or any one of them was positively true and consequently he attempts not to make good nor â—ffers the least Proof that the War upon this Score was Iust nor that the Law of Nations he so much talks of gives the Invader any Right or Title to the Crown nor lustly that there were great and as he only phrases it violent Presumptions of this Injury to the Right of Succession Whence follows that he has not even said one single Word in juâ—â—â—fication of this New Government or of the Swearing Party and so he is infinitely short of clearing the whole Matter as he in big Words pretended at the beginning of this Discourse Certainly our Governours were either very unwise in clinsing no better a Wâ—iter to defend their Cause or else which is the very Truth their Cause it self can bear no better a Defence Since then this stout Champion of our new Government is so mightily in love with Iâ—s it were not amiss to ansâ—er him with more Ifs than he brings which moreâ—ver a thing he â—o where does for fear of a Confute we dare vouch to be true We affirm then That if this Invasion was intended above three quarters of a Year before it was executed or more the French King sending King Iames word of it half a Year before If it was long befoâ—e concerted between the Prince of Orange and the Confederates to dethrone King Iames without any Respect to the Prince of Wales as yet but a young Embrio if so much or to the maintaining our Religion or Liberties or to any of those other specious Pretences taken up afterwards but on the Confederates parts at least merely for fear he might be brought to 〈◊〉 with France or stand Neuter and to make the silly English lose their Lives and beggar themselves to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners If the main thing that encouraged the Confederates to that Uâ—dertaking was the Knâ—wn Hatred of the English Men in general â—o King Iames's Religion that King's Zeal to make those of his Persuasiâ—n â—s free is the rest of their Fellâ—w Subjects which they hop'd would highly disgust very many â— and theâ—r Assurance that they had a Factions Lying and Discontented Party here who would make way for his Ejectment by giving about and countenancing such Stories and Libels as would encline great part of the Nation to a Revolt If among the rest this Flam of a supposititious Prince of Wales nor dream'd on by any till then wâ—s comed â—â— the Politick Mint at the Hague sent over into England to be made current here by their Party and then the Dissatisfaction which themselves had raised hâ—re was taken up for a Pretence and inserted in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to give the idle Story a greater Authority and to gloss over such an unnatural and so unjust an Invasion If ample Satisfaction was given by the Oaths of Multitudes of Credible and Honourable Witnesses when the Dissatisfaction came to some height it being highly unwise for a King to humor every idle Report or honor it with such a solemn Examination If the Queen's Deliveâ—y was far from being carried secretly and suspitiously as one of his Ifs shameâ—â—â—y â—ints but in opâ—n Day-light before a Multitude of People of All sorts indifferently no Person of Honor being denied Entrance who had the Curiosity to be present If the Prince and Princess of Orange who were Two of the Persons chiefly concern'd being absent far off in Holland and not denied coming over if they would might have sent some whom they could trust to be present or at least had press'd their Sister who was here and whose Joint Concern it was to be exactly curious in a Business so highly importing â—hâ—m all and yet none of them though so hugely obliged by then Interest to doe this did ever make any kind of Means or Applicaâ—ion in order to their so just Satisfaction which it had been a Madness not to have done had they indeed had any real Doubt Nay more If to carry on the politick Sham the Princess of Denmark who was the Third Person so nearly concerned after having avoided with all the Industry imaginable to be present at the Queen's rising and going to Bed left she should be forced to see what she was loth to know and resolved not to wâ—tnâ—ss viz. the Queen's Pregnancy would needs coâ—trary to the Will of her Father who express'd some Trouble that she should then â—e absent because she being satisfied in the Thing her self might be the better able to satisfie her Relations run out of the way to the Bath and to be purposely absent just at the time the Queen reckoned to be delivered though she had most pressing reasons of Interest to be here at that time nor could without most manifest Injustice be denied all the Liberty allowable â—o one of the same Sex both to satisfie her sâ—lf and others though at the same time it was given out that she was sent away by her Fâ—ther lest she should discover the pretended Cheat Iâ— none of the Three nearly concâ—râ—ed nor any other made the least Scruple nor pretended the least Dissatisfaction in the World when the Queen was â—elivered of other Chiâ—â—ren formerly though not half the number was presenâ— untill a Male Child was born which to thâ—iâ— Râ—gret put them by the Hopes and Expectaâ—ion of succeeding in thâ—ir turns â—he Next If instead of offering any Proof at all or any one Witness of the contrary to invalidate or counteâ—balaâ—ce in the least degree this consonant Testimony of so many Persons of untaiâ—ted Honour and Sincerity this Farce to gull â—nd mad the silly credulous People was carried on and abeâ—â—ed with nothing but Multitudes of Lyes printed and baw'd about to serve a present Turn as that the Woman whose Child it was was come out of Holland and would appear to justifie it that it was brought to St Iames's sometimes in a Coach someâ—imes in a Warming-pâ—n that the Midwife had coâ—fessed the Cheat c. All which are eâ—iâ—ced to be Falshoods by this that they werâ— never prov'd or attempted to be prov'd thâ—ugh it was so highly necessary If the factious Members in the Conventiâ—n that voted up this new King were pâ—est by the loyal Party to call this matter into Examination yet could never be brought to doe it though it were in it self of the highest Concern imaginable to our Nation and withall most absolutely necessary to justifie this otherwise barbarous Invasiâ—n of the Prince of Orange and their own Treasonable Abdication of King Iames Lastly If this heavy Charge against the Kiâ—g and Queen of trumping up a Sham Prince of Wales was induâ—â—riously spread throughout the Three Kingdoms not out of any real Zeal of presâ—rving the â—â—ue Succession but onely as a fit occasion to throw off That and the Monaâ—chy too as hereditary by Lineal Descent by changing it into an Elective as frankly acknowledged by one of the greatest Abdicating Pâ—ers of the
War upon that score is so open a Sham past upon us poor English Gulls that it gives it self the Lye even from the Principles of our New Governours themselves Fourthly It is denied there was any War at all either intended or proclaimed or acted Princes that conceive themselves aggrieved use to be so generous as first to complain and demand Satisfaction and if this be denied then to dâ—â—ounce War and prâ—seâ—ute it Thiâ— is the Law of Nations and the common Custom of the World But here was no Complaint no Demand of Satiâ—fâ—ction noâ— any War proclaim'd but denied to the very time of their Larding nor was any battel intenâ—â—d That Warlike and Noble Prince witness his false-hearted Declaration came over to wheedle not â—â— fight Some Thâ—â—saâ—â—â— of Souldiers he did indeed bring over with him and they might crâ—â—mp and perhaps muster but for coming forwards within the Lists till the King's Army had voluntarily dispersed it self or offer to join Bâ—ttel with them you must pardon them Alas They were so far from the least Thought of taking upon them that Boldness that 't is weâ—l known how upon the Delay of our Renegadoes coming over to them they had called a Council not of War or of Fight but of Flight for it was there in a Panick Fear resolved to be gone most valiantly the next day had not one of them unexpectedly arrived who brought the reviving Tidings of more chief Officers to follow whose shamefull Deserting as it gave them the Courage to stay so it amused the King that he durst not venture to trust the rest not knowing the Number of his firm Friends since those who had the greatest Obligations in the world to be so had so dishonourably run to his Enemy and turned Traitors War implies some kind of Bravery in its Notion but in this case there was nothing but a sneaking Treachery and a more Trick to fâ—ight â—some with the apprehension of an univeâ—sal Defection of the King's Army and to debauch the rest with Shams and Lyes This was the War this the Success of War which p. 11 this idle Talker so much braggs of and on which he builds the Prince of Orange's Right to the Government A strange War without doubt where never a Stroke was struck and as strange a Success of War which depended not on the Battled Courage of the Dutch but on the Treachery of the English Till now all Maâ—kind verily judged that Success in War imposed Victory or Conquests and Can it be called a Victory â—here none fought Besides a Victor signifies a Conquerour and then England should be his by Conquest notwithstanding the Consent of the People afterwards unless the People compounded it with the Conquerours before hand as the Kentish-Men did with William I. otherwise all is his Lâ—â—â—ly 'T is denied there was an unanimous Consent of the People He distinguishes p. 23 between a Right to the Government and the Manner of assuming it The Right she says was founded on the 〈◊〉 Causes of the War and the Success in it But the Assuming it was not by any way of Forcâ— or Violence but by a free Coâ—â—ent of the People It see us then the Government originally was 〈◊〉 his even while he was in Holland if he could but catch it and so if he were but so wise as to know his own Right and his own lot 〈◊〉 of which none can doubt â—he came over with a Design and full Intention to get it Yet himself in his Deâ—laâ—atiâ—n disclaimed any such Intention and continued to doe so all along till the very time of châ—sing him even after King Iames was gone and his Army dispersed and consequâ—ntly after the Success of the War such as it was was acquired So that this acute Gentleman gives us a New and Sixth Title to the Crown which was never known to that Prince himself nor ever owned by him nor hinted in any of his Proclamations nor which is strange acknowledged or intimated by the Convention when they voted him King and were at an utter Loss on what Ground to settle his Title while the true King was yet living nor lastly thought on dâ—eam'd on or heard on by any Man in the World till himself writ and one would think that had not his bad Cause suspended his Use of Common Sense he could not but see that the very Word Acceptance of the Government which he here uses pag. 23. is clearly relative to their Giving him the same Government and unless we will wrong the Use and signification of Words giving it as a Kindness too since no man can be said to accept that as a Gift which was his own before But give it they did and accordingly he left his hand and thanked them for the Favour And I wonder to what end if this Disâ—ourse of his be true was all that mad Clutter about the Abdication Vote to make room for a new King and give him a Title For if K. William had Right even then to the Government upon the score of a successfull War King Iames had no Right at all but was absolutely outed whether he had abdicated or not abdicated But it seems they were all Fools to this Gentleman whose quick sight could descry a Title which was hid from the dim Eyes of the whole Consenting Nation But was there indeed a free Consent of the People Let us see A Consent is said then to be free when there is neither Force overâ—awing Men nor Fraud either circumventing them with false Motives or frightening them with false Fears Now the Common People were bubbled at that time with a Thousand Lyes about the Prince of Wales Smithfield-Fares a League made with France to enslave us all nay that we were all sold to the French King and in Danger to have all our Throats cut by him They conserted then upon such Suppositions not absolutely and so these Suppositions being found to be false their true Reason consented not but they were surprized terrified and amaâ—ed into a false grounded Passion which made them in a hurry doe they knew not what whereas the most sedate Deliberation and most true Repâ—esentation of things is requisite to such a Free Consent as submits all the Subjects Lives and Fortunâ—s to the maintaining this New Governour in the Throne as they must do whoever own their Allegiance due to him At least he will say the Convention represented the Nation and â—e consented and that 's enough I deny all Three It was neither a Legal Representative and so let it Vote what it will it binds no Man nor consequently is it enough for his Purpose Nor did the People who chose the Commons intend to empower them to alter the most fundamental Law of the Land and make a New King as they pleased Besides if they would needs do it they ought to have first repealed the Laws for the Royal Succession and all those other Laws too which make it Treason to obey or acknowledge any other
that Duty which you have so unduly quitted which We doubt not of being verily persuaded that even those that first left Our Service had no just Prejudice against Our Person but were Betray'd and Decoy'd by Persons employ'd by or in Confederacy with the Prince of Orange who by most wicked and malicious Lyes had represented Us as black as Hell to Our Subjâ—cts who We hope do now see into their evil Designs which they câ—uld never have thus far accomplished but by deluding you into a belief of the Imposture of Our Son the Prince of Wales the French-League the Death of Our Brother the late King c. of all which they well know Vs Innocent and daâ—e not therefore bring on the Stage to be Examined and Searched into according to their former Promises And can you then without Indignation Serve thâ—se who have thus Villanously Betrayed Deluded and made a Property of you And now having obtained their Ends by your Assistance Neglect Dâ—â—spise and Evilly Intreat you For to the eternal Shame of all English men â—one but Foreigners are now trusted in the most Honourable Pâ—sts in and about White-hall and London whilst you are sent abâ—oad as Mercenaries and made subservient to them cast back your Thoughts on the Villanies of their Actions who sate in Our Councils and Betray'd Vs adding Treachery to the blackest of Ingratitude enquire into the Morals of those General Officers that Deserted Vs and Misled You and indeed into the Principles of most of these in their present New Government and you will soon be convinced That 't was not Religion though that was made the specious Pretence that influenced their Actings but Interest and Ambition We charge not these Crimes but on some particular Persons well knowing that the greatest part both of Officers and Souldiers in Our Army were not faulty in their Allegiance And therefore We shall only look forward and resolve to reward all according to their Demerits and prefer those first who continue untainted and shall be quickest in returning to their Duty which We doubt not but that e'er long by God's Blessing We shall by appearing in Our own Kingdoms give them an opportunity to do and consequently to retrieve their own Honours as becomes true hearted English-men and Lovers of their King and Countrey Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of February 1688 And in the Fifth Year of Our Reign But to return to our Discoursâ— Such a free Consent as suffices in this Case of transferring a Kingdom and the Allâ—giances of all their fellow Subjects ought to have been General of the whole Nation unanimous hearty and most deliberate not done in a sudden heat not check'd nor overaw'd not protested against especially it ought to have been grounded at least upon good tolerable Sense all which were here wanting This in case their free Consâ—nt could do the Work But let their Consent be the best qualified in the World it can never be sufficient for this purpose for no Consent of those who have no Râ—ght to a Thing though it were never so free is able to give away another Man's Title who is known to have had a true and undoubted Right to it Well May a Conspiracy of my Servants Tenants and of my Children joyned with them have the Power to dâ—ive or fright me out of my House But not all these together though never so many can give away that Right which the Laws of the Land and in our Case God's Law too have made my Property Thus much for his new Coined Notion of Right by the Law of Nations own'd by none but this singular Writer who seeing all other Titles of this upstart Government baffled was forc'd for a shift to recurr to this Whimsie But since he was pleased to decline the Law of the Land and run to a Superior Law viz. that of Nations we shall take leave to mind him for He and his Party seem to have quite forgot it or rather indeed to out-brave and laugh at it of the Supreme Law of all the Law of God which commands us to Honour our Father and Mother and not to covet much less to rob or cheat another and least of all so near and so Revered a Relation of what is rightfully his Let us consider then what Good and Conscientious Christians would have done in the Case of the Prince and Princess of Orange For First If their Party with their Consent or Connivance invented those Stories which he makes the just Occasion of the War on purpose to turn out their Father it was in many regards the most hideous and the most villanous Injustice that can be imagin'd Secondly If those Falshoods were suggested to them by others they knew the Genius of the English Subjects was apt to raise and believe the most Senseless Falshoods of him out of hatred to his Religion and so they ought to have considered that there was no kind of Evidence of this Story nor so much as one Witness that the Prince of Wales was a Counterfeit nor as appears by their not producing it in their Justification when it was so necessary any one tolerable Reason able to persuade a prudent Man the Thing was true Whereas on the other side there were as was said near Fifty Sworn Witnesses of clear Honour and Reputation testifying the contrary any Two or Three of whom were sufficient to carry the greatest Estate or take away the Life of any Man in England They knew too that if the pretended Injury done to them were not really true they must incurr the dreadful Indignation of a just God for breaking divers of his Commandments in that one Action by Dishonouring Injuring and Slandering their Innocent and near Related Neighbour And who would hazard their Soul upon such odds Thirdly If they did indeed doubt of it before the Birth they ought as was said to have sent some trusty Persons or have signified their desire that some here whom they could confide in should be present If they only doubted of it after the Prince was Born they might have demanded that the same Persons might have Counter-interrogated and Examin'd the Witnesses now they were bound in Conscience to use all such honest and wary Means before they proceded thus to the highest Extremities Fourthly If greatest Proof against no Proof could not satisfie them Why did they not to clear their Honour that they had not acted Unjustly Undutifully or Unchristianly since the time they came hither bring the Matter into a new Examination Since nothing could more contribute to settle them in the Throne had it been prov'd an Imposture nor have more obâ—iged all England to them nor have more taken off the Scandal of the World and have satisfied every Man of the Iustice of their Proceedings Lastly If it had been done for the good of Europe and to bring the French King lower though this could not justifie this Invasion yet Why was not at least the wisest Course taken for
this Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration and obliged King Iames as he might easily have done to redress Abuses here and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad it had in all likelihood by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England Scotland and Ireland and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy Whereas now our Men and Money too are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland nor only so but England it self whose free Consent he so much brags of is so Distracted that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes some out of Conscience not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on nor themselves are satisfied with and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France though I doubt not but it was the Intention of the Confederates was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange He could then have no other Motive of Invading England Driving out his Father and Usurping his Throne but mere Ambition seconded by Dutch Policy making use of our Rebelliousness silly Credulity and our addictedness to Lying that they might cheat us of our Money make us defend their Quarrel and impoverish us to that degree that we should not dare to resent it when they get our Trade and câ—zen us of our Plantations as they have done often and then to crown the Dutch Jest laugh at us for a Company of dull-headed block headedly Fools when they have done But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine and vouch'd by the Law of Nations and those are these Three First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain p. 16. Now this hath been so well answered already in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it and methinks this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there before he ventured on this Instance but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over though they have been answered sufficiently and yet never take notice of the Answers However it is sufficient here to observe that this is nothing at all to his purpose he tells us but four lines before That what he is to make out is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England p. 15. And I pray good Sir Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries And if not how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out that the Prince of Orange by virtue of his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself and his Instance proves that any Prince whether they have any such Relation or not have a just Right to concern themselves And what I pray is all this to a Title by Conquest Let it be admitted but not granted and which I suppose will not be easily proved that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince for Invading the Liberty and Religion of his own Subjects hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People whose Liberties he pretends to defend and to set himself King over them Or had Queen Elizabeth upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties a just Right to make her self Queen over them In my Opinion it is a preâ—ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties to make a Conquest of them and if this be the Case Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People but a Crown to themselves and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown His next Instance is in King Iames's time When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia And how does this prove his Point Why he sent to King James for Advice and he had no mind he should engage in it And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it Well But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary and said that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the Bâ—bemians had a just Cause and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous â— Cause And that may be too but without Reflection on that Princess that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel rather than not to take away and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father and which is neither a Religious nor a Righteous Cause His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace and Liberty of the Germans and was Defeated and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain c. Now it does not appear whether thâ— King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just or unjust for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random and never stating them and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute But let that be as it will it makes no difference in the present Dispute for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom And this was plainly the Case The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire and was defeated and it â— had â—een â—eâ—t without Assiâ—â—ence the Emperour might have wholly subdued him which would not â—â—ely have ruined Denmark but have endangered all the Northern Princes and especially England as the Declaration it self speaks there will be an open way for Spain left to do what they pleased And what is this to our Authour's purpose Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War
with another to prevent his utter Overthrow and Destruction and in such a case for wise and politick Ends to stop the exorbitant and dangerous Growth of a potent Neighbour and for the same Prince to take away another Prince's Crown because he is uneasie and ungratefull to his Subjects Yet after such fallacious Inferences our Author with his wonted Modesty adds Let those who now with as much Ignorance as Confidence upbraid Men with Renouncing the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England read and consider these Passages and if any thing will make them more wise and humble this will He contends all along to prove from those Instances which are of several Independent Governours and so relate to the Law of Nations that this Proceeding of the Prince of Orange is not repugnant to the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England p. 15. and more particularly afterwards from the Homilies p. 21 22. which say we are bound to obey a Heathen Tyrant and to pray for him from the Jews who were commended to pray for the King of Babylon and for obeying Augustus lastly from our Saviour's acknowledging the Roman President 's Power and Authority as given him from God Nay he argues a fortiori p. 21. from the Homilies thus If they and consequently the Church of England declare we are bound by God's Word to obey a Heathen Tyrant much more ought we by the Doctrines and Principles of our Church to pay Allegiance to good and religious Princes c. This is the full force of his Argument why we ought to pay Allegiance to the present Governours But first We cannot think thâ—m good and religious whilst we see they have wilfully broken and obstinately continue to break God's holy Commandments the Observing of which is the best Test of Goodness and Religion Next he leâ—ves the main Point which Dr. Sherlock mentions out of his Convocations that are better Declarers of the Church of England's Doctrine than the Homilies That the Authority of all those Conquerours was to be thoroughly settled so that there was no morâ—l Possibility the former Governour in case he had been alive could evâ—r by himself or his Friends be restored and therefore we seldom or never hear that any of such ejected or subdued Sovereigns did ever struggle for their Kingdoms or went about to recover them Hâ—w this suits with our preseâ—t Câ—se where the former supreme Governour is living did ever and does still claim it pursues the Recovery of it has a most potent Monarch abroad for his Friend who espouses his Quarrel has engaged his Honour he will either restore him to his Crown or lose his own is easie to be discerned But moreover which is nâ—â—ess material in this Business King Iames has great Parties in each of the three Nations who do not acknowledge thâ— present Governours and look upon them as unjust Vsurpers of their Father's Right Besides which alters the Case extremely here was no Conquest or subduing England by Force nay no War at all exercised upon it His bad Cause forces this mercenary Writer to shuffle to and fro and pretend now one Thing now another but all of them when they come to be scann'd and applied equally to no purpose Conquest he dares not call it in down right Terms for fear of disgusting all England by making us all Slaves yet those Instances of Rightfall Power which he brings and would have us think to be parallel to this New Government and proper to aâ—et it were all true Successes in War and by consequence perfect Conquests 'T is easie to discern by these Hints what he would be at and not hard to conjecture what Title though they have agreed of none hitherto they intend at length to pitch upon finally unless the Patriots of the Subjects Liberty do in time restrain such audacious Attempts Thus far in Answer to his settling King William's Title which being shown to be incoherent and ill grounded in every Regard it follows that Mr. Ashton suffered for a Righteous Cause and for his due Allegiance to his true Sovereign which entitles him to the Honour of a glorious Martyr and this in case he had endeavoured to make way for his Master's Restauration It remains to vindicate his Paper from those other petty Exceptions this Gâ—ntleman makes against it He denies p. 24. that King Iames's Usage after the Prince of Orange's Arrival was very hard severe and unjust Let the World judge A Council was held at Windsor upon Notice of the King 's being in hold at Feversham where it was debated whether or no he should be sent to the Tower And 't is well known who they were that voted in the Affirmative But the Prince having laid his Design feared that if the King staid here some Accommodation would be made so he sent Monsieur Zuylisten to tell him he would have him to stay at Rochester which being a Port Town and towards the Sea might afford him opportunity to escape out of England The Message mist him so he returned to White-hall The next Night the Prince of Orange sent three Lords to him at Midnight to tell him he would have him remove by Ten the next Morning to Ham a place very unlikely to be approved of there being as the King objected neither Furniture nor Provisions for him and therefore as he expected he moved for his Return to Rochester which after his sitting an hour in his Barge waiting his Pleasure was granted And thither he was pack'd away in great State with Dutch Myrmidons now to the eternal Shame of English Suâ—jects their King's Gaolers under whom he suffered Hardship enough but he was not allowed out of his own Exchequer one Farthing to bear his Charges The King had before this sent him a Message by the Earl of Feversham offering to settle all things in Parliament to His and the Kingdom 's Satisfaction Now had the Prince of Orange meant sincerely in what he pretended and come onely for the Good of the Nation what could he have wished more But what would have obliged and sweetened another did highly exasperate him for he relish'd this Condescendence of his soâ—ll being indeed unsuitable to the ambitious Aim he proposed to himself that first contrary to the Law of Nations he made his Ambassadour Prisoner and thâ—n sent his Worshipfull Command at Midnight to his Father to be gone out of his own Palace to a Prison for they told him a Guard was appointed for him at Ham-house whither the Prince of Orange ordered him to go the next Morning enough to let the King see what he was to expect He tells the Prince of Orange could have prevented his going away true But then he feared the Nation would only reduce King Iames not depose him much less chuse another their own King being present it was therefore thought more Politick to fright him away and then pretend Abdication and the Necessity of a new Government which he knew well as he and
It makes all the Execution of the Law comfortless to the Judges and Jury and wickedly injurious to the Persons accused for by this Man's Discourse the former can never tell whether or not they condemn an Innocent and the latter sees his Life and Honor exposed to Hap-hazard 'T is the Intention and that onely which the Law regards nor is any Action reputed by it to be Felony Murther Treason c. unless it be done Animo Felonico c. with a Felonious Intention c. and this Intention according to him can never be made plain so no Man â—ving knows or can know who dies deservedly who innocently Let him reflect that all that the Witnesses can do is to atrest the Overt-act or the Words spoken imprinted on their Senses but 't is the Duty of the Judges and Jury when once they are satisfied of the Witnesses Integrity to see that those Actions are necessarily connected with such an Intention as with its Cause and proceeded from it and if they be not satisfied but that possibly it might spring from another Cause they must be judged not to value how pretious a Man's Life is nor to regard much whether they legally condemn an innocent or no if they bring him in guilty and so they incurr the Guilt themselves of careless Murtherers Nor do the Judges deserve a better Character if they fail in the Duty of instructing them that the Law requires manifest Proof and that they ought not to proceed upon even high Likelihoods or Presumptions which we do experience do often deceive us But especially if they aggravate and enhance those Likelihoods to make the Jury proceed upon them as Certainties All which was but too visible in the Charge to this easily byast Jury Did this Gentleman who denies that Intentions can admit of plain Proof never hear of those Sayings That out of the abundance of the Heart the Mouth speaketh or that the Tree is known by its Fruit i.e. a Man's Interiour by his Outward Actions Can we not know very manifestly that if a Man way-lay his Enemy and out of an Ambush assaults and runs him through he had an Intention to do him a Mischief Does not himself confess that had the Papers been in Mr. Ashton's own hand it had been a plain or manifest Proof of his knowing their Contents which Knowledge is of its own Nature altogether as secret as is an Intention Lastly Does he not tell us out of my Lord Coke that no Proof is sufficient but a manifest one and yet he sets himself to prove that there can be no plain or manifest Proof of an Intention which makes the Law require Impossibilities What Stuff is this to be vented by a Man chosen out to support the State vindicate the Judges and confute the solid Paper bequeath'd us by our dying Martyr After this he pretends that in his Iudgment one of the Papers was writ in the very same Hand in which this Speech was written that is it was writ by Mr. Ashton But he must pardon us if we dare not believe his Judgement which as has been abundantly shewn has scarcely judg'd right in one single Line of his whole Book But how frivolous is this Pretence of his Had the Judges or the Managers of the Tryal found the least Ground for such a Suspition it had been the easiest thing in the World to have compared that Paper with Hundreds of Accompâ—s Acquittances and Letters which were all seized in his House by Order from the State Nor could they have wanted Witnesses to have sworn that they believed such a Paper was writ by him as well as they did in the Tryal of my Lord Preston which is a very great Presumption that they found no such Paper under his Hand or so near resembling it as might induce any to swear it They found indeed another Paper of his which more vext them and hastened his Death than had they found any such other as this Gentleman pretends Concerning which take the Martyr's own Words out of part of that Paper left by him in a Friend's hands which are as followeth Being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a Duty incumbent upon me to impart some Things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and to call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several Particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his view that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private Things of my own and not in the Packet my Lord Preâ—ton being altogether a stranger to the whole proceeding by this means fell into the hands of our present Governours who though they wisely waved the producing them as Evidence at my Tryal yet have I just Reason to believe my greatest Crimes were contained in them and I do therefore conclude and hope that I only am designed to be sacrificed who only knew of them Nor am I surprised at it since nothing I think can be more prejudical to some Persons present Interest than the exposing of those Papers to the Publick which will set that pretended Mystery of Darkness in so clear a Light that all Mankind must be convinced of his Highness's being Born of the Queen and of their Wickedness who have malitiously and designedly asserted that innocent Prince to be an Impostor The Love and Compassion that I have for my native Countrey as well as Charity obliges me humbly to implore Almighty God to be merciful to it and not to charge this great Sin to the publick Account and that we may not farther provoke his Justice by our wilfully continuing in Errour and Mistake I beseech him to put it into the Hearts of the Lords c. at
their next Meeting to examine into that whole Matter and if before that time this be published to enquire after call for and if possible retrieve those Papers that were taken with me whereby the Obstinate will most certainly be convinced the Ignorant informed the Doubtful confirmed the Eyes of all opened and a sacred most important Truth made apparent to the whole World And may we not now with good Reason challenge those of the other Party to give an Answer to those Papers which were the true occasion of his Suffering and in behalf of Justice Truth and the good of the Nation to demand that the said Papers which are now stiffled may be produced and if possible confuted For since never greater fedulity was used by any other to set that Business in a manifest Light the Answering them must consequently be the surest Means to keep the Nation from being imposed upon in so weighty a Matter And if this be not done Will not all sincere Persons conclude hence that the Proofs of the Prince of Wales's Legitimacy contained in those Papers of Mr. Ashton are even in the Opinion of our Statâ—sts themselves absolutely unanswerable and all England be convinced that the Pretence of his being Supposititious was set up for no other End but to bring by that detestable Forgery the King and Queen into Odium and Disgrace and to make way for the Prince of Orange to seize on his Crown and reflect that from this one villaâ—ous Cheat all the Calamities that have befallen our deluded Nation have had their true Source and Origin I know the Observator upon Mr. Ashton's Papers denies there were any such but could it be done with our Security we do undertake to prove Circumstantially that they were in his Trunck when taken by the Government 's Order and farther that we will clear that whole Matter far more fully than has been done hitherto by many other Witnesses of unquestionable Credit and by most convincing Proofs and to satisfie all I terrogatories that can be offered by the most inquisitive Scrupler But to return to our Juries What matters it what was brought to light about those Papers afterwards The Question is what Evidence the Jury then had when they brought in their lawless Verdict If they had at that time no such Evidence as the Law requires i.e. if they had then no manifest Proof he died Innocent in the Eye of the Law and nothing can acquit his Condemners from being according to the same Law and God's Law too unconscientious Murderers And 't is of this kind of Innocence only the Martyr speaks when he declares himself Innocent about which Pâ—ssage this Gentleman who can neither understand another Man nor many times himself very well is very Gay and Pleasant Though 't is true the Martyr by owning his Duty to his lawful Sovereign does withall by consequence profess that though he had been legally Convicted of an intention to restore him and of acting too in order to that good End he had notwithstanding been Innocent also before God The Result of all the whole foregoing Discourse is this That our blessed Martyr is clearly vindicated from any Treasonable Guilt and proved to have died doubly Innocent in the sight of Heaven in dying for his Allegiance which provok'd this unreasonable Malice against him and in the Eye of the Law by being adjudg'd to die without manifest Proof or legal Evidence May his Noble Christian Fortitude and his Pious Example so influence his Prevaricating Brethren that they may repent them of their Perjury and Rebellion imitate his Constant Loyalty and be partakers of that Eternal Crown of Glory which he now enjoys for undauntedly owning and even to Death persevering in his Duty of Allegiance to his only Lawful and only Rightful Sovereign An Humble Petition to the Present Government SInce Nature does generally encline every Man to avoid his own Ruine and to do that which is apparently best for his own worldly Interest and Conveniency it cannot in common Reason and Prudence be imagined but that the generality of those who do adhere to King IAMES his Title would be glad to live at Ease and out of Danger by submitting freely to the present Government did not some Consideration that is of a Superior Nature and concerns their well-being in another World over-awe them and deter them from owning it Wherefore as we who write this do in our Names so we justly presume we may in the Names of those others protest in the presence of Almighty God who sees their Hearts that our refusing to take the Oath and pay a voluntary Allegiance to the present Governours does not spring from any inclination to Faction nor from Obstinacy nor yet from any Disaffection to their Persons but purely from this That we cannot be satisfied either by our own Reason or any Thing that has been hitherto writ upon that Subject that they have any Title to the Crown either by the Law of God or Man but on the contrary that both Divine and Humane Laws are against their wresting it by a Trick out of the Hands of their Father who was the undoubted rightful Owner of it and that their still Possessing and Detaining it from him is no less against the same Laws and consequently a doubly-unjust Vsurpation And therefore our Conscience tells us That we shall incurr the just Indignation of Almighty God and withal become Obnoxious by our English Laws to the Punishments due to Traitors should we yield to such illegal Compliances Wherefore we humbly Petition That for satisfaction to our Consciences our Governours would please to give Order that some grave and learned Man may compile a Treatise shewing their true Title to the Crown and manifesting how King Iames's legal Title by Succession comes to be annull'd And let him evince these Two main Points from any solid Principles of what nature soever acknowledg'd for such by the indifferent part of the World and so that it may appear by their giving Authority to that Treatise by such their Order that that is the true Ground of their Claim and the Title they will stand by Those who have writ in Justification of their Government are in so many Minds about the Ground of their pretended Right that instead of clearing it they have by their Disagreement satisfied all understanding Men that 't is very obscure even to their own Party whereas yet it ought to be of it self or else be made most Evident e'er it can in any Reason be held able to overthrow a Tenure so incontestibly Evident and Legal as was that of King Iames it being built on a long continued Hâ—reditary Succession abetted by the most Fundamental Laws of the Land and approved by the universal acknowledgement of the whole World We humbly request then to be inform'd which of those many Grounds advanc'd by their Writers themselves will think fit to make choice of and esteem thus Evident which we have not hitherto any Light to
may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words none of them being artificial Law Terms but such honest English as every Gentleman that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank is capable of understanding and using But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy disjoyns by his Discourse illiterate from unskill'd in the Law and refers the Four cramp Words to the former and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter and when he has done he tells us very sadly one may justly wonder at it and indeed it is very wonderful For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie is altogether Monstrous He tells us p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things To assert his Principles and to testifie his Innocency and he sets himself to prove that he did neither As for the former he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience and then confutes him most learnedly by telling us That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King and he is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government who has Title to it by immediate Succession Now comes this acute Gentleman and pretends without Shame or Wit that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such in their clear unbâ—ass'd and 〈◊〉 in us Thoughts but to anoâ—her who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so or who dare not do otherwise And then after he had prevaâ—icated thus eg egiously he teâ—ls us very gravely That certainly there must be some gâ—eaâ— mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church Whereas if there be any 't is manifestly on his side but to say the plain Truth there is no mistake at all even on his side but an open Prevarication and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet making our Passiâ—e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object which is to make the Principles of our Church face abâ—ut with the Times and point as a Weather-cock does to the Wind to a Dispossessour of the true Prince so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party and keep under or Murther by his new Laws and new Judges those who dare be Loyal He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it If he means that only some of them are found there it reaches not home to his purpose But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there he shews himself to be very weak Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word and it only is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow is the most unanimous Exposition of it avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith that is does not hold it part of her Faith he should have produced such and so many genuine grave and eminent Members of one Church as are beyond Exception who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense and upon that ground held the contrary I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock who is so flexible a Complier with every side that I fear he is of no side and ready to be of any as God-Mâ—mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry or some such irresistible Temptation As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector 's days who had Abdicated twiâ—e if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days when honest Principles as yet unantiquated made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution but all adher'd to their legal King though all of them suffered in their Estates and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty But as our Author told us formerly that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds so he tells us here that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince whatever his Principles were or his Practices might be as God's Vicegerent and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power All this says he he might have done and have been alive still because as he contends King William was his rightful lawful Prince So that it seâ—ms let King William be of what Principles he will even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames or let his Practices be what they will even to the Subverting all our Liberties Properties nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only and consequently to obey him as such Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book and makes all the Deserters and fiâ—st Adherers to the Prince of Orange and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King and the Consent of the Nation he talks of to be Irreligious and Wicked For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned which comes within the compass of his whatever his Principles are or his Practices might be and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent it follows unavoidably that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion in the highest Degree who deserted him opposed him turned him out and set up a Stranger in his stead Yet this Action of theirs confest
by the Wheel of Fortune was laid flat and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar and could find no Foundation to fix upon nor any Basis that would fit it None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine relying I suppose on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest which was formerly ready to be published but upon the taking of Mons some sâ—op was put to it at that time If this be as true as it is told me with much assurance we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time for had that Project been heartily encouraged our Countrey-men had been all Slaves and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion it being indeed in that Case his own so that when Parliaments would give no more he might by setting up his Title when he pleased take all and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot At length comes this Gentleman and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts and not at all likely to take he will needs strain a Note above Ela and settle it on a higher Foundation viz. on the Law of Nations which allows Independent Governments to right themselves by Force or by making War on him that injures them But because he saw no War was made no Army fought nor a Stroke struck â— so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England he very politickly twists with it and with the Success of this Iust War p. 11. the Consent of the People too This I must confess is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other 't is made of Contradictions and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus a Goat-Stag or some such whimsical Conceit that imports two or more different Natures clapt together But this new fangled Notion of Right he has invented consists not of merely different but opposite Natures War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon and Consent signifies Voluntariness Again the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all So that to come in by Force of War and at the same time by Consent is to be beaten voluntarily to be forced willingly to resist yieldingly to submit withall our Hearts yet against our Will or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us But to say the Truth there was neither a fair War subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent nor a clear free and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation but as will shortly appear a mere Trick manag'd by an Ambitious Invader and his Confederates seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences and Forgeries to bubble and fool the Common People and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it and how prettily the Baby will look There is besides the Laws of the Land says he p. 11. a Law of Nations by which Sovereign Independent-Governments when injured may Right themselves by a Iust War Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation and this War had Success therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together as he told us p. 10. to clear this whole Matter Let us now take it gently to pieces and lay each part of it down easily lest it fall asunder of it self and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely 'T is deny'd then that there were in our Case two Nations or several Independent Governments 'T is deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned 'T is deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends 'T is deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War or that he righted himself by Force or came by the Consent of the People and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means or foul Means 't is deny'd he has any Right at all what he has how he came by it or how he still keeps it shall be declared hereafter First then That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew â—efore so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged but 't is becoming his small Politicks to ampâ—â—fie mightily and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies But to be short and slight or rather perfectly silent in those pâ—rticulâ—rs on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends we grant him then that Independent Governments may when injured have a Right to demand and if it be deny'd them take Satisfaction by force of Arms for 't is no more than every Man knows and yields to but 't is deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose or does his Cause the least service For Secondly 'T is deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments and so his Discourse falls to the gâ—ound The Sâ—ates of Holland indeed make a Government but those good Men who never told lye in their Lives disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador and like wise Men lest it should not succeed would not be seen in it but made use of Fâ—ot of Wâ—elp to do their own Jobbs 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily and took our Money very readily Besides they were Allies to King Iames which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations to which he recurrs And lastly if they made this War and had Success in it I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them it would follow by this Discourse that They and not He are our Lords and Masters a Title which the Hollanders do not quâ—t but still assert on due occasions That their State-holder manages England for their behoof as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects by pretending that England was now under Holland and that
they had sent one of their own Officers to govern it on their stead As for the Prince of Orange taken in his own single Capacity he was far from being a Separate Nation or Independent Government which this Gentlemen's Discourse proceeds upon or indeed Supreme Governour of any Nation at all not of the Principality of Orange for this was by Dr. Sherlock's Event of Providence and by Conquest taken from him long ago Nor was the Prince of Orange a Sovereign Independent Prince in Holland for he was there under the Government of the States Nor was it ever heard there was a Prince of Breda So that this Gentleman's Discourse faulters in that which should have been the very subject of it He should have said that any great Man who had received Wâ—ong might in true Reason right himself by the best means that he or his Friends could make against any Man who was not his Sovereign or fellow Subject and this by the Law of Reason or Nature not by the Law of Nations For what had the Law of Nations to do in the business when there was no Nation Injured or that demanded Satisfaction For surely he will not say that King Iames had done Wrong to the Principality of Orange or that the Person of King William alone or of his Queen either is a Nation Yet one of the two he must say â—o make his Discourse hang together Thirdly 'T is deny'd there were great and violent 〈◊〉 of an injury to the Right of Succession This if made good might do his Cause some service let us see then what strong Proofs he brings to evince it Two sorts of Arguments he alledges to prove it The fiâ—st is the Prince of Orange's Declaration certainly this Man is infatuated Our English Proverb Ask my Master if I be a Thief contains as good a Plea as this yet the poor Man triumphs mightily and thinks his Work is done when he has barely repeated it But what says the Declaration Why it says That all the good Subjects of these Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the â—ueen and that many doubted of the Queen's Bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one Thing done to satisfie their Doubts So says the Declaration indeed and if a Man may be believ'd in his own Cause against our own knowledge when he might hope to get Three Kingdoms by saying so all is as true as Gospel and as clear as Demonstration otherwise our Reason will I hope give us leave to suspect at least Misinformation in the Case if not Self-partiality And I do not like either the Sincerity or the Care of him that penned it in saying first that All good Subjects vehemently suspected c. and then dwindling afterwards into Many doubted c. A sober Man would not have quoted the Declaration unless to defend it but this Gentleman builds on it as on his Principle But how will he justifie the Declaration when it says that not any one thing was done to satisfie Doubters or himself for hinting so impudently p. 14. That the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them Was not the Testimony of near Fifty sworn Witnesses of Credit enough to satisfie reasonable Men in a matter of Fact No says he p. 13. No private Depositions of such as are dependents or otherwise liable to suspicion can in reason be taken for satisfactory Evidence Does this Man consider how many Protestants how many Persons of unblemish'd Honour he taints with suspicion of Perjury and Treason against the Nation by hinting they are so sworn in attesting the Bigness of the Qâ—een and the Birth of the Prince of Wales Unhappy Mr. Ashron who had such Judges and such Jury-men as though fit to condemn him without any one Witness or any one Proof but merely upon Suspicion or Presumption yet such multitudes of legal Witnesses are held insufficient to satisfie those of the â—ame Party of the Truth of a matter of Fact far more evident Certainly this pretended Scrupulosity of theirs which is so loose at some time and so strait-lac'd at another is more lodged in their Wâ—d than in their Reason But on how he bussles and runs about the World to pretend a flaw in this most sample Atteâ—tation The Old Roman Laws are haâ—ed in by Head and Shoulders p. 13. though he knows well they are generally no where observed especially those he mentions they being indeed such extravagant Nâ—ceties that it would look like perfect Madness now a days to offer to bring them into play Then comes in our Old Common Law p. 14. Allowing a Writ of Inspection and the Old Law Books giving directions to prevent and discover Subernation Now if there were any Thing done contrary to our Laws that makes for his purpose Why does he not produce it and urge it Especially why did not the Contention when they were so vehemently press'd to it by the Loyal Party go about to Discover this pretended Subordination Why did not they or any other since this Government came in make us of his Writs of Inspection and his Chapter in the Old Law Books Did none of them know Old Laws Wâ—its and Chapters but this learned Setler of the Royal Succession This I can assure him that durst the Convention have attempted it they should have sound even at that time very many other Witnesses of Credit able both to satisfie the nicest Scrupulosity conâ—ute the Calumny and confouâ—d the Authors and Abetâ—ers of it But they were affâ—aid such an important Truth should be made too evident to the whole World because it would at once have spoiled the Prince of Orange's Declaration and have shamed their own Rebellions Resolution of deposing King Iames and setting up another in hâ—s Head A Pretence which was so necessary to be started and upheld must not be Discovered by the Framers and Abetters of it to be a manifest Impestuce as they knew well it would have been had they gone about to examine it I omit to give a fuller Answer to his Citations out of the Old Roman Laws and our Old Common Laws because they have been considered very particularly in a Discourse puâ—posely made upon those 〈◊〉 subjects Entituled De Ventre Iâ—spiciendo or Remarks on Mr Ashron's Answerer which shews clearly from those Laws themselves in the places he cites and from those Oracles of the Law Bâ—acton and my Lord Coke that neither the one nor the other are at all to his purpose His other Pâ—oofs of this injury justifying the War are a company of Its as pag. 13 Iâ— there was no reasonable Care taken to prevous and remove these Suspicions and pag. 14. If no such Care was taken c. If the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them If the whole Thing was managed with Secrecy and suspicious Circumstances c. But he no where affirms that all the particular Ifs
Realm who owned to a Person of known Integrity that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body as his own Son of his Wife 's and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch which in other words is to change the Government If I say all these Particulars be true as we dare affirm them to be and are ready to pâ—ove by unquestioâ—able Testimonies and as most of them are most notorious then we may safely conclude that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion as this Gentleman pretends I pity his Weakness in compaâ—ing p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Juggâ—e between Three the pretended Father and Mother and a Mâ—dwife to suboâ—n a false Chiâ—d He thinks it too of great Weight That the Juâ—y upon hearing the whole Evidence gave Iudgment that tâ—at Child was supposititious What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking But why does he not tell us what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon Because it would shame his alleadging it 'T is this as I have been informed The Hereford 〈◊〉 Woman was held Incapable of Children which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born A crafty Lawyer who undertook to discover it first made Enquiâ—y what poor Women the midwife ' had delivered about that time and found that â—ne of them had her Child missing having discovered this he fâ—ights the Woman by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife and the pâ—etended Parents and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately conâ—erned who hoped to enjoy the Estate and a Countrey Midwife who was to have a share in it for her Project at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe So that here waâ— in really but One Witness the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own Câ—use Counâ— now the Number of our Witnesses and weigh their Worth and how that they were not Persons 〈◊〉 out but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Coâ—â—ition and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation Again The Queen was never held to be barren She had had formerly divers Daughters and a Son and it was likely and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected that She should at another time have a second Male-Child ' Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it as the Lying Parts a goâ—d wâ—â—e pretended she would all those kind of Romances serv'd like Buttâ—esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height and build up our New Governâ—ent and therefore when things were better settled and could stand without them they were taken down again and laid aside as useless In a word let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire Jâ—ry had and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natioâ— and to the Râ—yal Family and grant the War had there been any just Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof and sâ—ch heavy Câ—arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence to juâ—â—ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable much less as he mouths it great and violent Presumptions and least of all what they ought to have been absolutely certain Truths Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions c. Next follows for though he be a very slender Prover yet he is still a very big Pretender his Too gâ—eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation I suppâ—se he calls it Too great Evidence because 't is so great that it dazles the Night as the Sun does at Noon-day so that no Man can see it or bâ—hold it else why is it too great Now when a Man has too much of a thing 't is very unkind and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it and who both want it and expect it from him But we mistake his Genius he is a Praâ—ing not a Proving Writer Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise than by referring us again to his Alcoran the Prince of Orange's Declaration Whatever he finds there he makes account is a First Principle and so bring of too great Evidence it can need no Proof An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England will give us a true Light to judge of this Point King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did in favour of Papists Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction who stood watching all Opportunities to bâ—eed him Vexation and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all The making one of the Iesuits Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish Mâ—sties a Privy-Counsellor could they fear'd have no other likely Effect but to exasperate all England to the highest degree They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated which would certainly have been more easily obtained had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour and made them more warily stand upon their Guard and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them But that which most Startled our Church was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time and in Oliver's Days how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot and they feared that this setling them by Law on an even level with themselves might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again In
a Word they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands and therefore they combined Veleus Testindine factâ to link themselves unanimously against the universally Dâ—â—pensing Power and in Maintenance of the Test. On the other side King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law It had ever been his Tenet that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian Besides he judged it would enrich the Nation as it had done Holland by inviteing Strangers hither and encouraging Trade the conveniency of our Ports above those of our Neighbours being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us He judged too that this universal Toleration if wisely setled and managed might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion which had so often distracted the Nation and within our Memory turned the Government topsie-turvy Nor was it one of his least Motives though not the only one as some apprehended to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters a thing to speak impartially to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him These Conveniences meeting in one took such full hold of his Judgment that he was exceedingly fond of a Project which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament which was his main design Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions and for the present to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful and by that means to compass such a Parliament as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law He hop'd it would not much displease our Church since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the State-Religion established by Law to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices and by that means to have vast Priviledges aâ—â— Advantages over any others whatsoever But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future And hence as it happens when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Preâ—ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another which ill meaning Men laid hold on and made use of to disaffect the Nation and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader Now all this while What had Kâ—ng Iames done to make his Son in Law and his own Nephew nay his own Daughter turn their Father out of his Kingdoms There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution our Principles he meddled not with nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals and ouâ— Parish Churches so that we may expect shortly without God's special and undeserved Mercy our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as Dâ—mâ—able as they will or can be Had our Governour for to call him Head of such a dâ—fferent natured Church were to call it a Monster taken away our â—xternal Grandure or our Revenues it had been less pernice us â—o our Church than what it now suffers For not outward Splendor or Râ—bâ—s but True Principles of Faiâ—b are that which make a Church The Câ—â—iâ—tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions was still a most perfect and pure Church hâ— keeping her Principles untainted and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on nâ—w corrupting every Day and her Revenues too in great part are given away to Aliens Whereas King Iames never injured us in the least either in the one of those respects or the other nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones which was a trifle in Comparison Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion was a meer Pretence being so far from maintaining or upholding our Principles of Faith or assisting our Church that as appears by the Event he has taken Care to corrupt the One and is making haste to destroy the Other the War therefore if any cannot be said to be just upon that Account As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative and suppose he had something extended that why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it But to magnifie the Roâ—al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-wealâ—hish Principles and ought to have been esteemed meritorions Again The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters whence it was inferred he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law or suspend the Execution of it and then adieu to our Civil Liberties But it ought to be remembred that when he did this he declared his Judgment at the same time what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever and he judged himself to be by his Office as indeed he was Oveâ—seer of the Common Good It may be remembred that it enrich'd not himself but rather impoverished him for he lâ—st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles So that 't is manifeâ—â— he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People and not at his own private Interest and therefore if he had erred it ought to have been very pardonable and not have been made such a heinous Fault as deserv'd an Invasion and the Loss of his Crown Again If King Iames over-reach'd it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not to a Dutch Prince be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion which being the Religion that Prince had espoused and been bred up in it ought rather to have obliged him than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father This Preteâ—ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties and of Justifying the
but the immediate Successour for their King otherwise those Laws yet standing whatever was done against them was beyond all Excuse illegal and treasonable in the highest Degree Nor lastly did the Convention unanunorisly and freely consent The Common-wealthâ—sh Party could not 〈◊〉 to bring in a New King while the Old one was Alive and had not resigned Being thus at a loss when they had computed the Number of their Faction who they knew would vote any thing they put the King's Abdication to vote It was carried though it was such a Piece of bold Impudence as was at another time and will be for all future Ages enough to make all the Convention held Mad-men The King was commanded out of his Palace to a Prison and all Treaty with him refused and so being made justly apprehensive by his Father's Fate he had retired for his Safety but well foreseeing the ambitious Drift of the Prince of Orange He both by his Letter from Rochester and divers others afterwards particularly in that to the Lords both claimed the Government challenged their Allegiance desired them to prepare things for his safe Return and signified he would be within Convenient distance to receive and answer their Proposals He told them the Right was His and bid them remember that none but Himself was or could be their Sovereign Besides It was fresh in every Man's Memory how his Royal Brother King Charles had retired also for his Safety continued many Years out of England yet no Man living ever thought nor were his very Enemies so senseless and shameless as to object that he had Abdicated his Crown Yet notwithstanding all this and in despight of common Sense Claiming was called Abdicating and the Challenging their Allegiance was voted Renouncing it They might better have voted that the Huntington Colt driven down to the Bridge at Cambridge was a Sturgeon that an Apple is an Oyster or that Chalk is Cheese for thâ—se are onely different Things not directly Opposites as aâ—e the other No Wonder then it cost the Factious Party such Sweat and Toil to get such a damnable Contradiction enacted Such a Solliciting Cajolling Frighting Such Hurry and Clamour Make him King make him King enough to put sober Mankind out of its Senses Besides a Dutch Army over-awing them and the Fear of being accused afterwards to the New King as disaffected to him which considering his Humour impatient of Opposition in a pretence he was violently bent upon might either prove their Ruine or at least make them live very uneasie under him Take one short but very significant Instance how things were carried in those Mad Days as it was related by a Noble Peeâ— who was himself very forward for the Abdication to his Friends upon occasion There being no Judges yet appointed there was a Debate in the Convention what Gentlemen of the long Robe should be made choiâ—e of to assist in the House Some named Sir Francis Pemberton Sir Robert Sawyer and Mr. Finch but the Lords Mordant Delamere and some others took Fire suddenly and brake out into big and boisterous Language telling the House flatly and plainly We will have none of those who have been Instruments in the late Reign Upon which a sudden Damp seized all the Lords as if they had been attackt in Flank and Rear with Canons and Mortars or the Thunder from Mount Sinai For we lookt on them said that Lord as on so many Princes of Orange or such as might not be contradicted for fear of his Displeasure and in the same Manner most Votes were forced till we had the Grace to be pliable to what the Military Lords and their Complices proposed Is not this a strange kind of free Consent when the Heads of the Faction did All at their Pleasure and the rest who made up the Generality durst do Nothing at all but what was agreeable to the Arbitrary Will of the Prince of Orange and his insolent Adherents And yet though their own Party was so great and had all those Advantages to back them they were able to carry it but by a very few Votes as appears by the Catalogues of each And which gives a greater Blemish in the House of Lords than it had Advantage in the House of Commons Six Dukes and Thirty Lords protested solemnly against it and their Protestations stand yet upon Record And the Generality of the others admitted it because they judged it would be a Ruine to themselves and withall worse for King Iames if the Government should settle into a Common-wealth than if they should keep up Monarchy by setting up a King de Facto at present which is all they intended at first as divers of them have declared privately to those Friends they durst trust though now they are carried down by the Current of the Times into many Treasonable Actions contrary to their first Intentions So dangerous is it to recede from Principles in Compliance with any present Circumstances whatever Seeing then all this whole Turn of our State depends upon the Abdication Vote as on its Bottom and sole Foundation and no King was chosen but in Supposition of King Iames's Relinquishing and voluntary divesting himself of his Crown it follows that the True Ground of King William's Right to the Government is a piece of mâ—re Nonsense which we English Men call a Bull And therefore since none of the many minded Writâ—rs who have gone about to settle his Authority have light on this Seventh and truest Title of his I thought it fit to let them know it that all his Friends may adore this mysterious Monster this Bull and in their Devotions cry aloud These are the Gods that brought our Israel out of the Land of Aegypt out of the House of Bondage i.e. from under the Government of King James And for not thinking this Bull to be rational and falling down and adoring it our Loyal Martyr suffered But to put an upshot to this whole Business Let any Man who has but Eyes and common Sense peruse these following Letters of King Iames's to the Lords of the Council and the House of Lords and Commons and he must whether he will or no plainly see how prodigiously senseless this pretence is of that King's Abdication on which and which onely the Convocation grounded their Dethroning him and Setting up the Prince of Orange in his stead His Majesties Letter to the Lords and others of his Privy-Council JAMES R. My Lords WHen We saw that it was no longer Safe for Us to remain within Our Kingdom of England and that thereupon We had taken Our Resolutions to withdraw for some time We left to be Communicated to You and to all Our Subjects the Reasons of Our withdrawing And were likewise resolved at the same time to leave such Oâ—ders behind Us to You of Our Privy-Council as might best suit with the present State of Affairs But that being altogether Unsafe for Us at that time We now think fit to let you know that
though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that Our People who could not be destroy'd but by themselves might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine To prevent so great Mischief and to take away not only all just Causes but even pretences of Discontent We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament and in order to it We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament in restoring the City of London and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary But the Prince of Orange â—eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered the People beginning to be undeceiv'd and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed such a Settlement in all probability would he made both in Church and State as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament And to do this the most effectual way he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament where there is any force on either of the Houses so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely whâ—re the Sovereign by whose Authority they meet and sit and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction is under actual Confinement The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London whose returning Loyalty We could no longer Trust and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by Us and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat because they are We doubt not by this time very well known and may We hope if enough considered and reflâ—cted upon together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England which by this Invasion he pretended to restore be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find from him if at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the Sense of these Indignities and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when he was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in his Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Coâ—fiâ—â—ment and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves so far as to cond scâ—nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the tâ—â—e lâ—â—erest of the English Nâ—â—ioâ— Which we ever did and ever must loâ—k upon as Our own Our Wall and Pâ—â—â—sure therefore is That You of Our Privy-Council take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general And to assure them That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may havâ— the best Opportunity of undeceiving Oâ—r People and shewing the Sincerity of those Proteâ—â—ations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law established with such Indulgence for those that dâ—ssent from her as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peopâ—e bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council who can Judge better by being upon the Place are to send Us Your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of Ianuary 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year By Hiis Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons Writ from St. Germains the Third of February 1688. JAMES R. My Lords WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture and therefore We think fit to let you know that finding We could no longer stay with Safety nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand in the following Terms THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange by my Lord Feversham and the Instructions I gave him but instead of an Answer such as I might have hop'd for what was I to expect after the Usage I received by his
making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall without Advertising Me in the least manner of it The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight when I was in Bed a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning After all this How could I hope to be Safe so long as I was in the Power of one who had not only done this to Me and Invaded My Kingdoms without any just occasion given him for it but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest Aspersion on Me that Malice could invent in that Clause of it which concerns My Son I appeal to all that know Me nay even to himself that in their Consciences neither he nor they can believe Me in the least capable of so Vnnatural a Villany nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon in a Thing of such a nature as that What had I then to expect from one who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People as well as to all the World besides What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen by so general a Defection in My Army as well as in the Nation amongst all sorts of People I was born Free and desire to continue so and though I have ventured My Life very frankly on several occasions for the Good and Honor of My Countrey and am as free to do it again and which I hope I shall yet do as Old as I am to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured as not to be at Liberty to effect it and for that Reason do withdraw but so as to be within Call whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts out of his infinite Mercy and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in and bring them to such a Temper That a legal Parliament may be called and that amongst other Things which may be necessary to be done they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered and have such a share of it as they may live Peaceably and Quietly as English-men and Christians ought to do and not to be obliged to transplant themselves which would be very grievous especially to such as love their own Countrey And I appeal to all Men who are Considering Men and have had Experience Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing as Liberty of Conscience Some of Our Neighbours dread it I could add much more to confirm all I have said but now is not the proper time Rochester Decemb. 22d 1688. But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some and that the Prince of Orange and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm believing that none durst take upon them to intercept or open any of Your Letters But of all these We have no Account But We wonder not that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us or hearing what We had to propose to him well knowing that what We had to offer would content all Honest and Reasonable Men and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs relating to the French-League and to Our Son the Prince of Wales We require You to examine into and thereby satisfie Your Selves and all other Our Subjects where the Imposture lies We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince whose Education shall be such as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part whenever We can with Safety return that can contribute towards the redâ—ess of all former Errors or present Disorders or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion or the Property of every individual Subject intending to refer the whole to a Parliament Legally Called Freely Elected and held without Constraint wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England as by Law Established but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs which they did not sufficiently see into time enough have been Fatally led beyond what they first intended viz. the Preservation of their Religion c. to the Breach of all Laws and even to the total Dissolution of the Anâ—ient Government it self and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious may despair of Our Mercy We do therefore declare on the Word of a King That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them but to all Our Subjects to the worst even those that Betrayed Us some few Excepted Resolving in that Parliament by an Act of Oblivion to cover all Faults heal all Divisions and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part whatsoever Crimes are omitted whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof and so we bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army JAMES R. THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen and Souldiers obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage Loyalty c. which has till now been inseparable from English men which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince whose particular Care you ever were is now become Contemptible even to those you joyned with against Us nor can any thing restore you to your former Character but a sudden and hearty return to
his Faction would handle it could light on none but himself So that it was out of kindness to himself not to King Iames or the Nation that he let him escape Yet he Magnifies this Indulgence of the Prince of Orange exceedingly but I would ask him in what this Civility differs from that of Robbers who first strip the poor Travellers of all they have and then turn them a Grazing without a Penny in their Purse or as this pretty Gentleman phrases it p. 24. Allow them great Freedom to go where they please I would ask him too what one Thing was done by the Prince which look'd either Generous Civil or in the least degree Respectful towards a King and a Father and not rather most Barbarous and Rude Or what one Action of his gives us Reason to think he intended to accommodate Things with the true King and not rather to set up for himself The Martyr out of Love to his Native Countrey resented that All the new Methods of settling the Nation have hitherto made it more miserable poor and exposed to Foreign Enemies What says he to this Can Impudence it self deny this to be true Is not the Interest of England torn piece-meal and every Nation has a Limb of us Is not the Charge of securing Scotland reducing of Ireland the hiring Souldierâ— from Denmark and other Places the Bribing of Holland the Suiss-Cantons Savoy and other poor Confederates the keeping and paying two great Armies in Flanders and Ireland and the setting out a vast Fleet at Sea gone all out of our Pockets Has not the driving out King Iames and the Protecting our new Governor and his only put us upon such an expensive War that we are upon our last Legs it being absolutely impossible to squeeze Five Millions more out of our drain'd Purses to keep the War on foot another Year which is the least Summ that can now be expected For if Five Millions this Year have done nothing at all 't is to be fear'd that Seven Millions will scarce enable us to do much the next A certain Person employ'd in the Treasury who has the opportunity to know exactly the Incomes and Issues of the Exchequer assured a worthy Friend of mine that this Michaelmas there will have been paid out of it since this Revolution Fifteen Millions and that there is still an Arrear behind to the Army to the Navy and for Stores of Five Millions more And this besides many Thousands perhaps a Hundred of Thousands owing for the Wages of transport Ships and that for want of ready Money the Creditors are paid with Tallies so that those who have them can raise no Money without abating Four or Five Shillings in the Pound until the next Parliament gives Money to pay off all these Back-reckonings The insuperable Difficulty of doing which and withall of raising Seven Millions more to carry on the War the next Campaign not to mention the repaying the Money we have borrowed will make the great Work of Conquering France go but slowly on Every wise Man even of our State-Party clearly seeing and with regret complaining that in all appearance the War is as far from an End as it was at the Beginning Now where is all this Money to be had or whence to be raised Are not our Ships taken in great Multitudes our Traffick decay'd abroad our Trade at home the Tenants unable to pay their Landlords so that sometimes instead of bringing in their Rents they are forc'd to send to them for Money to pay their Taxes or else they must throw up their Farms Are not they already forced in many Places for want of Money to exchange one Commodity for another in the Markets Is not half our Cash gone out of the Nation so that in Holland alone our Guineas and Mâ—ll'd Money have been as frequent as their own Coin Is not Clipp'd Money which is not worth Transporting now in a manner the only currant Coin left in the Nation And to prevent the possibility our good Money should ever return again it is melted down in Holland into the drossie Alloy of their Sebellings and Stuyvers But the Transporting our Coin'd Money is not all They have invented more Expedients than One or Two open ones to impoverish England the Decus Thâ—amen inscribed on the Edges of our new Coin was Judg'd an effâ—ctual Preservative from Clipping and Fyling But now the Clippers who by the Law are to suffer as Felows are become the best Friends to the Trafficking part of the Nation and if they be not conniv'd at and the Melters down of our Mâ—ll'd and Vncircumcised Money into Bullion transported in vast quantities every Year into Holland as appears by the Entries in the Custom-house be not severely punish'd we must in a short time be contented with onely Copper and Tin Farebings or else be forc'd to debase our Money to the Dutch Standard If Captain Guy and several other Masters of Yatches and other Vessels both Dutch and English were strictly 〈◊〉 they could tell them what prodigious Number of Chests of Money in Specie or in Bullion have been transported these Three last Years into Holland and Flanders We have indeed some Returns from thence for they bring us prohibited Goods so that both in Exporting and Importing our English Laws are still Dispensed with without any permission from the Parliament and no Man though our Ruin depends upon it dares complain There is yet another odd Commodity imported which would much encrease the Revenue if it did but pay Custom and that is Shoals of Caterpillars that come over to devour the Fruits of our Labours the Dutch I mean and other Foreigners with their Wives and Children of which scarce a Ship or Hoy comes hither that brings not from Ten to Sixty c. These and the French Hugenots are transported hither to make up several new Colonies and compose a Secret Militia to be ready at a dead lift to enslave our Countrey if our Eyes being at length opened to see our impending Ruine we grow Head-strong and refuse to wear the Yoke which is preparing for us Again Have we felt nothing from the Insolencies of the Dutch Danes and other Foreigners wherever they come Lastly What are all those Losses put together in Comparison to the loss of so many English-men's Lives who have perish'd either by War oâ—â— through want of Necessaries or else by strange Diseases in Ireland and at Sea A Thousand or Two are swept away at a clap in this late prodigious Storm The loss of the Coronation and the other Ships that perish'd and the damage done to all the rest that suffered in their Rigging and otherwise in that Hurricane is not worth the mention by those who are so inur'd to continual losses of sundry kinds as we are though I 'm told by a knowing Person that the Repairing of that one Mâ—sfortune will require some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds to be added to the former large Audit of the
Nation 's Accounts And will this Man persuade us that all this and many other such are no Miseries He runs from the Mâ—tter to talk of the French King but the true point to which he ought to have spoken is Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames Had we any concern with France either by abetting or opposing it in his Days Had the Prince of Orange or our selves used the King Dutifully as we ought we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery which we pretended to dread being forc'd upon us we might have enjoy'd Peace Plenty Trade and Riches and have reapt incomparable Benefits and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us This we might have done and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us when we medled not with it which that King is too Politick to do we might by joyning with other Disinterested Princes have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War whilst we stept into their Assistance whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it All this we might then have done had we been wise but a Rebellious Spirit which had possess'd and infatuated us hurried us inconsiderately into a War for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin which we ought to have repented of And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine He seems â—maâ—'d p. 25. for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say that Mr. Ashton should say That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd Nor do I wonder at his Amazement for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will This I told him of formerly and here he makes my Words good for p. 25 26 27 c. he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger viz. The same Laws the same Protection the same Encouragement But Principles which are the Main and Essential to a Church are the least part of his Thought Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her Bâ—shops and Pastors and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God and all good Men in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men or Hell it self can do though she had neither Laws Protection nor the least Encouragement to befriend her nay though the Laws and the State were bent against her As for our new Principles then let him but open his Eyes and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons whose Title to the Government as appears by what has been amply prov'd above not one Man in England certainly knows and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom as far as lies in their Power a Nation of Knaves and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars He may see the Commandments laugh'd aâ— and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors and put to death as the worst of Malefactors Besides the foremention'd Miseries there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity who for themselves and the Reputation of the Nation would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright Loyal and Pious Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages In former days we were reputed Valiant Hospitable inviolable Observers of our Compacts Faith and Honesty But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War ' wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd disarm'd and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries and the Succession of Usurpers at last happily effected it Now what shall we say for our selves who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths the most ungrateful of all Mankind a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels Yea we are still so much worse than those of the last Age in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy who should and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which every single Man of them took to their lawful King have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right no not so much as Cromewell the Wicked These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old What would he have said if he had liv'd in our Age to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance By the Conduct of these Men one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat and to believe that they themselves own'd no God Whether they do or not I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell by Teaching Men that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent of everlasting Fire everlasting Punishment c he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings c. do not restrain God
cited by Hottinger in his Thesaur Phil log l. 1. c. 1. s. 3. amongst the several Distinctions of Apostates among the Iews reckons those who taught or sollicited others to sin I shall not make a particular Application of these significations of the word Apostacy to the forementioned Persons I onely refer the Reader to their Sermons and other Discourses their very Prayers and Practices it being so easie to be observed by the meanest Capacity but shall onely add this following Remark as an Illustration of what has been just now charged upon them If the Abrenunciation and the solemn Stipulation to keep God's holy Will and Commandments c. before Baptism were the real Tests of the Faith and Sincerity of the Candidate by which he was obliged to deny himself and to take up his Cross i.e. to forsake Father and Mother Wife and Children Lands and Possessions and to lay down even his very Life when ever they should come in competition with his Duty and we cannot ordinarily be called to the Performance of this our Vow and Covenant but under unrighteous and persecuting Princes then it follows clearly that by our entring into Christianity we have tied up our hands by our own solemn Act from making any forcible Resistence against our supreme Governours upon any pretence whatsoever and that the Doctrine of the Cross or Passive Obedience is a fundamental Doctrine or Principle of the Christian Religion and lastly that whosoever teach or practice otherwise are Renegadoes and Apostates from Christianity it self This was very near the Assertion of Dr. Burnet himself in his Sermon on Rom. 13. v. 5. p. 36. But blessed be God our Church hates and condemns this Doctrine viz. of deposing and resisting of Kings from what hand soever it come and hath established the Rights and Authority of Princes on sure and unalterable Foundations enjoining an entire Obedience to all the lawful Commands of Authority and an absolute Submission to that supreme Power which God hath put in our Sovereigns Hands This Doctrine we justly glory in and if any that had their Education in our Church have turned Renegadoes from this they proved no less Enemies to the Church her self than to the Civil Authority so that their Apostacy leaves no blame on our Church If this be the Case as we have all the Reason in the World to think so it 's plain and evident to any ordinary Understanding That these Men are not true Church of England Divines as they would have all the World believe neither is the Church in Possession any more to be esteemed the True Legal Ancient Church of England than the Donatists of Old were to be accounted the only Catholick Church Their Priesthood is now become Schismatical having erected Altar against Altar their Liturgy Blasphemous and Diabolical wherein they address themselves to God as the Author and Fountain of all unjust Power the Patron of Injustice and the grand Protector and Encourager of the Notorious Violators of his most sacred Laws What is this but with the most impudent and horrid Blasphemy that ever was heard of to beseech the Almighty to divest himself of his most glorious Attributes and to enter into a League with Hell it self for the support and maintenance of all their detestable Impieties What have they now to say Confusion and Shame must cover them who are the Scandal and Reproach of the Pure and Undefiled Religion they should profess Thousands of these could not say though in reality the well known pretence of most that they swore for Bread God forgive them they durst not trust Providence wanted the Courage to give a good Example or to teach their Flocks the danger of Perjury They sinned against God and his Anointed and their own Souls and knew they did so In the preceeding Age we can scarce name a Dignifi'd Clergy-man or any Person Eminent for Piety and Learning in either of the Universities in City or Country who were not outed their Benefices for refusing to take the Covenant or Engagement but now the great Body of the Clergy have been observed to renounce their Allegiance and worship the Idol of the Hogans Indeed out of this Number we must except the Most Reverend the Metropolitan and Seven of his Right Reverend Brethren and the other Clergy and Loyal Fellows in the Universities who have not defiled themselves with the Abominations of their Apostate Brethren whose Virtue and Piety is the only Thing left to attoneâ— for these loud and crying Sins of our Clergy and who incessantly like Abraham intercede with Almighty God to avert his Judgments from this sinful Nation and which the Perjury and Apostacy and the general Defection gives but too sad an occasion to fear hangs over our Heads In short whatever hopes we may conceive of ever seeing the true Church of England flourish in its true Lustre and Purity we must owe it next to the infinite Mercy of God to those never enough applauded Heroes of our Church the true Arch-bishop of Canterbury and those ejected Bishops c. who have stood in the Gap of Schism and borâ—â— up Loyally against the all over-bearing Torrent of the prevaricating Party who have preferred the Peace and Comfort of a good Conscience before all wordly Honour and Interest and fear'd the offending their good God more than their own certain Ruine from ill natured Men. How will these glorious Lights of our Church and true Servants of the living God shine after their Tryal is over past when the Adorer's of Mammon those interloping Arch bishops Bishops and those other mean spiritted Worldlings who preferred their Profit before their Honesty shrink look dim and pale with Guilt and at length their Candlesticks being removed from them come to be utterly extinguish'd and go out like an ill scenting Snuff Some Instances he brings p. 26. to shew we are not singular in Perjury and Rebellion He tells us that the Law of the Land and of Nations require us to swear Allegiance to him who is in Possession Which lame Pretence is answered fully over and over in the forenamed Books against Dr. Sherlock only this Gentleman's Assertion is more raw than his for he proceeds upon quiet Possession as do also our Lawyers whom he speaks of and would have quoted if he durst But this Man makes account that bare Possession however qualified gives Title to our Allegiance nay obliges us to swear it too which we cannot do unless we can safely swear that this Discourse of his is Convictive which Iâ—le be sworn is most pernicious Nonsense and would if followed pervert all the settled Order of Mankind and all Right in the World To assert that mere Possession of a Thing gives a Man Right to it is enough to encourage all Men to be Rebels Vsurpers Robbers Thieves and Cheats It cries aloud to them all Catch that catch may my Masters all that you get is your own by the Law of the Land and of Nations of once you get
but Possession It makes the saying of the Thâ—eves This is mine I stole it very strong Reason and good Sense He 'll say these Cases are not parallel to his But why are they not if a true Prince has as good Right to his Crown as a Subject has to his Money or his Goods For if he has then a Possession transfers the Right of a Crown so it must transfer the Right of a Purse a Cloak c. And with so much the more Reason as the Right of the Crown on which the common Good of the Nation depends ought to be more fixt and unalienable than the Right of private Men to their Goods which are of an inferior Concern Now if the Law of the Land require us to swear Allegiance as due to any present Possessor the same Law declares that Allegiance and consequently the Crown is his Right otherwise the Law would oblige me to swear false And if the Law of the Land declares the Prince of Orange has Right To what end did this Gentleman all this while run about to the Law of Nations to patch him up a Title It must be a pitiful Cause that makes a Man who otherwise has wit enough still interfere thus with himself But he says That if an Oath of Allegiance should not follow Possession there would be infinite Snares to the Consciences of all such who are requir'd to obey but are not bound to enquire into the Right of War Note by the way one of those shuffling Tricks of which his Book is full He begins with Oaths but proceeds as if only Obedience were required As if a Man could not live quietly under a Government without Swearing and calling God to witness that the Governor has Right to the Kingdom and consequently to our Allegiance whether we know he has or no. But let us apply our selves to his Discourse All the play of these Men is to persuade the World that this business of Allegiance due to King Iames only is a Kind of dubious Case and then if they can but get their Judgment to bover they hope that Interest or Fear may turn the Ballance and make them swear to King William Whereas we maintain that 't is a most plain Case which none but byass'd Men can doubt of Is it not evident to all that King Iames was Three Years agoe the undoubted Supreme Governor and that all the World held that none but he had Right to the Crown and consequently that Allegiance would then be lawfully sworn to none but him Is it not evident that he is living and has not given up his Right and so by the common course of the World 't is evidently his still Is it not evident even to themselves that the new Right of the Prince of Orange is obscure that Men are in several Minds about the Ground and Reason of it some alledging one Thing others another which shews that England it self is not satisfied with the Truth of his Title but is led on by Fear or Interest Is it not evident that very many conscientious and good Men amongst whom are the Primate and some Bishops and many reverend and worthy Pastors of our Church do refuse to take the New Oath whose Authority far outweighs all the others in regard they have no Motive but pure Conscience since they are ruin'd for refusing whereas the Complying Party find Interest and the Favour of great Men by their mercenary Submission Is it not manifestly evident to every sincere Christian's Conscience even of the most ordinary Capacity that Oaths are most Sacred Things and that those Oaths which were due or have been sworn upon certain Grounds to an undoubted and indisputable Authority ought not to be unsworn again by swearing Allegiance upon uncertain Grounds to a dubious at least and disputable Authority So that here is no moot Case in the Business as he would pretend but plain Sense which every sincere and conscientious Christian is capable of comprehending There is no danger then of infinite Snares as he madly calls them not of any at all but those of weak Fears or base Interest which have already ensnared many Consciences and are spread every where as the Devil's Nets to entangle and ensnare the unwary unstable and worldly minded Men. He asks p. 26. If it be Perjury and Rebellion in the now French King's Conquests for the Inhabitants to take Oaths of Fidelity to the French King Now this is a very pleasant Gentleman and for all his objecting p. 19. The admiring the French Conduct to this sort of Maiâ— Mr. Ashton's Friends He hath said more for the French King than any Iacobite in England will say and the rankest French Man in the World can say no more and that is that he hath a Right to all the Places he has over-run with his Arms in Flanders Savoy yea and the Principality of Orange too But then Where is that independant Sovereignty which our Author talks of as necessary and essential to make a Title by Conquest For he is possess'd of the Principality of Orange and therefore according to our Author the King of France is Prince of Orange and no body else And not to meddle with what Right Conquest conveys as being foreign to the present Question here is this vast difference in the two Cases The King of France actually Conquered these Places and People the Prince of Orange did not Conquer England and none but a Mad-man will say he did And therefore if the Author would have made the Case parallel he should thus have put his Question Whether it would not have been Perjury for the Inhabitants of those Places to have put the Government into the French King's Hands to transfer their Allegiance and to take an Oath of Fidelity to him when it was in their Power to resist nay when he could not do it otherwise but by themselves and by their own Contrivance and Assistance In that Case which is plainly ours I stick not to affirm that it is Perjury and Rebellion with a witness and no Man who hath not his Ear bored and is became a Slave to Interest can have the Face to deny it And yet for all that he goes on If it be not Perjury and Rebellion in those Conquer'd Provinces How comes it to be so here By which we say again he is ready to maintain for he does here manifestly suggest it already That England is the Prince of Orange's by Conquest and all our Lives and Estates are at his Disposal And there wants nothing but one of his infinite Snares a good rich Deanry or Bishoprick to make him perfectly hold and openly maintain that Opinion Parliaments had best look to such Libels in time left the pretended Conqueror come to abdicate them too as Vseless or Obstacles to the pretence of Conquest and make all our Countrey-men become Slaves to his Ambition But what meant he by his instancing p. 26 27. in the Portugueze's swearing Allegiance to the Duke
of Braganza though the King of Spain had enjoyed the Crown for Three Generations The Case was this There were Three Pretenders to that Crown and most of the Universities in Europe were emploied to determine which of them had Right when Philip the Second while the Thing was yet under debate seeing them encline most to the Duke of Braganza sends the Duke d' Alva with an Army and very unfairly Surprizes and Oppresses the Headless Nation and decided the Controversie by the Sword This was no Conquest but a manifest Vsurpation for no Battle was fought nor Resistance made Was this parallel to the Case of us in England Was our Nation Headless at the time of the Prince of Orange's Invasion Was it under dispute whether King Iames or he had Right to the Crown Or had King Iames usurp'd it as King Philip had done Was he not in quiet Possession of England which King Philip never was The Portugueze still grumbling and resenting that they were enslav'd to a Foreigner when a King of their own Nation had a Title to it Again their swearing Allegiance to King Philip was too in many regards more justifiable than ours they were kept under by a Foreign Force whereas we do it voluntarily Besides the Spanish King had been one of the Pretenders and the Question was not decided Had the Prince of Orange or his Princess any kind of pretence to England while their Father liv'd Lastly They rose against a Foreign King to introduce one of their own Nation whereas we rose against our own to introduce a Foreigner How shallow then is it to huddle together many Instances and not bring one of them home to his purpose How ridiculous to argue all along from Matters of Fact to Matter of Right Which is just as wise as to pretend that whatever has been done must be well done and is the same as if he would set himself to prove that we were not the first nor the only Rebels Traytors or Perjured Persons that have been in the World but that there have been others both of our own and other Nations before us which we never denied He has not done with his Plot to prove the Paper none of Mr. Ashton's but take which you will tells you p. 28. That either 't is not his or else that he contradicted himself In what I beseech him Why. Mr. Ashton at his Tryal said He could not but own he had a fair Tryall for his Life and yet in his Paper he complains of the severe Charge of the Iudges and hard Measure And where lies the Contradiction Every Man knows that the Tryall is over before the Charge is given or the Verdict brought in by the Jury So that nothing hinders but the Tryall may be fair and seemingly kind though the Charge which came after did aggravate and made the worse Misconstruction as indeed it did of every thing and so was very hard and severe But does Mr. Ashton mention no hard Measures besides Does he not object his close Imprisonment the hasty and violent Proceedings against him and the Industry used in the Return of fiâ—ting Persons to pass upon him the denying of him a Copy of the Panel with an c. at the end of them Were not these hard Measures and some of them villanously unjust and indeed plainly shewed that since they saw him so heartily honest that he would not be warpt the Resolution was taken beforehand by the Party to have his Life per Fas aut Nefas Does he deny these were hard Measures or that Mr. Ashton said true when he told us he had receiv'd such hard Measures He confesses both by his Silence in such main Businesses Is it not a rare piece of Justice to cull out a select Company of Court Pick-thanks who they were sure would hang him and yet deny a Copy of the Panel that he might except against some chief Boute-feus and particularly that malicious Jury Man he so complains of who would never leave pressing and solliciting the rest till they brought them let the Cause be never so ugly into the same Guilt of Murther with themselves Yet a Man who loses his Life by such Tricks is according to this Caviller confident uncharitable or whatever other Character his time-serving Spite thinks fit to put upon him if he do but barely speak of what they did to take away his Life Now after all this Outcry and heavy Charges to lay Load upon the Martyr's Credit what was it he said Though I have I think just reason to complain of the severe Charge given by the Iudges and the hard measure c. Yet as I hope for Pardon at the Hands of my God I do most heartily pray for and forgive them c. Could any thing be said more sweetly or more modestly He onely spoke it in Transcursu and as a Transition to the declaring his Charitable Forgiving of his Enemies He onely said he thought he had received ill Usage and why might not he think so when his Lawyers told him the Law did not reach him there being onely Presumption which was incompetent in that Case Yet this uncharitable Caâ—iller charges him with Confidence and want of Common Charity and employs all his little Tricks of Rhetorick to have it thought he dyed an ill Man and which is the worse Sin of the two to murther as far as he could his Soul and his Credit as a good Christian after the Judges and Jury had murthered his Body But how does he clear the Jury He cites my Lord Coke p. 29. that the Intent is to be discovered by Circumstances c. But does he or any Man say that those Circumstances must not be evidently connected with the Intention that is such as could not have light or could not have been put had there not been such an Intention Otherwise the Evidence rises not above Presumption which that Lawyer declares to be insufficient and therefore he requires Good and Manifest Proof and the Proof of a Man's Intention cannot be said to be manifest unless the Over-act was manifestly connected with it Was it so here Ashton clear'd the occasion of his going over to France to have been upon a quite different Account But the Papers says he were found about him What then Might not another who was in the Company and who onely was conscious of their Contents give them to him to keep Nay would not that Person who was concerned judge it best in Reason rather to give them to a Person which was not at all concerned in them than to another of his own Gang Certainly he would Nothing more frequent in Oliver's Days than for loyal Gentlemen going in Coach to give such Papers which were Treasonable in those days to the Coachman or some Gentlewomen in Company and must such Persons who carried them be concluded guilty of Treason This Circumstance then of having the Papers found upon him which were evidently another Man's Concern as being writ in his
guess at Their Carriage by carressing and advancing Dr. Sherlock seems to hint that they most approve of his new Notion but that Flash of his has been so perfectly and so manifoldly baffled and laid flat beyond all possibility of setting it up again or supporting it that next to the Abdication Title no Tenet in the World was ever so notoriously convicted of Folly and Inconsistency We are told that Mr. Johnson is about publishing something upon that Subject with a disclaim of any other Title but that he is setting up But as we are well assured that the Principles that Gentleman will proceed upon however he may pretend to wrest our Laws to his Fancy are purely Commonwealthish and no less confident that our Governours will never think it Honourable for them to own such a precarious Authority so we cannot think it safe in Conscience for us to acquiesce in such a Title which they themselves will not think fit to acknowledge and abide by This Request is for another Regard the more Reasonable because the granting it is clearly the best for the Interest even of our Governours themselves For nothing can be more Prevalent to unite all England in a hearty Subjection to their Government than the making out Evidently and Inconfutably in Case they judge it fecible upon what Ground we may justly hold the former Prince's rightful Title is Extinguished and their own rightfully Introduced and Established Nor can anâ— Thing more acquit them from the heavy Imputation of Cruelty and Murder which Odium they will otherwise lie under than will shewing their Right to be thus Evident I say Evident for plain Reason very sensibly informs every honest Christian that a Title which was never doubted or controverted nor had the least flaw in it by any one pretender in the whole World ought not to be held abolish'd by a Title which is controverted and dubious and also that Oâ—tâ—s of Allegiance ought not to be sworn to those whose Right to our Allegiance is doubtful and uncertain Wherefore let them but take away this doubtfulness by making their Title Clear and Evident and then the same Reason which makes us yet retain our Allegiance to King Iames will oblige us in Conscience to become Faithful and Obedient Subjects to the Prince and Princess of Orange and will shew moreover that we enjoy under them a State of Liberty and Reason and are not purely under the slavish Condition of Force and Fear The granting then this Humble Petition of ours being every way so Reasonable and Advantagious to their own Honour and Interest so satisfactory to those who have Scruples which hinder their Complying so agreeable to the Prince of Orange's Declaration which promises not to persecute for Conscience sake so conducive to the Peace and Union of the Kingdom in general and lastly so necessary to clear the Honour of all their own Party now lying under the Scandal of Complying they know not why and of Sacrificing their Consciences to servile Fear or base Interest If this be refused by the State and yet Oaths be still press'd upon the Iacobites and they be still Persecuted Imprisoned and put to Death for performing their conscientious Duties to him whom they cannot but judge as yet to be their rightful Prince then they do call Heaven and Earth to witness that they suffer for Conscience sake and that the pretended Governours are resolved to ruine them for no other Reason but that they will not to second and uphold their unaccountable Authority break God's holy Commands and our own Laws which all good Christians and true English-men are bound to observe On the other side their not yielding to this Humble Request cannot but redound highly to their Dishonour for all thinking Man will easily make this Inference from their refusal that either they do not judge they have any Title at all which will bear the Test or which they will stand to or else that they are most cruel and most unchristian Persecuters While on the one hand they refuse when humbly Supplicated to take Order to give satisfaction to Men's Consciences in a Case which the many Controversies about it and the former long settled and legal Title shews to be at least Dubious and on the other side they go on to punish and put Men to Death who are desirous to be satisfied merely for acting according to their Consciences which those Men themselves are not able to satisfie that they ought to submit voluntarily to the Present Government and those who should be most able are most concern'd nay absolutely in many regards bound to do it refuse them that Christian Charity In a word Let the Present Governours either satisfie our Consciences or leave off to persecute us for being Conscientious or else which is only left let them speak out and tell the World in plain Terms what this refusal of theirs will sufficiently intimate that they will do neither but that they are resolved we shall be punish'd as Traitors if we will not be Knaves and that they will only allow us this sad Choice to be either Hang'd or Damn'd FINIS