Deposing King Richard and Establishing the Duke of Lancaster by the Name of Henry the fourth adding also a far-fetch'd Title from Henry III. to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action This Title was drawn from Edmund sirnamed Crookback eldest Son of Henry III. and that for his Deformity he was put by the Succession and given to Edward I. and the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood by the Mothers side to this Edmund But this Edmund was third Son of Henry and not deformed at all but a brave Man in Person and Mind but the next Heir then to the Crown was Edmund Earl of March Son to Roger who was a little before slain in Ireland who seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard wisely retir'd and liv'd with all imaginable Care and Pruduce Thus was a Title invented to support that Power which the Sword had obtain'd And the King who by the Law is said to do no wrong is charg'd with Articles for doing all Thus when Ballances are once hoisted like Childrens play at Weighing the same Weight tosses one another that would of themselves hang equally nor is there any Judicature to compose such violent Disorders in a State for Success will be the Judg and always gives worst Judgment And the Professors of the divine and human Laws have been commonly zealously ready to find wrested Law and Divine Necessity to ratify the Success of the Ambitious On the other side when Princes by false Professions abuse the Good and increase in Power enough to encourage the Bad the eager Hounds they press to run at Head and lead the Cry that 's made by slower paced and more temperate Hunters till at last Fear and Necessity brings most to make up the Noise or by Silence not to interrupt it so that a general Consent seems to contribute to the designed Oppression And the naming a Right to Liberty and Property becomes an Intention of Rebellion The Prince's Will must then be the Law and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects then those that have least Principles declare for the greatest Loyalty and by their Zeal and Duty pursue their Interest and Ambition And the search for Absolute Power is made by secret Reserves publick and false Professions Corrupting some and Terrifying others Deceiving many and upon specious Pretences displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs or not as passionate as the rest in promoting them Yet when the Power is promoted and secur'd as the King was told his was when all Subjects lost their Names and like guilty Slaves signed Blanks as the Testimony of it Then appears what Machiavel describes in those times among the Romans When absolute Power was exercised Riches and Honour especially Virtue grew to be Capital Offences Informers and Calumniators rewarded Servants instigated against their Masters Children against their Parents guilty Men the Accusers and those few that were so unhappy to have no Enemies destroyed by their Friends And all dissembled Cruelties and Oppressions break forth into publick and bare-faced Practice That which before was declared to be the Government must then be call'd the support of it Ill Designs grow by Degrees but when their cherish'd Roots have took a deep and firm hold they are then declared by the mischievous Fruit they put forth Modesty seldom stays with full grown Power and the former Reputation of Men is useless to them In such a Change they must purchase new Characters from new Violences to merit Trust or Safety King Richard having now as far as he could resign'd his Sovereign Power began to find how much he was mistaken with the hopes of enjoying that retir'd Peace which he seem'd willing to change his Crown for Fortune commonly makes haste in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes and there is a reasonable Cause why neither should be slow for the base Minds of Men hurry them to assist the Successful and help to destroy the Vnfortunate led always more by Fear and Interest than Resolution and Virtue This Truth appear'd in the Condition of this unhappy King whose Title that was left him was first shar'd by his
their Friends Others were Masters of Them not They of Themselves and they that resisted were always more fortunate than they that submitted Edward I. and Edward III. in their greatest Hazards required none to attempt more than they did in their own Persons and in the greatest Prosperity and Safety they prescrib'd no more Virtue and Temperance than they gave Examples for Edward and Richard II. in Danger depended on others to attempt for them and in Prosperity they gave no Rules of Virtue but suffer'd the Vices of others to be their Examples Edward I. and Edward III. knew how to gain Power and how to use it They made the best Laws that might have attempted the easiest to break them Edward and Richard II. knew little how to get Power and less how to use it Chance sometimes brought it and their giddy Favourites lost it They never seem'd inclin'd to make good Laws and were always contriving to violate those that were made Edw I. and Edw. III. knew how to gain and how to preserve by the Love and Confidence they rais'd in their Subjects hearts the first they requited and never abused the last Edward and Richard II. shew'd little skill how to gain and as little how to preserve They were advised to the mistaken Policy of neglecting Love and to the Folly of abusing Trust. Edward I. and Edward III. had great Taxes and Supplies which in themselves might appear very large but would not seem so vast when compar'd with their Victories The Conquest of Wales Scotland and France will not seem such light Victories to be obtain'd with small Assistance but what the Nation gave was justly bestowed for what it was given and faithfully laid out for their Honour and Interest Edward and Richard II. had great Supplies but made no Purchase with them of Honour or Interest What others bestowed for the publick Glory they gave away to their private Favourites and wanted more to supply their Avarice and Ambitions than the others did to enlarge the Nations Glory The private Conquests the Favourites made over these Princes were more chargeable than the Victories the others obtain'd over Nations Edward I. and Edward III. not only returned Security and Benefit for their Subjects Gifts by Conquests Abroad but by excellent Laws at Home What Edward I. began well Edward III. gave perfection to nor were these brave Princes more just in making good Laws than severe in the due execution of them and never shewed so much severity as against those that abused the Trust of Justice as if they were more offended at the Enemies of Mankind than at their own Edward and Richard II. returned nothing to their Subjects for what they gave neither by the Bravery of Arms to crush the Greatness of their Enemies nor by the Virtue of good Laws to increase the Prosperity of the People They seem'd not fitted in Themselves to attempt the first and too much influenc'd by Favourites to incline to the last They feared the Greatness of their Subjects more than their Enemies and shewed they would rather have Conquer'd at Home than Abroad as if they would choose to make their own People Slaves rather than Others They apprehended the Effect of good Laws and were most pleased with those that debauch'd the Trust of Justice and the Judges esteemed most Loyal that were readily wicked those were the greatest Favourites that the People most hated the greatest Enemies to Men were reputed the best Friends to them Edward I. and Edward III. mingled their Interests with their Subjects and never refused to hear the Wrongs of those that assisted them to revenge their Injuries on others They were equally Valiant and equally Successful and both died uncheck'd by Fortune only Edward I. dy'd himself and Edward III. outliv'd himself But the Death of his glorious Son the Black Prince join'd with the weight of Old Age might justly make that Sun set clouded Edward and Richard II. divided their Interests from their Subjects and their complaint of Grievances rather procur'd Punishment than Redress They thought their Peoples Good was inconsistent with their Power and to be sensible of Oppression was Rebellious They were alike in their Tempers and equally Successful and in the midst of the greatest smiles of Fortune both alike forsaken by Her But Richard II. in the last wretched Scene of his Life had the opportunity of shewing some Testimonies that he sprung from the Black Prince and had not liv'd more unhappily than he dy'd bravely The First he ow'd to his Favourites the Last to Himself FINIS