consideration of that diversity of Religion between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected to obtain the said Dispensation the Cardinal proposed to the King to send Father Berule Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory and to commit the charge of it to him as a person capable of such a negotiation and whose Piety which amongst the People is extreamly recommendable might take off all shadows or apparencies which the weakness of their senses or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it It should seem he did fore-see that Fury wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage So angry they were that they had not prevented it not reflecting that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world that they would have done the self-same thing But that I may not be hindred by those outragious speeches which proceeded from those spirits puft up with Ambition who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them and to oppose their unjust designs I shall inform you that the instruction which was give to Father Berule was to go to Rome with all diligence and to obtain the Dispensation from the Pope to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness That the King of Great Brittain having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the Kings Sister in marriage for the Prince of Wales his son his Majesty was the more inclinable to hearken to the Proposition because hee looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English as heretofore a French Princess married into England had induced them to imbrace Christianity But that the Honour which hee owed to the Holy Chair and in particular to his Sanctity who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth had not permitted him to conclude upon the Treaty before the obtainment of his Dispensation That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest not onely of the Catholicks in England but of all Christendome who would receive great advantages by it that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princesse seeing she is as firm as could be desired both in the Faith aâ—â— Piety That she should have a Bishopâ— and eight and twenty Priests to do all Offices That she should have none but Catholicks in her Houshold That the King of Great Brittain and the Prince of Wales would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath not to solicite her directly or indirectly neither by themselves or any other persons to change her Religion Moreover that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princesse there were great hopes that she might be intirely beloved by the King who was well disposed already to become a Catholick and by the Prince of Wales That shee might the more contribute to their conversion in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Father-in-Laws when Love hath gotten any power in their affections That for her part she was so zealous in Religion that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design That admitting God should not succeed her iâ—tentions either upon King James or the Prince of Wales there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholique Religion until they were thirteen years old and that their first seeds of Piety having being instilled into their souls and cultivated with carefulnesse when they became capable of good Instructions might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits that is so strong a Faith as might not be shaken by Heresie in a riper age And after all That the Catholiques of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it seeing both the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales his Son would oblige themselves by worâ— and deed not to hunt them out or when they were discovered to punish them To free out of Prison all such as were layed up to restore them their Monies and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act if they were possible to be had and generally to treat them with more favour than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on Lastly he had order to inform the Pope that to render a greater respect to the Church he had conditioned that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholique form like that which was observed they Charlâ—s the Ninth in the Mariage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth then King of Navarr These things spoke in their own behalf and were so eminently visible that no doubt could be made of them The Father Berule too wanted neither Ability nor Good-will but represented them to his Holyness with such dexterity that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer 'T is true the Pope would not grant him a dispence without conferring with the Cardinals that he might give no jealousie to Spain who had been dealt with in the very same manner when they desired a Dispensation for the Inâ—anca but they were of his own naming and such as no one could think were more subject to Passion than Justice So they met divers times about it and though it were with the ordinary delayes of the Court at Rome without which they esteem no affair can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough yet in sine they referred the expediting of the Dispensation to the Popes pleasure All that was cross in the business was barely this Father Borielâ— being naturally addicted to refine all things was perswaded that there had not been assurances strong enough obtained from the English for the securing and hindring the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princesses children the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion the continuation of forcing English Catholiques to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catholique Religion and the holy See though indeed it had been expresly concluded and agreed on That the King of England and Prince of Wâ—lâ—s should engage both by Writing and Oath not to enforce them any more However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit not acquainting the â—ieurâ—dâ— Bethune with it though the Cardinals Prudence had tyed up the said Father Bâ—rulâ— in his Instructions not to doe any thing without him to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensation to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicuâ—ars So that he following his own sense and specious reasons upon which he relyed his Holyness dispatched him upon those conditions and sent him back to the King with all diligence Politique Observations IF Piety prohibit Ministers to doe things contrary to Religion Prudence obligeth them to referre the management of affairs to Persons who
so that strangers had all the intelligence of their resolutions which they dis-appointed and obstructed before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot But this great Minister knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel and that none are better then those which continue unknown even after the execution brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was Formerly every one was impatient at the obstacles and delays of the Marquess de la Vieville whereas after his establishment all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent for his Majesties service were over-joyed that they were to Treat with a Minister whose Countenance was a Throne of sweetness and bounty and whose words have so powerfull a Charm that they still went away satisfied what ever difficulties were proposed by them Besides they were constrained as it were to pay him all respects and the Gravity too which the Graces have bestowed upon him is so agreeable and taking that the respect which it begets in the soules of men never thwarts that love which is due unto him and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him The ancient Allies of this Crown formerly left for a prey to their enemies began to be confident to him as soon as ever they had known him and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a meer defensive they betook them to their Arms not onely to oppose those unjust Usurpations which were made upon them but also to assault and set upon those who had began them In short as he never declared himself to be for any Faction but on the contrary shewed himself much averse to all Rebellions both the Grandees of the Kingdome and Hugonots too were not long to learn that it would become them for the future to live within the limits of their obedience And lastly not being able to away with any Mutiny he soon began to make them take some course of living which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdome so that every one had the content to see France flourish both at home and abroad and to acquire its former lustre which hath alwaies made it acknowledged to be the first Kingdome of Europe The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France THe first considerable affair which presented it self after the Cardinals admittance to the Administration was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria his Majesties Sister with Charles Prince of Wales the present King of Great Brittain The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up knowing that if France and England were leagued together they would become so considerable as that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing so he indeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alliance with England and accordingly hee proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales giving some hopes by Paraquance that he would restore the Palatinate though he had as little mind to deliver it as the King of Great Brittain had earnest Passion to recover it He held on this Treaty at least twelve years yet finding every day new excuses to defer the conclusion of it But at last the King of Great Brittain detected his deceipt which had lain hid under those delays and found out that his design was onely to gain time untill all the daughters of France were married elsewhere at least he had great conjectures of it to clear all and bring it to a conclusion he thought good that the Prince of Wales should in person go into Spain Hee had not been there many dayes before it was known both to himself and those of his Counsel that they had been untill that time entertained with vain hopes however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country where he might receive much damage by it but being return'd into England he informed King James his Father of it with so much anger that they resolved to break with him rather sooner then later to avoid exposing themselves to the dis-esteem which other Princes might have of their management of this affair and withall to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation This resolve was as soon executed as concluded and King James having summoned a Parliament at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate informed them of the many reasons which he had to beleeve that the Spaniards had no intention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty that the onely end of their design was to gain time and to fortifie themselves in the Palatinate and so to settle themselves there that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence and therefore hee thought it fit no longer to hearken after it The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease to beleeve these reasons they having testified on divers occasions their suspicions of the Spanish tricks and in conclusion thought good not to regard any more their Propositions of the Match But the King of Great Brittain stayed not long there for the Prince of Wales his son who had now good esteem of France and a liking for the Kings Sister whom he had seen as he passed thorough that Court without discovering himself had perswaded him to give him leave to seek for that Princess in marriage which was proposed in Parliament and carried without much difficulty for many reasons which were there alledged particularly That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion it was to be beleeved they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholicks as the Spaniard would have done It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassadour into France who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty so that the King forthwith made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland The latter set forward about Mid-May He had order first to wait on the King alone and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal and if rejected not to make any more noise of it accordingly hee met his Majesty and Compiegne he began to consider about means to recover the Palatinate and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister The King who understoood that Proposals of this nature how remote soever ought not to be received but with honour testified that he had a great esteem of it and forthwith debated it with his Ministers to give him an answer it was concluded That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesties Sister That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopefull
at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâ—lâ—nd which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bâ—rgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâ—ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâ—e to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâ—ttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâ—a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâ—gâ—nd Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâ—ths converted him to the Holy Châ—istâ—an Faith Chieâ—umte daughter to the King of Merâ—e in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thâ—â—dâ—linda wife to â—â—gâ—lulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâ—ws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hâ—nry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâ—hâ—n the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in â—race the Fâ—â—th of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâ—eens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâ—lieving Husband shall bâ— sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty especially to the transacting of such things which notwithstanding their innate Justice may provoke any evil spirits For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State yet the most part ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them Opinion guides the whole world and sets a price upon virtue it self and the reputation alone of him who negotiates may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man he will be hardly perswaded that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity will engage himself in unjust designs The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions and the opinion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Empire that there is no Appeal from his Judgement It is an ancient saying Truth is the strongest thing in the world But however if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her The prescriptions of a Physitian who is in esteem doe even passe for good And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self Scipio the African would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth and all this he did that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave which he called Jupiters Grot and thence brought them all written perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity And this was an easie way to perswade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to God himself hath thought it very proper too when he would bring any great thing to passe for he hath chosen usually such men who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare could not be but truth He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice with the many graces that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope and that the Articles of Mariage had been coucluded upon the twentieth of November His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clerâ—s one of his Councellors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intelligence and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Mariage was the consideration that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood this would render it indissolvable After these Complements were once past he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ratified and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words He discharged himself with honour both to the one and t'other Commission and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance he at last concluded with such dexteritie that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France and in particular for his Majesties Interests and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treatie that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised and which both of them were readily disposed to effect and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concern'd their Religion than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion provided they exercised it in private and lived in obedience as good Subjects ought to doe and finally both of them signed and delivered two Deeds for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises After all this his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake without being any more troubled for the future and for what related to all in general there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal directed to the Lord Conway Secretary of State commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd that it was his Majesties pleasure no farther prosecution should be made against them and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor Treasurer to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and to all other chief Officers principally requiring the Grand Treasurer to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer with order not to do the like hereafter and thus by obtaining their Promises Words and Assurances they had as much security as they could wish for could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse Politique Observation THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred that ours have sometimes scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath of what they once gave upon their words It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England at the Camp neer St. Aubin Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence by the Prior of St. Martin the fields Indeed there being nothing
the King of Spaine THE Pope who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Christian Princes as well as that of Soveraign Bishop was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming out both in France and Italy The condition of France mooved him with pitty it being both against the Church as well as against the Kings authority but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy He had some apprehensions to for his own States doubting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine or into some other neuter place where the two Kings Deputies might be found to negotiate a Peace as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins and Aldobrandine for the Peace of Savoy His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Bethune as a thing which he had resolved on and told him that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment and that he would willingly prefer his desires and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered that he was very capeable of the Legation But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did would commonly judge by the rules of devotion which being so it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline more then by the specious pretext which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion and thus considering all in a spiritual way without regarding those interests of state which would happen there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications to make the peace between the people who should be interessed it it It was said in few words and no reply on the one side or the other The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design and proposed to send the Cardinal Barberin his Nephew who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotiation and to make the voyage between France and Spain Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardinals of the Consistory yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negotiate this business Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge he would not testify to his Holiness that he misliked his choyse only upon the first motion of it he expostulated it with his Holiness and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person who being so neerly related to him could not but be very dear to him thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him then all others and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour in which the greatest difficulties were contained without which finding the business all confused and undigested either in France or Spaine it would of necessity follow that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew who took a singuler delight to please him took no notice of it and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals out of the gates of Rome according to the usual custome They who had been upon the same employments before him return'd back to Rome for a few dayes that he might take orders for their occasions but did not appear on any publique employments The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey made him prolong it no more then one day so that he set out immediately punctually observing his Holiness command of using an extraordinary industry to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine Politick Observation IT is no lesse Glorious then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun is to establish such a Temperature and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements that they may all subsist together and contribute to the preservation of the universe for without this as the Naturalists have observed the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them Just so the moderation which the Popes who are in the Church as the Sun in Heaven shall use amid'st the broyls and wars which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor If it be honourable to them it cannot be lesse advantageous to seeing their authority is never so considerable as in times of Peace and that their Oracles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth who took the flesh upon him that he might bring peace to all the world which also he recommended to his Apostles as the thing he would have most cheriâ—hed Thus to do is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master this is to follow his intentions and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes when once they take part with any particular interest for who so once appears partial is no longer fit to be credited or to make any proposal which will not be suspected Father Berule arriveth at Rome to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France to be married with the Prince of Wales LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin to make his journy into France we shall anon overtake him at the Court and take notice of what passed in his negociation Let us now speak of another important Affair which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded Father Berule was sent to Room to procure a disperse for it where
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moâ—ntague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
That History records above twenty Alliances between France England and Scotland That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion considering what had been granted to the Spaniard That great Princesses are in this particular in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth so that having once lost their opportunities they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years without ever marrying whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made this result was signified to the Earl of Holland who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty Who upon the receiving of that news dispatched with all diligence the Earl of Carlisle with full power to conclude the Match The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him that they might confer together what they had to do and afterwards being come near to Campeign the King hearing of it commanded the Duke of Cheuruse to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility and withall to entertain them magnificently and defray their charges during their abode at Court The day after their arrival they had Audience given them and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved appointed Commissioners to treat with them The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration but he made it apparent that he was not a Novice in the management of it for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business that he could not enough admire his Prudence Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match hee represented to him that England once leagued with France by this Alliance there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France to re-establish them which being so their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria but overpoize them too with never so little assistance from those Princes That the happy successe which would follow would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State as discredit and confusion to his enemies Moreover that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots this marriage would be of great use as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain from assisting them as also because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel in short That there was great hopes to beleeve the Princess might much advance the Catholick Religion in England if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse judging it requisite to use addresse and prudence for the speedy effecting of it The King did very wel relish the Consideration and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs and quickneth expeditions did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion and that which I finde in it most to be admired is That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture England also did forthwith joyn with France to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine and the year following the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess and without the death of King James For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court that the King had gained more upon him then any of his Predecessors and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives but his own too in defence of his interests and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated for the Passion which he had already in her behalf though he had never seen her was so sensible that he was heard say with a great deal of tenderness which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter nor that of the Prince his son without leave from the Queen her Mother but withall that he was much bound to her because after she had read them she laid his under her Pillow but his sons in her Bosome to shew that she did rely upon him and lodge his son in her heart Politick Observation ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome By them it is that we oâ—ten see those great fires of War which consumed them extinguished and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people Thus Hugh the Earl of Câ—aâ—lins son by his Marriage with Alice Inheritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn restored peace to both who had along time groaned under the miseries of War Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orlâ—ance were allayed for some time by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus second son to the Duke of Orleance who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn with Katharine of Burgogn And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei whereby to obliterate the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages For how often have Princes inlarged theiâ— bounds by that means Who knows not that the House of Austria had not been thus Potent but by Alliances and that the marriage of Hetiâ—gis Inheritrix of Vltrich Burg Longravat and Alsace with Albertus sirnamed the Sage of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria Carintia Tyrol and Goricie with the Emperour Albertus the first of Jane Inheritrix of Castile Arragon Sâ—ciliâ— and Naples with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia with the Emperour Ferdinand the first brother to Charles the Fifth have been the true Rise of its Grandure which was inconsiderable
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
summs of money or assist him with Ships according to the Proportion of that which was lent them That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland to be conducted to Calais or Diepe And thus in one and the same moneth the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable by the resolution of the Match with England which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done Politick Observation IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States for reciprocal assistance in War do no less contribute towards it provided they be well established Two States well united are undoubtedly stronger then one alone and as an ancient Author saith if an enemy should prevail against one yet two would be able to oppose him Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces and if there be such profit to be made out of it I suppose they are very necessary for the divine wisdome hath so disposed all Kindomes that they have all need one of another Aristotle saith nibil pâ—r se subsist it nothing is able to subsist by it self onely and if in the Microcosm every part is needfull for one another not excepting the most noble God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns with such equality that they are never able to increase it without mutual assistance from one another Upon this foundation it is that all Alliances are established It is absurd to beleeve that the bare friendship of Princes can be a sufficient Bond seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually as is apparent to all men for that they usually break them when once they appear against their concernments If ever there be occasion to unite them together it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy and that they would hinder his growing strength and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours and consequently upon themselves In fine it was upon that score that the Iâ—alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans representing to him that if he did not keep them in continual exercise they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes and then enter upon his own Country too And it was for the same reason that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions allied themselves with the English though otherwise they hated them and that Ferdinand King of Naples allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew and Laurence de Medicis that they might oppose the French who then threatned them Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile and thence sent to the Castle of Caen. VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails the Marquis de la Vieville who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs inform'd the King that the Colonel d' Ornano Governour to the Duke of Orleans his Brother took such a course as would in time trouble the State The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur and to gain such a power over his spirit that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection he made his brags openly that he would get the Mastery over him to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him That he took advantage of his good favour to make himself feared and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty of which there were many particulars and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court This was so much the more to be feared for that the greatest misfortunes and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal and having demanded his advice of what was proper to be done in that occasion he did not at all dissemble the danger it would be to permit this procedure of the Colonel But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to but on the contrary he represented to him that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees provided that they would confesse their errors especially if there be a meanes to prevent any consequence of danger That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages and are also capable to repent them and afterwards to doe great services That the moderation which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscarriage at all That this Repentance was the more reasonably to be hoped from the Colonel d' Ornano who till then had lived within those limits which ought to be observed by those of his condition that his Father had given him a good example by those services which he had done until his death That he had indeed forgot himself but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency Moreover there was reason to hope that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance would make him sensible of his fault and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin instead of raising him into a higher condition This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation and the King who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit untill he were permitted to return to the Court but the Collonel being confident that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances that he might not be forced from the Court The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection However the King gave him to understand that
his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect especially to preserve that neer friendship wherein they had alwaies lived So he had nothing to reply and his Maiesty to punish the insolence which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile and shortly after in the Castle of Caen. The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment that there was not any protestation of fidelity left unmade by him from his friends to his Majesty and finally having recourse to the Cardinals intercession that grand Minister whose Counsels are never accompanied with rigour unless when he is inforced by Justice dealt so with his Majesty that at last he procured his liberty After the Marqness de la Viville who had diverted him had been so unhappy his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison and beleeving his Promises restored him in his place with the Monsieur and withall gratified him with a considerable sum Whereas he instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment of his Liberty or of the Benefits which he afterwards received threw himself upon the Intregues of women and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men who put it into his head that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt which made him conceive so great a vanity that he boasted in many places that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur to carry him from the Court unless himself were made a Marshal of France The Collonel d' Ornano is made Marshal of France THE King upon advice had was counselled by people of Quality either to Arrest him or make him Marshal of France otherwise some great mishap might follow The King was inclined to chastise him not being able to indeavour or consent that any such honour should be granted to him out of fear or to hinder his doing of more villanies However his Clemency moderated his just indignation and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe to reduce him within his duty and to make him carry himself better for the future It is true the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts and withall begged him to pardon him seeing in creating him a Marshal there would be no cause of fear for that it would be as easie then as before to clap him up into the Bastile and that what punishment should be inflicted on him would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal signalizing his Conduct by acts of mercy not less considerable then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned Politick Observation IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince with design to prevail against his Soveraign for besides that a Soveraign grows quickly jealous if he finde any to pertake of that Honour which is due to himself alone Which one thing is the ordinary fomentation of Civil Wars Tiberius testified a great resentment for that their Chief-Priests making their prayers to the Gods for his health took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius though they were neer a kin to him and the next successours to the Empire he acquainted the Senate with it as also the Priests and briskly told them he was offended at it The same Emperour seeing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse that those Honours which were given to Women should be moderate and that he himself too would use the same modesty in those which were offered to him When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards courting Caligula did he not rattle him up with high language for that he forsook the Sun setting to adore him Rising Kings are so sensible in this particular that it is not without trouble that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children Thus though Philip of Macedon did intirely love Demetrius his son yet he was much offended when the Macedonians followed him in Troops and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour But admit this jealousie do not spring up however such like actions ought not to be allowed seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State It is also true that men not being less capable to quit their wicked designs then to hatch and contrive them it were dangerous to drive things to extremity and to ruine them at the same instant they were discovered That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion who makes use of violent remedies upon the first beginning of a sicknesse without staying to expect what Nature might do of her own self and that Minister is too severe who discovering some designs against his Masters service presently destroys the Authors of it without giving time that they might repent themselves Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders before he had given leisure to those who were guilty to repent But on the contrary Julius Agricola is much commended in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledgment of a fault and did not cruelly chastise any when there was the least hopes of amendment above all a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation when he is newly admitted into affairs and it is conducing to his Masters service in regard it is a means to render himself beloved The Sun at his Rising never appears burning hot his heat is welcome and favourable and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example and ought to take it for granted that whatsoever favours he shall do at the beginning of his Conduct will gain him the affection of the People and in prosecution will heap up upon him as much Happinesse as Glory The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Ornano which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down and then again to raise him up to great Honours were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration and to the Superintendance of the Treasuries she was pleased so to cast him down that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse To speak truly it was no such great cause of admiration seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in to have taken a great delight as it
to by France but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages Their Refusal surprised the Pope but he being made by some of their Ministers who had represented to him that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline His Holyness proposed to them to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques but upon no other occasion whatsoever To this the King would in no wise agree because to have granted them free passage there upon what occasion soever were to give them the whole end of their design which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy as we shall â—lswhere declare and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition more especially the Venetians who should that thing be assented to have good cause to complain of France Besides that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid for the execution of which this Treaty was onely intended That withall the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy and had engaged his Word his Honour and his Faith to resettle things in their former state It is true the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included but however had not signed them and the King disowned them and declared that he having done it contrary to his order he was not bound to ratifie it and principally seeing he himself too had not assented to them but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries which may lay his States as it were hedge by hedge and especially if those places may serve for a In-let or Door to give succours to his own Allies such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength for that united States are stronger then when disunited Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks are fordable by every one and are not feared at all until all their waters run in the same channel and divided Estates may easily be surprised whereas if united they are capable of giving jealousie to their neighbours as also to make attempts upon them It is a common saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl both which he chose for the purpose of a different humour and strength the one of them weak but ingenious the other strong but rash the latter in obedience to Sertorius command took a whole handful of the Horses tayle and tugging with all his force could not pull it off the second took a quite contrary way he pull'd them off hair by hair until he quite made an end whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight or upon a March he told them they had seen that united Forces are hard to be vanquished but easily overcome if disunited If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man from permitting an Invasion in any Country it is the more necessary to be prosecuted when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies and to receive succour from them for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves for once being lost Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all That Prince who suffers them to be usurped exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey and cuts off one of his own armes wherewith he might have defended himself For this very reason it is that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy have presently been on foot to defend it as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy which once lost they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards seeing they could not be assisted by France which hath ever been their Protectrix as also that France if occasion were could not receive any succours from them The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune to Rome as Ordinary Embassador and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised the King was obliged to call him home and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune a man of great judgement and reputation to whom he gave expresse order to declare very resolutely to the Pope that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline and to beseech him in his Majesties name that he would use his authority to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid that according to the rules of Justice the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them both in the Valtoline as also in the rights of the League at Caddee A little after his departure his Majesty received advice that the resolution of denying those passages was approved of at Rome so he dispatched one to him upon the way that he might every day be more resolute and that hee publish it aloud to all the world to stop the Spaniards mouths who made people beleeve that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesties resolution told him he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline The Sieur de Bethune was for the present satisfied with it and gave notice of it to the King But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular he very briskly told his Holiness it would be a thing of very ill consequence to deliver them into the Spaniards power seeing if it were once done a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided That it were no lesse against the Interest of Religion to surrender them to the Grisons who were Hereticks and that the best expedient which could be taken was but by the By he proposed it onely as from himself either to raze them as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them then with any others The Pope found himself so intangled that he knew not what to resolve so that the businesse had been Wyer-drawn into a great
Imagination that if perchance they hear talk of a Siege or a Battel poor ouls it quite skareth them out of their little wits It were to be wished they had smore heart and foresight upon such occasions for the length of time which they ever take before they make any resolution is an enemy to good success Deliberation ought to be taken and that with great Prudence but to spend too much time in it is very dangerous because opportunities are lost by it and peradventure such opportunities as the like are never afterwards to be met with for putting a design in execution The Florentines shewed a remarkable example of this particular when as Lewis the 12th passed into Italy against Lodowick Duke of Milan The King desired to make a League with them that he might make use of their Passages for his occasions so they sent their Embassadours to treat with him Now the Embassadours having agreed to remain Newters in the thing doing and that the King passing into Italy should take them into his Protection they delayed the ratification of the Treaty for so long that they could not fully resolve any untill his Majesty was upon the point of getting the Victory Whence the King judging that they rather sought his Alliance by force then by friendship testified by his carriage the little esteem he made of them The League between the King Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice for the restitution of the Valtoline UPon the advice which the Marquess de Coevures had sent the King of the state of affairs amongst the Swisses and Grisons his Majesty commanded the Cardinal to consult with Signeur Marco Antonio Moresini the Venetian Embassadour and the Abbot Scuglia Embassadour of Savoy upon reasonable Propositions and Articles for the effecting that design of a League which had been formed amongst them for the restitution of the Valtoline This Grand Minister following the inclinations of his great Soul which will not let him indure that strangers should find any thing but what was ful of Generosity in his Masters Affairs gave a quick dispatch to them and withall imaginable Prudence The sum was That the Arms of France Savoy and Venice should come to a Rendezvouz upon the 15. September Those of France at Bresse those of Venice about Milan near the Valtoline and Grisons and those of Savoy between Milan and Genoa That there should be drawn out of the Army at Bresse a Regiment of 1000 or 1200 foot and 400 horse to march with the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzeland the rest to remain under the command of Monsieur de Constable which should joyn with those of Savoy to enter upon the State of Genoa and make a strong diversion there and entertain all the Spaniards Forces which were in Italy and deprive them of the Valtoline That order should be given to the Marquess de Coevure fortwith to raise 3000 Grisons and 3000 Swiss That it was agreed between one and t'other that these Levies should execute the whole design under the name and colours of the King and the said States Confederates that all the charges of the enterprize should be born by them three to wit Venice should furnish the Cannon Ammunitions of War and all necessary Provisions of Victuals but the charge of it to be divided as before it being unreasonable that she should pay all Besides Count Mansfield who was then in France offered to maintain an Army of 25000 foot and 7000 horse under the Prince Palatines name they paying him three hundred and sixty thousand Livres a moneth to invade the Countries of the house of Austria in Germany and to inforce them to a restâ—tution of part of the Palatinate by this forcing in upon them The Cardinal represented to the Embassadours that these Proposals could not be but glorious seeing the end of them was to assist a Prince their Ally and one despoyled of his estates but moreover very advantagious because prosecuting those designs they should so divert the Armies of Spain that they would never be able to address themselves to recover the Valtoline This was unanimously agreed upon amongst them and in fine resolved that each of them should contribute to the payment of those 360000 Livres a moneth viz. the King 180000. Venice 120000 and Savoy 60000. It true commonwelths do hardly resolve on great enter prizes especially when there is a necessity of great expence So Venice made a denial to contribute to this charge as also to make one in the diverting which was made about Genoa but laid all upon the King and Duke of Savoy as shall be declared in the year following These orders being thus put in execution the King writ to the Marquess of Coevures to testifie to him how much he approved of this negotiation and of those means which he had proposed to establish the Grisons in their ancient authority and commanded him to take the field with such Troops as hee should levy and such others as should be sent to him seeing the Sieur de Bethune had given him to understand that there was no more hopes of doing any thing by the way of a Treaty He was also inform'd of those conclusions which were made with Venice and Savoy that he might govern himself accordingly and lastly assured him that he should want for nothing Politique Observation THough most Leagues which are made between Princes upon any design are blamed by many by reason of the short continuance of them as also of the little successe which usually hath attended them yet they are not onely profitable on many occasions but also very necessary Defensive Leagues ought to be so much the more esteemed because as Aristotle saith no Country is able to subsist of its own proper force And offensive too are not less considerable seeing they give means to Princes to make such Conquests as without them they durst not attempt The first of these Truths may be authorized by the example of the Samnites who resisted the Romans by their own proper strenth as they told Hannibal as long as they were able to defend themselves but in process of time finding themselves too weak they associated themselves with King Pyrrhus and to make way for the t'other It is not most certain that the association of Christian Princes gave them the means to carry away from the Turks a most signal Victory in the Battel of Lepanto which neither of them in particular could with reason hope for It is true the effects of Leagues have not been alwaies over happy because several Princes making them for different interests easily break them as soon as they have gotten their pretensions be it by force or composition But the disgraces of this kind ought to be laid upon the right horse that is upon the Imprudence and want of fore-sight of those who have managed them not on the Leagues themselves It is not enough to contract them but they ought to be prosecuted with favourable Conditions and with Persons from
far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particuler whom he honoured with extraordinary respects that on the contrary he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Authority That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise in regard he had been often times told that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts which lawfully belonged to them that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power seeing the deposit was ended by those several instances and reasons which were remonstrated to him as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands by reason of that great difficulty which the Spaniards made to assent to it and seeing it was pretended and that upon good reasons to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them which being so he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Masters proceedings in regard he being only as an Umpire who created between them in the quality of a Common Father he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France These reasons were so considerable that the Pope could not but have rest contented had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be but on the contrary his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures if he should not with-draw his Army and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt the Spaniards should make them pay for it again and should do that which their Interests led them too without being with-held by any consideration and in fine protested to him what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors who cannot indure there should be any State affair and not subject to his Will he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force The Sieur de Bethune indeavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutcheâ— of Vrbin and other times by assuring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti who had some influence over his Inclinations by the Protestations which he made to them that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master which however were refused by them that they might not appear to be partial as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux who was one of the richest Matches of France to his Nephew Don Thadee who did not a little like of it though he accepted not of it he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane Politique Observation IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War who should not agree upon certain places to put them in deposit in a third persons hands and he who is the Depositary ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties Antiquity looked upon Deposits as sacred and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge and one of the Depositary Laws is declared to be that who so refuseth to render them renders himself culpable of a great Injustice because he would usurp against natural Reason that which doth not at all belong to him Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans he who denied the Deposit was condemned to death and Herodotus saith that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money which he had received of a Milesian consulted the Oracle of Apollo to know what he should do in the businesse who was thus answered That neither he nor his family could any long time live upon the face of the earth and that in effect they were already rooted out Whence he concludeth that it were best for him who hath a Deposit to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it And how well hath Aristotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime when he saith that that man who becomes guilty of it is much more unjust then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity as he doth who denieth what was lent to him but also those of friendship and fidelity in consideration of which the Deposit was entrusted with him I shall onely adde this that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it he having no right to become their Arbitrator unlesse they agree among themselves as to be really and without delay restored to them when they shall have agreed upon condition between them It is however dangerous to chuse a Person for a Depository who pretends a Superiority or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others so it is hazardous least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary it ought to be included in the Instrument that he shall not become Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise Above all this one thing ought to be observed when as the Pope is Depositary as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him for that he in some sort pretending a Power over Kings he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences and withall may become Partial Which being so such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded by reason of the difficulties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls There are but a few Princes of
such Fidelity as that of the late King Henry the Great who having leave to passe with thirty five thousand men into Geneva when he besieged Fort St. Katharine was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it which they assured him was easily to be effected He answered them that it would be a most unjust action to repay with Infidelity and Treachery that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him The Pope sends towards the King the Sieur Bernardino Nary to testifie to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceedings of the Marquess de Coevures in the Valtoline WHilest they were hard at it in the Valtoline Cardinal Spada the Popes ordinary Nuntio in France made great complaints to the King of the Marshal de Coevures proceedings and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty to testifie to him his great discontent at it But they were replyed to with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceedings They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons to ayd their Auxiliaries but only at the very last extremity and after he had seen several faire proposals neglected which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way That as for the Mareshal de Coeuvres proceedings they had been such as had deserved if rightly understood more to be commended then condemned That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines That he had setled the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion in and amongst the Grisons in all places where formerly it had been banished and as for that particular place of the Valtoline he had permitted the exercise of none but that of the Catholique Religion That if he came with men armed against his Holiness his People he was provoked to it by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesties Allyes and against his own forces to wherby they openly made it apparent that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards yet withal that these actions of theirs had not diverted the Marquis of Coeuvres from treating the Marquis de Bagny and all others who were under him in the Vallee not only with civility but with as much reverence as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those who were sent in his behalf That after all the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands that whilest there were means of accomodation his Holiness had no reason to complain that he had been any way neglected until the time which had been concluded on had been expired and that there were no hopes of an agreement All those which were proposed being hitherto refused or retarded which gave advantage to the Spaniard These reasons did evidence the integrity of the Kings actions but however as his Majesty had even shewed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England he hearkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada and the Sieur Nary The principal one and upon which they most insisted was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months in the County of Chiavenne in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated which being thought reasonable his Majesty assented to it and a Post was presently sent to the Marquis de Coeuvres to stop his farther proceedings It is true the Post came not til after Chiavenne was taken so that the Cessation was void in that particular but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives during the whole terme of the said two months to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction Politique Observation THat King who undertakes any affair of weight which may provoke his neighbour Princes ought to fix himselfe in a steddy resolution not to be shaken by any Propositions or complaints which shall be made to him He must take it for certain that all who are any way concern'd will send their Ambassadors to him as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions to represent their interests to him and to presse him to be mindful of them but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer who being once in and to passe over some Arm of the Sea le ts the Tempest whurle and the waves swell up as they please he not thinketh on any thing but how to get on shoar The same reasons which were the grounds of his resolution ought to be the rules of his answers which he shall make to such Ambassadors and if it bee but well considered all their urgencies and instances ought to bee the more suspected by him that they were only made to amuse him if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived by the Princes who send them The Lacedemonians were much troubled that theâ— had given audience to Themistocles who was sent to them from the Athenians upâ—â— an Embassassie to make delayes and that in the means time they might fortifie themselves Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors whom the Athenians had commanded to be joyned with him but in conclusion they smelt it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortifie the Citty of Athens The Order which a King should take in such a businesse is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies to discover his intentions If they are only of spie as it many times happens in war under pretences of making proposals of Peace my advise is to return them back again as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus withal to cause them to be watched and to have an eye upon all their actions Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassadors who were sent from Xerxes to hinder their associating themselves with all the other Towns of Greece should not speak with any particular man during their short stay in the Citty I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceedings he ought to receive them with honor to treat them magnifiently and to give them a favorable audience that they may not complain there was any deficiency of paying them all the duties of hospitallity But as to the subject of their negociation he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs with as much courage as prudence to fortifie his Soul with such motives as ingaged him in his enterprise as with so many impregnable Bastions without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever but to prosecute his work till he bee
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
the chief men of their towns But the Cardinals vigilance was the principal obstacle which rendered all their Combinations void He induced the King to send with all hast about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc with certain Regiments to oppose the first commotions and to employ many persons of discretion to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party and made them believe that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel That the losse of their Religion was inevitable if they did not defend themselves by Armes and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel was an assured signe of it as also those other advantages which he had taken against them He prevented them in believing his Majesties Edicts and Proclamations by that supposition which he instilled into them that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques It 's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations that most were taken with them particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion to encourage them and to stir up the Popular Ministers who after this looked for nothing but when to rise not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to were contrived by the Spaniards who make open profession of being their ennemies and who pretended not to make use of them but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy Politique Observations NO one but a King ought to take up Arms As formerly among the Romans it only belonged to the Consuls who had the superintendency of State to open the two gates barred with Iron and fastned with a hundred hinges which were opened in token of war so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies because he had attempted it without the command of the People and Senate Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext And those Hereticks who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ have ill studied it if they have not observed this truth in it that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though Infidels then others God saith in Esay speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians who had no knowledge of his holy name I have called thee though thou hast not known me I have named thee by thy name and have raised thee up to honour and power though thou hast had no knowledge of me and I will that both they of the East and West shall know that it is I who have established thee and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth that hath not received his Power from me and my hand and afterwards he addeth that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand that he might bring the Nations into Subjection whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings who breaketh the Gate of Brass and bursteth the Bars of Iron to whom all things are manifest and nothing is concealed from him Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen besieged taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem razed the Walls demolished the Houses burned the Temple prophaned the Sanctuary took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service killed the Kings Children with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple and carried the reâ—t Captive into Babylon Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch saying to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People God who hath created men and the beasts of the Field by his great power and stretched out Arm hath given it to whom he pleased and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke and serve him and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke God wil visit him with the Famine the Sword and the Pestilence Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son to the end they may live as long upon the Earth as the Heavens shall indure Which being so can it be lawfull or in the power of men for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority to give them a Law contrary to Gods command In St. Pauls time and the rest of the Apostles there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith yet they commanded that they should be prayed for and that they should give them all manner of Honour Subjection and Obedience and to bear themselves humbly before them for the love of God and a good Conscience Whence it is That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince under whom God hath subjected them or to assume to themselves any power over him to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions Subjects have not by the Law of God any other defence then flight That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince or Commonwealth and Commonwealth yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline obliged his Majesty to do the like by him in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first a weaknesse worth the observation in regard there was not one Fort there excepting that of Rive which could indure any long Siege So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them unlesse their Arms who would re-take them be so strongly diverted that they may be hindred from comming to them Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Popes hands was a sufficient token of his design long since concluded on in
his Counsels of making himself absolute Master of Italy it being most probable that who so once seizeth on the dore would likewise enter upon the whole house It being thus manifestly necessary to oppose the progress of this ambitious design it could not be better effected then by the assaulting of Genoa which is the onely Port of entrance on this side of the Alps which being shut up and preventing his ingress on that side he could hardly bring in any Troops at all especially if the Forts of the Valtoline were no longer in his possession Withall the State of Genoa did not onely serve the Spaniards as an Inlet into Italy but also to convey souldiers into Germany and the Low Countries and for a Mine from whence they extracted good store of mony so that the depriving them of it would be no small weakning to him These were the true reasons which invited the King to this attempt which were so just that it appeared lawfull that State being the onely Flower which the negligence of some of our Kings have suffered to be pulled out of this Crown and the Spaniard could have no more reason to complain of his Majesties entring upon Genoa which was under their Kings Protection then the King of France had to lament his seizure of the Valtoline of which his Majesty of France had had the Protection for many years together The King was necessitated to make use of the Duke of Savoy in this affair both that he might have free passage thither and also furnish himself by that means of Cannon and provisions for the Army The Cardinal perswaded the King to make him chief of the expedition whereby the more to ingage him All this was dispatched in a conference had with him at Suze by the Constable of Lesdigâ—ieres The Marshal de Crequis returned to the Court after October in the last year to give an accompt to his Majesty of what might be expected from him and the Sieur de St. Gerry was sent back to the Duke and Constable with those resolutions which had been concluded on in relation to their Proposals and with order to the Constable to raise forces necessary for the design The Duke was the more inclined to it seeing the injuries which the Genoeses had done him but lately were a just cause to begin a War He declared in his Manifest that they had destroyed the limits which parted the Lands of Genoa and Piedmont and had incroached upon his Territories that they had violently taken away the Fee of Zuccarel and withall offered indignities to his Effigies as a mark of the hatred which they did bear him These just offences did oblige him to resent them but he being too weak to carry on a War against them where he should quickly find the Spaniard in the head of them was very glad of the Kings assistance and willingly accepted of the honour of commanding in chief all such Forces as should be sent which being thus contrived they could onely passe under the notion of Auxiliaries And if it were honourable for the Duke to be the head of such an enterprise it was not lesse advantagious for the King to raise by this means a diversion able to find work for all the Powers of the House of Austria without making an absolute breach with them The Cessation preserved at that time the Forts in the Valtoline and ingaged the Duke by so many Interests and concerns in the War that it was impossible for him to fall off or be unfaithfull and not find his own ruine in it And the Cardinals counsel in this particular passed for an effect of his incomparable Prudence These things being thus concluded on and orders given out accordingly the King commanded the Marshal de Crequis to return back to the Constable of Lesdiguierres with further confirmation of what ever had formerly been sent to him by the Sieur de St. Gerry in order to his Proposals It would not have been amiss to have ingaged the Venetians in this design which was attempted but Common-wealths are so long and so hardly induced to resolve upon any great affair that it was done without them The Constable passed over the hills about the beginning of the year with ten thousand foot and two thousand horse and there met with the Marshal On the second of February the whole body of the Army consisted of five and twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse every one ready to march about the end of February which strook such a terrour into Rome that the Pope and the most part of them knew not what to think of it but apprehending that they should shortly see all Italy in a flame of War and fearing lest the sparkles of them might fall on them and consume that sweet repose which they then injoyed Politique Observation JT is great Prudence in a King who would enterprize a forraign War to make himself sure of that Prince which is nearest the Country he would assault it was for this reason that Scipio designing to carry the War in Affrica against the Carthaginians procured a League to be made between the Romans and Cyphax but as it is a thing very difficult to keep Princes Confederates in a War any long time together in which they have little interest So it is a great peece of Wisdome to make him chief of it when a design cannot be executed without him by reason he is master of the passages and it is from him onely that recruits can be had as also Ammunitions of War for the subsistance of the Army To avoid the ordinary mis-fortunes of Leagues it were necessary that those Princes with whom one doth ingage were obliged by other tyes then those of Fidelity which is due to their words and if it be so important for all Allies it is much more necessary for him Had Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan been touched with this fear and beleeved he could not have broke off the Alliance with France without losing his Estate he had never been worse then his word with those of our Kings who had not carried their Arms into Italy but upon the assurance he had given him of his Fidelity And who seeth not that the King that doth thus hath an advantage of assaulting his enemy without making an absolute breach with him He hath an advantage very considerable seeing it serves him to put his own Estates in safety and that he doth ingage that Prince so much the more strictly whom he makes chief of his design to keep his word with him because if he once break off he may freely abandon him and suffer him to perish under his enemies Arms without putting himself to the trouble of making a Treaty of Peace or breaking the Laws of Alliance which do not oblige to any further assisting of him who hath once broke his word The Pope sends the Cardinal Barberine in the quality of a Legate into France to negotiate the Peace between his Majesty and
already made in respect of Religion the Princess and her servants and the Liberties of the English Catholiques and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath That there was sufficient provision made both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience for her Domestiques and Children seeing they were to remain mayn with the Princess as well as the children which being so it would of nenessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion He told him likewise that the King his Master being bound to his Holiness for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness with all earnestness and not rest barely there but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obliged to grant him his request seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages without any dispense These were the chief reasons which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Holiness and likewise to the Cardinals who were deputed in the businesse of the dispense They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them and testified a great readinesse to do that which was desired of them The Pope sent word to the Cardinals that they should give a quick dispatch to the business that he desired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for both that he might acknowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of England Accordingly they met together and concluded on it as the King desired and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio that it might be delivered to the King who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain Politick Observation JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time No Affair can oblige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize He who doth not take this truth for a rule in his Conduct will be subject to commit great faults and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will he doing whatsoever best pleases him but the latter is obliged to necessities and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things Thus though it be allowed such men on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends to raise up some scruples and difficulties whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing it being usual with most men little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease yet when it is once evident that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it For what refuse they shall afterwards make will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction then that of Prudence The death of James King of Great Brittain and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France DUring the negotiation for the dispense King James of Great Brittain fell very sick at Theobalds twelve miles distant from London After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague which weakned him exceedingly much he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason and recommended to him those Officers who had faithfully served him But especially his little grand children the Infants of the Electrix Palatine his daughter encouraging him to make use of that power which he should leave him for the re-establishing of them in their Fathers Dominions and then finding himself declining into his Agony he gave him his blessing wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms which he should shortly leave to him About the end of March he died at which instant the Heralds according to the custom of England proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him He having a great desire to be married the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name The King too desired to see an end of the businesse so that upon the first arrival of that power the execution of it was no longer deferred The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May in the presence of the King the Queens all the Princes and great Lords of the Court by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies on the Sunday following being the eleventh of May in the Church of Nostre Dame in the quality of Great Almoner I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done only I shall say nothing was omitted The Espousals were made upon a Theater raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony where the King and three Queens were assistants Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse as representing the King of Englands Person who was of a different Religion but they went again to receive his Majesty at the same door as soon as Masse was ended and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall where the King dined with the Queens his Mother his Wife and his Sister the Duke of Chevreuse the Earles of Carlisle and Holland the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise Elboeuf and of Chevreuse with the most magnificencies that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies could invent There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris and the Cannons made such a noyse as if Heaven and Earth would have come together The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain to go over into France and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him THese things thus past the Duke of Buckingham the King of Great Britains favorite was commanded to go into France to desire the King that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be to come to him He arrived at Paris about the end of May and during that little stay which he made he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency
would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation designing to involve us in sin made his first addresses to Eve rather then upon the man knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives not that hee might indulge his Senses or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures but that hee might fish out of them any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-advantage or Ruine and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device Open War in the State of Genoa WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French being all well provided the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father and the Marshal de Crequy with the Constable his Father-in-law The King in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France consented that the Duke should give the word and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont The Order which they observed was thus That the Constable should march with the Avant guard towards the Coast of Loppiata and his Highness with the body of the Army towards Cremolin The Constable comming before Loppiata the Inhabitants made some small resistance but they were soon forced and their Town Pillaged to strike a terrour into others this induced those of Gua a City belonging to the Territories of Genoa to send their Keys to the Duke who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment to Quarter there found some resistance for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time had put in some Forces there to defend it so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie to march thither with certain Companies which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces that they presently lest the place and Captain Martin Corseque delivered it at the first summons The City of Novy which is very large sent at the same time to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates and accordingly he seized on it and then turning towards Gavy he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyned with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees some Modenois and other some Parmesans who pretended to defend the Town But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage in a fight which lasted neer two hours and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse not far off the same place they routed them with such good success that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place took above a thousand Prisoners and amongst them the chief Commanders Upon this defeat they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa The Castle is built on a Rock and the Town well fortified insomuch that many were of opinion it would be a hard task to take it seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedition which he made in the time of Francis the first into the River of Genoa could not take it in But the Constables courage which was not used to stoop under any Fear did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town He who commanded it made a Sally with about three hundred men of which two hundred were slain in the place which so terrified those of the Town that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges which was granted to them and the Constable being got into the Town began to besiege the Castle At the first the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it discharging several shot into the Town beleeving that the Castle could not be battered and supposing there were not any points of Rocks upon which any Cannon could be mounted to command it but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossible to the courage of the French for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon certain Rocks which did so awe him that he was forced to surrender upon Composition on the last of April Some Spanish Relations say that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot then forced by the Cannon to surrender but their anger was at the Constable who had made himself Master of the place After these happy exploits the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego where the Genoveses were intrenched and to make way for the Siege of Savonne He presently forced their Trenches so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains defended with a good Castle and several small Forts his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault after he had taken in those little Forts though it seemed capable of holding out a longer Siege which was executed with so much resolution and good successe that the place was won in an instant the besieged yeelding themselves as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance for there were at least two hundred killed and taken together with seven Colours which were sent by the Prince to the Princess of Piedmont and afterwards to the King together with those three and twenty others which were taken at the defeat of Ottage and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp Caracciolo and Catanda fent by the Duke of Savoy as the the fruits of those Victories which his Majesties Armies had obtained with a Letter in answer to that which was brought him by the Marquess de Saluce The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Plâ—ve he destroyed the Country towards Albengua the Magistrate of which place sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants accordingly he entred into the Town with some few Troops and from thence went towards Orvietta which the Genoveses had newly surprised but he forced it in a few dayes time After this once done he summoned the City of Ventimelia the inhabitants made some shew of resistance but the Prince
did it not sufficiently testifie that had they been near enough to have had recruits and ammunitions from France or had the Duke of Savoy caused those refreshments to have been brought for the Army which by the Articles of the Treaty he was obliged they had not so easily lost what they had so happily obtained But they were induced to under goe those disasters which are incident to all men who invade a Forraign Country upon the hopes of a League Politique Observation ALthough those Wars which are begun by Princes leagued together have oftentimes happy beginnings yet it seldome comes to passe that they do end in a good success There need no other proof then that of the Wars which our Kings have made in Italy for six score years last past But that we may not dwell upon examples is not that Prince who trusteth in the promise of his Confederates like the man who exposeth all his Goods upon the Sea in a leaky Vessel Experience hath shewed us in a thousand incounters that Princes have so many overtures made by which one may win upon them and with-draw them from Leagues that it is almost impossible to have any absolute assurance of them One of the chiefest ties which holdeth them fast is to have in possession some strong place for a gage of their Fidelity but there are few who will thus dispossess themselves doubting least he into whose hands it be intrusted will retain it for good and all by saying or perswading them that they have been defective in their word in some one thing or other as Charls the eighth did after he had received the Florentine Towns in deposit It is likewise dubious lest the several Troops or divers Princes in an Army together should grow jealous of one another and then the least distrust or broyls which might arise between them were enough to withdraw him who imagineth himself offended and if there were nothing else there need no more but this to draw off Confederates from a League barely to satisfie them in their particular Interests for seeing that is it which is the onely end and aim of all Princes they will no longer hold together then it may bee for their advantage There do oftentimes too happen very great inconveniences especially when their united Forces are to march into far distant places they who border upon those Countries which are to be assaulted take no care to refresh themselves either by new troops or necessary provisions for the War for that those who inhabit further off not being easily able to provide for this defect fall into ruine of themselves or else their enemies quickly put them to flight Many united Princes are never comparable to one alone nor ever capable of encompassing such great enterprises as a single Prince with his own Subjects though much inferiour to them in point of numbers The Hugonots by the Spaniards Instigation Arm themselves very potently against the King WHilest Italy served as a Theater for the acting of several Warlike exployts the Hugonots inspired not onely with that mutinous humour which is common to them but also incited by the contrivances of Spain used their utmost indeavours to divert the Kings Army as also to fortifie and strengthen themselves both in Languedoc and Poictou The Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize were the chief of the Revolt the former took the Command upon himself of those Forces in Languedoc the latter those in Poictou Now though the Sieur de Soubize had been repulsed from before the Port of Blavet yet he got no small advantage by it for by that means he made himself Master of six great Ships which were the Kings and the Duke of Nemoure which gave him opportunity of doing very considerable damages He had formerly got together about eleven Ships of War all very good and a greater number of Shallops and small Boats which being assisted with these he had the ambition to hope he might become Master of the Ocean In conclusion he roved up and down upon the Coasts of Poictou and Guien and committed such savage Cruelties that more the Turks could not possibly have done and to secure himself of a near and safe retreat he seized on the Islands of Ree and Oleron where he hastned on with the Forts which those of his party had began to build Withall finding the Duke of Espernon drawn off towards Montauban whither he was gone to ransack as shall be anon declared he assembled together a Fleet of about seventy four Sails of all Sizes and entring into the Girond towards Bourdeaux they landed about mid June three thousand men in Medoc and seized on the Castle a small place scituated on the Rivers side where he intrenched himself and so over-running the Plains where the Burdelois have several houses of Pleasure he Pillaged them and committed all other imaginable outrages But he soon found the Sieur de Thoyras in Front of him to whom the Cardinal had given Orders from the King to fall upon them in case they should make any incursions thereabouts who presently went to find them out with his Troop of light-horse and thirteen others of the Regiment of Campagne one Company of the Garrison of Bergerac commanded by the Sieur de Plessis sent by the Duke of Espernon and some few others who had been raised thereabouts for the same purpose Now the Sieur de Thoyras finding himself backed with these Troops fell upon him so resolutely that he forced him to give ground and to weigh their Anchors and flie towards Rochel leaving good store of Arms Cannon Ammunition and their Baggage in their Trenches behind them This Rebuke was so sensible to him that he was possessed with an extream desire to be revenged for it so that seeing the Sieur de Thoyras retire he let go some of his Ships and sent them under the Conduct of Verger Malagnâ—t to make a second attempt on Medoc who accordingly landed about the Point of Ambes and committed great Devastations about the plain Country But the Cardinal had caused Order to be given to the Country people to bee alwaies in a readinesse against any who should attempt upon their goods who compelled them presently to re-imbark and joyn with the others under the Sieur de Soâ—bize by both which it was apparent that there was no accident which the Cardinal did not foresee and apply a remedy to before they did appear Politique observation A Grand Minister is obliged incessantly to watch after the necessities of the State for prevention of any enterprizes which may be made it will escape him very narrowly if taking an especial care to be informed of all Passages in the Provinces he be not acquainted withall the Combinations and Contrivances which are on foot as also the preparations which are in agitation for a Revolt it being impossible that those several Artifices which are used for the gaining in of divers and many men and the most secret preparations of War should
countenanced them in it and notwithstanding the many shot and skirmishes in which many were hurt and slain both of one side and t'other they did their work so exactly that there was not a Tree Vine or Stalk of Corn standing any where neer the City In this interim the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres and led up his Army to it and comming thither just upon day breaking hee approached it by one of the Gates which being soon thrown down made way for his entrance but thinking to surprize the Castle too Masillac the Governour of it repelled all his Attempts with such Courage that having received the succours of ten thousand foot which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier the Duke was forced to retire to Anduze where he was not well received After this the Marshal de Themines went without more adoe to besiege St. Paul and Miatte which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres and Lavaur when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul he forced it in few dayes and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte but they had small hopes of any comfort so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles which being granted he entred and took possession of the Town But all this was nothing worth if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan and cut off his Forces so he resolved to follow him and over-taking him at Vianes in Albigeois he set the Army into Battalia to fight him The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is scituated The Count de Carmain went to view them and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them it was resolved to fight them The Marshal with his Sword in his hand marched in the Head of the Army The Marquess de Cragny and the Count of Carmain took their Stations one upon his right t'other upon his left hand and at the same instant the whole Army couragiously advanced towards the Enemy with so much Resolution that nothing more could have been wished but onely that they had made a little more resistance for that there was not one single man of them saved for whilest those who made the first encounter were at it the rest got into Vianes who were however so closely pursued by the Marshals forces that the Regiment of Normandy was hard at their heels entring into the Town with them Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Souldiers killed and hurt all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he then was from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future especially since he saw himself so closely followed and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours then the Duke in a whole moneth Politique Observation HE who revolteth against a great King seeketh his own ruine He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise seeing hee is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice and he cannot expect any profit by it for besides that the weaknesse or indeed impossibility unto which he is reduced by the quality of a subject he forceth as it were his Soveraign to punish his Rebellion by making him lose both his Life and Estate Mahomet Prince of the Turks had all Rebels in such detestation that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle the King of Birds that he might by this teach his Subjects who durst have the rashnesse to follow that example that they must expect the like punishment for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those who shall take up Arms against his authority Some Grandees puffe up themselves with the Greatnesse of Alexander who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon overthrew the Power of Persia as also with that of the Romans who from being at first Masters but of one City became Lords of the whole World But they ought to know that neither the one or t'other of them were presently set upon by any great Prince but extended their Power by little and little ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces It is true Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes but seeing Christianity teacheth us that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence with what reason can he who revolts against his own King hope for favour from heaven whilest he doth act against the Laws and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath established in all Kingdomes The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Conduct or successe in the Pillaging of Mountauban According to the Orders which he had received he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Souldiers clapped into the Town for defence of it this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party His design could not be brought to any good effect untill after several skirmishes and sustaining divers Sallies out of the Town That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him for they then killed ten of his and carried with them as many Prisoners amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude de St. Omer but they were soundly payed with Interest too in those following conflicts especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same moneth when they left about two hundred dead besides wounded on the place and about forty prisoners shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town to draw out the Rebels but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet But understanding that the Duke had layed up good store of Corn about a League off they contrived to surprize it by the help of a dark night hoping that it would fall out for their advantage Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town having perceived what passed gave intelligence of their being gone out so they were quickly snapt The Fight indeed was hot but at last la Roche who commanded them being hurt with three Carabine shot and taken Prisoner too they presently fled and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place Insomuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts so exactly had every thing been Pillaged that at last they began to bee in very great necessities Politique Observation AMongst the several wayes to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience the devastation of al fruits which are upon the earth neer thereabouts is one of the best and most absolute The Losses which the Rich receive
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
and in Italy were onely to make sure of the out-skirts that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France That he would not enter into any further proof of it seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters then to stay untill they entred upon theirs That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them every one keeping himself upon the defensive posture but that when any thing should be attempted on them the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands that they are not really so potent but onely because they dare affault the whole World and that they have the Courage to fall on others because none fall on them Which was too evident to be doubted That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did excite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory representing to him the lives of Cyrus Hannibal Alexander Caesar and divers illustrious Roman Captains who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies That there was onely this wanâ—ing to add to his Majesties glory whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours Their Artifices were so great that nothing more could be wished for onely that he would imbrace the design He alledged that England would Potently assist it That Flanders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak would gladly be delivered out of it and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica with what he would pay his Army answered with the Army it self for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe the Ayr the Earth the Fire and all the Goods of those who inhabited it should be common to them and in the progress of that affair he made it evident that he was not mistaken for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy he never received any Supplies from Affrica The most part of these reasons were so true and the rest so specious that the King must needs have wanted Courage had he not been perswaded with them and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessity for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition as also in relation thereunto that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline by stopping the progress of his proceedings But on the other side his Majesty was not ignorant that those enterprizes which he had already commenced were very great considering in what condition France then was and that it would be difficult to undertake any more untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obedience were totally ruined That withall it were absolutely needfull before any thing could be attempted on Flanders to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria in Germany and to secure the Passages by which releef might be sent to them so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them but the King desired the State to be assured that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance as also that when a fit opportunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage he would most certainly ingage in it for that his own glory and their good way interessed in it Politique Observation IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution which leadeth him to make War if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the taking of advantages upon his enemies It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms and to make Leagues or to break Peace Before a design be attempted it should first be known whether it be sure profitable and honourable and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it and whether he runs any part of the danger and above all it would be known and that exactly too of what force the enemy is what succour he doth expect the diversions which he hath in other places the advantages which he may have in Combats by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army and in short all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs A War never ought to be begun but with Prudence that it may be ended with advantage A resolution ought not to be taken but on the present State of Affairs ballancing Reason with hope comparing the present with past and never proposing those things for easie which are seen but by halves otherwise the successe will demonstrate that it was began with too much heat and too little Prudence The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth of the Family of the Caraâ—fi for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage Hannibal was much to be commended as T. Livy saith that in all his Conduct he was acquainted with his enemies intentions as well as with his own That Prince who ingageth himself in a War without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself certainly it must be when a Proposal is made to him grounded on a League for that offensive Leagues do not alwaies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it If the enterprize will be of long continuance then onely the different Interests of several United Princes will force them to break off Besides Time alteration of Affairs and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted do commonly work some change In short the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies and then every one retires
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
exactly observed that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made but was afterwards filled with such great sums that France had never seen the like Politique Observation THe King who designs great matters and wants store of monies to execute them doth onely attempt vain enterprizes The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War because as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist or that Souldiers should do their duties if there be not good store of monies to pay them and to provide all necessaries for them There is not onely Machiavel who denieth this Position against the Authority of Dion Quintus Curtius Vegetius Cicero and Plutarch who is of opinion that money is not a Nerve in War But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity is at least as considerable as his opinion So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime I must confess with him that War may sometimes have a good successe though the Souldiers be but ill payed because the Authority of a grand Commander and their own Courages may very much animate them but as that doth but seldome happen so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy where the Imperialists despairing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them and infused such mettle into them that they went on with great Courage and got a great honour over the French But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example or any of the like nature and shall follow them in his Conduct shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War though never so inconsiderable without great practice I know that it is not money onely which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits but that good Souldiers are also necessary an experienced old Commander courteous generous able in Counsels quick in executions beloved by the Souldiers and indued with several other qualifications necessary for command But besides all this though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished yet unlesse there be good sums of monies nothing can be really attempted For how can a Prince without this satisfie several Souldiers and Commanders How can he without this make his preparations of Victuals Provisions Ammunitions Artilleries and other things which cannot be had without great expences And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed how can he make Recruits or new Levies Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it but having no money he could procure no Souldiers In the mean while the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa and several other Towns in Hostage by which means he received great store of monies of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thousand men brought twenty thousand with him The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition ALL the rest of the year at least after May the Bishops and Clergy of France were assembled at Paris The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them the affection which they alwaies had for the King would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books abortives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France There need no more then onely to read them and it would soon be apparent that they were full of seditious Doctrine That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst strangers to stir up the people to sedition and to kindle a flame of War in France The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Religion These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs and made it apparent that they were like Apothecaries or Mountebanks Boxes which are marked on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet and seducers of the people to sedition putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power and required them to be in a straight obedience by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice whom God had placed over them for the good and happiness of France and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by granting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France as a contribution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged as also to preserve Religion in its splendour and to maintain the glory of the Crown It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches began to oppose it as if the Church which is part of the State were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses Politique Observation KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to contribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God or his Apostles for when as they lived on the earth the Church had not any immovable Goods and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings that she hath since obtained that priviledge it was never granted to her but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessities of the State They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it though they may by absolute authority force it for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency their Soveraign power would be of little worth And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner doe so much
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâ—ns and the Marshal of Boucicaâ—d to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râ—ynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâ—lteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
being agreed upon they were signed by them though the Sieur de Fargis had no power so to do The Sieur de Fargis conceiving he had dispatched a great affair presently sent away the Treaty to the King who was not a little surprised as also his Ministers to find a Treaty of peace concluded by his Ambassador who had no Authority for it nor had ever sent any word of advice about it His Majesty seemed by this precedure to be obliged to recall him and at his return to treat him according to his deserts but his prudence guiding him in it he would not presently conclude so to do but proposed the business to be debated by his Ministers Many were of opinion absolutely to reject this pretended Treaty not onely because the Form of it was ill but because it was likewise an offence to the Kings Allyes it being concluded without them and withall the haste and eagerness which appeared in the Spaniards was a manifest sign of their weakness which might not be passed by without taking some advantage of it But the Cardinal taking hold of the discourse told his Majesty that prudence did not so much tye men up to consider the Forms as the substances of things and withall told him that he thought it more proper to stand to the conditions of the Treatie then to dispute the manner of the Treatie and how the Sieur de Fargis had concluded it He confessed that those Termes which his Majesty had desired were not expressed with all the circumstances and limitations as was to be wished and yet he represented to him that it was no small matter to have obtained of the Spaniards the chief points which were demanded for they renounced the passages in the Valtoline they were contented the Soverainty should remaine in the Grisons and in conclusion he freely declared That to his apprehension it were not proper rashly to reject that Treaty for that the Spanish Ambassador had lately told the Marshal de Schomberg that in case there were any thing to be altered in point of form or if any of the Articles were too harsh it would be more proper to review and amend them then to neglect the reuniting of the two Crowns Then he informed his Majesty how that his taking up Arms was for the establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty and to preserve the passages of the Valtoline for France in excluding the Spaniards quite from them and that his Majesty obtayning both one and t'other he might both with advantage and reputation hearken to the peace That true it was his Allyes might complain of it but without any season if once those ends were obtained for which the league was made and withall the small successe of the Army in Italy made it apparent there was little to be got by it In short he beseeched his Majesty to weigh one thing of great consideration which was that Rochel not being yet reduced under his obedience it would be an easie matter for the Spaniards to stir up the Hugonots to revolt who finding themselves countenanced and supported by several Princes of the Court would divert one part of his Forces and would impede his sending of so many Forces as would be needfull on t'other side the Hils so that instead of expecting a good Issue of the wars in Italy there was great fear of many dangers in it The Prudence of this incomparable Minister urged so many strong reasons that they were impossible to be answered so that his Majesty resolved to lay hold on those advantages in the Treaty and to amend what should be thought fit in it To which purpose Orders were dispatched to the Sieur de Fargis with command to induce the Count d'Olivarez to agree to them and in case he should make and difficulty of it that he himself should presently take his leave and return home to give an accompt of his business The Sieur de Fargis having received them on the fifteenth of February addressed himself with all dilligence to repair the fault which he had committed and also in his letters to his Majesty testified a great deal of sorrow for it which however did not with hold him from running into a second for he concluded upon and signed another Treaty with the Count d'Olivarez somewhat better indeed then the former but not strictly conformable to his Orders and instructions so that sending them to his Majesty they would not be accepted of unlesse once more amended and also his Majesty that he might take away all suspition from the Marquis de Mirabel that he did approve of this manner of proceeding in his Ambassador he wished in a publique audience that Fargis had been but as discreet as he was that the first time he did a thing of his one brayn without any authority and that in the second he had not followed his Orders and Instructions for which he should exemplarily be punished But that in the mean time both himself the King of Spain did reape some benefit by his Folly in that they might both discover one anothers minds to be without gall and to be well enclined to peace of which that he might give an evident testimony he would send a Treaty to his Ambassador with the least alteration that could be and such a one as the King of Spain would not make any scruple to accept of The Treaty was drawn up and before it was dispatched the King gave one part of it to the Prince of Piedmont and to the Venetian Ambassador who both having several particular designs quite different from that of the league neither of them did approve of it either in substance or form and the Prince himself took his leave of the King to return into Piedmont The Marquis de Mirable was informed of their resentments who seeming to suspect an absolute breach pressed very earnestly for a quick dispatching of the Treaty away towards Spain in such manner and form as his Majesty desired it should be amended and gave great hopes that all things would be concluded in a happy end So the Treaty was sent away to the Sieur de Fargis who received it at Barcelona and as his own Interests as well as those of France did excite him to it so he played his part so dexterously with the Count d'Olivarez that it was soon after signed and concluded between them and antidated from the fifth of March at Mouson to evade any complaints of Cardinal Barbarini who had bin at Barcelona before the Treaty was signed and had no hand in it for fear onely of some great delayes which he might have raised because he had no other answer made him to those overtures of his for peace but onely complements and thanks assurances that the peace was concluded The chief Articles were That the Affairs of the Grisons and the Valtoline should be restored into the same state they were before the war in the year one thousand six hundred and seventeen preserving by this
means the Soverainty to the Grisons and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France in whose actual possession they then were that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline but only the Roman Catholique and Apostolique that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates all Catholiques either of the Grisons or the Valtolines That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons who should not however have any power to refuse the Ratification of them That all the Forts in the Valtoline should be restored into the Popes hands to be forth with rased and demollished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity to settle peace between such of their Allyes as had ingaged in the wars with them and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abbetting or assistance to the continuing of the war between them without having first used all fair means and wayes for the setling of a peaceable and friendly agreement Thus were all the grounds of difference between them ended and concluded to the great Happiness of Christendom though by away in it self extravagant enough and contrarie to all usual Forms Politique Observation IN all Treaties of great Importance It is more material to adhere to the substances then the formalities of conditions Formalities are indeed necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed and there is great reason to rest satisfied when that same end is once obtained What sence is there not to accept of that which is aymed at when occasion doeth present but to leave it off to the hazard of time and Fortune and all to finish it with certain Ceremonies which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing The end say the Philosophers hath this propertie That it terminateth all motion and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the center of the Earth the end which the Creator of Nature hath ascribed unto it So the Artificer when once he hath perfected his workmanship forbeareth any further labour about it and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or artificial do prefer rest before motion if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth Who knoweth not that Publique peace is the end of a wise Prince and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war and that he would never design war but only for the obtayning of a quiet sure rest The sick person would never have any recourse to the Phisitian if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war when there is an overture offered for accepting of an honorable and advantageous peace to do so were point blanck against the prescribed rule of Justice of which both art nature giveth us examples Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation in the same manner as the motions of nature and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained So the wisest Polititians doe lay by the considerations of all formalities when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to themselves The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace between France and Spain AS soon as the Treaty was concluded his Majesties next care was to induce his Allyes to ratifie it The Pope was first of all acquainted with it who was overjoyed at it and openly declared to the Sieur de Bâ—thune that he took no notice at all of the extraordinary manner had bin use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it only that he might rejoyce with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too for the Resolution which he had taken of sending six housand men to Pepeinheim for the guarding of the Fort of Rive assuring him that he had not done it but only to vindicate the injurie which had been done him by the Spaniards who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holiness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines as also in some sort to repell the injurie which had been offered to the Holy Chair when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensignes and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty for he heard at the same time from the Siâ—ur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness so the Sieur de Bethune satisfied him with it by representing to him with what respects the King his Master had treated him by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished All the Princes of Italy who were not entred into the league did testifie a great deal of joy at the news of the accomodation but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Veniee who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented for that the Treaty had been concluded without them though in reallity they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them to recompense by some extraordinary 〈◊〉 the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right The 〈◊〉 de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke His Instruction consisted of three particualrs The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson and to qualifie his resentments for that it had been done without him The second was to dispose him towards a cessation of Arms with those of Genoa and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration and lastly to treat with him concerning the interests of his house and withal to proffer him his Majesties assistance to raise him to the greatest point of glory that he could aime at Upon the first of these three points the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it had deprived his
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ—… to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
be forthwith demolished but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands for reparation of the injury which had been dore him as he perswaded himself when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them France did not at all stand upon reâ—â—oring them into the Popes hands but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards hands to be by them demolished to which effect he desired that his Holiness would only send in so many Souldiers that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters which his Holiness would not be drawn to and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power they might find some way or other to get them into theirs and so demolish them which many amongst them thought to be very honourable though divers others were of a contrarie opinion as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master who had first caused them to be built The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline AFter many contestations off and on the King to end all differences gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours any thing that was reasonable to be do and between them it was at last concluded that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty who commanded the Popes Forces that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places as were not included in the deposite That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up they should presently demolish them That the Arms Artillerie and Ammunitions of war which belonged to the Spaniards should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted his Holiness Forces as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiavâ—nnies These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty which after it was ratified by the King the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie Ammunitions of war victuals and the deposit and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope upon his entrance into those Forts which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit Upon the fifteenth the demolition was began and so many labors came to finish it that in six dayes it was all ended The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France and his Majesty for a just and worthy recompence of his services bestowed in him the Honour of Marshal de Campo and thus the respect and reference which the two Crowns made to the Pope were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope They are bound to it by duty seeing as St. Bernard saith he is the high Priest the Soveraign Bishop the Prince of Bishops Heir to the Apostles that he is like Abel in his Priority Noah in his Government Abraham in his Patriarch-ship Melchisedech in his Order Aaron in his dignity Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God seeing he is the cheef of Christians the Shepheard of the people the Rod of the Mighty the Hammer of Tyrants the Father of Kings the Light of the World and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities do make him amongst other Potentates here below the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars And then looking on his Person and beholding the Object whom he doth represent which is no other than God himself ought not every one be perswaded to treat him withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord who governing States by the hand of Providence doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion as Princes respect those for his sake who belong unto him To speak truth this honouring them is a Loadstone which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes And if neither of the two considerations should be potent enough over the minds of Kings to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a very Politick and considerable reason which is to preserve themselves in Peace For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief and a general father of Jesus Christs family who might accommodate their differences and might by his Counsels moderate the violence of those who make unjust attempts and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him what credit could he have to conclude or effect such things amongst them what esteem could he have to end their differences They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdiction without medling in temporal affairs but in the interim the fire of war would often break out amongst them with such fury that both themselves estates would be consumed in the Flames of it Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with respective honour and admit of his perswasions with esteem his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all and he might with ease accommodate their divisions by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him he might restore peace to the Nations and stop the course of all violent proceedings Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad but indeavoured the procuring it for those of Rochel and to establish it in France both for the greatest good of the people and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town whom he had gained by opening their eyes and who were potent enough with several others to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots comming to Court
but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it but by vertuous wayes The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means for the establishing of Peace in the State There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris especially between the Doctors of Divinity and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit one Sanctarellus by name which treated of the power Popes had over Kings which book had been approved by their Chief President by his Holinefs Vicegerent and by the Master of the Holy Palace His Doctrine was very strange teaching that Popes had a Power of direction or rather correction over Princes that they might not onely excommunicate them but deprive them of their Kingdomes too and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance whether it were for Heresie Apostacy or any other great publick Crime whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons or for their not defending the Church and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit They who were clear sighted attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany who were oppressed by them did hope for from his Majesty These tricks of theirs are so ordinary that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion I shall only add that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors and was opposed by several books which were then set out and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it But the Parliament which is the depositarie of the Kings power that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them and obliged them to sign a Declaration by which they should condemn the said Book and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly who likened this authority to the apple of the eye which may not be touched though never so little but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it for to say truth it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed when once the authority is entrenched upon or shaken though it be but a very little But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame who should suffer that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power which might despoil them of it Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin uncapable of ruling suspected of heresy or a favourer of heretiques were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation when and as often as they would or had power so to do Besides what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous which too was but now late risen up again in these last ages and in the time of Gregory the seventh who first attempted to make it vallid The King never ceaseth to be King until he be deposed by him who first constituted him to be King or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads and God hath not appointed that either Apostasie Heresie or any other Crime should be the condition which should shake them out of their Authority for that both good and bad do equally raign as we have heretofore said and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself nor can they be deprived of their Authority for any crime whatever Besides if they could be deposed by Popes it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius Polagius the first to Childebert one of our Kings and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned The most moderate of them who uphold this error cannot maintain against these reasons the power of dispossing Kings which they ascribe to the Pope they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have and that they do not so much excercise it in despoyling them from commanding as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them But how frivolous is this evasion For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ But I shall passe farther on and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes by any means or way whatsoever for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority entrusted in their hands but they are bound to leave it entire not maymed to their successors Whence it hapned that Philip the Long intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders granted to them for their security of his observing the league that they might rise against him and withdraw themselves from
his obedience if he should faile in that which did belong to him or his part but he was hindred by those of his counsel who represented to him that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition The subtil means which the Cardinal used to joyne the Princes of the lower Saxony into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria THough Peace was very necessary for France yet it was no lesse needfull to prevent the rising of the house of Austria in Germanie which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties especially since the Treaty of Vlm For the same reason it was that the King of great Brittaine sending Count Mansfeld with an Army to endeavour the restablishment of his Brother in Law the Palatine his Majesty ayded him with two thousand Horse and a good summe of mony but these Forces were not enough to oppose those of the Emperor but it was requisite to send more and greater England would have engaged the King to have joyned in an Offensive league and declared the war against him but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt so they were rejected But the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master and did give life and heat to that designe which the Princes of Germany had heretofore resolved on of putting themselves into the field in defence of their liberty and for the restablishing of those who had been forced out of their States The King who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judg of those counsels which are given quickly conceived the goodness of this and in order therunto he sent about the end of the year last part the Sieur de la Picardiere to the King of Denmark the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Citties His instructions were to represent to the King of Denmark and those other Princes that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatned and the ancient friendship which had alwayes kept their States in good Union obliging his Majesty to be sollicitous of their Interests had induced him to send a proffer unto them of what ever was within his power They had beseeched his Majesty not to engage himself in any league with Germany without giving them notice of it which he had not only order to assure them of but also to promise them the summe of a Million of livures in two years time and French Troops besides He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions that the successe of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the ready and dexterous excecuting of them and that when as much time is taken in deliberation the most favourable oportunities are lost by it But these reasons were needless for by that time that he came to them he found them with their Arms in their hands and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea to joyne with those of the other Princes who began to threaten the Empeour and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution setting them on by proposing to them what a glory it would be to them to restablish their Allyes and also by telling them with oportunities of advantage they had against the Emperours Forces who were but weake and much dispersed by reason of the warres in Italy and the Valtoline whereas their Army was fresh and numerous and all their Forces met in a Body together He had particular order not to demand any thing in prejudice of the Catholiques His Majesty having no other end in his intentions but the setling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes Who had been clapt out of their States And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Citties as well as Princes which Towns and Citties were no lesse against the war then the Princes were for it by reason their Traffick was into Spain and they much suspected least if they should declare against the house of Aâ—stria the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade He was commanded to visit them in his progresse and to perswade them to associate themselves with the Princes in the league as also to contribute toward the maintenance of the Army and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to joyne in the designe they would then run a very great hazard least the King of Denmark fall upon them who had an old grudg to them and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them especially now that he had his Arms in his hand and that if he should be to weak to force them he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lubâ—c and of other places too by stopping up the straight of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily passe and also that of Hambourg and Breme by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel which do belong unto him That in case such a misfortune should befal them all their Allyes would undoubtedly abandon them That the King of Spain could not assist them he being to far off that he had not one Ship upon that Sea and that as for himself and the King of great Bâ—ittâ—ige they could not in consideration of the King of â—enâ—ark take care or notice to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover which should make any voyadge into Spain which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed so that it would bee much better for them to league themselves with the Princes which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies and that the King of England and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier received and all which he effected with so great judgement and good successe that he he went not from them untill he had seen their Army march into the field and perswaded the Auseatique Towns to joyn in League with the Princes This was not a work of small importance for the resolution of this Enterprize was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson forced them to abandon the Valtolinâ— and to relinquish the designs which they had in Italy and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the businesse for carrying on to that
perfection the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign to ingage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League who did in the revolution of the year make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him did raise them so many new broyls that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intensions against him Above all this one means ought to be made use of when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes and there is great reason of fear if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power It is the highest point of Wisedome to assault ones enemy by a third hand to raise a League against him in which one is not any thing concerned but onely to contribute some monies or send some Troops thither which may be as occasion serves disowned for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose without any great expence and without putting any thing in hazard or danger An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him at least he will by this means be so busied that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours but rather how he may best defend himself and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him but preserveth Peace in his own Country one is at little or no charge and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty after he hath resolved upon and set down this truth for the foundation of his good successe That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and perswade them to He ought to let them know that the Peace in which a great Prince is left doth raise great suspicions and serves to no other end but onely to augment his Force and establish his Power that not long after he may attempt new designs That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace That it is much better to prevent an Enemy then to stay in expectation of him by which means he may be taken unprovided and consequently be the easilier ruined whereas staying for him will give the lesse abilities to our selves for our defences by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us That those who love quiet in an over great measure do never subsist long for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage and lesse resolution to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies to fortifie themselves for the commencing a War and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them when he hath reason on his side both but adde to their Insolences and Courages That a false glosse of Peace will at last deprave into a base and true servitude That after all it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies if they will joyn and unite their Forces for by every ones contributing the to War they will have a greater power and with lesse charge then their enemies That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World and by thus insinuating to them the glory utility and facility of the design they cannot but let themselves be perswaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds The humour of the French is full of Action and they are no sooner clear of one broyl or War but they are desirous of beginning another The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm did still ingage it in some new Commotions Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours as the cause which gave it which was nothing else but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licentiousnesse they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke The most expert amongst them acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands whence if followed that they layed their heads together and contrived how they might bring him into some disgrace or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern As their design was extravagant so the wayes which they proposed to accomplish it were extreamly difficult They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it for that he was too clear sighted not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister and too too indulgent of his States good to deprive it of so prudent a supporter so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways proper to attain their end The first was to put all things into confusion then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand by which means they might bring
punished according to their deserts and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power Authority and Glory which he had acquired for his Master and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State Great and Noble Souls cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory and accordingly he testified to the whole Nation that he did not at all consider his own Interests Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours by reason of some indisposition which he found growing upon him which the King gave way to and being there he was visited by Monsieur what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse notwithstanding all her aversions from it that he might ingage him in his Majesties interests and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal From thence it was that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty beseeching him that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself He presented to him that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service then his glory and the good of his State but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion and the fire of dissention ready to flame out and all with design for his ruine That he would little esteem his life if imployed in his Majesties service and for the good of his Crown but that it could not but trouble him to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it he being every day attended by a multitude of men whom he knew not and not having any one near him who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him that in case his Majesties pleasure were such that he would command him to continue neer him and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him ending his dayes by such a death to which he could not be exposed but his Majesty must remain injured and offended did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court He added that his want of health too which was much impaired by that great concourse of people with which he was dayly over-pressed did make him beleeve he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him uselesse in his service He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother and begged her to imploy her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement that on the contrary the King openly declared he would never give his consent to it he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already of that credit and esteem which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter The Queen Mother too considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State to be deprived of a grand Minister how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him no longer to think of absenting himself and to let him know that his services were too well known to procure an assent for his departure and lastly that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesties will and pleasure submitted all his resolutions accordingly The King too that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health assigned Guards to him who were to wait on him every where and defend him from any attempts of his enemies he commanded the Sieur de Folain to have an especial care that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him about some urgent Affairs These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will which his Majesty did bear towards him and I think that the honour he got in this Action was more considerable then all the rest for by it he evinced to the whole Nation that hee was not tied to the Court but onely for his Majesties service and that his own particular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him Politique Observation IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue honoured by a Prince with a great power should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit and the greatnesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees that they make use of factions and divisions against him We have elsewhere said that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them is to manifest that their medling in affairs of Publique concern is free from all manner of self-interest which may easily be done by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government to lead a private life This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men who after this cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured and are forced to convert their
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâ—eâ—sâ—ood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
be a better Husband then he had been a Servant He was received with a great deal of Honour both by one and t'other and with as many testimonies of joy as the modesty of that sex could allow of and the next day Madamoiselle de Montpensier going to wait on the Queen Mother the called her Daughter and made her sit down neer to her To conclude the marriage was celebrated soon after to the quiet and content of the whole Kingdome And thus the King assisted by the sage counsels of Monsieur the Cardinal did dispel all those small contrivances which were designed to oppose it and brought to nothing all the Cabals which divers Princes and Lords of Court had projected upon that occasion both with England Spain Holland and some places of Italy with the Hugonots nay with the very houshold Servants of his Majesty and some of them were such as had neerest accesse to his person Politique Observation THe Marriages of Princes of the Blood ought to be contracted with a great deal of freedome seeing that liberty is an essential part of marriage but they ought to be mindful that this same liberty doth not consist in a power of marrying whom they pleace and when upon what terms they think fit Liberty in general as Vlpian saith consisteth barely of a power to do what the Laws do permitt and speaking more particularly concerning Marriages he saith That the Liberty which Lawyers do allow of can be grounded upon no other thing then the meer power of contracting ones self in that manner as the Laws do approve of And the old Law allowed of none to be legitimate but such as were conformable to the Laws of the State Civil Liberty keeps a medium between those two extremities of servitude and licentiousnesse and is neither one or t'other of them for as it hath no absolute dependance upon Slavery so is it also limited by Laws not to do whatever it shall think fit it consisteth in a Liberty of doing that which is justifiable by the Law whence it follows that the Princes of the Blood in France being by a fundamental Law prohibited to marry without the Kings permission they are deprived of the Liberty to conclude any match upon their own heads or power The great St. Basil saith in the first letter which he writ to Amphilochius that those contracts which are made by them who are not masters of themselves ought to be esteemed for void if not confirmed by the power upon which they depend But what may bee the reason hereof It cannot be said that they are not voluntary for then they could not be termed contracts which is so evidently clear that it cannot be denied but however it is true they are not concluded with the Civil Freedome that is not guided by the Law and for that reason cannot be accompted valid The reason of this Custome is grounded upon a Maxime of Law which saith what belongeth to us cannot be taken away without our consents whence it followeth that those who depend upon another and who have not any thing which doth not belong to those upon whom they depend have not any lawfull power to dispose of themselves and in case they should do it it were only an Act of licentiousnesse and is declared void by Law Moreover what St. Basil saith speaking of Contracts in general in his first he doth more particularly set forth concerning his marriage in his second letter when he declareth in expresse terms That such marriages as are made without the Authority of those upon whom they depend are absolute Fornications of which no other reason can be given then this that they who contracted themselves did not consent to it with a lawfull power and that they could not dispose of themselves in regard of their dependency upon a superior Authority He who is not master of himself cannot give himself to a wife and it will necessarily follow from thence that the marriages of the Princes of the Blood of France cannot be esteemed valid when they are not accompanied with their Kings consents for that they do absolutely depend upon their Majesties The Sieur de Chalais is Imprisoned I Shall not put an end to this discourse in onely acquainting you with the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment or the arresting of the two Brothers with their confidents Modene and Deagan for that suddenly after Tronson and Sauveterre were removed from the Court for having contrived many devices for hindring Monsieurs marriage as also Marsillac Governour of Sommieres was sent Prisoner to the Castle of Ancennis for having talked too boldly concerning the same subject But as the greatest part of all these designs were discovered in the processe against Chalais presently after the finishing of the marriage so I think it proper to treat more particularly of it Chalais had the honour to be the Master of the Kings Wardrobe and to be brought up from his Infancy near his Majesty but his Soul being over-mastred by ambition he every where discovered a great discontent against fortune openly saying that it would be needfull for him to seek out a more liberal Master then the King if he did intend to better his own condition it was thought that this Passion was that which ingaged him in the Faction then at Court but it is true that the love which he bore to Madam Cheureuse did no lesse ingage him in it The King was informed of his Intreagues from Paris and though his Majesty had pardoned him upon the assurances which he had given him and Monsieur the Cardinal of his future living in loyalty yet he did not cease to re-embroyl himself so potent are those two troublesome and giddy Passions and so great a power have they over the Souls of those whom experience hath not well instructed in the affairs of the world It was known that upon the first imprisonment of Monsieur de Vendosm hee had dispatched a Messenger from Blois to Monsieur and the Count de Soissons by which he gave them intelligence quite contrary to his Majesties interest and service The King had good reason to be offended at it yet his Clemency carried him on to command the Cardinal onely to tell him that he did run counter to those protestations of Fidelity which he had formerly made that his Contrivances were better known then he was aware off and that he should be carefull of his Actions Chalais was informed at the same time by others that the King was angry with him and finding himself guilty he desired to discourse with Monsieur the Cardinal to disguise his faults The Commander de Valenhay was the person who accompanied him to Beau-regard where the Cardinal then lay and being come thither he attempted to surprise the Prudence of that incomparable Minister by divers devices but Monsieur the Cardinal well informed of his ill deportment advised him to beware of himself and become more faithfull to the King his Master giving him to understand that
not resolved to put up such a wrong who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him would if not granted use all lawfull means of what kind soever to procure it These replies were so just and resolute that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction which France did so earnestly expect Politick Observation IT is very unseemly that a Kings Officers should perswade him to be worse then his word onely to satisfie their own Passions It were the ready way to subjugate the glory of the Master to the Will of the servant and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendor of the Sun who have no light but what they borrow from his rayes Private affections have ever been hurtfull to publick consultations as Titus Livy recordeth neither was his judgement to be questioned when he said there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul and make it like a dis-tempered eye which seeth all things far different from what they really are The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge and his glory is linked with it The Minister who is to see it performed is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect much lesse not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion How can it seem lawfull for a Minister to obstruct it by so prophane an abuse when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it though the good of his State were never so deeply concerned in it Good Princes as Traian saith are more bound to perform what they promise then to effect what themselves desire so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse then their words under pretence of the publick good or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper or that the necessity of their affairs doth require it If once a Prince should do so he would ever passe for a Prince without Faith which is the greatest misfortune can betide them and thus Mimus Publicanus saith he who hath once forfeited his Faith hath nothing else to lose because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entred into but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at It is a shamefull excuse for them to alledge they did not think of it Bias saith they cannot make no lawfull excuse for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithfull hath a more considerable damage then if he lost the thing which he promised After Cinna had sent for Marius he made a question whether or no he should receive him but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him told him it would be unfit to propose it to him for quoth he the obligation of Faith doth not allow of the consideration of what is once promised But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Majesty of a King to break his Oath for by it he doth seem to mock God whom he invoketh as a witnesse of his promise Cicero saith in his Offices that an Oath never ought to be broken and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death because they who were guilty of it did not onely violate the worship of God but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society The Traffique at Sea established DUring all these civil and forraign broyls the Cardinal was intent upon repairing those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars and upon setling such an Order in the three States that happinesse might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone in this he imitated the wise Physitian who having recovered his Patient maketh it his work to restore his former strength There onely wanted this one thing to the compleating of it That they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend would lend their assisting hands to it Now Commerce at Sea being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course which his Majesty having assented to he gave notice of it to the Undertakers and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships assuring them that they should have all possible assistance from him and that he doubted not but they might in time receive as great advantages by it as the Hollanders did by that which is setled amongst them or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design Montmor in the name of one hundred others presented to the Councel Articles of establishment for a Company to Traffique both into the East and West by Sea and Land He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres and that the moyety of the profits thereof should stil go towards the increasing of the said stock That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and setling the ground-works of their Trade These Proposals were very advantagious his Majesty approved of them and commanded the Cardinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company So they had divers Priviledges and Liberties granted to them in regard of Forraign Wars and the Wealth which followeth Traffique as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea which was no slight matter for that the Spaniards English and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea by this means and have often thereupon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures The Cardinal withall perswaded his Majesty at the same time to lay out a great sum of money to buy Ships both at Amsterdam Denmark and other places of France to defend themselves from the like incursions Politick Observation TWo things chiefly are necessary to render a Kingdome flourishing Government and Commerce and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist so without the latter we find it want many things important to the life of man and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches Those Politicians have deceived themselves who measure happinesse by vertue alone and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves are to no purpose We are not now in those times when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour Many more things are now require to entertain 〈◊〉 â—…en heretofore and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive ones self of them by lazinesse And admitting it were not so have not sundry Philosophers used Traffique as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things Solâ—n amongst the Athenians rendred himself capable of
the State into Factions They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council a certain number of Gentlemen to bring them up to do him the more service by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs and in conclusion they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes for the suppressing of divers useless Officers for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage by paying them in whose hands they were the monies lent upon them or full Interest out of the account of the Revenue to settle an order in the Treasury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them and resolved on So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty the most part of which appeared so reasonable and judicious that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another as fast as ever the Civil warres the Factions at Court and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it Politique Observation HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it with the advice of the States or at least of them who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of On such an occasion divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States which because they are ordinarily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude besides the great expence which they draw on I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly who are the only persons whose opinions serve for guides to the rest now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres whose counsels are replenished with so much light that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done to shine forth Not to need Counsel is to be more then man and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern is to be lesse then man God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science by the influences and light of the Sun but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things so it may safely be said too that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding doth not however forbear to bestow some light upon others too though peradventure inferiour both for sufficiency and quality that they may contribute with him to the General good by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom they cannot be lesse advantageous unto a Minister on such an occasion in which the angring of divers persons cannot possibly be avoided There never yet was any reformation for the publique good but many particular private persons were angred at it They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest are ever discontented and conceive no little ill will against that Minister who is guided only by his own will and direction Whereas if it were done by those whose wisdom is esteemed and whose Prudence is respected it would silence all men and make that sweet and easie which else would be bitter and insupportable It is very dangerous it for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon his own head only For good successe is not inherent in any man seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy withall it is not to be doubted but that the greatest part judging of things by the event would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen How many great men who promised themselves high matters have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe which might have been secured too had they but proposed their designs and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State Hee who attempts nothing without good advice secures himself from any ill accident whatever Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour to acquaint the Senate with every affair though never so little considerable Anthony the Debonair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War which he did not first communicate to several wise men protesting that it was more reasonable to accommodate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court a person who had been much in favour with the King He had been the first Gentleman of his Chamber and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable And as great favours puff up the mind and destroy the judgement of many if not qualified with a great underâ—â—anding he did so much forget himself that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will and interpose in matters of concernment in which he had neither ability or authority His Majesty was much grieved at it being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse themselves and be defective in that respect which is due unto him but it one day fell out that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his who must of necessity be dayly attending upon his Majesty being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike his Majesty resolved to deprive him not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bourbon of chief Querry an Office of no small advantage But as nothing is so displeasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off he was so transported by it that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair of that little judgement which he had There need no other indiscretion be alledged but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber when the Governour of Souvre came in thither whom he supposed one of the causers of his
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râ—ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châ—ureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâ—ng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâ—bly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâ—s hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
needs meet him with his Sword in his hand Not a day how holy soever but he would profane by his Duels no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other so little reckoning did he make of the Kings Prohibition after the comming out of the Edict he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him about the end of the foregoing year and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete where his second was killed which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it So the King resolved to punish him which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon The King took advice of his Confessor and as there was no reason to forgive such offences so he counselled him not to grant it and made it evident to him that he could not do it with a safe conscience but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris nay and in the Place Royal it self accordingly not long after thither he came and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron with whom he had a quarrel that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders whither Beuuron had come to find him out by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante not to fight on any of her Territories So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats where being met three against three Bouteville des Chapelles and La Berte against Beuvron Bussi d' Amboyse and Bouquet they fought and Beuvron was killed out right by Chapelles La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together with a good will to be at it with their daggers but having cast away their Swords it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life to go part their friends This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences The King heard of it and soon after that Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville by a Gentleman of hers and des Chapelles at Vitry from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament to be proceeded against his Majesty having absolutely refused to shew them any favour though their kindred made great requests for it and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve by order of the Parliament Politique Observation HE who defendeth the wicked and he who offendeth the good are both in equal abomination before the Lord as Salomon saith in his Proverb 's I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice but cruelty So Mercy without Justice is not Mercy but extream rashness It were not lesse improper to pardon all Crimes then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice Both ought to be moderated by discretion without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects whilst he was not King for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them when as he should arrive to the Throne Judging with great wisdome that it is impossible for him who ruleth to treat all with clemency not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe but also because unlesse he punish the wicked it will be a dimination of his own authority The Heathens say Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith nothing is more becoming a Prince then the excercise of this vertue and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique say The Throne of a King is established by Justice St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses saith the Justice of the King is the Peace of the people the Nurse of Children the defence of the Country the comfort of the poor and himself the hope of Heaven to come And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it he ought not to let it lye idle when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats It is a Crime more then Brutal for the instinct of nature forbideth beasts to fall upon one another It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year men t'other six mouths but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers not to be men at all but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood that are beasts Wolves and Tigres all their lives Their courage is not courage but a fury which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death and their souls to damnation It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous but a Devilish Charm which deprives them of their reason The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them is a monster begot by vanity brought up by fury and nourished by blood as it is said of that in Habacuc the greatest the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey What apparency of reason can there be alledged for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh before the images not of a Moloc a Saturn but a vain fantasie of honour What Justice to tollerate that which God hath so expresly forbid and condemned to be punished with death which heaven abhors which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier But above all things it ought not to be permitted when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on the next thing which follows will be the peoples revolt and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes The English who had already concluded upon
their entring into France resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping and others too were no lesse jealous of it They knew how much it behooved them to uphold the Hugonot party in France which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers to oppose any designs of theirs or attempt any thing upon them They well knew France was not a little to be feared when as it was at it's full liberty and no remora at home to hinder the going out of their powers That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours and that if the Hugonots were but once quashed and Rochel their strongest support destroyed his Majesty would then be at full liberty to prosecute his pretences So every one preferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him instead of assaulting others to defend himself they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to another to resolve particularly what should be done Politick Observation POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours but it ought to be accompanied with Justice else it cannot passe for a vertue and is to be used onely towards enemies The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others which we would not have done to our selves they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigismonds Ambassadours who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it that he had such Guns in his Arcenal as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria but as much as he could finger too in any other place An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot but not so in Christian Princes whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice That which Antigonus the Great replyed to one who would needs perswade him that whatever Kings had a mind to was lawful was much more praise worthy he told him true it was so but amongst Barbarian Kings not them who professe Justice and to whom all injustice is an abomination God hath in the Scriptures apointed distinct Laws both for Princes and private men and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence Plutarch blameth Marius very much for not executing Justice but when it was advantageous and because he alwayes took profit to be honest not regarding truth so he might be stronger but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force God saith Isaiah reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees Prosecution of the Historie THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie by the Duke of Savoys means who desirous to reveng himself because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge made choise of him as a person capable to embroyle things who went about it the more passionately because he was offended with the Cardinal for having driven him out of France for making of cabals against the State His first voyage was into Holland to see how they stood inclined and to draw them into the league But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs he could make but little progress in it his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel which being once concluded The King of England sent about the month of April the Lord Mountagu to take particular orders for execution of it both in Savoy and Lorrain and with the Duke of Rohan It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Montagues Journy and no one was thought more fit then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain with whom he was to discourse that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France He having found the Duke much exasperated and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger he ingaged to him to enter upon France at the same time that the English Fleet should land there The Duke also gave him hopes that his attempts should be the more considerable in regard the Emperour who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed and having disposed the Duke of Lorrain to the doing whatever he could demand he went into Languedoc where meeting the Duke of Rohan he gave him an accompt of their whole design who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England Savoy and Lorrain he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest Thence he went to Savoy where the Duke animated against France and particularly against the Cardinal his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea to which purpose part of his Forces were already upon their march He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot and five hundred Horse exhorting him to be careful and courageous for that their business was in a good condition They fancied to themselves that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues having had a continual watch upon him foure months together that he might snap him upon his return and learn more particularly by the contents of his Papers the quality of his negotiations and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him About him was found a little cabinet of papers which
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâ—llisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
Monsieur the Cardinal enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs his Majesty thus informed of their resolution suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel that he might incourage his Souldiers to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men did not permit the effecting of it so soon as his Majesty desired It pleased his Providence to visit him with sicknesse from the first day of his departure from Paris which encreasing forced him to stay at Villeroy His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it and experience having told him that it was but reasonable he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals management But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident that her sadnesse would not give her leave to think on any thing The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul as well as upon the Queen Mothers but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory It cannot be denied but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome It was a parting blow upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it and his prudence effected such things which cannot passe but for miracles Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do since the King had commanded him to ease himself as much as possible he could for his health sake which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister He had induced his Majesty to think good that he should take for his share the care of what related to his Majesties glory or the conduct of his State This moderation of his was to be admired at and such as few are indued with In that he represented to his Majesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac who was a person Active Lively and full of Understanding he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent which being thus he could apply all his care to the government of the State and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands And lastly that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France or any other State that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers who are never satisfied untill they rule all so he was pleased to admit of his request which he did the more readily grant in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health which could not long subsist under the care of all things though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world From that time forward he medled onely in matters of State and left all the rest to the other Ministers Politique Observation A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses is a rash inconsiderate man and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government and hatred upon his person The Soul of man of what quality soever he be is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks and true it is who so divideth the strength of his Genius in the management of all affairs can act but feebly in those of great weight and by consequence to the detriment of the publick good It is with Souls as with Appetites they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats over-charge themselves and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours thus those minds which would govern all leave all in disorder Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith that the Prince ought to be like a hand which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority the hand hath divers fingers to work There need no other proof of this truth then that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State besides the administration of Justice and the superintendency of the Treasuries A chief Minister ought to have his eye not onely upon all things affairs and persons of concernment in the Kingdome but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies yes and upon their Ministers too to discover if possible their designs and either by policy or force to break such as may be any way prejudicial to his Master He ought to have his Engines on work to dive into the Counsels of the Pope the Emperour the Spaniard and all other neighbour Princes He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours their inclinations passion exercises and all that may conduce to the Government In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent he is bound to oppose it If his Allies be set upon he must be as careful to defend protect them as the out-guards of his Kingdome As for that which is considerable at home the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time either in his applications to preserve his favour or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels as may be proper and profitable together The Princes of the blood too will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction it being true that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome doth most commonly depend upon them He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates to keep them in such decorum that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls
and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel of his Forces in â—oicion Xâ—in onge Angoumois and Aulnis Monsieur shewed in several encounters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct than those who had spent all their time in Arms Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois where they had much a do to bring him off He was extream carefull for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree and to keep the Army in discipline The King arrived at Rochel and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses sufficient to have obliged him to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company had not his confidence diverted him from it and perswaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris They made him believe that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was by thus employing Monsieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King to make a good understanding between them a thing no whit desired by them who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them which would render themselves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull This procedure is ordinary with them who serve great Princes for their private Interests they still fear lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it This was the true reason which carried Monsieur back to Paris his Highness having given more credit to their councels which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion which carried him on to the wars when he might testify his courage to be no way inferiour to his birth Politique Observation IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown that they live contented but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous when passing into Asia he killed all his kindred excepting one of his Bastard brothers of whom he had no suspition A Barbarousness onely received among Turks where it passeth for a piece of Policy I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus who before they were beaten by the Portugals took away the lives of most of their kindred The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed who shut them up in a place from whence they never are permitted to come out excepting onely him who is to succeed in the Empire Christianity hath Laws more moderate and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny but it well liketh those prudent counsels which Kings take so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles and that they become not too powerfull in the State It is wisedome to be kind unto them to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices which have more credit than power not to give them the Authority of a great province of any strong places or the command of an Army at least for no long time without a faithful Livetenant who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth they become too potent and assume too great authority The desire of Command which their birth hath given them doth blind their minds when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands Command saith Titus Livy takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger of being killed by him So Selimus being made partner of the Government by his father Bajazet slew him that he alone might have the sole command And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his commâ—â—g to the Crown Hardly an Age passeth but some examples of this kind have appeared which have made it evident that great power in the Princes Royal is incompatible with the Publique Quiet or the safety of a Soveraign The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree THE first succours which had been sent to Ree had been to little purpose if the â—ing had not come in person and sent over an Army to drive out the English It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou to the mercy of the Sea to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land to relieve a Fort half lost and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army seeing especially that in so doing Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards it was impossible to overcome them but in the Kings presence at whose sight there is not any difficulty which the courage of the French would not surmount His Majesty having recovered his health forthwith resolved to depart from Paris He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces from whence he departed to which end he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy with Forces and power to oppose the English if they should make any incursion there about He sent other Commissions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first toward Poictou He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet part of which was already drawn together He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de Mâ—xie from the King of Spain of a Fleet to serve him against the English but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand than for any great help he expected from it In fine he gave power to the Queen Mother to govern during his absence the Provinces in and about Paris and then he set forwards toward Rochel that he might be there with the first The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged as also the Army which lay in expectation of him before Rochel They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they expected him so he would not make any stay in his journey onely at Saumer where is the Church
all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven Though this latter opinion is at present but weak and frivolous seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of obstacles of this nature Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre stopped up the Channel by a Bank took away all hopes of relief and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honourable terms Caesar did the like before Duras as also St. Lewis upon the Râ—â—s being a Branch of the River Nile the Prince of Parma at Antwerp and Spinola at Ostend all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged But amongst all none is like a Bank because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins of Masts Cables Timber or the like Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions for that small Vessels may passe over them as Câ—eus Duellius the Roman Consul did who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa caused all his men and luggage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow they rowed over the other half and so got clear away the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia when they found their enterprise was discovered The Sieur de Macheville is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Treves to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo both in opposition of the English Forces and in the reducing of Rochel did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes who were Allies to the Crown of France His great Soul like universal causes produced a thoâ—sand several effects at the same time nor could the mâ—nagement of any one important affair divert him from being circumspect in several others He advised his Majesty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville towards the Electors of Baviers and Treves for the negotiating divers affairs particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans That the Electors did much desire his Majestâ— would invite the Pâ—ince Palatine to retire himself into France That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French Interests and thâ—t divers Pâ—inces of the Catholick League did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace or a Cessation of Arms in Germany Upon these four points it was that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them As to the first he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours design His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him in his imaginary hopes of the Empire by representing to him as likewise unto the rest of the Electors That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members their union would bee the stronger and their conditions the more secure And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them but not too openly that the Emperour not being troubled by Age or Sicknesse it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more considerable towards the Princes of Germany and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship it being so conducing to his design whereas having attained his ends and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them neither for himself or his it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice This was he expresly charged not openly to declare because the King thought it more proper to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire or at least to defer his Election rather then to discover himself However he was commanded to advise them in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire which it would concern them to do before the Election least he might be the more averse to peace when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son As to the second particular which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome he was commanded to tell those Princes that his Majesty could not assent unto it whatever proposals they made of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges His reasons were these That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge and likewise that there was no reason why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge not being necessitated thereunto and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty he was then commanded freely to reply unto them that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him and his whole family Besides if the young Prince should come into France his Majesty was in Honour bound never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States and that he could not give him a Retreat without promising to protect him which he knew would not sort with their Interests That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so difficult seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction but the secret management of it being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition the knowledg of this hath not been discovered unto any one but themselves As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace at least a Cessation of Arms it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark and the Princes of the Lower Saxony which had but ill successe so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually not onely
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
fell off from their obedience he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them if they should suffer themselves to be led away by some who endeavoured it he informed them of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises or the assistance of the English Fleet which could not hinder the relieving of the I le of Ree his words thus animated what with his address and the confidence which they bad in him so wrought on them that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him in which they protested to live and dye in that Loyalty which they owed unto his Majesty This was as much as could be wished for all the other Towns great and small uningaged in the Rebellion did the like and his Prudence was so succesful that the Towns of Briateste Castres Pamiers Puylâ—urens Mazares Sainct Amand Cabarede Mazâ—res Masdazil â—alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals But the misfortune was that having left divers mutinous and factious Spirit of â—onsieur de Rohans Party in Castres Pamiers and some others of those Towns before named they did not remain firm to the Resolutions he had insinuated to them by which means the Duke of Rohan soon after became Master of them Politique Observation IN Publique exhortations Prudence is many times as effectual as Force But for the safty of Towns the Inhabitants ought to be prevented their Arms taken away and the most Factious amongst them turned out from them To prevent them is of great consequence they being like the Camileon which taketh any colour that is laid before it Sometimes a very little matter will settle them if applied in time and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them by acquainting them with their own weaknesses and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests the Rule by which they Judg of all things For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness seeing they never hold long in the same humour the least shew of liberty charmeth them They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs Lovers of Novelties moved with any winds nay those of their own raising They do more affectionately embrance those things which are prohibited then those which are permitted them Great friends they are to innovations Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink not to be seperated from them insomuch that to leave them armed when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand The apprehending and securing of seditious persons is the next thing considerable which ought especially to be done A discreet Phisician doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body which serve to nourish his Fever and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe in a place where Rebellion is like to break out is to withdraw all such discontented mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commendable Pitty If they should complain of their condition it is much better to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place where they cannot do any hurt then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means maketh use of force THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan was very advantagious but it did not totally to the businesse The King finding it commanded an Army to be raised and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces in Languedoc Dauphine Guienne and Lyonnois He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there expedited certain Regiments thither but finding there would be need of a greater power to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle he dispatched this Commission to the Prince of Conde with order to raise new Levies and to take the Field with the first He presently hereupon came to Lyon but upon better consideration it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts because there were several places to be looked after and far distant from one another so the Prince of Conde had the better half the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care then Governour of Languedoc Monsieur the Prince marched out of Lyon about the beginning of December â—â—â—nded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny Marshals of the Camp the Mâ—â—quesse de Nangis Comte de Tournon Comte de Charlus Vicomte de l' Estrange Montreal and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers He had two Troops of Carabins and near about two thousand foot with these he lay before Soyon a strong place upon the Rhone which did very much trouble the passage of the River he assaulted it and in two dayes forced them to deliver There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin which did much infest those parts the Prince surrounded it took it by storm and put all the Souldiers in it to the Sword From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy he commanded them to march against some certain places which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to defend but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers apprehended on sight of the Army made them open their gates so they entred without resistance At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier to go and besiege Corconne and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas both of them behaved themselves with courage in it and performed his commands the former taking Corconne a place strong of scituation being the Key to Seveunes and the second making himself Master of Aubenas by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it In the mean while the Duke de Rohan was in the Comte de Foix whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him as well to fight him as to oppose his designs They followed him some dayes without doing any thing worth notice But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage came up so near him near Castel Naudau that he could not avoid the fight Orders were accordingly and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left by the Sieur de Arpageon seconded by the Company of the
of revenging the affront which they had so lately received perswaded them to a general consent They wanted onely the third Vote upon which the Levy depended where upon they refused to contribute any money colouring their denial by diverse complaints which they made against the Duke of Buckingham and most part of the Chief Ministers in England which made a great noise in the Parliament and so incensed the King that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints and give them answer accordingly However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law This was all the Rochelois could hope for yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King they carried themselves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined they trod under foot the Kings Authority and chose him for their Protector who was Declared Emeny of his Crown Politique Observation ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become disloyal to their Prince or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country yet it is a thing easily resolved on when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend and which have engaged them in their revolts In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim That granting one absurdity a thousand others will follow by consequence It is no lesse certain among Polititians that a people carried into one fault which is the taking up Arms against their Prince will be exposed to great extremities and every day augment the number of their Crimes Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters in desperate affairs from strangers and such means as are without all apparence of reason probable wayes or ordinary instruments They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities and new thoughts if they find their former resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected They easily follow those who put them in hopes of liberty If any seditious person in credit with them do but tickle them in the eare with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt nay to throw themselves into the Armes of their very worst enemy never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease Being once revolted they never return to their duties but by force of Armes and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved inviteth them rather to run and hazard then that of confessing their errour and repenting An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labourers who are at every ones service that will make use of them ready they are to subvert all things not for the publique good but in order to their own design and under pretence of liberty The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accompanied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance not for any love to them but themselves that they may make advantuge out of their divisions discord is their Musique The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines presently banish their Officers gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free people but finding themselves too weak to hold out at that rate they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes which was not denied to them by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in of one another Geâ—â—oua sent them men and Munitions Lucqua mony and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them sent both one and t'other Neither is this the last degree of a mutinous people for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded of being hardly dealt with and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak after a tast of licentiousness and impunity The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty THe King finding what need he should have of Ships had as hath been related accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy by Don Diego de Maxia in behalf of the King of Spain But their design in that proposal being only to engage France in an open war with England that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possible Honour and indeed such it was that Don Frederick could not enough admire at the manner of his entertainment Shortly after he departed towards the I le of Ree where at that time was no great need of him But however he proffered his service unto the King who received him with great kindness His Majesty sending to visit him but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals men and necessaries that those things together with his long delay considered It was easie to Judg they had no great mind to fight for France and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome and that with a little charge if he had a mind to send any Forces to them At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this suspition when not long after he went to his Majesty and took his leave of him to return towards Spain telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon considering he came so far but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves His Majesty on the other side knowing That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions and at last cast did so much the easilier consent to his departure and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel So he finding the wind fair hoysed sail about the end of January to return to
it by Force of Arms. It cannot be doubted but that this is the safest way of dealing with an Enemy provided it be managed without breath of any oath or Promises passed between Comanders of both parties for otherwise Stratagems only pass for infidelity yet it is lawfull to use all devices and win them to a Credulity and thus did every one commend the procedure of the French Army at the siedge of Gisonne neer Saint Severin against the Army of Ferdinand The Arragonois wearied out with the Incomodities of the siedge had recourse to their devices and endeavoured to practise with some French to deliver up the place The French too generous to be so cowardly and too faithful to be corrupted would not however loose the advantage which they might make by this proposal of theirs they seemed to approve of it and assigned the hour for execution In the mean while they inform the Governour of it who laid some certain Souldiers in ambush neer the Gate by which they were to enter by which means he slew about a hundred on the place took divers Prisoners and by this losse brought Ferdinands Army into a great disorder and trouble The King goes from Rochel to Paris to dissipate those Factions which began to rise thereabouts by the Hugonots in Pircardie Champagnie and Brie THE Cardinal who dived into the Counsels and designs of Forraign Princes acquainted his Majesty with those promises the English had made to assist the Rochelois and that his presence would be very needful in the Camp both to incourage his Souldiers as also to hasten on the works where every one in his sight would labour in emulation of one another But on the other side his Majesty was informed that his being so far from Paris had given opportunity to the Hugonots of the Provinces neer adjoyning to make assemblies and to incourage the people to revolt He was advised of several meetings which they made in Picardie Champagne and Brie under divers pretences as sometimes of Civility of a wedding or some quarrel in all which meetings there were means used to perswade the people to rise and take up Arms. He was also wel acquainted that they designed to seize upon some strong place or other so that his Majesty was obliged to return to Paris that by his presence and authority he might dissipate these growing mischiefs In the mean while that no time might be lost and that the Rebels might have no advantage order was sent to the Queen Mother to secure the Counts de la Suse and de Roussy in the Bastile The former she arrested by an Exempt in her Antichamber and the second at Roussy by the Duke d' Elboeuf The King having resolved upon his Journy thought it necessary to commit the care of the siedge of finishing the works and the Bank and of keeping the Souldiers in obedience and from disbanding which they formerly used to do upon his Majesties removal unto some Person whose dilligence and credit might be capable of giving successe to it Besides it was necessary that this person should be exceeding Loyal for the preventing that misfortune which befel Charles the ninth when he lay before the same town where he was put unto infinite trouble and charge and all to no purpose because they whom he trusted with the Chief commands and orders were not faithful and true to him It being very difficult to find all these three qualities in any one Person the King cast his eyes on the Cardinal as the only man in whom he could totally confide for carrying on of the siedge and all other things in order thereunto His Majesty discoursed with him to that purpose now the Cardinal although he was not ignorant that the absence of the Court is commonly a great disadvantage to such as are in favour by reason of the oportunity which they who are envious of their condition have to work them a mischief yet he readily accepted of that employment and protested to his Majesty that he would not spare any pains or diligence to bring it to a happy issue though it cost his blood and life which he should think well sacrificed in his Majesty service so the King gave him a full power to dispose of all things during his absence and gave him the command over the Duke of Angoulesme the Marshals de Bassompierre and Schomberg the Marshals of the Camp the Master of the Artillerie and all other Inferiour Officers whatever But I cannot omit with what reluctancy his Majesty went from him to Paris For it is very remarkable that his Majesty having received the Adieux of all his Officers rid up apart to a certain person of quality who was then to receive his Commands for Italy and keeping close with him said not a word for a good while together so troubled he was at his departure until at last my heart quoth he is so sad and heavy to leave Monsieur the Cardinal for fear least some mishap befal him that I am hardly able to speak for grief and therefore tell him from me that if he would have me think he loveth me that he must be careful of himself and that he adventure not hereafter into any of those dangers which he usually doth That he consider in what state my affairs would be if I should loose him I am not ignorant quoth he how that there are many people who endeavour to obstruct and hinder his bringing of his business to effect but tell him I do so much esteem his service that I shall never forget it These words were very obliging and assured testimonies of the great affection which his Majesty had for him The glory too which this Grand Minister did every day obtain by his happy services in his Majesty behalf was a tye very powerful to continue those affections of his King and Master Politique Observation THE love of a Prince is a great Honour to a Statesman and that not only in respect of the particular Benefit which floweth from it but also in regard of the Publique good which he doth watch over Where he is not beloved he wanteth authority without which he cannot do any thing worth consideration For the obtaining of this love then he ought to use his utmost art and diligence and he is bound to prefer it before his own or any other Interests whatever Alcomiaas the Grecian Servant to King Philip being told that the Athenians and Thebans wished his death with a great eagernesse replyed he was sorry for it yet that he regarded it but little so he could preserve his Masters affection This ought to be the Rule of a Chief Ministers conduct when he finds himself in his Masters good esteem For to hope that he may please his Soveraign and the Lords of his Court too is a vanity and can never be brought to passe Now to the Intent he may enjoy his Masters love in an eminent degree I should advise him not to rely too much on
lost and the King taken prisoner Now for the staying of Souldiers in an Army one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus is this pay them well clothe them well shoe them well arm them well feed them well and so order the businesse that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses and when they be thus well used such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished Corbulo beheaded all such without mercy and it was observed that this severity of his was of great advantage to him for by it he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number Neither is it lesse needful to prevent Captaines and Commissaries scroles who can by a dangerous miracle revive dead Souldiers in their companies and make more to appear then really they have This is an inconveniency of which the losse of the Kings mony is the least consequent evil for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises he may perchance when it comes to a trial find himself much weaker then he expected and by that means run into the same premunire that Francis the first did at Pavie The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used who notwithstanding the vastnesse of his Armie and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces that he would often review them in his own presence pay the Souldiers with his own hands and be perpetually in company with them not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them but that he might take care to provide necessaries for them encourage some and reward others who had wel deserved of him If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished with so much the more rigor in regard their faults are of so dangerous a consequence The English Fleet cometh before Rochell THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain at last wrought on him to send out his Fleet to Sea upon their first being ready for it and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille The light Vessels which the Cardinal in his Majesties absence being then at Surgeres had sent out to discover the Coast brought intelligence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces seven men of War of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns twenty Barques of about thirty and forty and divers Fire-ships There was such order taken to repel them in case they should attempt to passe the Bank that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark there was also the Kings Fleet composed of good store Men of war and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard and commanded as Vice-Admiral who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies and to fight those who were in it The others were to follow his example and every one had order to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore as possible they could where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles of the greater Vessels shot from the Batteries yet they would find themselves entangled amongst fourscore other Vessels Gallies Galliots and Barques from whence it would be difficult to get off and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp The strength of his Army the Batteries which were built on the shores and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces banish'd all causes of fear from him neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he had in God for whose glory he did fight more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion In short as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy obligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay he likewise called a Councel of War where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank That no Vessel should releeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy and should fall foul upon one of his own party not yet provided then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy that both might fall upon him that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should presently come to assist and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over That in such case too they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power and pour in some Buckets of Water That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships by surprising their Shallops in case they had any or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail they should have their long boats armed and ready to advance with assistance against any fire where it should happen This order was resolved on by the King assisted with his Generals and Sea Captains and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Admiral who distributed it amongst the Officers Lastly his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy when-ever they should appear Politique Observation OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince than the Military which not onely preserves his own State to him but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the
the same Rochelois were embarqued after the exhortations of their Ministers and their Captains had solemnly sworn to passe the Bank in dispight of all opposition or die in the attempt just then they should be struck with such faint heartednesse that not a man durst stir his hand and their Minister Vincent who exhorted them could no longer speak unto them as himself confessed in a Letter to a Friend of his was not that a real miracle which hapened two dayes before the English departed when there fell so thick a myst that one could hardly see his hand which opportunity they intended to make use of to force the Bank and on a sudden to see it dissipated though it was thought that it would have lasted three hours at least and the wind which was at that time fair to change about and that into so violent a storm that one of their Vessels was forced on shore neer Pont de la Pierre Was it not miraculous to see the Kings Army clear from all contagious diseases notwithstanding that the Rochelois had often sent out infected persons on purpose to infect others Was it not strange that the Sea should grow so rough at the first laying the foundation for the Bank and break it open without doing any other hurt then enlarging of the ground-work a thing necessary in it self and too narrow to uphold so great a bulk And besides was it not a miracle that whilest the Bank was not yet finished the Sea Floods which yeeld to nothing should not do any hurt to it They who are eye-witnesses of so many wonders could not but confesse that Heaven fought for his Majesty and that the Winds which observe nothing but inconstancy were by God subjected to him to become favourable to his designs Who can refuse to acknowledge these things to be the effects of Gods extraordinary power for his Majesty at the same time did a great and evident miracle upon a child of 12 years old who never having spoke word onely Ay and No spake perfectly as soon as ever the King had touched her She was born at St. Jean de Angely and brought by her Parents who confidently beleeved that she would be well if his Majesty did but touch her Politique Observation THE Piety of a King avails much in the obtaining of Victorie Who can doubt it seeing God is the Authour of them and that Piety is a charm which captivates him as the Royal Prophet hath said To hear the Prayers of them who fear him and to defend them from their enemies Antiquity used to say according to Plutarch that Fortune gave to Demetrius those Towns which he took in Nets of Gold Mercurius Tresmegistus saith that he whose Piety puts him into Gods protection is not easily surprised by any ambush and St. Augustine writeth in his Book de Civit. Dei That the Romans had not been Masters of the Universe by Force and Prudence but by the Virtue and Piety which they practised The Victories they obtained being the rewards of their deserts indeed Justice and Piety are the strongest weapons a Soveraign can imploy to suppresse his enemies And if any one ask the reason of it I shall onely alledge this that Piety renders them worthy to obtain Victories from the hand of God who hath promised in a thousand places of holy Writ to imploy his power in the behalf of those Kings which are righteous And how often hath God made the Winds and Tempests to fight their Battels who have been carefull to walk in his ways How often hath he opened inaccessible places to them and calmed the Sea for their sakes Hath it not been often seen that an handfull of men by his assistance have brought strong Armies to confusion and became Masters of places thought to be impregnable To speak truly nothing is so strong so powerfull so invincible nor so generous as that valour which marching under the Banners of Christian Piety submiteth its self to Gods protection the true strength of all Christian Princes And as it were in vain to seek for Light without the Sun Water without Fountains or Rivers and heat without fire so it would be ridiculous to expect true strength from any other then his protection who is the God of Battels The more a Prince is in favour with him the more courage will he give him especially when he fighteth for his glory and this is a maxime which may serve for a foundation to the happinesse of all Kings and who so observeth it not buildeth his designs upon the sand Alphonsus King of Sicily and Arragon taught his son Ferdinand in such terms as were very proper to be learned by all young Princes in their infancy It was then when he sent him to revenge the injuries which he had received from the Florentines Behold his words My son said he That which I chiefly command you is Trust not so much upon your souldiers courages as upon your hopes of assistance from Heaven learn to day from me Victory is not the effect of the Discipline or industry of men but of Gods power who is the judge of Battels The Military Art can never assure of an happy successe in our designs if we be once defective in making God our friend by the Piety and Innocence of our actions In fine all the maxims of War not link'd with the Laws of God are weak foundations and all the fortunes which are not grounded upon him who turns the Globe of the Earth with his hand are nearer to destruction then advancement The Greeks though brought up in the darknesse of errour did they not design to teach us when in their fables it was said that Mercury who was adored by them for the God of Prudence was nursed by the hours For to what end was it if not to teach their people that all humane wisedome if not regulated nor sustained by the measures of Heaven could not have any nourishment or subsistance The Dissentions amongst the Rochelois upon the Departure of the English THE departure of the English cast the Rochelois into such despair that they had doubtlesse set open the Gates to his Majesty so much were the inferiour sort oppressed with necessity and want had it not been for the Dutchesse of Rohan and the exhortations of their Preachers who never ceased from crying out unto the people that they never ought to despair of assistance from Heaven which never forsaketh them who are the Protectors of the Gospel There presently did arise great dissentions between them but the prevalent party imprisoned some and executed others whom they found disposed to an accommodation insomuch that from that time the poor people were ready to perish by famine and durst not complain of it They were perswaded of a new succour from England for the procuring of which they sent new Deputies to his Majesty of Great Brittain with instructions to incite him upon the score of honour representing to him that he could not suffer their
proper to pay them often and little then seldome and by great sums which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Resolutions The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year did at first make a great noise but soon after Monsieur the Prince the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour who commanded his Majesties forces become Masters of the field and before the end of it repossessed themselves of all those palces which were capable of being forced in a few days for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin and many other places upon the Rhone which were of great importance in those Countries by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency Vantadour and d' Espernon who were to be there to consider what was fit to be done Now as he passed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes had seized of the Castle de Vauvert belonging to the Duke of Vantadour and he finding himself obliged by many considerations concludeth to pursue them but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them forthwith surrendred it up into his power His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer but having had the satisfaction of reducing this place he arrived there with great content and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue the Count de Carmain with some Regiments to Foix which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined and that the Prince and Duke of Montmorency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight and sometimes met with them for they well knew that long deliberation is an enemy to good successe especially in matters of War The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms scouring up and down the Country and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes de la Chassagne and d' Aubay Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers and that of his guard to follow him whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the enemy that he ingaged them broke their ranks cut some in peeces took divers Prisoners and put the rest to flight The taking of Pamiers and other places by the Prince of Conde ABout the same time the Sieur de Perant Governour of Vsez fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment seconded with a hundred Curassiers and fought with them Marmoirac two of his Captains one Ensign and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place the rest were pursued to the very Gates As for Monsieur the Prince and the Duke de Montmorency they departed from Tholouze directly to Pamiers where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix had built a Cittadel which by the leasure he had was made very strong they led up the Army to it and made their approaches so happily that they onely lost two men Monsieur the Prince raised a Battery filled up the Ditches and prepared every thing for a Breach the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open which the Prince having notice of he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town which they did and being got over lodged themselves under the Wall being unable to passe further on by reason of the Trench they met with but the standing which they had was so advantagious that the inhabitants could not offend them at all and not a man of the Town could appear but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets insomuch that they forced them to demand quarter which the Prince caused to be given unto them from thence he went to â—ealmont a strong Town in Alkigeois against which place he raised three Batteries which thundring upon them forced them to surrender upon composition The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc which they reduced under his Majesties obedience and thence he caused some Troops to face Cosâ—â— and Saint Seveâ— Brassao and Castebrian which places were forced to open their Gates The Harvest now was comminâ—â—on and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Montaâ—â—an Casâ—res Nismes and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres the Duke de Montmorency before Nismes and the Duke â— Espernon before Montauâ—â—â— They 〈◊〉 Castre having notice of the Princes design drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers and upon those who came within shot they leâ—â—flie their great Guns The Prince was not dismayed at it but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory They whom he commanded to make the wast fell lustily to their work to the admiration of all those in the Town who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them Their first was a very violent encounter and maintained with great courage untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work The Duke de Montmorancy for his part took Poussin in his march a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel a place of importance and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour and Marquesse Desporsez he went to Forrage about Nismes where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one
hundred foot whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine but Vsez Aletz Aduze and all the Sevennes having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground both old and new neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers his Gardes and Carabines which were in garrison at Beaucair being commanded to march up towards Nâ—smes that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town on purpose to invite them out they presently made their sally and were so resolutely charged that their horse was broken and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot left threescore and seventeen dead upon the place and about fifty wounded After this blow the Rebels durst not appear any where their luck 's was so bad so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts obtained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry Politique Observation HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt must not expect to keep them any long time unlesse he be Master of the Field his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish and he will soon see them re-taken by his Soveraign before his face if once he be master of the Country For as there is not any place how weak soever which doth not hold out some small time especially if it be assisted so there is not any place how strong soever that can alwaies hold out it not releeved that is unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot to force him who is sate down before it to raise his siege or at least to send Forces and Ammunitions into it Places cannot defend themselves but must have men to do it for them neither can the men ever do it unlesse they have refreshments both of victuals munitions and Souldiers otherwise the troubles necessities and discommodities of a Siege will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted because of his greater power to prevent and hinder it Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed seem to command and keep the Country in subjection but this power of theirs can be of no long date unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men Victuals and Munition The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea that they mocked at Alexander when he besieged them and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them they asked of him if he designed to make himself greater then Neptune by that device of his to overcome the Sea his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matterials towards the Bank but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country finished his works which he had projected and finally forced them to render at his mercy Which being so the best advice that can be given to a Soveraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it is forthwith to make himself master of the field and to fall upon them and their Towns without giving them leasure to increase their numbers or fortifie their Cities For shewing a resolution to force them by Arms if they submit not by fair means is a most powerful way to open the strongest gates whatever Maharbal General of Hannibals horse was not ignorant of this particular when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome after that famous Battel of Cannes telling him that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too Hannibal followed not his Councel but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome and to have forced the Citizens to set open their Gates unto him Caesar never did so but when ever he found himself master of the field any where presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest which he could not think compleat whilest there remained any thing undone or any small place untaken The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc the Duke of Savoy and Doâ—n Joncales de Cordona Governour of Milan seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montferrat made a League together The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat excepting Casal Poâ—t Desture Nice Aqui and some other places and that the Marquesse de Montenigro should fall in upon the State of Mantoua and get what he could there The Emperour being wrought to it by the Spaniards commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles who pretended himself heir to them were adjudged and determined and sent the Comte Jâ—an de Nassan in the quality of an Imperial Commissary to seize on them and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it In brief the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready upon the first news of Duke Vincents death seized upon Albe Sainct Damien Dian Trin Gabian and Motecalvo Don Joncales went with his Army to Casal where finding himself opposed he made himself Master of the adjacent places and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could The Duke of Matnua hereupon dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty for those succours which had been promised to him and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot and two thousand horse part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Mantuâ—â— The King being informed of these violent emotions permitted all Monsieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy who cast themselves into Cazal and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don
to forsake their false and turn unto the true Religion and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Diviâ—ae and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Authority to punish those offences committed against God then those against their own persons so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresie with all the severity that it deserveth But however discreet Princes have alwayes used much moderation in this particular because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth and when it might quickly destroy Heresie without any likelihood of its springing up again but that being once spread abroad and increased Rigors and Severities would more fix and confirm it besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State by such cruelties and punishments It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat which grew together in the field and were hard to be divided it being most certain that it is full as difficult nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie when multiplyed without great confusion even to the State where it is and some trouble to the true Church it self But granting all this to be so yet the Laws of Prudence do not allow of at least whilst a Prince may avoid it that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy in his bosome to foment a Rebellion against himself and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat It is also to give advantage unto strangers who are still fishing in troubled States and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it and in fine it were to expose himself the true Church and Professors of true Religion unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies That Prince who allows them but weapons submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of but he who employeth his power to destroy them doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity but also of great Prudence and discretion The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine towards Piedmont THe same day that his Majesty went to the Pallace to publish his Declaration Ordinances and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence in his Majesty who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras immediately after the taking of Rochel that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place where he intended to make use of them insomuch that he lost not one hours time upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend His Majesty desired to go by the way of Bourgogne and Champagne as well to avoid the sickness which was very hot upon the Road of Lion as also because he had not as yet passed by the Towns of Troyes Dion or Chaal us Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this what respect they were obliged to shew unto him Politick Observation WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects yet they have all concluded it fit that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome This gives them an acquaintance of the people whom they are to governe and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect because the people are often guided by their own sences and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves reverenced and esteemed The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes as the pomp where with they are accompanied whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion that a King ought not to make himself be feared yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him Humility is a virtue which in this particular is to be dispenced with because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour which is due unto them and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons but with great respects and seldome would appear in publick but when with great attendance The ancient Kings of the Persians Medes and Judians required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome and then with great Ceremony too and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar. WHiles the King was at Chaalous the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him hoping that by his bare complements civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar which was in his possession by the death of his predecessour The King had often called upon him to do his homage knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes then over his own subjects The Duke refused it not but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged The King who could not endure injustice would not permit that the Dutchess his wife who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with but resolved that either shee should do the homage or he in her name Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the
madnesse thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebellious Subjects and thus openly to maintain Heresie What was now become of Religion that specious Cloak of theirs which had so often been the stalking horse to their ambitious designs Did he not herein evince to the whole World that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion was onely a Vail to cover the injustice and violence of his designs seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresie when it served to support his pretences He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assurance to the Duke of Rohan for that he clearly saw if his Majesty did once absolutely overcome the Hugonot party or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils that he would then soon bound in his Ambition and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies because if France should but once unite and become one he would then find him self prevented in all his designs against them nothing of good successe could in reason befall him and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and many more mis-fortunes Politique Observation JT is not lawfull for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Princes Subjects raise against him seeing he is no lesse bound to deal justly with his neighbours then with his own Subjects If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition God who is the Judge of all Kings dealeth justly with him if he be whipt with the same Rod and as there is not any Crime in a Subject so bad as that of Rebellion so neither can one Prince do a greater out-rage to another then by protecting it seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State and disordereth the most powerfull Spring by which Soveraigns govern their people Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government that which makes them long to Reign that which secureth them from forraign enterprises and the strongest Bulwark to defend them as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs and it may be truely said that that is it which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune That King who offendeth another inviteth him to retaliate the like and he who supporteth a Rebellion enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury that he may repay him in his own kind and thus both a the ingaged by this means in one anothers ruine God Almighty doth sometimes indeed permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments but although he doth permit it to be so yet he doth not approve of it That which is unjustly got will not long last unlesse preserved by Justice Kingdomes are said to be like Tortoises which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure but in danger when once they are abroad And I do verily believe that that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance is because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds unlesse for the just defence of its Allies or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it It hath imitated the River Nile never over-flowed it s own Banks but it inriched those places where it passed Whereas they of the house of Austria ambitious of assaulting other Countries are now assaulted by every one and receiveth notable decreases of its power though it hath been but of a few Ages and they find that ancient saying to be true to their losse That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it His Majesty Summoneth Privas HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolencies of the Heretiques but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them This made his Majesty depart from Suze with some part of the Army directly towards Privas the Capitol Town of the Vivarests which place he resolved first of all to chastize for the Rebellion of the rest this having been the chief Fire-brand of the Rebellions which had happened in sixty years last past but in the interim there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises who made no reckoning of his word but when it stood with his advantage his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze with Monsiâ—ur the Cardinal for the better securing of his victories and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Souldiers who were designed for Italy after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes Not long after to the same purpose the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac la Grange were sent into Mâ—ntâ—errat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille Agoui Pouson and other neighbouring Places under Command of the Sieur de Thoâ—ras then Marshal of the Camp that in case either the Duke of Savoy or the Spaniards should attempt any thing those forces might be in a readiness to make head against them Politique Observation THere ought not to be any Tye more indissoluble between Princes then that of Treaties but seeing there is little Trust in them by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it to raise pretences whereby to break them it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them if possible that a Prince be not alwayes necessitated to keep upon his Guard With a Prince who hath formerly used to break Treaties and Leagues this care ought to be the greater seeing he who hath once been worse then his word ought ever to be suspected A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth that most States have ruin'd themselves in the abundance of their coâ—fidence That this is it which hath been the inlet to so many disorders and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined He ought to be like the Lion who sleepeth with his eyes open and so to be upon his Guard even after the conclusion of a Treaty that he be not within the reach of a surprise Dâ—strust is the Motheâ— of good successe whereas Credulity and the Confidâ—nce which one man hath or another serveth most commonly to ruine This sanâ—â— Frankness of believing every one is very prejudicial It cannot indeed be called an offence because it is grounded upon the esteem of others but surely it is a great deficiencie when it mâ—keth any one live in a secure neglect It seldome happens that distrust brings any daâ—ger with it Princes are the more obliged not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one because they have only interest for their end and make it their profession
but on the other side to refuse them all other their demands of Fortifications and the like which they did usually heretofore require for their security and as a pledge of performance because subjects ought not to pretend to any other Gages from their Soveraign then his Princely word The Sieur de Guron began his Journey towards them with a Convoy of certain light Horse and being arrived at Villemur where the Comte d'Arpajon then Quartered the Count forthwith dispatched a Trumpetter to the Chief Consul of Montauban to give him notice That the Sieur de Guron was come thither sent by his Majesty to declare his will unto them and also advised him that he thought it convenient that they discoursed with him before he were admitted into the Town to which effect if he would the next morning come to Corbariou the said Sieur de Guron would meet him in the Meadow just over against the River Tar which was prudently done of them to avoid any dis-esteem or neglect which might be put upon the Kings Authority there being little or no assurance to be given to revolted people especially to them seeing they had retained a Trumpetter sent to them on a Message not long before by Monsieur the Prince at which time they likewise protested that they would keep all that were sent to them peradventure for reprisal of some whom the Duke a'Espernon had kept of theirs The Chief Consul of Montauban with about two hundred more of the ablest Towns-men came out the next morning to Corbariou but making some scruple of passing the Tar to go unto the Sieur de Guron who then was in the Close before mentioned they sent two Deputies to him to entreat him he would come to Corbariou This procedure of theirs was against the respect which they owed unto his Majesty by their thus treating of him whom he had sent unto them Neither would he suffer it but sent them word That their hearts were yet too full of Pride instead of a sense which they ought to have of their faults that he would neither see nor speak with them but would return in hopes however of comming again a little better accompanied then he was so accordingly he caused his Trumpet to sound and away he went the direct way to Villemur but the Discreetest amongst the Deputies considering that this offence would reflect on his Majesties Person who might hereafter punish them for it presently sent after him to assure him that they would the next day send their Deputies to him to crave his pardon for their fault and to beseech him he would do them the honor to come see them at Montauban accordingly the next morn six Deputies came to Villemur to him entreated him to excuse their fault and beseeched him with a great deal of submission that their errour might not hinder them from his Majesties grace and favour which they hoped to receive by his Mediation The Sieur de Guron finding how desirous they were to see and treat with him a signe that many had a good inclination to submission accepted of their excuses and resolved to go with them the very same day He went with them and they of the Town being now a little more humbled sent out all the Nobility and Gentry which were then there about half a league to meet him who accompanied him to the lodging prepared for him and the whole Corporation of the Town came to salute him Politique Observation IT is an Act of Imprudence to incense the minds of a Rebellious people by denying them their Liberty and enjoyment of their goods Those two things ought to be granted them at first word but then discretion commandeth a Prince to hold them close to it and to refuse them any other demands which the fickleness of the multitude will propose unto him Experience hath often made it evident that the vulgar being rude and rough are only to be bent by severity now when once they are warm'd in a Rebellion what but that will work any thing at all on them A fiery Horse is only to be tam'd by the whip and spur and it is a vanity to hope for the reducing of a people by caresses and kindnesses Admit you grant them whatever they demand yet it is well known they are of so insatiable a nature of so greedy an humour that the more is given them the more they desire If they find their first desires granted with ease instead of being contented they assume the liberty to demand more like Hydropiques whom drinking makes more thirsty Lewis the twelveth found it thus by experience presently after he had taken Milan as Guicciardine hath observed Besides his natural Bounty which inclined him to favour the people in almost every thing he thought himself a little more obliged to grant them of Milan some extraordinary favours that he might render them more affectionate to himself and that he might by this means assure and confirm his new Conquests Insomuch that he easily granted them all the favours they could reasonably have desired But his design succeeded very ill for the Milanois in stead of being satisfied with their first gratifications took the boldness to desire the being exempted from certain Impositions which lay a little too heavy on them which the King though with some difficulty did at last grant unto them but the obtaining of this made them so insatiable that their next request was to be freed from all taxes whatever nay so unjust and unreasonable they were that they became more incensed against him for his last refusal then if he had never obliged them which they had never done had he not been too free with them at first his safest way having been to have taken time to deliberate and consider on their first proposals and have given hopes of obtaining some part of them which would have made them more modest in all their succeeding Requests Prosecution of the Subject THE Sieur de Guron having received the Complements and visits of all the Towns-men by their several Companies he addressed himself to treat with the Consuls concerning his business It was agreed between them that he should the next morning come to the Town House and shew his Majesties letter of Credence as also that of Monsieur the Cardinal and acquaint the Assembly with the subject of his Commission The Cardinal by a provident foresight had sent two of the Deputies of Nismes with the Sieur de Guron Gentlemen of great esteem in the Hugonot party affable and wel spoken who might testifie to those stubborn people of Montauban with how great Clemency and Mercy his Majesty had pardoned them and on the other side how severely he had chastised those of Privas for their Rebellion how that they for their parts lived in a great deal of quiet freedome in the Exercise of their Religion how punctual Monsieur the Cardinal was to perform whatever he promised to them and all others how it was in vain to hold
invaded the Territory of Meyâ—nfield where he made great havock and not long after surprised Coiâ— and made a Garrison of it without regard had to the Publick Faith and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him Politique Observation JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries It is an act full of hostility not to be used but toward an enemy I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians told him as Thucidâ—des relateth it That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged did an unjust act Every one that hath power in his hand ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence The Romans were hertofore much commended for that they never invade any Country no not their enemies without first proclaiming a War so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours they sent their Embassadours to demand it if within three days after demand made it were not delivered they denounced the War neither then did they enter upon them but after many Ceremonies which are described in Titus Livy But that we may not go so far back did not the Heralds of Florence and that not above three hundred years since declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind Those ancient forms indeed are now no longer in use but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it cannot be considered but as an Usurper But ambition is now grown to that passe that it is enough be the means what they will so they serve his designs without considering that divine Justice throws down whatever is founded upon injustice that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts so God the judge of Kings will chastise their usurpations that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice cannot long last though force uphold it for the present Prosecution of the History THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons had imployed the utmost of his industrie and prudence which by his employment he was bound unto for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever who should attempt against his Allies surrounded his lodging with Guards and seized on his Papers without any regard to the Law of Nations which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them Politique Observation SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons they cannot be affronted without great injustice by any Prince who is not in open War with him He who doth otherwise breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States and injureth the person of his Master He is guilty of an outrage seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable and as Tacitus saith it is rarely seen among enemies that Embassadours are ill treated Besides how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves but onely dispute it by reason All that can be done toward an Embassadour from whom one hath received an injury is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy with order to tell their Master that the Consul Publius Licinius should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours if he had any thing to propose to them and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome where they should be no more received They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius to conduct them out of Italy to their ships as Titus Livy reporteth And the late King Henry the great whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours when he discovered that Tassas Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour Embassadours of Spain held intelligence with Haste and Merargues he had more regard to the Law of Nations then to their sedicious practises which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility To injure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice neither can there be other reason for it then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs and to obtain if possible at his recommendation that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy who proffred him their assistance but would have been glad to have continued it by paying this civility to the Emperor The Duke of Mâ—ntua had discharged his duty when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission could have been refused seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it at least without the prejudice of any other in case there be several who claim it which in processe of time ought to be examined by the usual ways and the Laws of Justice To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour Whiles he was yet in his way he received new orders to wit that he should complain unto the Emperour of the little respect which the Comte de Merodes had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons by seizing on the Passages of Steir Pom du Râ—in the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield and all this without declaring the War but at that instant when he began it and that he
should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his Embassadour The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that employment he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and intentions and to convince unto the Emperour that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire He further informed his Majesty that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences of the Count de Merodes But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel that Embassy came to nothing and all the answer he could get was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him and that it would be a great dishonour to him if he should not now assist him considering he was more exposed to danger than ever by reason of the Emperours and Spanish Forces then in Italy and designed particularly for his ruine Politique Observation IT is an honorable employment to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes but he is more to be pittied then envied who takes that office upon him whilst their first heat is not yet over It is with such Negotiators as with Physitians and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease aâ—e happier then the others so those likewise are very fortunate who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes when they are a little cooled and the great expences of War have discomposed them and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares The first Emotions of anger are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace not permitting them to lend an eare to it Anger it self must make them feel those pains which accompany it that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it and by consequence be the easilier appeased It was the continual inconvenience of War which induced Frâ—ncis the first to have a liking to Peace Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it during the advantages which they made by the Treacheries of some French had they not been tyred out by the vast expences great cares and dangers to which a forraign War exposed them In short Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences as not to seek the good of Peace by some means of agreement by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions by their Ambassadors He who undertaketh to carry all things by a high hand forceth all others to flye no extremities which are accompanied with great Evils The distance which is between Princes is oftentimes the Cause of misunderstandings between them but their Ambassadors acquainting each other with the Justice of their Intentions doth not a little allay their Anger 's and dispose them to sweetness The Wise admit not of any injustice and though they are free from obedience to others yet will they be subjected to reason They know true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will as what they ought Neither do they measure their greatness by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions but by their power to do that which is Just It is their glory to make it appear that though they can do all yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable Whence it comes that first putting themselves in the wayes of reason they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness but of great Prudence and Civility which Princes owe to each other Prosecution of the Subject I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons whose actions there did not much surprise the King too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de â—reqâ—y to inform Monsieur de Savoy that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty and to summon him to declare himself in this occasion The Duke of Savoy having sollicited their invasion need not have pretended time to inform himself of their design yet that was it which he fled to to hide his infidelity after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed gave him some time which once past he pressed him for an answer which was this That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Maâ—tua's affair yet however if the King of Spain might be satisfied who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy as also from Suze he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour that he should withdraw his Forces though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particular designs because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself but withal to assure him that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the invâ—sion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates his Ally and under his protection by the â—reaty at Vâ—rvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those Dâ—…iâ—… to which he was Lawful Heir and that as concerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy he had endeavoured to accomodate them by proposing convenient expedients between them both Nothing could be replied to so just reasons neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy but that he would remain Neuter â—nd become a Mediatour of Peace without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze and without considering how prejudicial it might be to him to sit still
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâ—gâ—nte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
stone in their presence beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner if they should break the Treaty We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea a Knight of the House of Concy came to him and desired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity that he would be pleased that his Majesties Souldiers and his might in token of a strait alliance mingle blond with Wine and drink it one to t'other and that the King approved thereof and the same History addeth that moreover they forced a Dog to passe between their Ranks at which every one struck with his Sword saying so may he be struck that fails of his word The Monsieurs retreit into Lorain AFter the Kings return from Languedoc the Queen Mother passionately desiring that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence though he could no way resolve to love her shee being no beauty saving the Honour of her Family otherwise little recommendable suffered with great impatience that Monsieur should bear any good will unto the Princesse Marie Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty that he would expresly prohibite him to marry her without his Royal permission Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princesse yet however the rule which he had alwayes imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother al content obliged him to forbid and respect and obedience the other to accept of it but which such discontent it was that unable longer to stay at Court he retired into Lorain The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour whether it were because he was bound to respect him or because himself being already discontented with France and of the Spanish faction did hope to find some occasion to satisfie his own hatred His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat but as most great men become jealous and suspicious of them who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity but endeavour to moderate their actions so they durst not speak their thoughts to him The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command durst not endeavour to quench it lest they might anger the Emperour for that they saw several of his servants adding more fuel to the fire whereby they might please him Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur who having no other design then to flatter him for their own ends perswaded him to such resolutions as in their own consciences they could not but condemne I may add that they endeavoured from that time more then ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal whereby they might possesse him with fear and they became so much the more considerable unto him in that they found means to oblige him to look upon themselves as the onely means of his safety They having been thus the principal causes of his departure deserved much more to be blamed then he did because he having once confided in them it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries The Queen Mother was not to be excused shee having something contributed to drive him into these extremities which could be advantagious to no one but very dangerous to France as experience hath made it appear and withal the Cabal which was then at Court having grounded all those broils which since hapned upon his departure The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences if not remedied therefore he omitted nothing in his power which might induce his Majesty to sollicite him to return but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the maligne powers in the body so there was a necessity of expecting what time might produce that he might be perswaded to return Politique Observation PRinces of the Bloud Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel than to withdraw themselves from the place of their birth There it is that the Center of their glory is and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for there they onely see the King above them whereas in other Countries they are inferiour to many The Stars in the Firmanent have not any light but when they are within sight of the Sun and Princes are never so glorious as when in their Kings presence it being their greatest glory to be of his bloud they are like burning-glasses which out of the Sun are of no use Their King is as their soul and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty and the splendor â—â—ich they receive from him gives them so great Authority that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they desire whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country they change their Commands into intreaties It is onely near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight but when once they forsake him they are presently reduced to want and necessity Here they are onely restrained from being Prodigal nothing is refused them that is necessary whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that which at home would hardly maintain their Officers neither have they that without submission Is it not then with little reason pretended that they retire for more liberty seeing they are never so much observed as amongst strangers where every thing they do is suspected If they have any liberty it is to foment divisions in their own Country But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves against their own greatnesse for that they are not at all considerable but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults so Monsieur gave divers reasons of his departure for his own justification Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger He first of all complained of the disorders in the State a thing usual in all those that revolt as if the true reason of their discontent were not known when the truth is nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them They who had been with him should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France since he first came to the State He found it in the most deplorable condition that could be by the ill management of certain Ministers who unable to second the Kings prudent and generous intentions had cast all things into confusion The Hugonot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures The Princes of the Bloud would usually revolt upon the least discontents The Governours of
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
is profitable and commodious to the good of a Commonwealth That Prince is much to be blamed who begins to make preparations of defence when he sees an Armed Enemy at his Gates and he is oftentimes well beaten for his negligence The preparations of War which a Prince maketh in expectation of being assaulted or set upon are a certain Index of his courage and a sure testimony of his resolution which allayes and cheques the heat and fury of an Enemy who may from thence gather that he disposeth himself in good earnest to entertain the War and that one thing is sometimes capable of frighting them from making any incursions or invasions into a Country It is very dangerous to despise an Enemy after a victory and as great a fault to slight him before a fight Fear is still attended with shame and confusion when it faintly withdraws from the Battle But that which produceth no other effect in the Soul of a Prince then the resolution of preparation for the War when he finds himself threatned with an Invation cannot but be allowable honourable and commendable On the otherside the little esteem which a man hath of his Enemies gives them a notable advantage seeing it causeth a neglect of the keeping Forces in a condition of repelling Enemies and gives them oportunities of time and place to advance to fortifie and to put all their designs in Execution so that it will be at last full as difficult to compel them to retire as at first it had been easie to have stop't and impeded their entrance or approches And this Maxime I learn from Caesar who instead of neglecting or slighting his Enemies made his Souldiers alwayes believe that their Enemies were very strong that every one might dispose himself to fight either by redoubling his courage or resolving to preserve himself in that Station and Orders which his Officers should allot and assign unto him The Kings departure towards Italy THis very consideration drew the Cardinal to advance with all diligence to Lion where he soon found what he before suspected The Duke of Savoys being Guilty of Infidelity and that he sought for pretences and excuses that he might not keep his promise with the King to which he was obliged by the Treaty at Suze which was That he should keep open the Passages of Savoy and Piedmont and furnish the Markets with victuals for the Souldiers in consideration of such wheat and mony as had been accorded between them and whereof a good part had been delivered into his Custodie Of all which the King was advised whose courage was so sensibly toucht at it that he presently resolved to set forward in his own person so that neither the length of the journey the extremity of the Ice or Snow nor the most violent storms of the Winter were able to divert him from it Politique Observation A Generous Prince cannot bear indignities without resenting of them his courage is a fire which tormenteth him with continual impatiences until he hath punish't the Authors which such usage as they deserve he is not at all allayed with the injuries he hath suffered but thence takes fresh courage to assault them the more furiously He well knoweth that a firm a strong resolution is the best Counsel which can be taken in such affairs not to be astonished at any thing whatever and to keep ones self immovable to his Principles of rendring himself known to his Enemies by the strength of his Arms and how they do but wroâ—g themselves in attempting any thing contrary to the respect and the fidelity which is due unto him The Prosecution of the Subject AFter the King had been once assured of the resolution taken by the Spaniards for a second siege of Cazal that they might recover the Honour and glory which they had lost before it the last year He was not ignorant that the Marques of Spinola's being in Milan with so puissant an Army was to no other purpose then to attend till the first fair season of the new Spring might give him an occasion of commencing the siege with lesse disaster and trouble And as he was not ignorant how necessary his own presence was with this Armies who knew not what it was to be vanquished and to loose that Honour which they had once acquired so his Majesty to whom nothing appears difficult when a Battail is once in Question ingageth himself in this expedition that by his presence he might animate his Troops and gain as much glory in the head of his Army as the Princes of Austria do shame and reproach by being in their pleasures and recreations whiles their Souldiers run the hazards of a Battail or suffer the toilsome incommodities of a siedg Politique Observation IT is most true the presence of a King worketh strange effects in their Armies there is a certain vivacity and gallantry of courage which flows from their Majesty which doth so strongly animate their Souldiers resolutions that nothing is able to resist them The most generous are troubled in their feats if they have not the eyes of a Prince for witnesses of their actions from whence they either hope for a glory or a reward And the most cowardly at the sight of them are touch't to the very Soul with such a strong influence and resentment that there is not any danger how great soever able to infuse the least fear into them and they only apprehend a defect of occasions to signalize themselves before such extraordinary testimonies of a great valour The late King Heury the Great shewed the World in six several encounters how much valour his presence instilled into his Souldiers when with a handful of men he carried away the victory from the most puissant Armies of the Enemies of his Crown most especially in the Battails of Arques and Fontain-Francoise where he gave a sure testimony that his only person was capable of vanquishing though seconded with never so small a Troop It would be an offence to the generous Courage of the present King to imagine he hath lesse valour then him from whom he received his Crown after he hath testified in many occasions that he doth much surpass him and therefore there is nothing else to be expected but his sodaine departure which presently followed and he appeared in the head of his Troops soon after the first news advise that the Duke of Savoy made it a difficulty to open the Passages for his Army The Queen Mothers journy to his Majesty THE Queen Mother was strongly bent not to leave the King in any of his journies or expeditions not only that she might have a hand in the disposing of affairs and to divert if by any means she could his Majesty from assisting the Duke of Mantua whom she did not thwart out of any hatred but that she might pick an occasion of ruining the Cardinal in his Majesties good opinion Neither could the consideration of the extream Illness of the season or the
difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her but from Paris shee soon followed him by the perswasions of the Chancellor Marillac who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room who had placed him so near her Majesty Politique Observation ANger is a Passion which forceth a man to undertake any thing nay all things It is a Torrent which bears down whatsoever doth resist it and its Rhetorique is so perswasive that there is no difficulty whatever which it will not break through and make appear feaseable to those who will but lend an ear to its Reasons so there be but any time fix't in which it may arrive to take that revenge which it proposeth it self Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every oportunity of offending those whom it ayms at and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure so that it may arrive to the end of its designs Anger too as it hath no fellowship with Prudence but a great friendship with boldness which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits and snares which they had provided for others Anger hath alwayes its eyes and thoughts fix't upon the end of its designs not once considering the difficulties dangers or wickednesses which accompany the means of obtaining its desires And it is apparently seen that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn concluding there is no other water to extinguish it then the ruin and downfal of those whom they hate and maligne little imagining that a Remedie of this quality will consume them in a worse heat and render their disease the more tormenting In fine it is most of all dangerous in great Personages because the designs into which it transports their courages are not alwayes conformable to the good of the State And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges which induced an Antient Writer to say they ought to have so much the lesse of this passion by how much they have more power This Anger being but a simple poor fault in private persons is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men which overthrows every thing without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws then those of their own violent humours Stars that are highest move slowest And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choller by how much their qualities and conditions are more eminent then those of others The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinals expedition of which we have already said that it was about the end of the foregoing year As soon as he was arrived at Lions he would not lose any longer time but after he had writ to the King that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself considering the extreme ill season of the year he presently dispatched the Sieur de Servient Superintendent of Justice in his Majesties Army towards the Duke of Savoy to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men with design to assist the Duke of Mantua and to defend him from the Spanish oppression His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze to joyne his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince and of the Liberty of Italy and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the President of Montfalcon who had assured his Majesty in his behalf that he would advance ten thousand men and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Souldiers and all this that he might be as good as his promise The time was now come in which he must declare himself and reduce his words into Actions The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to presse him to it in the King's behalf The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made if he had proceeded with that faith and truth which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this that he would not go one tittle lesse then his word but instead of that fair and clear dealing his first answer was that he did totally disown the President of Montfalcon without the least shew of a readiness to execute his promises which gave evident causes of suspition that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands Politique Observation THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary Whatever consequence they apprehend in their affairs is not a sufficient ground for their double dealing but they ought to blame their own fore-sight It is as dishonourable for them to say I did not think it as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words That Prince cannot be thought faithfull who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be which whosoever doth deceiveth and cheateth himself for that the truth and faith of Grandees gives then as much power and credit as their Swords It is esteemed by the most wise to be a good Store-house or Armory when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes which he may safely do so long as they are reputed faithfull But when any Prince becomes faithlesse it is lawfull for every one to break with him who first breaks himself He who hath been once treacherous is for ever looked on as a Coward the onely going back from his word being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies A couragious Prince will keep touch with his very enemies and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolutions whilest it is his maxime that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of vertue Adversity doth it in a more particular manner The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus was much esteemed of by all the Ancients who returned willingly to the tortures of his enemies rather then he would break his Parole once past unto them But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled and being in league with the Spaniard thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do it being grown a Proverb amongst them that the Wind drives Words and Feathers yet in it he will find himself much mistaken and that to his own very great disadvantage as well as in his many other tricks artifices and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy to the Cardinal Richelieu FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient that a conference might be had if it were thought fit
with the Prince of Piedmont upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin there to determine what should be done designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes and so prevent their absolute breach with him and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on but to be done that was to open the Passages and furnish the Markets as it had been resolved on so that after a full debate with himself what honour he was bound to render to this Prince being the Kings Brother-in-law he concluded that in going to confer with him who had falsified his word and intended nothing but to surprize him he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army so that he absolutely declined this meeting as well knowing that the Duke of Savoy's design in it was to amuse and delay the Army in their march and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun not being willing to come near Suze lest in case the Army should want rest they should there meet with many inconveniences and eat out all their store of Provisions Politique Observation IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word and who designs in his interview nothing more then the losse of his Army If he will needs go meet him let it be with his sword in his hand to chastise him for the injuries he hath done I am of the same opinion with the Grand Cosmo de Medicis who said a man may forgive his enemies their faults but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends and under that notion betray us But if a King or he who represents his person do not desire satisfaction or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour Besides those conferences of face to face between incensed Princes do rather increase their hatred then breed any hearty good will between them and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus And Tacitus in his Annales upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison It 's true the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was proper enough and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Commanders who have chosen to meet upon Bridges in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up to prevent any attempts of either party And thus Lewis the Eleventh met Edward King of England as Philip de Commines hath it upon the Bridge of Pequinis But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents and esteemeth it more to the Purpose that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-understandings to their Officers and Ministers of State who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu BY this refusal of the Cardinal the Duke of Savoy concluded that all his designs were discovered and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow he had another trick to take to which was he granted the Passages and Marts but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears and if those were not approved of he promised others but with this reserved resolution that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries that in effect it should not passe at all The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts gave advice of it to the King His Majesties Orders soon came which were to accept of no other ways then those usually called the military it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages but most facile for his Majesties enemies if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march and indeed totally to ruine them So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways the difference now was concerning the Markets which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat and that he might force the Army to break up either by mutiny or famine The Duke gave out that theâ—e was no Corn in Savoy though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse Dauphine and Bourgogne and that which the King sent from Nice had been likewise already received He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions then had been agreed on which however the Cardinal submitted to that he might take away all occasions of excuses and paid down the advance money Notwithstanding all this there were fifteen days spun out in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army creating every day new difficulties and in conclusion would open no other Passage but that of Candâ—n which in Summer was good enough but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires that they could not be passed but with very great danger so that all his whole proceeding for some time was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages and providing Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose Politique Observation IT s usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies rather to pretend an Impossibility or at least a most extraordinary difficulty then point blank to refuse them it must be granted for a prudent put off when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice If any great or notable losse insue as the destruction of an Army or the breaking a design it renders them for enemies and administers a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors without breaking any Treaty He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace who gives the first occasion by his unjust Combinations and Practises not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour suggested to Cosroes King of Persia when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses had need be well assured that he is the stronger for admitting him to be the weaker the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable there being no one thing so difficult as for a weak and low person to attempt and enterprise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able and want neither
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ— who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâ—bes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
the State of Affairs but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels And so Plutarch hath well observed that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont in which the Prince could say little in his own defence for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions At last all occasions of discontent were removed and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him I am the willinger to be a little particular in this affair that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by in interviews of this kind The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses and to sink into his thoughts if he could find any manner of hopes that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace with this belief that Peradventure those many inconveniences which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters might have somewhat abated and it might be altered the Cardinals last resolutions But the Cardinal who well understood both by his own discretion and experience the ends of such meetings and discourses especially when such persons are concern'd in them who in former procedures have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch so managed himself and kept himself in so retired a garb that the Prince of Piedmont could not pick the least advantage out of him At first nothing of business was named only Complements and Civilities The Cardinal made his Excuses that he should not first propose any thing being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at And the Prince fearing to discover himself would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar and left all to the Cardinals Proposals The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace after both Parties had made their proposals However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles which he had proposed on the Kings behalf with this provisionary promise that if they were ratified then the Duke of Savoy should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire more then this he would by no means discover telling the Prince of Piedmont very plainly that for his part as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs so he could not think it strange that he did not discourse to him his Majesties intentions and resolutions Politique Observation STayedness and discretion in Grandees who are imployed in treaties of this Nature is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs do discover the others most secret thoughts and consequentially are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices so that if then he be not altogether silent which will make him passe for an impertinenâ— man and render him suspected it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself There are but few men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance but by some means or other they will be discovered for oftentimes the Behaviour and Gesture speak a man as well as words so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot before he attempt any such Treaties to be well instructed advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at and thus he ought to be complemental with all kind of Civilities with an open free discourse ever referring his resolution upon such new proposals as are made to him unto some other time and never giving his answer upon the sodaine upon any occasion whatsoever For this same prolonging of a Resolve is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation but it is very difficult I may say impossible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough so to addresse themselves that thereby they may discover that which they pretend though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time there is no way to shun the ruining and downfall of a whole design In brief If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank open generous person and a speaker of truth otherwise his words will not be belielieved and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath which is in effect to perswade his Enemies that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning He ought also to be secret not to speak one tittle of his designs And lastly he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation feigning to watch every thing and place but that which really he doth and by his discourse slyly indeavouring to perswade his designs to be any thing but what they are The Prosecution of this Subject A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence in these interviewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy the Prince of Piedmont Spinola and all others who treated with him The Valour of the French Nation is that which hath made them so much redoubted they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties but here they found to their confusion that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze and to draw near towards Ceseletta they not guessing at his design in it because he drew farther off from Cazal The Cardinal pretended to do it principally to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done for that the Cardinal presently sent him word that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin according to his own desires
and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented Politique Observation OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with that they might have a quick dispatch Strangers who know our humours and dispositions use to delay us and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say in our heats and passions and to weary us out by length of time by which means they keep our very souls as 't were in prison amongst the intricacies of several proposals giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them from whence it follows that at the first Proposals they make us be they never so little agreeable it is with us as with Prisoners whose design being only how to get forth they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open indangering the breaking of their very Necks and will not expect till the dore be unlockt that they may walk out with more Honour and Security which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity that he may mock and laugh at their artifices and with an invincible Patience to surmount all their coldnesses that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delayes The Affairs of Italy AT length the Cardinal found by experience that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont did end in nothing but the retarding the Army which till then he had pass'd by and put up that it might be known to all Christendome that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion as also that he might revictual Cazal but being now satisfied that he could not longer endure it but with much dishonour and the losse of his Army he resolved to give an end to this affair to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg the Sieurs d' Auriac de Thoiras de Fenquires de Servient and d' Esmery and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time both concerning the General and particular Peace he desired their advices what was proper to be done in that juncture of time The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy and for their retreat back again as occasion should serve Withal that to passe thither was not so difficult they being strong enough to force their way in despight of any opposition but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits of men mony victuals and other necessaries for the refreshing of the Army and to assure themselves of a safe regresse in case the Army should be worsted this was the main debates That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd after he had so often played fast and loose and after he had falsified his word to their great damage already The result of all at last came to this that they were to make themselves Masters of the field and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least that truth and sincerity being like the soul once out of the body it never returns but by miracle so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest that if they should have left his Army behind them he might with ease stop up the Passages against any recruits whatever as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny and on all the Keys upon the Doria and that there was so much the more reason to defie him because he did openly side with the Spaniards That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses and many Troups were forced to disband as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King in so often breaking his word and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse and ruin of them all That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us that a Prince may justly raise a War if any injury which he hath received make him take up Arms or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies he is obliged to provide against the worst though he be not as yet openly assaulted Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts that they could admit of no reply It was then unanimously concluded on to assault the Duke of Savoy Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy the Cardinal sent both once and again to him to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person Cause and Army Politique Observation HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith that stability resteth upon Counsel as if he would have said that no resolution carries more certainty with it then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments opinions The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies then by good directions and advises It is to be doubted that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution when as a sound discussing of them many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing which he would fain bring to passe provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in
him lies the friendship of the Princes of the blood it being most certain that a good intelligence and correspondence with them is as advantagious to the State as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous And as their greatest inclination is to command so one cannot more oblige them then by giving them imployment But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have and induce them to revolt with the Army and those powers which are intrusted under their command Isocrates did well advise Nicocles never to prefer those of his blood to imployments untill he was extreamly well assured of them for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince by how much they are neerer related unto him as T. Livy very well observeth Blood hath no tie so strong â—hich ambition doth not oftentimes break when it finds it self with Arms in its hand They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship as Plutarch hath verified by many examples in the life of Demetrius If a King be obliged for any just reason to confide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond I imagine he must follow the Prudence of Tiberius who when he sent Germanicus to command his Army into Syria he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province who was an intimate friend to Germanicus fearing lest their intelligence and correspondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Soveraignty and placed in his room Cneus Piso whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office In a word a King ought to such a person to associate some one whose valour and fidelity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes which hee may attempt The King came to Lion then to Grenoble where the Cardinal came to meet him THe King passed by Dijon that he might there give such orders as we have already said and thence came to Lyon but rested there a very little while for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him as soon as the Passages of Italy were open The Cardinal was passionately desirous to be neer his Majesty to pay him his usual services and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses with which he honoured him at his arrival and which were proofs not onely of the affection but of the extream tenderness which he had for him Politique Observation THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings as it doth in those of private persons It is that which carrieth their minds so naturally towards those whom they honour with their favours that they take a singular delight to see them alwaies neer them Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion And it is most sure that the greatest successes which Princes have be it in War be it in Peace are but lame and do nothing neer so much affect their minds with joy if they have not neer them some persons with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion or doubt of his fidelity What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties whose vigilance secures him from dangers and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his enterprises The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini between the King and Duke of Savoy THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble but Mazarini was ready to make propositions of Peace to his Majesty The Duke who till then had been deaf to all overtures how reasonable soever as well as the Marquesse Spinola caused word to be sent to his Majesty that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pignerol he would accord to any Articles which should seem just The King who desired nothing more then Peace provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies received the message with much joy and thought fit that the Marshal of Crequy the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assemble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resolved on for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was without which they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation Politique Observation SEeing Peace when it is certain is to be preferred before a doubtful victory that being in the hand of a Prince but this subject to the Laws of Fortune it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy But Thucydides teacheth us in his History that a Prince who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War in such manner as if there were no hope of an agreement otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow adding Thus did the Lacedemonians when they treated a Peace with the Atbâ—nians and Peace is then soonest made when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands and an equal power following them for if either hath the least advantage he will be the more peremptory and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties as Caesar hath observed in his History of civil Wars The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy HOwever the King assembled his Counsel to take advice whether it were not propper to prosecute the Victories of his Army and to make himself Master of all Savoy and so secure himself more and more of the Passes Many offered to his Majesties consideration that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola would never hearken to any Peace but by necessity and to regain Pignerol having until that time refused to do it but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty That there was little reason to trust him as to that of the Duke of Mantua for whose
sake the War was begun or to believe that the Peace might be of some continuance And on the contrary there were good grounds to apprehend that they would not conclude a Peace in that weak condition to which they were then reduced but onely that they might bring to passe their Intentions upon the Duke of Mantua so that the King should still keep Pignerol which would give him a free entrance into Italy that his Majesty might with more ease take in Montferrat as occasion should serve That Princes not having any Juster titles to those places which they possess then the conquest of them in a just War his Majesty should not acquit that which makes him so considerable in and to Italy being by it able to march into it when and as often as he pleased and to set bounds to the Spanish Ambition who would find work enough to do so long as his Majesty continued Master of it that it would serve to Curb the Duke of Savoy who did nothing but commence and create every year new broyles and troubles In fine that it was absolutely needfull to enter upon Savoy because the Duke would infallibly besiege those places which had been taken if his Army were not other wayes diverted and in case he should not besiege them his forces would be coasting of it from one end to t'other of Savoy and indanger the Passages at least disturb them which were of necessity to be preserved for that Spinola had risen to besiege Cazal at the same time that the Cardinal marched towards Grenoble Could there be more just or important considerations did they not deserve to be regarded and lookt after Could any one with reason say that the Peace was in the Cardinals power when the Duke of Savoy would not conclude it without the surrender of Pignerol the Importance of which Place was so great as shall be anon discoursed more at large Indeed such things might take with Women whom the noise of a Cannon terrifies to juduce them to deliver up a place of such concernment into the hands of the Spaniards and Duke of Savoy who had made it evident no trust could be reposed in him But certainly it would not at all move a great Minister whose discretion was incomparable and who was so far from being terrified into any thing that he struck a terrour into all the World having Reason and Justice on his side Would the Treaty which should be now concluded with them be of any longer durance then that of the last year which they broke without any fear or wit Will a wise man trust one who hath deceived him and broke his word in that very same affair And this Calumniator who cares not what he writes whilest he endeavours to detract from the Cardinals glory can he lay the blame on the Cardinal for the continuation of the War Cazâ—l would be no more the Duke of Mantua's if the Peace had been concluded with the delivery of Pignerol Thus the King who knew better then any of his Counsel the Importance of these reasons was not at all moved at it but resolved to depart 2 dayes after to set upon Savoy and accordingly upon the 13 of May he advanced without delay together with the Marshals of Crequy Bassompierre and Chastillon giving the command of the vantguard of his Army to the Marshal Crequy with order to march before Chambery which was put in execution with so much diligence that the 14 of May the approaches were made the suburbs reduced without resistance and the Town summon'd to deliver After they had obtained by Composition of his Majesty the same Articles which were granted them by the late King when it was taken in the year 1600. they opened their Gates to his Majesty upon the 18 of May into which his Majesty then made his Entrance Politique Observation VVHen an Army marcheth into a Country to make War the assaulting of the principal Town is a business of no small importance The taking of that terrifies all the rest and strikes such a fear into them that if sometimes forceth them to deliver up themselves without fighting Cenâ—mon Captain of the Lacedomonians did so when he laid siege to Strato the chief Town of the Country upon his first entrance And Thucydides who relates the History commends that Act of his as being conformable to Military Prudence So Hannibal having mastered Carâ—ia the Prime Town of the Olleades all the rest rendered themselves Tributaries to the Carthaginians The losse of a Commander is oftentimes the losse of an Army and the taking of a head Town or of a Fortresse of concernment seldome happens but the rest follow But there ought to be great care had that he come not short of his enterprise for then it would happen to be quite contrary and for this reason it is advantageous to use such diligence that the Inhabitants may be taken unprovided and when they least think of it assaulting the Enemy before he comes to meet us or that he attempt ought upon any thing which belongeth to us The Emperor Othe is blamed in Tacitus for that having designed to go into France and fight his Enemy Viteâ—ius he used too much delay for that in effect his long stay gave opportunity of time to Gallus and Spurma to passe over the Mountains and seize upon the River Po so impeding the march of his Forces which were by that means forced to quit their enterprise Perchance it might so have happened to his Majesties Amy if he had rested at Grenoble upon those propositions of Peace which were made to him by Spinolâ— and the Duke of Savoy which were to no other intent then to recover Pigâ—â—rol or to amuse him and gain time There is nothing so slight in a War which a little time doth not often render of great consequence a Moment of time doth work great effects in most enterprises and the least retardment doth eftsoon bring with it extream inconveniences and losses The taking of Annesy and Romilly by the Kings Forces THE King departed from Chambery on the 22 of May and ordered the Marshal of Chastillon who had that week commanded the avantguard of the Army to advance towards Aâ—â—sy which rendered it self without any great resistance as soon as the Garrison of the Castle in which a Brother of the Bishop of Genoua commanded saw the Cannon appear whence it came to passe that his Majesty to lose no time being assisted with the Marshal of Bassompierre led the Body of his Army to Romilly a place strongly scituated and which they had began to fortifie particularly the Castle where there were seven or 800 Souldiers who made shew as if they would defend themselves But this resistance did but add new heat to his Majesties courage who was very glad to find it so that he might gain the more reputation He advanced in person towards the Town with his Army and took the trouble upon himself to put them into Battalia in the plain
which was out of Cannon shot This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King to beg 3 dayes time that they might consider and confer what they should do but his Majesty replyed that he would quarter in the Town that very day so they then presently surrendered knowing it to be Rashness to resist a Prince so couragious and one who knew so well to conduct his Army Politique Observation DElay which a man granteth to an Enemy is frequently of such consequence that a good or bad successe doth depend on it One dayes time gives the besieged leave to make such trenches as will not be regained in a whole month Henry the second for having attended thus but a very little was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta the same night that he sat down before it he had then taken it without difficulty which he could not the next day Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis recorded by Guiccardine who stayed only one or two hours to let the rain passe and so came too late to Florence and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him and in fine they did hinder and prevent his entrance which otherwise he had gained had it not been for that little stop It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence The taking of divers other Castels THE Castles of Clermont of Meyrac of Allinge and divers others thereabouts rendered themselves upon the first summons and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men in a place very advantagious and where a few men might stop a very great Army but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army which followed him until he had past the â—â—ount St. Bernard he not so much as offering to make any resistance which he might easily have done the Passages being very narrow and strait Politique Observation HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains the impetuous course of a Torrent which running along the plain â—nters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest roots up the trees turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins hath a most perfect view of what passed in the Tarente upon the comming in of his Majesties Army where ever he came they did all things whatever to obey his commands the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers whom their own very fear had routed all the Towns deserted and particularly in the City of Constance there was not one man to be found to fight withall The King makes himself Master of all Savoy AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy and hindred the march of any Forces which would passe into it It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men whom he lest there so that there was no other avenue for to be taken but that of Morienne which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers Accordingly his Majesty commanded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian which was as soon executed as commanded So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time Three several Sieges that of Montmelian that of Charbonniers and that of Laville from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken and Montmelian was so blocked up that it was impossible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it all the Passages being shut up Politique Observation SUch victories as these being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal cannot be sufficiently admired Whence it comes that leaving the usual method of this History I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises Is it not to be concluded that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune both which conspire in emulation of one another to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe Doth not truth oblige us to acknowledge that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain that every yet was and that the Rayes of hâ—s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders whom Antiquitie dâ—d so much admire In the Ages which shall succeed us his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter The Generousness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse and a School to all such as would follow his tracts The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries which justly belong to him if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom and those who are of neerest relation to it had not obstructed and opposed it There was not any one Enemy who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage admit it were in the siege of a Place where a hundred might beat a 1000 or where the quantities of their Forces did much exceed his Majesty Numbers But to add new Rayes to his Glory never durst they stay to expect him and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet and a shameful flight The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear yet as Women are naturally timerous The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War particularly against the Spaniard partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain by her
approaches unto must not be neglected for such a deficiency were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infallible There is no need of a surprisal for in such assaults as are made the Enemy not finding any to resist them do as it were seize upon it The slighting which we make of our Enemies in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them which is almost inevitable Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity not to secure Cazal against such an accident though exposed to a far greater danger But for the better understanding of his Conduct it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege After the taking of Pignoral both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost the precedent year when he drew off at the same time that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march He was provoked in point of Honour in the design his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory which he had got by so many victories blasted with this disgrace gave him an extream impatiency to repair that fault which occasioned it He resolved either to perish or carry the place not being able to survive the losse of his Honour and in prosecution thereof there was no Stratageme or force omitted which might render him Master of it Never was place so vigorously assaulted as never more stoutly defended Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies Nothing which the Cannon could do was left unassayed almost continually the Place was undermined on every side wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them In a word the discontent which accompanied his Courage suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest to overcome Politique Observation SHame is a venemous root from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced and it cannot better be compared then to certain plants which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly and whose leaves on the contrary proper to cure many diseases Is it not that which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders to that height that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies they have precipitated themselves into the fight and goared their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers who after they behaved themselves ill one day have presently after appeared like so many Lions in the pursuit of their Enemies and so have defended themselves from that disgrace with which they had been branded The shame which the Persians had as Justin reports to see their wife 's come towards them with their Coats trust up made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples needless to the rehearsed The shame that Caesar had seeing the the Image of Alexander who had won so many remarkable victories as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes so touched him that afterwards he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions which have eternized his glory A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland NOw for the perserving of this place notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it two things were necessary First to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men as they would have desired Secondly that the Kings Army might want nothing but be recruited from time to time by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first before he parted from Paris giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves with the Troops there requisite without diverting them to new enterprises especially seeing the King of Swede of whom we shall speak hereafter began to give them employment in Germany The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders to bring them to a truce whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States of many Princes of Germany as well as of the Duke of Mantua's The King apprehended that danger and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance upon condition that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies That power was given him from the month of December of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature are not so readily determined the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard Politique Observation AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force as we have said so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence He ought to be like a good Pilate who have attained great experince at Sea can discover a Tempest before it comes and prepears all that is necessary to resist it or I will compear him to a wise Physician who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness but even from the danger of falling-sick and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services he can render that Governes a State is to prevent by his Prudence the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage to avoid his undermining by a Counter-mine and by his good conduct to slight all the works of
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
about with fury It snatcheth away all fears and there is not any thing which it doth not perswade and lead him to The Events of War are incertain and it is in fights as in other affairs of the World sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all to gain all the advantage to himself so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand doth often see it reaped by his enemies for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extremity The King falls very sick and disposeth of his State-affairs DUring the Treaty God Almighty who hath not made Princes of any other temper then other men permitted the King to fall into a violent disease the issue whereof being incertain put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange confusion But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men are not to destroy them his love alwaies guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs so he would not deprive France of a King who was so necessary for them nor the Church of her eldest son who fought for her Liberty He restored him his health and imployed the sickness to let him know that he was liable to the Laws of humane frailty as well as the least of his subjects He gave him this occasion to make known that vertue and extraordinary Piety wherewith he had invested his Soul His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death but considered it as an easie passage from the miseries of this life to the eternal happinesses of Heaven his thoughts were not fix'd upon any thing but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain The onely regret which he testified was not the leaving his Crown but the having committed offences which humane weaknesse cannot avoid and for which he desired pardon of God which all bathed in his tears he begged those who were present to assist him in Politique Observation KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sicknesse or death If their Birth and Scepter have advanced them sicknesse and death render them equal The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives But it should rather seem on the contrary that the greatnesse of their birth hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions The divine Prudence having so ordain'd it to let them know they are but men The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests suffered himself to be perswaded by his flatterers that he was of the Race of the Gods and he was not undeceiv'd of this presumptuous opinion untill he was wounded and saw the blood run down from his wound There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are payd to them God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men which serve as so many calls to advertise them that their Felicity is not on earth and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences That true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do whatsoever one would as in the will to do what one ought That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things have first subjected themselves to reason shewing in all their actions that though they could do any thing yet they would attempt nothing but what were fit and worthy of Gods Lieutenant that greatnesse doth not acquit them from well-doing but on the contrary as it hath furnished them with more opportunities so more is expected from them that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil as to do evil The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies THe Kings sicknesse produced several occasions by which the Cardinal perceived but with great grief the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him which made him redouble his care to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men with which he did not study to furnish himself that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesties good favour Good Offices make a man acceptable and it cannot be related with how much Passion he imbraced his Majesties Interests We usually love them that love our relations and the Cardinal had so great a desire to pleasure his Majesty that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him and a Command given him equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg to go to the relief of Cazal It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us it being very true that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us then our first loving them Now there is not any person can better testifie them the Queen Mother her self and those who were neer her both at Lyon and in her return to Paris how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed protested and shewed to her in a thousand actions which concern'd her service Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lyon and in the same journey to Paris when he begged his pardon in behalf of his most just intentions as if they had been most grievous offences and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon Was it needfull to imploy so many cares to use so much industry to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men and the most amiable Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath inriched him as a Master-piece of his Power and which he form'd but once in six ages and so many glorious exploits which have immortalized his honour are not these I say such efficacious charms that it is impossible to see him and not to love him It is true that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together And though it were so he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was that he could never do enough to recover that place which he had heretofore had the honour to possesse in her good opinion and to confesse and acknowledge to her those great favours for which he was still ingaged to her though indeed and by the strict Laws of Equity
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
which doth hinder the observation of it The King sends an Embassadour to the Diet of Ratisbonne THe Cardinal knew it full well when he proposed to the King to send the Sieur de Lyon to the Diet at Ratisbonne where the Treaty was concluded And on the contrary he knew that in great affairs something must be hazarded and that this Negotiation would alwaies serve to discover the Emperours designs as well as many others the Princes of Germany who desired protection from his Majesties Arms. That if a Treaty were made which were impossible to execute it would however serve for an induction to make a better because it prepared their minds and did hinder the advancing of such Troops as the Emperour was sending into Italy Politique Observation A Prudent Minister never proposeth one only end in his Actions but imitating as much as in him lieth the series of the Divine Prouidence aspires to many things at the same time that he may not do any thing which is vain or to no purpose His Eye is not alwaies fixt where his mind is so though he be not sure of effecting what he saith yet he is still ready to execute what he thinks He is acquainted with all the Turnings which lead to the Conclusion of his Designe and with all Trap-doors to carry him to his wished for end without giving to the world any just cause but of esteem and admiration This being one of the sublimest points of prudent Policy by which he never goes less then his Word It is true this kind of Prudence is not proper but for a grand Genius and such as are of extraordinary fine and subtile spirits But who so is endued therewith may well vaunt that he hath an assured means to prevent several inconveniences and to give a happy issue to divers affairs without which it were impossible to accomplish either the one or th' other After all he ought to be vigilant and careful that his Prudence be accompanied with Fidelity that he may be exempt from all blame and that will render his conduct as it were Invincible and will acquire him more respect then without so that no one being able to penetrate into the moity of his Designes they will however trace him in many places where he is not but will never find him in any where he is not prepared to defend himself The French Army Embattel in view of Cazal THis being resolved the Marshal of Scomberg whose turn it was to command the Army advanced with all diligence and on Octob. 26. came within sight of Cazal He plac'd them in Battalia on th' other side the Brook Gattola and after publike Prayers which are usually made on such occasions marched directly against the Enemy whom they found intrench'd in a circumvallation of six miles about and well finished but which served only to augment the glory of the French Army Politique Observation THe King had observed in the Beginning of the War with Savoy notwithstanding the fair Proposals of Peace which Mazarini had made that it is great Prudence in a General though to hearken to them yet not to forbear the carrying on of the War and to shew all sort of Couragiousness and Hardship following herein the counsel of Archidamus in Isocrates who ever made most honourable conditions by this means As it is Action which sets off an Orator and makes him more powerful to perswadeâ— as Demosthenes answered one who question'd him concerning the perfection of Eloquence so it is Action too which doth most powerfully perswade an Enemy to make a Peace It is not reasonable for a General to lie still without action any long time together the only time to do is after a Parley and such action it is which acquires him the glory of being esteemed Valiant The only shewing of a good mind to be in Action and putting an Army into Battalia doth strike fear into an Enemy He ought in a long Treaty to shew that his Courage maketh him despise any danger and as he proposeth nothing but to vanquish so he feareth nothing but not to overcome He ought not to have any apprehensions of the Inconstancies of Fortune but to hope that his Courage may enforce her to be favourable It is good that his Prudence should carry him to take time for deliberation but that done his Courage ought to furnish him with wings to advance his designe with the greatest celerity and promptness seeing he shall never have any good progress who spends too much time in considering of hazards and that many have oftentimes turn'd their affairs by taking too much time for Consultations It is an act of Judgement to begin with coldness but to prosecute with heat and ardour when things are once brought to the point of being put in execution The fearful are most ordinarily overcome War is a thing which acquires Glory from the most difficult enterprises and those Battels wherein the greatest dangers are do render a man the more honourable Cardinal Mazarini accomodateth the Affairs of Cazal with dexterity between the King and the Spaniard AS soon as ever the Army approached within six hundred paces of the Spanish Trenches Mazarini came galloping out and finding the Marshal de Schomberg told him that the Spaniards had accepted of certain Propositions which he had made to them and that he doubted not but he would likewise consent to them for the good of the Peace They were to surrender the Town and Castle of Cazal which were depositated in their custody They were to march out of Montferrat but instead of delivering them into Monsieur du Maynes hands to whom they might have surrendred them until his Father had receiv'd the Investiture of the Dutchy they would deposite them with an Imperial Commissary who should transmit them over to Monsieur du Mayne or to such as he should appoint on November 23. upon which day the Investiture was promised They consented for the greater security of the Treaty that the Imperial Commissary should carry none but his own Train into Cazal and that he should not meddle with any thing but only to give the Word The Propositions were taken into deliberation by the Marshals de la Force de Schomberg and de Marillac who considering that the King designed nothing more then the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua in his Estates and the setling the Peace of Italy did consent to them seeing they had the advantage to make them first lay down their Arms who had first taken them up An advantage which is no little one as Thucydides testifieth in his History In prosecution whereof they prevented the Army from advancing and breaking in upon the Trenches though it were with great difficulty the Courage of the French not being able to endure that the Spaniards should make theâ—â— take the pains to come so far and not give them a memento Soon after the Spaniards marched out of the Town and Castle the French out of the Cittadel and the
Imperial Commissary entred in their place Politique Observation IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law The â—ord of Hosts seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them as he himself thinks fit he gives them Peace or War and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms to teach them that it is his gift and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it His Providence guides things to their ends by means which to appearance are contrary to it But his Power is always Master and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder the Clouds cleft asunder the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed the Ayr cleered and in a while all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice who over-ruleth Hosts to make the force of his power to appear just when Battels are joyning to cover the earth with dead Bodies to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries and then to allay their rage to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands to fill their souls with gentleness and in a word to give a happy Peace After such an affair seeing all things fall out contrary to our expectations may not one conclude that God laughs at our Designs and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs The re-victualling of Cazal AFter all this the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to had much ado to march out of Montferrat and they did not only delay the time by pretending that their Ammunitions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal which the French when they retired had left This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal under the Mareschal de Marillac and accordingly it was effected The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat at which the Commissary could find no exceptions it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this that the Generals having divided the Army in two parts one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them They ranged themselves into Battalia and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt into Cazal and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat c. Thus the War ceased for that year though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on Politique Observation JT were great rashness in a General after a Victory or the taking in of any Place so to despise his Enemy as to let his Forces be in disorder or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost The Anger which an Enemy is possessed with after he is either beaten or forced from his Siege should induce him still to be ready for a fight his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches they should be so look'd after that they do not enter in at another part they should never be thought to have left a Country so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd or the Gate of a Town which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty ought to be left unregarded Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed there ought to be a strict watch kept seeing a broken Army doth often rally and rush in upon the Conquerors and do them so much the greater mischief by their not being prepared to make defence The King of Swede enters into Germanie WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest several Princes of Germany and amongst the rest the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg the Marquis of Brandenburgh and divers Common-wealths oppressed by the House of Austria imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence called him in to their assistance They sent sundry Deputies to him to engage him with all earnestness to assist them whom they found so much the more enclined to it in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with him for he had caused his Letters to be broken open his Characters deciphered and interpreted imprisoned his Subjects trading upon the Baltique Sea after he had taken away their Merchandises prohibited the Commerce though it were a natural right and free to all the World had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia to fight against the Swedish Army to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States so that some of them were even brought to Beggery without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage not able to suffer such injuries and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army About July he came before the Island of Rugen which he made himself Master of in a few days notwithstanding those great oppositions which he met with thence he went to Stralzund a Hans Town seated upon the Baltique Sea in the Dutchy of Pomerania which he had taken into his protection in the year 1628 and there he landed The Imperialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility though they were constrained to raise the Siege after the losse of above twenty thousand men but they quickly drew off for altogether not thinking it possible to resist him in a field who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen Politique
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
matter for States that it hath caused many Civil Wars which have neer hand brought whole Kingdomes to an absolute ruine For that the particular affection of a Mother raising jealousies between her children hurrieth them into all extremities whatsoever they divide the Grandees into Factions then they appear all in Arms and nothing escapes ruine in fine they are forced to quench the fire of their private quarrels in the blood of their people She gaineth his Favourites IT was both difficult and suspitious for the Queen-Mother so often to discourse with Monsieur so it must needs be to draw him off from that resolution which he had taken of adhering to the Kings Interests They who kept up her soul in those discontentments advised her to make use of those Favourites whom he did most of all trust in This counsel was as judicious as it was wicked because it was hard to shake the mind of this Prince who received with his Birth the seeds of obedience which is due to the King and which had also been cultivated by those Signieurs who had had the charge of his education It was altogether impossible to overcome his Inclination unless by the means of them who were never from him who knew his humour and by what devices they might work upon him Virtue which hath taken deep root in a good nature is not plucked out but with great labour it will be needful to assail it by strong means and none but such in whom he hath confidence and trust can bring it about The business them was to gain his Favourites who were three Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-Laureus and Monsigot But it would do the work if Coigneux only could be gained for that Puy-Laureus had but a little before received a strong Obligation from him for having removed Bois-dennemay who partaked with him in the honour of his masters good affections and so would not offer to be against it and as for Monsigot he was so much his creature too that he had no other motion then that of Puy-Laureus There were great endeavours used to get him and a favourable opportunity was soon found for he being possessed with an absolute unbridled desire to have the Cardinals hat which the King had given him some hopes of it hapned that the Pope deferred his Promotion for a few moneths which he was upon the very point of granting Some of them cast it into his head that this delay was a trick put upon him by the Cardinal so that he as a man bewitched to his own ambitious Interests swallowed it and conceived so great a fury against him that he resolved to be revenged on him whatever it cost him insomuch that he told a friend of his who endeavoured to open his eyes That he was freed from his hopes of a Cardinals Hat but that within six weeks time they should be glad to send it to him with a witness It was his usual saying that a Son of France is alwaies considerable if he be in a condition to make himself be pitied And this maxime was the true ground of those hopes which he conceived That if Monsieur should depart from the Court in discontent he would be pittied by all people That the Princes Governours of Provinces and Places and the chief Lords of the Kingdom would come to him and bring Forces for his assistance and give him such means to raise and make a war by which he would die that Cap in the blood of the people which had not been granted to him according to his desires and expectation The true cause of its delay was this The Italians would not give way that the Pope should grant him that favour unless they might be acquainted with the reason of it it being contrary to the Bull of Sixtus v. which prohibited the bestowing the Hat on men who had been twice married as he had been and thereupon all the Interest of Spain had much ado to promote the Duke of Lerma to the Cardinalship As for Coigneux he was much more moved by the hopes which they gave him of stepping into the Cardinals place as soon as ever he was ruined and he flattered himself so much the more willingly into this Belief because having caused his Nativity to be cast during the Kings sickness he had been told of great advantages of Fortune which should befall unto him The splendour of this pretended Ministry did so dazle his eyes that he lost his reason at the first motion of it and was absolutely fixed in the resolution of giving himself to the Queen Mother and to perswade Monsieur to what-ever she pleased That he might give her a sure testimony of it he had the boldness to oppose the Kings will when his Majesty desir'd to engage Monsieur a little more strictly to the Court by granting him that satisfaction which he had so long wished for of marrying him to the Princess Mary The Queen-Mother who could not endure this match assured Coigneux that he would do her a most particular kindness to divert Monsieur from it who forthwith used all the Artifices which the malice of his soul could suggest to him to break it off insomuch that he beseeched his Majesty that he would not oblige him to marry so suddenly Coigneux became so insolently proud of this prank that Monsieur being at Chantilly he vaunted speaking to some one who was not at all engaged to him that he had hindred the Match and that it would never be concluded It s true the words were no sooner out of his mouth but he repented them fearing and with great reason lest the King would come to be informed of his insolencie and chastise him for it In fine Fear was joyned to his Ambition From thence forward those two furious Passions wrought so mightily upon his inconsiderate Spirit that he was at no quiet until he wrought Monsieur to leave the Court. There was no essay which he left unattempted to shake that resolution of Monsieurs which he stuck close to of not forsaking the King He found means to renew in his mind fresh sentiments of revenge against the Cardinal by remembring him of the Imprisonment and death of the Grand Prior and of the Marshal d' Ornano and the execution of Chalais He often put him in mind of the Obligation which lay upon him to undertake the Queen-Mothers quarrel who had alwaies tenderly loved him But finding that none of these devices wrought any effect he attempted to possess him with fear which shaketh the greatest Courages He made him believe that the King had been inform'd of his relapsing into the Queen-Mothers Interests and was by the Cardinal's advice resolved to send him Prisoner to the Boys de Vincennes Then it was that without more ado he absolutely concluded to leave the Court with all speed not having the power to recollect as it was to be wished that this Favourite led hâ—m away only that he might obtain that Honour by force of which his small
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
reason is very dangerous so are the consequences which attend it especially in matters of great concernment God hath ordained reason to govern in Mans Soul as in a Throne that she might guide all his Actions He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale to lead him through the Waters lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason but of all others Princes are most concerned so to do for if once they shut their eyes to reason and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States This violence may well be liâ—ened to that of a Torrent which rooteth up Trees teareth up Rocks and overthrows whatever it meeteth for just thus is it when reason is once extinguished the judgement is then spoiled and Prudence is of no more use then feathers to a Bird caught in Lime Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most if not all Kingdomes which hath trodden Crowns under foot which hath excited people to revolt and Cities to mutiny which hath profaned sacred places abused Altars and whatever is most reverenced by mankind How many have there been seen who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves provided they might ruine them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid It is great wisedom to suppress anger and to stifle it in the Cradle for by permission and toleration it grows to be head-strong Violence by giving way to it becomes invincible insomuch that in time it will be difficult nay impossible to overcome it it is like Lightning which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it is not by any means to be again reduced The Queen-mothers entrance into Bruxels THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her in the Town of Avennes as Governor of Haynault She then gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta by the Baron de Guaypre and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ayetone to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it Don Philip Albert de Valesques Captain of her Highnesse Life-guard came at the same time with his Company to serve her as Guards from Avennes she went to Mons where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Towns-men all in Arms to receive her with the greater splendour Thither came the Infanta to meet her who entertained her with all imaginable respects and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries into her Majesties hands Two days being thus spent they went both together to Bruxels where she was received with the same honour as if she had been King of Spain She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined It cannot be expressed with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her but we may conceive that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta who good Princess had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness sincerity and holiness it self so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility and the particular kindnesse which she had both for the Queen-mother and France Whereas the Spaniards had other ends in it They knew that Women are bewitched wish Honour and by this means did they endeavour to ingage her more and more to them that they might make use of her to ruine the Cardinal whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grind-stone more then an Army of a hundred thousand men Politique Observation IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes who discontented with their own Countries come to make addresses to them The qualities of their birth make them venerable in what condition soever though they were vanquish'd yet ought they to be treated with respect Eâ—nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus for his courteous entertaining of Mithridates King of Bosphorus when his evil fortune forced him though his enemy to â—â—st himself into his hands And if the quality of stranger Princes be an obligation on Kings to receive them with respect amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involv'd yet Prudence doth much more advise nay require it for the honour done to them is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries upon the score of the good usage and kindnesse which was there shewed them Besides and which is not a little considerable it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperate divisions in those Countries from whence they retire They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there and yet not break with their King A thing of great concernment to the Spaniards whose Countries being separated from one another cannot well be preserved in obedience but by their setting on foot dissentions and wars amongst their neighbours as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Politick secrets by them used A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neighbouring Countries He knows that he is by that means safe from them and that whilest they are ingaged in Wars he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs and oftentimes to make great advantages by it The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King to negotiate the Queen-mothers accommodation SHortly after the Queen-mothers abode at Bruxels and about the moneth of August the Infanta desirous of Peace sent the Sieur de Caro delâ—t Doyen of Cambray her extraordinary Embassadour unto the King then at Monceaux for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country but ouâ— of the affection and respect which she was bound to pay unto her that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France but would contribute her utmost endeavours to the tranquility thereof The King who was not naturally enclin'd to war but when it was necessary in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions would have easily been induc'd to an accord had he not been certainly inform'd that those about the Queen-Mother and the Spaniards procur'd this Embassie only the better to conceal the designes they had against the Publike Peace of his Kingdom Nevertheless as Kings are politiquely oblig'd to dissemble their actions and to acknowledge apparent civilities by apparent testimonies the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible demonstrations of honour and kindness to flatter his vain ambition and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions He made divers journies betwixt the Court and Bruxels and
partial in their advices do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable whereas they who have other Interests or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm or raise their own Families Princes in their necessities have the more reason to complain they then having most need of good advice Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire where it is more regarded then Kings themselves for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places it being usual to sue for a Princes favour not so much to love him the more as for the better effecting of ones own designs Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices as they think to be most conformable to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice and by this means they hope to acquire more favour then if they had told the truth Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel but they think it unprofitably bestowed unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them is not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion who as Plutarch observeth said That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage when they are faithful and able but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal and then likewise to follow their counsels not because they proceed from them but because after a due deliberation they are esteemed good and reasonable Prosecution of the Subject FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsiâ—ur by the Cardinal de la Valette to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him being very well assured that this once done his inclinations would be no longer so violent and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France Coignâ—ux seemed to agree to it and the Sieur de Chaudebonne who came from Monsieur unto his Majesty then at Estampes assured him that he was totally disposed to it But his Majesty having replyed to him that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune he made it apparent that his overtures were only words and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks made by his means during the King's late sickness He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard Governour of Burgogne that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February The King likewise understood from other parts that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Monsieur's name in Normandy Languedoc and Limosin and that Fueillade and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions There was brought a letter unto his Majesty written by his direction from la Ferte Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes unto his Companions that they should come to Melun neer Orleans though it ought not to be done without his order Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras to intice him from the Court and to draw him to himself The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur of seizing on the passages upon the River Loyr and of victualling Orleans was every where known His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself but designed to frame the Body of an Army and so raise a war And most true it is That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris had come or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition how that he had put the English to a shameful flight in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory and that he would but laugh at their attempts which were so repleat with rashness Politique Observation IT is not sufficient in a Prince who would attain glory that he be not apprehensive of any dangers in war or that he shew himself to be more desirous of honour then fearing any misfortune unless he consider before he take the field what strength he hath from what friends he can presume to have assistance of what force his enemies are and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces and not to attempt any thing above his Power or against Reason It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive lest he ingage himself in his own ruine Who so doth otherwise cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities either he must fall with his attempt or be compell'd to a shameful composition after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit Beside that rashness is full of inconsideration it is ordinary attended with misfortunes They who give up themselves to it are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their designs with as little advantage as they used consideration in their attempts The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them makes them at first all fire but their flame evaporateth into Ice by their want of subsistence It is blind and fore-sees not neither dangers nor any accident which may happen whence it followeth that it is very unsafe nay pernicious to be guided by its Counsels and that experience telleth us it seldome keeps any of its promises The History of Cambyses King of Persia related by Herodotus may serve to exemplifie it he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia to which end he sent Ambassadours to their King who might under pretence of carrying him presents espie
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him But when they perceived all their attempts were vain either as to the ruining of him in his Majesties good opinion or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions then their Anger turned into Fury and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem They verily perswaded themselves that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army to maintain their Quarrel or that they might raâ—e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds as they would rise and take up Arms so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate had his glory depended upon their testimonies and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health by drying up his blood by watching day and night over the Affairs of State by giving up his Freedom his very soul his words his writings and all his time unto his Kings service and for the good of France by doing things even above admiration it self should need their approbation But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour like the beams of the Sun so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesties service as cannot easily be described in History He needed not have desired as that Ancient did to have a house so built that all the world might behold him seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration I may safely add that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings did render all their accusations suspected And who knows not without more ado that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government Politique Observation IT is commonly seen that good services are rewarded with calumny Envie is one cause of this injustice her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness which draws good out of evil whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body such hath envie with vertue And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envie and calumny Private Interest is another cause and to say the Truth is the first and chief for that it begets envie All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government do fancie unto themselves that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it as it hath raised up them who now possess it Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State when that which they expect is not cast upon them the discontent which hereupon they conceive is not unlike those false Prospectives which represent things and objects unto the view which neither are nor ever were and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion becomes so depraved that they apprehend things in their conduct far different from what they really are I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen their intents and designs are secret and unknown at least of such as have any conduct neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected Which being so it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them They seldom have any thing to object against them but what seems to be defective and they disguise things so artificially that they make white pass for black lies for currant truth being very wary that it fal not into their consideration how they have extraordinary intelligences which ought not nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements But above all the rest they are assaulted by slanders when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief they dare not openly to complain of their King lest they should too much discover themselves and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them which might prevent them from effecting their intentions but they addresse themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people These are the subjects of all the Manifests which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion If we but look back on the Passages our own times or those before us we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame Examples hereof are so frequent that we need not stay to recite them Besides it may be found in all History that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them upon their papers fraught with poison and lies Aspersions charged on the King refuted IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages But it is incredible that their malice should strike at the Kings own person endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government I could willingly complain of all French men who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just most Valiant most Generous most Prudent and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France did not take up their Arms to punish those Libellers in other Countries but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesties permission What reason could be alledged that he should passe
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government are only known to himself and his Ministers every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects And true it is his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection Politique Observation KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders They owe this protection unto them in remembrance of their Fidelity and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought and not to discontent the chief of the State for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power in detriment to that of the Soveraign and then all the envie falls on him as if the whole Government were in his hands and unto his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed Which being so what Reason or Justice can a King have to abandon unto the mercy of envie a loyalty which if not cherished will soon languish Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service as the discountenancing of him The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service is blind in his neerest Interests and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers by permitting his ruine who was the greatest Supporter of his glory which once admitted he becomes like a City whose Fortifications are razed and laid level with the ground For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles who came and cast himself into his Arms said he wish'd his enemies no greater evil then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service upon the score of Report so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts and for their fidelity unto their services Who knoweth not that an ancient Common-wealth would not admit of a good Law if propos'd by a suspitious person unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity They who were the Contrivers of this Designe were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Masters Interest by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters that all things run into disorder where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute Prosecution of the Subâ—ect THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and States-men how they ought to govern themselves for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal wherein there was an appearance of objection though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge one of the chiefest was that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom and that other some he had procured for his friends Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns Havre and Brouage and that these places were the more to be regarded they being in his keeping at such a time when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times wherein they might have learn'd how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France by two several Declarations of Henry the third Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea without having some chief Sea-Port Which being so What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him As for those which his Majesty entrusted with his Relations I shall only say that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Constable of France Grand Maistre and Grand Chamberlain and Governour of Languedoc whose eldest son was Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc his second Colonel of Horse Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc by Survivorship and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal another Admiral of France and a third Colonel of Foot and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France viz. that of Thurenne de la Trimonille de Candale and de Vautadour and whose power was such that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine afterwards King to obey him in the Armies which he governed I could likewise add that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise who flourished under Louis the eleventh Charles the eighth and Louis the twelveth Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne and afterwards of Burgogne under Louis the eleventh and six other Brothers which he had with many others of this Nephews were all advanced by him By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes Jean was made Bishop of Langres Louis was made Bishop d' Alby and Lievtenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont and Abbot of Cluny Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi and Governour of Normandy the three sons of his eldest Brother Louis Bishop of Alby Arch-bishop of Rouen and Cardinal Grand Maistre Admiral and Mareschal of France Governour of Milan and Lievetenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy Guy Siegnieur de Revel Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes which was then a high preferment Francis de Clermont his Nephew son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise Cardinal and Râ—nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise Bishop of Bayeâ—x Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
own interest who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth if not so better it were to preserve the publike tranquility severity then to indaâ—ger it by lenity Never was there yet Law made for the publike good which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed will but deceive himselâ— for want of penetrating into the consequences The best course which can be followed is ever to prefer the universal beâ—ore a particular good remembring that wise saying of Tacitus that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them but the injury they do particular men will be abundantly recompenced by the publick advantage Prosecution of the History THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used during this year contrary to their allegiance the Kings Authority and the tranquility of the Kingdom You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs which ended in the ruine of the Complotters The Cardinal used such care addresse and Prudence that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds which vanish with the first breath of Wind they were like Bullets shot at random like blows in the air and like pictures in the water which the waves do as soon deface as designed The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds and fury of the Waves his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy successe so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests True it is the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to is to avoid shipwrack Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below or neglect the protection of Princes Kingdomes and particular persons so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage addresse and prudence enough to undertake such encounters a thousand other noble enterprises besides the conservation of the State Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it under which any other but himself would have sunk not only rendred them successelesse but re-established the Duke of Mantua and defended the Princes of Germany whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire and of which I find my self obliged to say something that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States Affairs of Germany I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes concluded with the King of Sweden in January at which time these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria who were allied unto him as also to this Crown and who were not only driven out of their Principalities but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live We have likewise seen that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour particularly when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly interpreted when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours to make War upon him in Prusse when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes formerly landed in the Towns of Germany when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours and denied them answer but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire and when he refused by way of scorn his proffer of Peace in confidence of destroying him not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew that a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany in so important an occasion He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions and to revenge any injuries offered unto them Hence it was that having taken order for the interests of the Catholick Religion in Germany he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden the conditions whereof had been concluded about three or four moneths before His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money as he then did and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns of which he might possibly become Master our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice which led him to secure those Princes from oppression unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King without precaution for the interest of the Church that those violences which are the usual effects of Arms might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp Politique Observation THat War is just saith St. Ambrose which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them St. Augustine teacheth us that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries The defence of Confederates is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence They who do otherwise
besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance do withal render themselves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities There is not any Prince who is not aâ—med at in his turn or able alwaies to subsist by his own force many times they are necessitated to stoop under the armes of an invader for want of the assistance of their confederates who forsake them as they were before forsaken by them If a King may with Justice defend the weak and his confederates doubtlesse he may as justly imploy his power to revenge an injury God who hath intrusted the Scepter in the hand of Kings hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Soveraign Majesty be violated by any other Prince as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns There is not any one above them who is Arbitrator of their quarrels they are legal Judges of their own differences and in this Independency God hath given them power to take up Arms to carve their own right It is enough to justifie their War if the Princes against whom they fight haue given them occasion and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Souldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field A Kingdome would be very defective as Aristotle observeth if the Soveraign had not Authority to châ—stise with his Arms him who hath injured him in like manner saith he as the body of creatures is not perfect if unable to repell those objects which offend it So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it The Justice of the Kings Alliance with the King of Swede THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede for the defence of their common confederates was very just seeing the War it self undertaken by the King of Swede was just and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War is in it self justifiable Yet there was no device unassayed by the house of Austria to induce the World to condemn it The first reason by them alledged in discredit thereof was that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretick Princes but what reason was there so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion After Charles the Fifth had joyned the Imperial Crown to his Kingdomes of Spain and Italy with the Provinces of the Low-Countries he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperour he might with justice attempt it as if Kingdomes were the division of force and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty as Henry the Second King of France writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year 1552. he resolved to over-run it concluding that having once mastered it he might with ease invade France England and the rest of Italy The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellour to the King of Spain he particularly nameth it the foundation of the Authority of the House of Austria Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches that it is alone able to entertain Armies and those great ones for ever nay to supply the very Indies in case of a defect This is the true ground of the War and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it although the Spaniards pretence was the rooting out of Heresie It is long since the great St. Leon writ to the Emperour Theodosius that men palliate their Passions with Religion but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes as Mariana hath well observed in his History that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people The World sees by experience how advantagious it was to them when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Neece they themselves have seen that it wanted but little of putting our Scepter into their hands during the League It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies where they have put to death not only lawfull Princes but at least fifty Millions of people with such cruelty that they have died the earth with blood and made Heaven to groan with horrour and well will they now make use of it to despoil the German Princes of their estates But who is ignorant of their injustice seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires so force cannot deprive him of it to whom it falls by succesion Politique Observation HEresie doth no more dis-ingage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity but this being a point of Doctrine peradventure some mean capacity will make a scruple to believe it if only proved by the verity of politick maximes I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Primitive Church which the Father 's taught in their Precepts and Examples and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest persecutions Did not the Apostles St. Peter and Paul write to the christians in their Epistles at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them Let every one be subject to the higher powers For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God and those which now are are by his gift Whoever rebelleth against them opposeeth his Commandment and they who indeavour to shake off the yoke of their obedience expose themselves to damnation A Prince is God's servant it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer He ought to be obeyed not only because he can punish but for Conscience sake neither are these the only exhortations left unto us upon this subject their Epistles are fraught with divers others so frequent that I need not recite them leâ—t I play the Dâ—vine and forget the Historian Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes who were as so many firebrands to Religion and sworn Enemies to our Faith S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch to perswade them to serve Justinâ— the Emperour and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apologie that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods who in all other things would render a full and intire subjection to their Emperours Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings and confesseth that their commands tie the
frequently disowned by them These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men in matters of Propositions being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory and somtimes what they say is contradicted so that in fine themselves conclude themselves to have been deceived which is all the satisfaction to be had by them Politique Observation IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with Hereticks or Infidels either for their own defence or the preservation of their Allies in the possession of their just Rights The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines though Spanish The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another of what condition soever Those who doubt it would I send to the School of creatures void of reason who would make them ashamed of questioning it The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques when profitable or necessary may not justly be blamed Do we not see in holy Writ how the Patriarks and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example Did not Abraham ally himself with Abimâ—lâ—ch both for himself and his Successors as also with the Canaanites Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infidels excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom and did he not go to war with him The Macchabees though zealous in the observance of their Religion did yet confederate themselves with the Lacedemonians God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's and so blessed their alliance that they obtained vast riches by it nay he was likewise well contented that the Temple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels To pass by these examples of Antiquity let us descend to later times where seeking for proofs of this Truth we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians to be at peace with all men and not refusing his proper deâ—ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him by the assistance two hundred Archers and seventy Horsemen all Infidels What can be objected against this Reason It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours and it may not be doubted for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title especially when they are of advantage unto us as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samaritane and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded that alliances with Infidels and so with Heretiques are permitted to Princes and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty that they abuse it not The Affairs of Italy THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes But who will not admire that at the very same time his Majesty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy for the setling them in peace It is good to see the Sun after a long storm dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose clear up the Ayr command the Winds to be still to guâ—â—d the mountains and make his Rays shine in our Eyes but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled for the three years last past compel the Forces to retire into their Countries establish the Liberty of commerce and re-estate Italy Savoy Piedmont and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace Europ beheld all this about the end or this year at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of were agitated in France and which we come now to consider for the more orderly describing those things which hapned Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation The King having learn'd about the end of the last year by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon in which his Majesty was inform'd how the Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne commanded him to return to Vienna and asâ—ure him that he would contribute his utmost to effect it and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy whatever he had gotten in his Dominions although in his just possession by the Laws of War provided the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke His Majesty ingaged himself in this War only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace and consequently would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy provided that the Emperour the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy did the like relinquishing their designs which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes estaâ—e Whereupon they having resolved to leave him in quiet though the Spaniards did not speak very freely the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should obtain or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont but he easily condescended to suppress his own interest that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one or to trouble the peace of Christendom but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right Politique Observation DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a forraign War He ought to resolve to sit still when he shall have obtained his pretences for as Thucydides saith it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction and willingly submit to reason No War is just but that which is necessary and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded He who continues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy instead of glory acquireth hatred One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice was That he never undertook a War unlesse compelled by some important reason Xenophon saith that a wise Prince forbeareth what â—e can to make War though sometimes pressed unto it and that he is obliged to prefer Peace before War where his honour the interest of his State or Allies are not totally concerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of
their rage but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms when those three grand causes do cease which are the usual occasions of War The Philosophers say the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act which ought not only to be understood of the efficient but also of the final cause it being reasonable to abstain from such actions when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us besides he is compelled as it were to make peace abroad when any intestine War calls him to look home The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his example when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body then those which only appear upon the skin Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power Now as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other in fine â—e ought to make peace after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct The successe of War is not alwaies the same and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence Fortune hath her share in them It is not to be avoided but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm maugre the Prudence or the Pilot so likewise it is impossible that after divers advantages obtained in War some misfortune should not happen Hannibal was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do They made it apparent in this particular where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined they testifying by their actions that their chief design was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States They perswaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy and withall as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would in fine attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience which his discreet conduct kept safe from them Montferrat of which Cazal is the strongest place is a Country of small extent yet of great importance to the design which they have a long time had upon Italy Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds Naples and Millan and true it is this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power they would soon be Masters of the whole therefore have they indeavoured it for so many years but without Cazal all their attempts are vain that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan This is indeed that which makes Cazal so considerable the not having whereof is the more important in regard their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes which being so they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf an artifice full of injustice but which ceased not to be very proper for their design for that he not being party to the Treaty it will still be free for him to break it by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest However as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs they would not own this Artifice and the Cloak with which they covered it was that fighting under the Emperours Colours there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence and that their true design was to hinder the peace that they might make new attempts upon Cazal Politique Observation THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises though unjust It is an errour to think Fortune is blind because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind Well may she be painted without eyes when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary successe A Prince accustomed to conquer proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will though that right be inherent in God alone Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence doth so transport him that he thinks he hath right enough if he have but power to conquer them he flatters himself in the belief that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice are grounded upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them The desire of Dominion which transporteth him rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood if he may but subjugate more people to himself and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms if he may but get a new addition to his authority It makes him forget that he is a man and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death and equally liable with the meanest Cottager to render an account of his actions that the usurpation of anothers right shutteth the gates of heaven against him and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their powers Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure that those Princes who will subjugate all men are hated by all men and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince then to commit murder
That God who is the Judge of Kings taketh pleasure to abase their insolence and to cast them down when they think themselves highest To be short the most sure and agreeable Dominion is that which hath justice for its Basis That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman and therefore odious to the Spaniards to deprive whom of his lawful Succession were to commit an insupportable outrage and to force the most Christian King to protect him At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him to the end they might employ the power of the Empire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy whereupon from a Scholar being made Master of the Affair he resolved to put an end to it and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne and to establish an happy peace in Italy promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany and done great exploits so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy he would soon have over-run the whole He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him for the defence of his Confederates and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers Politique Observation NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it especially when it thwarts their ambition yet it cannot but be thought happy when it forceth their arms out of their hands and leads them to a fair accomodation The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth a good excuse in the greatest faults somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory by obliging them to attempt it when they least expected it at other times it is content to settle them in peace by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war In fine they must subscribe to its pleasure for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them but receiveth none from them they being in this respect in the same condition with meaner persons Hence it was that â—halâ—s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature answered Necessity because it surpasseth all things Are not Castles in themselves impregnable forced by necessity to surrender What saith Quintâ— Curtius Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms then reason it self Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaciously There is no power which is not obliged to reâ—der it obedience Prosecution of the Subject WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace when it was the only means to re-establish them in their States It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter covered with Ice and Snow and over-spread with torrents of waters But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his Sâ—ates in the possession of others his people oppressed by the burthens of War his Towns and Villages forsaken hiâ— Fields unmanured and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences and that on the contrary his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies then to usurp their estates had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates to keep a fair correspondence with France then to follow the interests of Spain Politique Observation THere is not any condition more to be pityed then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insupportable by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly present it self unto him and his Poverty is the greater in regard of his former plenty Such great â—alls do carry some shame with them especially to such who have been the Authors in some sort of their own miseries We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers as to be content with what Fortune hath left or that they would live in any other condition then their former they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates for that they know Authority if once degraded falls to ruine if not quickly re-instated The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest his Masts broken his Sails rent his Cordage torn and his Ship leaky bends all his thoughts how to get into Port and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies his Revenue sequestred his Country forraged his Subjects fugitives and his Forces reduced to an impossibility of securing themselves from a total ruine is in perpetual trouble until he finds himself restored by a Treaty oâ— Peace The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year of the several Princes who had taken part in the War of Italy or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua The Pope who is the common Father did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass
of States to re-assume its former lustre which â—requent disorders had destroyed He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility traffique free commerce open voyages secure the earth loaded with rich harvest all things restored to their first splendour and order the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution justice established in her Throne re-assuming her authority and terrifying such as before scorned her in fine his estate putting off its mourning apparel and cloathing it self with magnificence mirth contentment and joy The second Treaty of Peace THe Articles of the general Treaty had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity that all those whose intentions were just could not but rest abundantly satisfied though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs made the Emperour beleeve that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat discontentedly that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power and withall refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit This difficulty was enough to have undone all if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were but their thoughts being altogether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on either party they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June on which day the second Treaty was signed by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed excepting only that of the secret Article The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon or the Bishop of Mantua both resident with the Emperour So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy as for the rest it was concluded as in the first Treaty that for the assurance of the restitution of places Hostages should be consigned on both parts to wit on the Emperours part the Signieurs Piâ—olomini Chisa and Vileben and on the Kings part the Sieurs de Tharanes de Nerestan and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty and not to assume any Authority but as Depository In prosecution whereof the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy Brigueras the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage should quit the Forts and the Passages of the Grisons withal that Suse and Avigliane with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy as Porto and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua and that lastly Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy the same day that Galas should restore Mantua to its lawful Lord that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time This Treaty was signed both by one and the other the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July the newâ— of which being once arrived the rest of the Articles were put in execution the Hostages were delivered to Cardinal Pallotta appointed for that purpose by the Pope who received them excepting what concerns the Forts and Country of the Valtoline Grisons and Comte de Chiauenne with which his Holiness would not intermeddle the Inhabitants being Heretiques and not acknowledging him but in exchange the Baron de Galas delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua for performance of his promise Brigueras with the other small places of Savoy were delivered to the Marquis Ville in behalf of the Duke and the same day the passages oâ— the Grisons to their lawful Lords the places of Mantua except Mantua it self Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua the fifteenth of September Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy Porto and Canello to the Duke Mantua and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol and the German Mantua Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes and each one established in the possession of their own Cardinal Pallâ—tta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf having received notice thereof dismissed them and this great storm which had troubled all Europe gave place to an happy peace leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies in despite of the Emperour the King of Spain and Monsieur de Savoy and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence Politique Observation IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties between Princes that some security be given especially where there is any diffidence between them Some have received places in deposite as Charls the eight going to Nâ—ples did of sundry Italian Princes others have contracted Marriages as the Historians of most Wars have recorded and it is a custom as ancient as common to give and take Hostages It is very hard for those who have been exasperated during the Wars to believe interchangeable promises only especially when they are to be executed at divers times and in divers places besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive if he will break his Word To alledge some particular examples of Hostages St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon offered for assurance of their agreement the Comtes de Poâ—ctiers and Anjou Thus Charls King of Navarre son in Law to King John having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed who was Constable of France and extreamly beloved of the King would never return to the Court till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son for hostage whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux under his Brothers custody Thus the same K. John having been four years Prisoner in England was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part and given hostage for the assurance of the rest who were Lewis d' Anjou and Jean Duâ— de Berry his children Lewis Duke de Burgoigne Peter Comte d' Alâ—â—son John brother to the Comte d' Estampes all Princes of the Blood Guy brother to the Comte de Blois the Seignieurs de Montmorency de Hangest de St Venant d' Andresel de la
increase his Revenue but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed as the power of a great King with whom he intrusteth it Ferdinand King of Naples did wisely when he found himself without money destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate of which we French had despoiled him in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians who made a scruple to admit him unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante Bronduze and Trave with Monopoly and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats for their expences in his occasion Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us without producing other examples that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest then by preserving it to endanger the losse of the whole When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations because they are more maturely considered then ordinary mens and their drifts are more secret This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy did set many heads on work and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth He granted the City and Castle of Pignerol to the King for six moneths only and that for performance of his promise to give him free passage through his State and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts as much and as often as need should require for defence of his Allies in Italy However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King and besides that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque It was said that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him But that being never declared they did rather guesse then know it for knowledge is grounded upon reasons certain All that can be said is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands for the conservation of the rest of his estate in so doing he did very prudently as we shall hereafter declare had the King procured this advantage to his Crown it had been but just to recover an ancient Demeasne which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors he had raised a Trophy to his glory obtained by his Arms in Italy he had conserved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War it fine he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains and curbed the Spanish Ambition These reasons were so full of Justice that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reserving somewhat for recompence That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies after the experiment he had made of those difficulties in the Passages And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to prosecute their Usurpations There could not be any reason for it and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done On the other side that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty if indeed there were any thing was that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences and kept as a secret till this present neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence who well knoweth that the greatest designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy and that counterfeit pretences cannot but be commendable provided they be advantagious and free from injustice Politique Observation ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes in regard their designs ought to be kept more especially secret The discreetest Princes never look that way they design and though they alwaies effect their thoughts yet they seldome speak what they think they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious and do oftnest attain their ends hence it is that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion hath work enough to look about him Who knoweth not that if all truth were necessarily to be told nothing would remain unknown which if so the highest enterprizes would be successelesse it being most certain that the discovery of an affair is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest oppositions It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves or our friends and cannot injure any one It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects and absolutely to disown it to all others Thus Lewis the Moor Duke of Millan having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth to give him passage into Italy and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples the Pope and Peter de Medicis although the report of it was common and some signs of it almost indubitable Whereupon he denying it so confidently they remained a good while in suspence without knowing what to conclude The denying of a design with asseveration doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris VVHilest the Cardinal 's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things teacheth by his conduct divers maximes very necessary for all Ministers The great expenâ—es made the last four or five years in the Wars having exhausted the Treasure and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel used some expedients to ease them but necessity whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes forced his Majesty to defer them until such time as his affairs were setled in a sure Peace neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâ—l will approâ—e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâ—que it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâ—schal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justâ—nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâ—esian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ— â—â—ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ— in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ— which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ— in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ— by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâ—urper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâ—ance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ—'d by a Tyâ—anical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ— He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lâ—rrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâ—ts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâ—e circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â— consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
Publike Registers where in one of the chapters of Royal Râ—ghts it is expresly so recorded But this Register being but of four hundred â—eats standing at most whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self I would fain ask them where the Salique Law is to be found which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom above twelve Ages together Thus it was established by the Custom to which oftentimes there must be recourse had and which must be admitted for a Law carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy and then established for the Kingdoms good Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have been constantly punished by their Kings The example of Merouee son to Chilperic ninth King of France will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy who assuming the boldness of marrying with Brunehâ—ut without his Fathers consent became the object of hiâ— Iustice and was punished according to his desert and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage was impeachel in a Council held at Paris of that very thing as a great Crime he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular and accordingly was he chastised for it Saint Bâ—ruâ—ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte 〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent alledged it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire Thus Philip Conâ—te de Namur broâ—her to Baudouin Conâ—te de Flandres being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces daughters to the said Baudouin engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right which our Kings have over such persons whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels disobedient or enemies of the State One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dutchesse of York an English Prince's daughter without approbation from Charles the Seventh The same Charles the Seventh would not look upon his Son Lewis the Eleventh though of Age for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy without his knowledge though it remained unconsummated until his permission first had and obtained Doth not an English Historian though an enemy to France say that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken in regard the King had not consented thereunto Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne who having married Ausgarde without her fathers consent was in conclusion forced to quit her though he had children by her and though he was his eldest Son and to marry Adelaide and his son by her was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown by name Charles the Simple I shall add this one more of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld who having though a Widdow to the King of England married Comte Baudouin against her fathers Will saw her marriage disanulled by Pope Nicholas the first together with the Bishops of France and was compelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married as she was at Auxerre Monsieur 's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage yet Princes Families being often divided into factions the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd but on the contrary took occasion in the t'others absence whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts He was not to learn that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince when she is once passionately beloved by him Besides he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg who would in fine rule all lastly he doubted there was no way left to break off this match which would be imputed as his fault by reason of the place he held with Monsieur so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse and the good of his affairs He one day took the boldnesse to tell him that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour which this marriage would assuredly hazard nay utterly destroy he layed before him how that though Princes are sometimes excusable for doing such acts in their heat and passion which are displeasing unto their Soveraign yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage to run out into discontents as the increasing of their stipends or the obtaining of some other gratification but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach All the lustre which Princes have and which rendreth them venerable is the effect of their Soveraigns favour just as the light of the Stars is derived from the Sun their Fountain But these Councels of Coigneâ—x being known drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon Mâ—nsieur seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lauâ—eâ—s prevented it who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours This new Favourite had gotten so great an
ebb that they were not able to secure themselves They well knew our Kings have ever been the Churches Refuge the Scourge of Heretiques the Protectors of the Holy Sea and that all Ecclesiastiques have ever secured themselves from those storms which threatned their ruine by retiring themselves under their Power neither were they ignorant that he who now welldeth the French Scepter hath destroyed Heresie in this Kingdom and made his Actions illustrious as well by Piety as Justice Hereupon they sent their deputies unto him to implore his assistance The Bishop of Wittsbourg was chief of the Embassie on whom that imployment was more especially imposed in regard he was most concerned to animate their complaints by the report of the great losses himself had sustained the Baron de Teâ—iff accompanied him from the Elector of Cologne and the Sieur Ruter from the Duke of Baviers neither of them was backward in laying before his Majesty a large description of their miseries of the increase of Heresie of the calamities whereunto the Catholiques were exposed of the Swedish Kings Ambition of the Churches Interests of France's concernments and all this they frequently did at large in their Audiences that by this means they might infuse some jealousie into the King's mind which might draw him off from the Swede and instill some Ambition into his Soul which inducing him to pretend unto the Empire might ingage him in their protection But his Majesty informed by his Embassadours of the Swedish proceedings and that their Victories were not extraordinary from others but conformable to the Treaty of Alliance presently apprehended that the losses they had suffered together with the fear of totally losing the remainder if they continued to countenance the ambitious designs of the House of Austria had perswaded them to make such pittifull complaints He could not be perswaded to change a War of State into a War of Religion or to believe the King of Sweden intended the ruine of the Church being fully assured his intents were only to abase the Emperours pride and to curb his Ambitious designs Yet the Compassion he had at the sense of their miseries would not permit him to dispatch them without some satisfaction and the using his intercession with the Swedish King for their safeties and the securities of their States Having kissed his Majesties hands they visited the Cardinal whose zeal for the Churches interests gave them a most kind reception and ample assurances that his advices should second their requests unto his Majesty In future comming to discours the means how to secure them he ingeniously told them that the King of Swede striking directly at the Imperial Party it would be impossible to mediate any Treaty in their behalfs unlesse they withdrew themselves from that association that this was it they were necessarily to resolve upon unlesse they would totally disable his Majesty from making any interposition with the Swedish King who no doubt would never be perswaded to spare them whilest they indeavoured to give a subsistence unto the Imperial Army both by assistances of men money and provisions of all sorts This discourse although equally tempered with Prudence and sincerity seemed very harsh unto them in regard of their affection to the House of Austria But as no interests are neerer then particular so they shewed a great deal of readinesse to submit unto the Kings Will and Judgement to do as he should think most proper whereby they might the more strongly ingage him in their protection and defence Whereupon it was thought fit that his Majesty should deal with the Swedish King to permit them to continue Neuters they hoping to pick out some way or other of accommodation hereby at least to gain some time which might produce an overture to avoid the storm which threatned their present â—ine Politique Observation PRinces are not in any thing more industrious than in making their demands seem plausible now no pretences make a deeper impression on mens minds than those of Religion whence it is that if they can with it cloak their designs they think they have done sufficiently under this veil have they often palliated their most vicious and ambitious devices and they who treat with them if truly wise do not easily believe whatever is proposed under the notion of Religion The Faith which they professe maketh them zealous for the Churches good but this very Faith teacheth them that somtimes Wolves cloath themselves in Sheep-skins and that as the Tree is known by his fruit so there is no safer way to judge of Princes Proposals then by reflecting on the government of their actions the true fruits of their designs King Achas that he might deceive Isaiah played the Hypocrite and did at first refuse the proposition made unto him of craving a Miracle from God for assurance of his promise pretending himself to be respectfull and fearful of offending God that he made a difficulty of tempting him by an extraordinary belief Many there are who use such like slights when they find it may conduce to their advantage in a word it is great Prudence not alwaies to believe those who cover their designs with the Church but maturely to examine their Proposals and to observe them by their former conduct and proceedings The King sendeth the Marquis de Breze towards Gustavus Adolphus Kign of Sweden THe Cardinal informed his Majesty of the Propositions of Neutrality to which the Embassadours of the Catholique League seemed to incline and his Majesty having cast his eyes upon the Marquis de Breze as a person capable by reason of his Prudence and Ability to give a happy successe thereunto dispatch'd him unto the King of Swedâ—n to obtain his assent in that behalf He departed from Mets not long after and arrived at Mayence accompanied with above fifty Gentlemen Voluntiers ambitious oâ— seeing that King whose victories were so publiquely famous over the World The Marquesse of Breze comming neer unto Mayence was met upon the way by two Cornets of Horse and the King of Swedes own Coach to receive him the was conducted unto his Audience where after he had made his respects unto that victorious Prince he told him the King his Master being so near had commanded him to wait upon him and to assure him of his joy for his victories The King of Sweden returned those Civilities and Honours due unto the Ambassadours of France which passed over they began to discourse of affairs He represented unto him how his Master being eldest Son and protector of the Church looked on himself as obliged to make a request unto him in behalf of the Catholiques of Germany and to beseech him to permit them to become neuters they being readily disposed to fall off from the interests of the House of Austria and not to uphold his forces by any way or means whatever how that his Master was the more willing to second their desires in regard he thought it very advantagious for the design which invited him
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâ—den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith â—ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviâ—rs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ— partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies
before the Ambition of any Soveraign unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship Should they do otherwise what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon for not preserving his contracts with him nor observing his Commandments viz. That he would pluck away his Crow and give it to his servant The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers and Elector of Cologne his Success with him was better then with the other two because he found him in a great Alarum The Swedis were at his Gates and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen with divers other places of his State insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal He had then sent the Sieur de Scoâ—k Gentleman of his Bed chamber unto the King of Sweden to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him but his reception had been none of the best in regard he had not only furnished his own State with Souldiers and made great contributions towards the supporting of the League but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg and slain a young Comte de Solms with two of his Trayn and his Letters too were none of the most respectful All the answer this Gentleman received was That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates who should accept of the Neutrality which he should not fail to perform when the Elector should adhere unto the conditions of the said Treaty which obliged him to come off from the Emperors party the which if he refused he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof as all the rest of his Associates This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility Now the Elector being naturally fearful was so surpriz'd that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates and the same usage from them as the Bishop oâ— Wittsbourg had already received so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms who undertook to make his peace with the Swede and to protect him from all violence Not that he wanted to say the Truth any affection for the House of Austria it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks but because he knew in cases of Necessity no one is obliged to assist another to his own prejudice especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter himself under his Majestie wings and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France yet they were such as were too important to be refused viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom unto his Majesty That he would retire himself unto Trives and there deliver his person as a gage of his Fâ—delity These Proposals were the more considerable in regard his Majesty having him in his power and the Electors of Saxony and Brandebourg at his disposal it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crowned King of the Romans and King of Hungary and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection and to perswade him to sit as Neuter in relation to the King of Swede Politique Observation ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it it being frequently observed that he who becomes Neuter seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror yet the case is much altered when his Neutrality is countenanced by the protection of a great Monarch who being his Neighbour secureth him from all danger I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him because in case of an Invasion his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him and if they come at all it will be unseasonably and too late for his defence Every one knoweth that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self and those few who hold out to the end have more need to rest then fight Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy find such ill success Lewis the XII undertook the protection of John and Hannibal Bentivogli who vere both thrust out of Boulogne when it was least suspected neither was there any means to prevent it Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French but was deserted it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Monarch nothing is so easie as his assistance and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince with and against all men that no inconveniency betide him The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender and that with such submission that in case he recede from his devoir it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State and on the contrary his Protector ought to undertake his defence and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid and full of safety doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality which are neither to assist or provoke either party in so managing his affairs he giveth no occasion of offence and if the prevalent power attempt against him his Injustice will appear the greater because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself when his ruine is in danger His Conduct indeed cannot please either party neither can it reasonably offend either which if so neither can with reason attempt against him whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State his utter destruction will be unavoidable The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat into Germany THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory advised his Majesty to send a strong army into
Luzern and Roche-Britant and in fine by that of the Cardinal led by the Marquis de Mony and Coeslin so that the skirmish became very hot and many Charges pass'd on both sides untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only so long that in conclusion the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled and falling in upon their own foot disordered them so that the French had the pursuit of t hem untill the night concluded the businesse and favoured the enemies retreit The Imperialists left four score Nobles forty prisoners their Convoy and two Cornets behind them which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree looking more strictly into the siege found some things in disorder which he quickly rectified and brought all things into such method that the garrison was soon forced to surrender The Chapter were sensible of their Treason and acknowledge their lawfull Prince and thus the Town was taken by composition of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour This piece of service thus happily effected the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands was not long in agitation the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours Politique Observation AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings the defence of those who desire their protection is one which addeth very much to their glory and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity then the defence of the weak and feeble and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King not to deny those who sue for his protection The defending of them who request it is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth them invincible it being most certain that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities ingageth so many serveral defendors whenever his occsions shall require it To be able to subsist alone without the help of others is very honoursble for a King yet his glory will be imperfect if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies under his protection or in revenge of injuries offered unto him The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria now unable to divert the storm hanging over them that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did upon the like pretences The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither in order thereunto where being come he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris his Holinesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks for the suppressing of Heresie and establishing the Church in its former splendor There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes the disasters of the Church and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse but not a word to be heard how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family He indeavoured to perswade the Pope that the King of Sweden like another Attila had resolved to besiege Rome and force his Holinesse from his Seat but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church The Duke de Savelly his Imperial Majesties Embassadour and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals but in the open consistory did violently exclaim in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria and in it the Church it self highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions Now divers of the Consistory being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes was the only effect of their own faults were at first divided and the Spanish Partisans became so stout that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings But his Holinesse informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs made it appear unto the Cardinals that the War of Germany was a War of state not Religion and the matter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce The Popes answer to their party was that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy the Sacking of Mantua and threatning of the Holy Sea would better have served to hinder the Swedes and put a stop to their conquests that the Remoustrances of his Legats and Nuntioes had been deluded Germany neglected the Swedes slighted Italy invaded and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it 's Treasure in the preservation of it self and St. Peters Patrimony that in fine his Government might possible be traduced not blamed that his indeavours already used and which he resolved to continue were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy And lastly that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy he proclaimed an universal Jubile exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith but departed
This his design succeeded according to his own wish yet not without much detriment to his glory it being most certain that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Proposals was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt His Majesty and the Cardinal had particular notice of all these Passages it being impossible that such contrivances should long be kept secret The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them but the Cardinal considering that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person to set him right again in his former duty and not only for that reason but because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack which had not fallen upon him but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition that he should have a care of himself that if he regarded his duty he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit such power being only Regal That if the good of the Province were in question War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof That if he designed to raise his Fortunes Revolt was but an ill Foundation and would be his infallible ruine seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors and would doubtless do the like by him when-ever he should begin to stir That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests And that he could not but injure himself if he should eclipse the glory they had left him by actions contrary to theirs These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs had he never so little considered of them but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul that he had not the power to reflect on them rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe Oh what blindness and strange resistance was this But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness which cannot without great reluctancy perswade his Majesty to any rigorous proceedings how just soever who would not accept of this resistance but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular unto the Sieur de Sondeuil thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other because he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence The King caused him fortwith to set forwards as soon as he had received the Cardinal's directions what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency to disswade him from his designs and to keep him off from that Revolt in which if he ingaged be would even force his Majesty to destroy him When he arrived to him he used all his Rhetorique his utmost care affection and address though to no purpose his Resolution being fixed and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons Politique Observation IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design and to be deaf to their counsels who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof Those great men who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense are commonly the causers of great evils they beget disorders and having fallen into any adversity do ruine not only themselves but their friends and partakers Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success yet was he blame-worthy for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians who counselled him not to go into Babylon for that they found by their Art he would there die For despising their opinions he went thither and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions especially such as are unjust or rebellious It is only proper to Mountains not to run backward but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct if evil and to steer a contrary way which may be more propitious to change from bad actions to good and better though never so often cannot be accounted Inconstancy neither will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design as to persist in it A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be He had much rather confess his indiscretion then persist in it and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished is to be victorious In fine Stubborness is then especially inexcusable when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his Soveraign No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince upon what pretence soever God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings nor may any of their subjects draw it unless by their Princes authority Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace They who raise seditions and think to hide themselves under a pretence of the publike good do but deceive themselves for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account and every one knows that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests But admit the State were in disorder it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Soveraign then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart those chiefer parts Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness said Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers but be they what they will they ought to be loved honoured feared This was the opinion of an Heathen But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others it is doubtless the Christian whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings to be respectful unto Superior Powers nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise and divers strong places open their gates unto him upon his first appearance in the field he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other until then he fed the King with fair
words having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity But it was no more time to dissemble whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him to reduce their promises into action which was follow'd by several open meetings contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General against the present Government The Cities of Alby Bagnols Beziers and Lunel the Castles of Beaucaire and Alâ—ts with divers other places of less consequence revolted There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Narbone sent by the Spaniard There were many false Publications made inveighing against the disorders of the State only pretended so to be whereby to raise the people There was a practice had with many of the Prelats Barons and Deputies of the States who were engaged so far that by a Result of the States they concluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province with all its Dependencies to assist him to re-establish the State in better order and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests and particularly commanded that nothing should be registred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery concerning the Edict for Fsleus but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen and others in his own name to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty to invite them to approve of the said Commissions and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier from his Majesties service proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own letters He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone President of the States and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested because they had ever opposed his Designs He not only raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain with the Sieur de Fargâ— to negotiate there for a supply of men and monies To conclude he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature The Parliament of Tholose which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions taking notice of these his undue proceedings issued out several Inhibitions to hinder his further progressions First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions They condemned the Result of the States as rebellious They prohibited any monies to be levied paid or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name They made a Decree against all the Officers of the States who had any way procured the said Result enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment and particularly the Bishop of Alby having delivered the said place unto Monsieur they seized upon all his Goods and Revenues inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons By which their generous example they left a pattern to all other Parliaments that they ought not to regard any man what-ever when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question Politique Observation SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings that they might preserve the obedience due unto them and the people in their Dues and Rights it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Revolts those known destroyers of Royal Authority If they be deficient on such occasions they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep themselves within the limits of their duties which example may peradventure be sufficient to contain the vulgar sort in good order but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them for the preservation of their Soveraigns power which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered if not totally destroyed Doth not every one know that Parliaments are living Laws and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles If they should be backward in restraining such disorders were they not equally culpable with Souldiers who refuse to fight when occasion requireth Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude that in the highest degree for that all their Honor and Power is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves for which they are only beholding unto God But otherwise it is with Magistrates who upon stricter enquiry into themselves will find that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is dependent upon their Soveraigns which if so do not the Laws of gratitude as also those of submission enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories And is it not likewise true that by upholding their Princes Power they preserve their own seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them and depending on their good Will and Pleasure and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first flowed Their Princes are like their souls from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist Rivers cease to run when their Springs are stopped The Body ceaseth to have life or motion when deprived of the Soul when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority they labour to sustain themselves and their own Powers and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince to Command
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy â—riâ—g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
ever they desire that were too base a condescension and would imbolden them too too much a mean ought to be used and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose by such windings as may best convey us to it though it be the further way about and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yeeld to Time and Necessity and to sit still with effecting though not all we would yet what we may without exasperating the people A King may lawfully without all peradventure establish that which is right and which carrieth with it any advantage to the publick but Prudence ought to precede all his Decrees and he ought to be carefull that there happen not at any time more evil then good by his commands The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency his life and liberty ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry yet the Duke of Montmorency being their chief Ring-leader there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency without due punishment unlesse it were purposely to give all other Governours free liberty to rebell as often as they pleased considering how it was by the chance of War and his own only rashness that he fell into the hands of his Majesties Officers For this reason it was that the King commanded him to be carried to Tholose whither his Majesty came not long after imprisoned in the Town-House and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him He was examined witnesses produced face to face according to course neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death he having been taken with his Sword in his hand against the King as himself confessed adding with tears in his eyes as is usual with all persons of quality when they find themselves convicted That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life he would not desire to obtain it unlesse to lay it out in his service and that he might expiate part of his Crimes with his Blood Sundry persons of quality and amongst others the Princesse of Conde his sister the Cardinal de la Valette and the Dukes d' Espernon and de Cheureuse were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot to cast himself at his Majesties feet and to Petition in his behalf But what likelihood was there of passing by so hainous an offence without chastizing it What reason was there to give life unto him who had indeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom with whom he had the least acquaintance who had used his utmost to ingage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France that he might the better countenance his designs who had introduc'd the Spaniard who had had the boldnesse to procure the States of the Province to authorize his Rebellion who had raised all the Souldiers he possibly could against the King briefly who had left no stone unturn'd which might any ways contribute to the advancement of his pernicious designs What reason can there be alledged sufficient to excuse such a crime It was not a fault committed by mistake or rashly but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed for the effecting whereof he had bent all his wits and set all his Engines on work for above seven or eight moneths together His name was indeed honourable in regard of his Ancestors but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty was his family illustrious his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferr'd upon them and the punishment of his offence ought to be exemplary to warn the Nobility to contain themselves within the bounds of their duties and within the limits of fear of his Majesties Justice He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions but not such as were any way considerable with that of this his attempt which strook at the root of the Kingdom which forced the people from their obedience which tended to the destruction of his Majesties authority and the ruine of his Subjects What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency far different from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplifie unto us upon the least commotions in their own Countries Had it not been a wilfull blindnesse in matters of State and the establishment of the publick quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to passe unpunished To say truth he must have no longer been a King had he tied up the hands of Justice and hindred her from prosecuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions Thus the Marshal de Chastillon going to wait upon the King with intent to join his request with others in his behalf told him that the countenance and eys of those who supplicated him did sufficiently declare that his Majesty would oblige very many persons if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life but was answer'd with a Prudence well-becomming his Majesty that he should not be King if his sentiments were such as those of private men Politique Observation A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State if in all his actions he did not regard the publick good before the satisfaction of divers persons Good Emperours even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church have preferr'd the State before their Fathers or children and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof Were it not a madnesse to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th hazard of Shipwrack by indeavouring to save one particular man Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered when as the publick good is in agitation of what weight then ought anothers life be to him The object of Princes is the civil good and is folded up in that of the people in general No one can doubt but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people to prefer the common good before that of any particular man who hath run into any hainous offences So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all then of any one criminal and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions will commit a manifest oversight if he dotqâ—not follow the like example He deserveth not to wear the Crown if he permit the oppression of his Subjects and the Revolt of others to go unpunished God Almighty having intrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands that he might preserve them
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution but the more in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours especially those of Germany who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged could not for the future be so assisting to them as formerly they had been He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies injureth it self and that in fine if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted who openly said Pompey knows not how to overcome This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull which the Sieur de Charnace imployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty so dextrously did he manage them so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country in a Treaty of Peace wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof neither satisfied with this resolution he assured them according as he was commanded that they might the more readily take the field how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men to be sent unto them from the Swede who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander so that about the beginning of Spring the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard Politique Observation VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions The first is when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantagious Peace for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it The Olive Trees true Symbols of Peace bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth nor wil I longer dwel upon it The second is when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize how just and glorious soever hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall The Gods themselves saith an Ancient do submit to necessity there is nothing stronger then it and the greatest vertue must stoop to it neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it The third is when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy whom at that time we despair to overcome and that either by sowing some division among them or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised but letting fall the Sails runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded when it will afford the means of taking more advantage War is a kind of sicknesse in the State and as sick people are permitted to rest the better to recover their lost strength so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time the better to refresh his forces to recruit them and to raise monies necessary to maintain them If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty it will then be very improper to conclude it when a Country is flourishing and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace Most certain it is that sometimes so it happens and Hannibal well knew it when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans at the end of the second Punick War he reproached them as Livy observeth it Ye had much more reason quoth he to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers that was the would which killed you The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse which opening the door to delight and luxury might in a little time dul their courages and make them easily conquered by their enemies This if true among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War nor can be preserved but by War It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did as Livy recordeth which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him for having suffered himself to be surprized by them for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War of which the Romans were altogether unprovided so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him besides all these considerations if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantagious For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse neither can any one so act unlesse
an enemy to his own interest The Marquess de St. Chaumont sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns and to establish him IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him Fumay and Reveign scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master had clapp'd a garrison into them designing to fortifie them to secure the Commerce of that River and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne The King could not put up such an injury offered unto the Elector since he had taken him into his protection but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort and the Comte de la Suze were made Marshals de Camp who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition whereby he might obtain the more glory to his Masters Arms but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night before without sound of Trumpet so that instead of fighting all he had to do was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay and that of Normandy into Reveign The Marquess de St. Chaumont finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers that they never took any thing without paying for it but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time and indeed the season of the year was such in regard of the Snows and Frost that he could not march without difficulty so that his Majesty sent him Order to return and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier He returned to spend some time at the Fort whereupon the 10th of February he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves and to do what they pleased but the King and the invitation of the Spring permitting his return he carried the Army back again and without much ado forced them to quit the Field The next thing he resolved was to assault Freidembourg upon which they had seized whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Travellers and the adjacent places The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be invested and comming in person before it in the moneth of June he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it The Town was won with little resistance and the Castle forced within two daies after there being not above three or four men slain on both parts Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City about the beginning of October by the Sieur de Bussilamet The Arch-Bishop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards he desired him to stay with him and command his forces and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him he presently returned them saying I beseech you keep them for his Majesty his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord to assist him in his interest to receive his Souldiers into their Cities jointly to defend them and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another unable to subsist by his own force but though it is honourable yet it is not without care if this protection be to his advantage yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him and in fine fairly to restore it To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse or want of courage or an absolute breach of promise in the first assumption He that for fear of the charge the successe of the War or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him but doth likewise cloath himself with shame Moreover what expences soever he is at on such occasions yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince he being only as it were a Depositary and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self the restoring of them will be as honourable as the detaining of them will be unjust Ptolomy King of Egypt dying committed his son heir to his Crowns then a child unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome who professing a particular observation of their promises were not deficient in resigning the Kingdom into his power upon his first being capable of Government Thus Archadius seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians so played his Game with Indigertes their King that he undertook his protection and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples Philip of Austria King of Castile leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian and to take the Kingdom into his protection The King accepted thereof and in prosecution of his charge was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it that he preserved his States against France it self nor would usurp the least whatever provocations Maximilian gave him In fine notwithstanding all restitutions or expences which a King is obliged unto yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries because besides the glory whereof he deprives himself he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some
one as powerfull as himself who may raise advantages by it and peradventure to his prejudice The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres to the Queen of Swede and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments rendred him no lesse deserving of this then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States who were feared by their neighbours and would have been a terrour to France it self could the have prosecuted their advantages His Orders were chiefly three the first was to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic what care his Majesty took in their interest the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories The second was to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent and there it was where the foundation of all was to be layed The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February that he might the sooner get thither but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union He receiv'd Orders accordingly nor was it of small consideration because he could easilier dispose them one by one then in a multitude nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron to prevent those whom he had not yet seen and to confirm the others in their resolutions and being arrived the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders the strong diversions he had made in Italy in Lorrain and other places the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies tending only to their advantage Having thus recollected things past to their memories he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs how needfull it was that they should preserve their union and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on and therefore clearly evinced unto them that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire and the ejected Princes to their Estates there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union which the Emperour not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power the far greater of the two whilest their confederacy lasted He had not much ado to confirm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure In fine the found themselves forc'd to confesse they had no other way left but to be firm and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty This advice conduced much to the end of his design which having happily obtained he lost no more time but entred upon the new Alliance between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden on the other part which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance which was for the defence of their common friends for the securing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire by which every one might be restored to his rights The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot and 6000 horse that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take in the same manner as she found it that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded which if broken by the enemies the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour yet this was not all it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany to obtain which the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost
diligence The Articles agreed upon were that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede and the Electors Princes and Protestant States of high Germany by vertue of which they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another untill Germany were setled in its first liberty that the Laws of the Empire should be in force that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expences of the War and that a good and lasting Peace should be setled Moreover that the Chancellour Oxenstern should have the management of affairs who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him composed of qualified persons some Officers of the Crown of Swede and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire that none of the Confederates in particular should treat of Peace without the joynt consent of the rest in which if any one failed he should be declared an enemy that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Armies with Victuals Ammunition and Artillery that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes and the Confederates that the President with the Counsel should take great care to retain the Souldier in good Order and to secure Trade In a word that all the States and confederate Princes should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany untill the War were ended and that they were duly satisfied as well as the confederates for the losse which they had sustained This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties which were looked upon to be so advantagious that they were the substance of those great Armies which during this year check'd the House of Austria's proceedings Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it who by his continual Instructions and Orders gave life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions glorious for him it was indeed and the more seeing he had for witnesses of it the four Protestant _____ of Francony Swave the upper and the lower Rhine Amstrudel the English Embassador the Chancellour Oxenstern the Chevalier Raches Embassadour of Swede Le Sieur de Pau Embassadour of Holland and divers free Lords of Germany who entred the Treaty of Alliance and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Councel That great Enterprizes ought to be prosecuted to the height THe glory of great enterprizes dependeth upon the end not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height without suffering himself to be stopp'd with any obstacles whatever I do not mean such incounters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace upon what condition soever to secure himself from an absolute ruine It is then indeed Prudence to comply and to take in the Sails untill a more favourable opportunity permit him to put to Sea but abating this one exception a Prince is absolutely obliged to stand immoveable as a Center whiles Fortune the Mistris of War raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof The timorous must inevitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs but they who are couragious raise Trophies of glory to themselves so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent and a Prince truly generous is not only excited by his valor to great designs but likewise to vanquish all difficulties which oppose his glory I may adde that this Element would be inconsiderable without this second quality nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours unlesse he testifie a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm but keepeth on his course toward his Port nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design upon every obstruction which thwarts him but whetting his courage and stirring up his valour he will bend all his indeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed well knowing that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and resolute in affairs Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferiour to Pompey as to number of Souldiers yet was he never backward during the whole War between them to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Souldiers long trained up in those exercises Fabius Maximus was no lesse confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swoln up by fresh waters whose course is hardly to be stopp'd at first by any obstacle whatever he quitted not the resolution of overcomming him but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him without any hazard he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage and by this means he dull'd the edge of his Armies valour newly puff'd up with their late victory and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution Hannibal's Forces decayed To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course intended for the obtaining of his design but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design though he incounter some obstacles in the execution rather on the contrary they oblige him to prosecute the end otherwise he discrediteth himself and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth to congratulate him according to custome and to compose the differences with the Venetians IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland unlesse those of Italy were likewise considered unto which the Cardinal had disposed his Majesty since the beginning of the year Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Embassadour to the Pope to render him obedience nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Complement That this Embassie might serve for more then a bare ceremony the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to imploy some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference between him and the Venetians and to work his Holinesse to favour the interests of France as occasion should happen To this end he proposed the Duke de Creaquy as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expence suitable to his honour but withall who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing which would be reasonably desired His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice and concluded the Duke de Crecquy to be a person very proper for that employment nor was he ignorant
of honour then any other and indeed they are more to be esteemed because Honour is more excellent then Wealth There was no Crown more esteemed among them then the obsidional which however was made of Turf that of Gold inlaid with Stones was beneath it because lesse honourable there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently he was obliged to live in the City in the quality of a private person without other reward then the glory of their actions Cneus Ovillius thought himself more highly rewarded after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War by the Common-Wealths permitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them The Institution of the Parliament of Mets after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and Places of Lorrain AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bishopricks of Mets Toul and Verdun and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships heretofore pulled from it he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice which should have full power to Judge without further Appeal all matters both civil and criminal His Majesty was the rather invited unto it by the earnest intreaties of all the Orders of the Cities and Provinces in prosecution of the promise made unto them by the late King Henry le grand especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places and upon persons depending on the Crown of France It was resolved about the beginning of the year The King ordained a Soveraign court with the Title of Parliament in his Bishopricks of Toul Mets and Verdun the seat whereof he founded at Mets both in regard of the commodiousnesse of the scituation as also the populousness of the place and confluence of the people which came from all parts and besides that place having been formerly the Metropolis of Austracia one of the best Flowers of this Crown His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President six other Presidents forty six Counsellors of which six should be of the Clergy the rest of the Laity one Attorney General two Advocates General and to brief all Officers usual in other Parliaments to execute Justice without Appeal every six moneths upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks as also upon Mouzon Chasteau-Regnaud and its Appurtenances notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim Lastly desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier Blundeau Pinon Treslon Vignier and Chanteclair all men of worth that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris Master of Requests those of the two Advocates General to the Sieurs de la Gresliere Remifort and Fardoil they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request and five or six who were created Counsellours to establish the Parliament which they did about the end of August to the great happinesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour and true it is the industry they used to preserve his Majesties right and the people in their obedience did not a little conduce to the establishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings so Kings ow them Justice and affection The debts are mutual and two incumbent duties which compose the most agreeable harmony in States upon the accomplishment of which dependeth the good fortune of both Prince and People which being so a Prince can no sooner conquer a country but be is obliged to do them Justice nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges and to change the old Magistrates Caesar and Nero knew it well enough by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able absolutely to depose them In a word the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince and that of Magistrates to force a country out of the hands of another Prince and not to change the Magistrates were to be but half Master of it for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them they cannot but preserve some affection for him nor wil they ever fail to serve him so that great inconveniences may thereby arise for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him from whom they have received their imployments and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection A Seat of Justice though without a Sword with the Purple onely and those other marks of its dignity doth oftentimes cause that which they favour to be more respected and obeyed then the force of an whole Army so much are the people us'd to submit to its judgements and to follow its motions therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affectionate and loyal to his service That once done let the people mutiny make unlawfull Assemblies and be factious it signifies little especially if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them The people do commonly return to their duties at the only sight of their Magistrates and they quickly calm themselves as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux but if they find any to second their insurrection they rage more and more and flie out into all kind of extremities Alpheston and Chavagnac executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State Alpheston a notorious Assassinate came to Mets about the end of September with Sausier and Bellanger who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard These two Souldiers touch'd with repentance and horrour for the crime wherein they had been ingaged made their addresses to the Sieur de Mommas Governour of the City for the Duke de la Valette and discovered to him upon what design they were come
his promises suffering himself to be transported by an unjust hatred against France took all opportunities to discover his ill will he was oblig'd by the last Treaty to send his Forces to his Majesty but hardly was the Treaty signed and the Marshal d' Effiat one of the Generals of his Majesties Army in Germany received the command of them ere he sent Order to their Commanders to disband them that he might give Mont-Baillon Lorrain opportunity to gather them together and lead them into Alsace for the Emperours service Hereupon it was not long before they vanished excepting the Regiments de Guerquoy to the Commander of which he had forgot to make known his intention Nor did he forbear to testifie that this very Regiment abiding some while in his Majesties service was displeasing to him for upon the return into his Territories after the Marshal de Effiats decease he disbanded them that he might bestow them upon Vervane a Subject of his and Souldier of Fortune who led them into Alsace where he got into Massenal and was defeated by the Swede He was oblig'd to hinder any Levies in his country made without his Majesties consent but he gave way thereunto at the same time that Ajax the Italian indeavoured to get into Brisac The Treaty ingaged him not do any thing against the Allies of France and he past his word to General Horn not to countenance any design against Haguenaw which place he under-hand assisted with fifteen hundred men and without regard had to his word gave forces to the Cemte de Salme under pretence of discharging them which afforded him the means and opportunity of taking in that place nor did he afterward contribute to preserve the place by sending Victuals and Souldiers to fortifie that Garison Every one knows he gave leave to Montecuculi Benti voglio Nassau to raise Forces in Lorrain for three or four moneths time the two former pretending all that while they would desert the service but did indeed send them to fight against the Swede and the last of them did openly lead his forces into Alsace Moreover as weak courages do easily passe from anger to cruelty the passion he had against France and its Allies transported him to many unworthy actions For more cruel deeds then those of Nassau could not be conceived by the wit of Man who sometimes was with his Forces at Sarguemine robbing and killing all such French Merchants as he could meet with he caused a murther to be executed upon Collonel du Bois who had very worthily served the Swedes in Germany he committed violences in the Territory of Strasbourg in the Dutchy of Deux Ponts and the Comte de Hanau he highly injured the Comte d' Halberstein taking him in his shirt out of his bed and plundering his house without any other difference but only because he had alwaies been affectionate to France he kept barbarous cut throats at Saint Hypolitus to rob and kill all such Swedes and French as passed by but weakly attended That he might the more absolutely declare himself for the House of Austria against the Allies of France did he not proclaim in his Army by sound of Trumpet that no one should presume to call it any other then the Emperours Army And did he not cause it to march under that notion unto the Fort of Gerbaden to beat off the Swedes who had besieged it Did he not frequently entertain discourses and correspondencies with the chief of his Officers with the Comte de Salm Montecuculi Merode and the Marquis de Celade Did he not receive the monies brought by the last of them to pay his forces with the same satisfaction and facility as the Souldiers sent by the Valsfeign and the confiscation sent him by the Emperour of all his Neighbour Princes and Allies of France's lands who were in the Assembly of Hailbron Did he not likewise make a League with the Emperour whereby Haguenau and the other ten Cities of the Imperial Provost together with Sclestat and Colmah were delivered to him for their most strict intelligence though at that very time he was obliged by Treaty with the King not to ingage himself with any Prince without his Majesties knowledge or consent Nor satisfied with that alone he caused the Marquis de Ville to tell the Swedes contrary to all likelyhood and truth that he might make them jealous of the King how he acted nothing against them but by his Order and sent ten thousand men to force them from the siege of Haguenau Indeed he was the Author of his own punishment for they finding themselves forc'd to leave their Trenches march'd out cut off a party of them and took his Canon and Baggage This Procedure did sufficiently discover his Passion but he stayed not there rather as if he had delighted to break all Articles of former Treaties he would not be perswaded to do his homage for Bar and though after infinite delays he did at last send Commissaries to estimate the Demesnes of Clermont the Propositions they made in valuing the buildings and fortifications contrary to the Treaty which imported that he should pay after the rate of fifty years purchase in hand for the Revenue only did sufficiently testifie that they came not to perform the Treaty but under that pretext to break it Nor was he more exact in observing that Article wherein he was obliged not to give any harbour or passage to his Majesties Subject who should be out of France contrary to his Majesties pleasure nor to entertain any correspondence with them seeing he continually treated with those who abused Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his credulity and favour In general it may be said that hatred and choller had gotten so transcendent a possession over his Soul that they forced him to recede from all kind of honour nay and to neglect his own interest and all to revenge himself against France which he hop'd to effect by the Spaniards means who when he had concluded the Treaty with the Hollander then in agitation and probability had ingag'd to assist Monsieur with all his Forces to invade the Kingdom to force his Majesty to such conditions of Peace as himself pleased to compel him to ratifie Monsieurs marriage with the Princesse Marguerite and finally to surrender to him such places as he had made himself Master of That Soveraigns are obliged to moderate their Passion principally in point of War IF Choler be blamable in private persons it is no lesse dangerous for Soveraigns then pernicious for their Estates Prudence ought to be the guide of all their actions without which they will be inevitably reduc'd to troublesom inconveniences Who knoweth not that Choler is incompatible with this vertue and an enemy to all good counsels A Prince may sometimes make Choler as usefull to him as Souldiers and may be thereby drawn to a generous impetuosity to surmount almost incredible difficulties but there is a difference betwixt that gentle heat
which increases courage and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason and therefore a Prince must be carefull that he let not his passion pervert his judgement to precipitate his reason into base resolutions He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise saith It is better to moderate choler then to take a City Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage because it pretendeth to vanquish all and to subscribe to no man yet really it is a weaknesse which whoever surmounteth is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage then he who suffereth himself to be transported by it It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Polititians that cholerick men are no waies fit for government Curopalates Commenus Emperour of Constantinople did sufficiently declare how incapable he thought them of it when being on his death-bed he sent for the chief men oâ— his Court and told them he thought his eldest son Isaac lesse fit for the Empire then his younger son Manuel in regard of his inclination to anger which oftentimes hindred him from being Master of his own reason A Phylosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with publick affairs Not quoth he that I fear them but suspect my self intimating that his naturally cholerick humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs Amongst those misfortunes wherein choler may ingage a Prince the provoking a Potent King to declare War against him is one of the most dangerous War is never to be undertaken in Passion but to be entred into by the Gate of Prudence else it turneth to the Adventurers ruine Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies without preparing means necessary for his defence or obtaining an happy end and without any thoughts of desisting or of making any advantagious Peace but having hastily taken up his Sword he is oftentimes seen to let it fall with repentance though too late because such heady resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state He that hath once set a fire on a Forrest is no more able to extinguish it but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all nay hardly will it be quench'd upon the borders and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure nor can he prevent the ruines which by little and little attend it or keep it back from doing all manner of out-rages in his own country Well may Passion ingage the weakest but being once heated it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it There are many Princes saith Polybius who egg'd on by an impetuous violence either to revenge themselves or grow great do attempt many things but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their enterprizes to obtain an happy end or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron to treat with the Duke of Lorrain THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour provok'd the King to fall upon him both with his own and his Allies forces yet such was his Clemency which diverteth him from all proceedings of rigour unlesse at the last extremity that he sent to the Swedes after the battel of Haguenau to intreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorrain and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesties protection assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertakings The truth is it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induc'd his Majesty so to do for he was not ignorant that the neighbourhood of great Conquerours is alwaies to be feared yet his Majesty had this design in preserving him he well hop'd this present assistance would work upon him so much the more because his danger was so eminent The Swedes were commanded by persons who amidst the prosperity of their Victories thought no action glorious unlesse just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King whereupon they made no difficulty to consent unto it but pass'd their words not to attempt any thing for the future upon Lorrain The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection seeing in the opinion of all people though of never so little judgement it prevented his ruine yet such was his Passion that he took no notice of it The King sorry for him as for a man who would destroy himself presently sent the Sieur de Guron if possible to open his eys and to shew him how irrational proceedings were but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesties goodnesse who could not resolve to ruine him according as he deserv'd hid himself and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him whereupon he was forc'd to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful it seems lest his Majesty should resent his dis-respect of a person of quality coming in his behalf sent to tell him that he was at Luneville he had not Artifice enough to satisfie the Sieur de Guron in appearance but on the contrary suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion which had gotten the mastery of him that he gave him cause to suspect he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty The Sieur de Guron used his utmost indeavour to bring him to reason in order to which he layed before him the little Justice of his Procedures and the danger whereunto he exposed himself if he should still drive on those discontents which he had for some years last past given unto his Majesty However when he found his indeavours ineffectual according as he had receiv'd instructions he appli'd himself to make a discovery of his designs which in the Dukes anger he often did The Duke passed many Complements unto him and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect but when they came to the ground of affairs his Passion would insensibly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions especially after that light which those of his Court gave who were gain'd to give intelligence and the Sieur de Guron himself learn'd from the particular conversation of divers persons during his stay in those parts he having dexterity enough to inform himself of any thing he desired to know or had charge to inquire He was certainly inform'd that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force and to defend the injustice of his proceedings under the shelter of those bulwarks instead of obtaining pardon from his Majesties clemency by a true change of his behaviour that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot whose Randezvouz was to be neer St. Michael the first of
July next following and that those Forces were appointed to invade France together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him These designs were of great importance of all which he gave his Majesty advice as they came to his knowledge The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardinal to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a passe that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing but what would make him be pitied That it is important to send Embassadours to such Princes against whom War is design'd to discover their intentions and how it may be done IF it be necessary to be well inform'd of an enemies designs of his humour of his Forces of the succours he expecteth and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him as all Polititians are of opinion it is no lesse usefull to send persons to him who under pretence of some familiarity may give advice thereof Tiberius one of the Roman Emperours was so solicitous in this kind as Tacitus observeth that he was not ignorant of one of his enemies resolutions so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems Amongst all persons fit for this imployment none are so proper as Embassadours because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy to his Ministers and Statesmen the may wel discover more then men of inferiour condition who converse with none but those of their own quality Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Embassadours of a certain King of the Indies toward the King of the Assyrians under pretence of making a Treaty of League with him but in effect to discover his designs Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferiour qualities who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance to inform themselves of all passages and make their discoveries thereof for such men give no small light to affairs Thus did Scipio as Plutarch observeth in his life that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Siphax Merchants used to Traffique in an Enemies Country are not improper for this purpose in regard of their general acquaintance as Xenophon one of the ablest Statesmen of his time hath declared but one thing especially ought to be observed in employing such persons that is that they be men of understanding and fidelity for if they be defective in the former their advices will not only be frivolous but hurtfull because they may ingage resolutions contrary to what is fit and if they be deficient in the latter it is easie to conclude how dangerously inconvenient it may be As to the means which all in general are to use for their information none are better then those which ingage men to talk much and discover themselves Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon because it depriveth the use of reason and giveth only the tongue liberty and therefore it would not be amisse that an Embassadour should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince or his Ministers to drive them into this Passion however this ought to be managed both with ingenuity and respect lest he so far exasperate them as to refuse him any more audience It will not a little conduce to this end to visit such Grandees of State who they find talkative it being usual with great talkers to let fall whatever is in their thoughts just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose them Ladies are very proper to discover secrets especially where a man may partake of their favours For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemies Wives and indeed it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret as love but especially money makes the Mare go That is it which discovereth all and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus to inform himself of all his Masters enemies affairs during his abode in Naples as was to be seen in his account after the War where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve to seiz upon Bar for defect of Homage and to re-unite to the Crown all his lost Royalties THe King intending to be reveng'd on Monsieur de Lorrain thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar as the best remedy in hopes that by letting him see his Majesties resolution no longer to indure the effects of his hatred he would in fine return to his duty without ingaging himself in greater extremities Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris to try whether the said Dutchy were not laps'd to the Crown for default of Homage upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seiz upon it and deliver it into his Majesties hands together with its dependances untill the said Duke should do his Homage In prosecution of this Decree the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve one of their most ancient Counsellors whose ability in learning experience in affairs and integrity in the Administration of Justice together with his birth and manners were thought capable enough to cause his Majesties name to be honoured in Bar and to re-establish his Authority in that lustre of which Monsieur de Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him His Majesty approved of their choice and the Sieur de la Nauve going to take his leave of his Majesty and receive the honour of his commands he gave them another Commission under the Great Seal not only to execute the Parliaments Decree but also to re-unite unto the Crown the Royal Prerogatives of Bar the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth and Henry the Third to the then Duke Lorrain without mature consideration of the consequence of such alienation These things thus ended the Sieur de la Nauve bent all his thought towards Bar together with such Officers as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions The Officers of the City receiv'd him with all honour but not long after his arrival the Baron de Couuonges Bayliff and Governour of Bar came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorrain to intreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission assuring him in the interim that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City to obey such commands as he had brought from his Majesty it being the order of Soveraignty that the weaker should obey the stronger This discourse did not at all surprise him he knowing that such an affair could not be ended without some contest and accordingly bee answered the Baron de Couuanges without any
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
the passages Divers journeys made for the accommodation of the Queen Mother and Monsieur THough the Queen-Mother and Monsieur le Duc d'Orleans had for the two last years run into great extremities by the perswasions of some people whose advices they too much credited yet such was the Kings tenderness for them that he took great care to bring them to themselves and to perswade them to return into France The Queen-Mother had been for some time sick and the King to testifie how much he was concern'd in her health upon his first hearing of it presently dispatch'd the Sieurs Rioland and Pietre very famous Physitians to use their utmost care and industry for her recovery and also often sent several Gentlemen to visit her The Cardinal did not a little contribute to those his cares nor did he omit any opportunity to testifie unto the Queen-Mother the earnest desire he had to serve her so that at last she was forc'd to yeild her self in so much that it was verily thought she would quickly have re-assum'd her former sentiments of love for the King and confidence in the Cardinal but for those damnable counsels which those whom she honoured with her ear infus'd into her especially Father Chanteloupe who unable to make himself considerable unless in broiles did alwayes prefer a storm before a calm He could divert her from oftentimes sending unto the King to assure him of the inclinations she had to be neer him and of the passion she had for his though he wanted no artifice to prevent the effects of it glory and welfare There need no other proof beside the instruction under his own hand which she gave unto the Sieur de Laleu when she was sent to the King nor was he deficient to second the affection which this great Princesse had for the King by his fair words as also to suffer her to write unto the Cardinal to assure him that she would honour him with her good opinion it being only the better to cover his designes but he well knew the King unless he had lost his judgment which rendred him so admirable in all affaires could not suffer him to return with her to be of her counsel after the discovery made by Alpheston and Chavagâ—ac of his design to murder this grand Minister He not onely confirm'd the Queen Mothers inclination by those of his cabal in the resolution of keeping him neer her as a faitful very fit servant and one whom she could not forsake without prejudice to her reputation and affaires but the instruction which he gave the Sieur de Laleu obliged her to give security in that behalf It is true indeed that thinking to cover his malice with a specious vaile he beseech'd the Cardinal to exclude him as unwilling that his person should hinder a good accommodation but that only serv'd the better to set him forth seeing it was most certain that his exclusion would hinder the Queen-Mothers return and that on the contrary it was only to make the Cardinal more odious unto her whom he knew not to be so imprudent or disaffectio nate to his Majesties service as to suffer his return He knew distrust to be the greatest obstacle in the Accommodations of Great men who were never to be reconciled but by a mutual confidence whereupon he labour'd nothing more then to infuse it into the mind of this Great Princesse as the very same instruction of the Sieur de Laleu testifieth which required him to say that her Majesties returning into France would hazard all that the Cardinal would destroy her when he pleas'd without her being able to prevent it or to hurt him in case she had a mind to it and that she doubted whether the Cardinal had not some-distrust of her though he had above twenty times declared unto her how passionatly desirous be was of her return so that it was easy to be known by this Procedure of Father Chanteloupe that with one hand he did prosecute the accommodation and with the other obstructed it and that he could not better be compar'd then to him who calling all people to quench a fire doth underhand endeavour to make it burn the more This was not the only testimony that the Courts of Brussels made evident of the misfortunes whereunto Grandees are exposed when they suffer themselves to be transported by ambitious Ministers who prefer their own before their Masters interest There were no less eminent proofs hereof in the treaty which was negotiated by the Sieur D'Elbene whom the King permitted to come often from Brussels to the Court to consider of the means to draw him out of the Spaniards hands Had Monsieur known he might have been secure in France that the King desir'd nothing with more passion than to see him partake of his glory and recreation and that his Majesty lov'd him like a Son he would not have slaied 24. Hours in the Low-Countries but would have forc'd through all obstacles to have got away however the Sieur Puy-Laurens who had a greater interest upon him than any other fearing belike to receive the punishments due for his rashness in carrying Monsieur 3. several times out of the Kingdom and unwilling to lose the advantages which he expected from his affection had artifice enough to perswade him the contrary and to transport him into extream-distrusts He made him believe that there was no assurance for him in France that he should no sooner he there but he would be clap'd up in the Bois de Vincennes or his house fill'd with spies which would make it worse than a prison to him that the King did not much care to withdraw him from the Spaniards but only for fear lest he might enter with an Army into France that his Majesty had no other passion for him but that of jealousy Soveraigns being not well pleas'd with the sight of their Successors and that he never ought to permit the King to place any persons about him in his counsel who might give an account of his affaires making him to look upon all of that quality as so many spies who would keep him in perpetual vexation and to make themselves considerable with his Majesty would raise continual distrusts upon him and would in fine so worke that he must be laid up in some Castle â—ill such time as he was to receive the Crown He was not ignorant how importantly necessary it was for Kings to be absosure Masters of the wills of the Princes of the bloud and to be inform'd of all their designes of concernment he well knew that if a person of understanding should have been placed neer his Master he would in a little while insinuate himself into his confidence and favour and with all that such a man might discover to his highness how he had only brought him and kept him so long in the Low-Countries for his own private interest which would quickly expose him to an absolute mine What likelihood was there that he
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
unnecessary things so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it then to establish it by law It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull How should the people assist him at a time of need if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them but that must be by force whereby not only their ill will but a thousand imprecations folow their monies It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd they contribute more then the people to the publick charge and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires but is forc'd to keep at home whereas they who perserve their wealth by the means of a well regulated expence may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries nor can a Soveraign permit the use of them without enriching him from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own which State if it be an enemy or powerfull enough to render it self suspected it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt upon him In fine the necessities of man are satisfied with so little that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience Content your selves with that which is enough saith St. Austine the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom instead of refreshing it from care and superfluous expences which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour have very troublesom consequences A Difference between the Bishops and Religious decided by a Judgement from the Councel ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles to which no man else could have brought them yet so it was that some troublesom spirits publish'd books some for one part and some for another The main ground of the quarrel was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange and not in others They who were for the Religious raised this consequence from it That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism Those on the other side unable to salve the matter maintained the contrary All that the Laws of History permit me to say is that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious was very dangerous because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England might be easily pass'd by seeing all the exercises of Christianity might be practic'd there by the Catholicks excepting confirmation only The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine and to fall foul upon some Subjects which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected and disturb the publick quiet The course at first taken was to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature without leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond made to maintain that word should be re-examined so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks The King took notice thereof and not to leave it unremedied commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it who order'd that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond and Petrus Aurelius the two chief of the parties should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge complain'd of this Arrest pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church but they were not long unanswer'd for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature and determin'd them in order to the good of their State and the continuation of the publick quiet The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs Though God hath chiefly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church that writing to the Bishops he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church And in fine he undertook the management thereof with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion as is to be seen in an ancient inscription It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine and that he prohibited the reading of his books To shew that his procedure was without usurpation every one may see in History that the Popes themselves and particular Clergies likewise have from time to time made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hapned unto them The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church and to suppress Heresies Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Honorius in Ecclesiastical affairs that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Christianity made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France to be seen at this present intire and undefac'd for above eleven ages He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks without his Majesties permission and at their intreaty he confirm'd their Canons I will go a little further and say that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes where the good of the State may be interessed a thing not to be doubted of that the power of judging is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty and that he who is a Princes Subject is of necessity to submit to his Justice and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects seeing as hath been already said the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first in profession of his Faith which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice What reason can they pretend to resist it seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven whereupon St. Austine and St. Bernard expounding those words say that Pilates sentence though very unjust was not usurp'd because he had a lawfull authority So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal to that of St. Peter but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters The End of the Second Part.
her usuall residence there That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her by the King of Great Britain as a marriage favour which should remain to her and hers as well as those which she then had as also such as she should have in future That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices in those lands which should be given her in Dower and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie or an Earldome that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood to return into France whether she had children or not that in case she should return the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality That her house should be furnished with such dignity and should be filled with as many Officers as any Princess yet had or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain upon the late Treaty which had been proposed Briefly that for the assurance of these conditions he of the two Kings who should be deficient to accomplish what belongeth on his part to do should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other as a penalty for breach of them This was as much security as could be had for the present but one thing is not to be forgotten which was that all the Treaty all the promises given and taken and all the Acts which were concluded on passed in the Kings name as the Person to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain and which he might do according to his own pleasure and upon such conditions as he should think fit whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on Custome may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed The Popes have found by the Canon Law that they have this Power Particularly Alexander the third who when a Bishop asked him the Question whether Marriage between the Children of two Gossips were allowable answered him yes in case the custome of the Country did permit it But I shall say moreover that the same Pope hath declared that there might be such Customes in France which might annull marriages though on the other side those of Rome may license them According to that answer which was made to the Bishop of Amiers who desiring to know if a marriage made with a Eunuch were good was answered that the general custome of the French Church was to dissolve it and he was contented so to permit it though the Roman Church used the contrary It is the Custome of France that no Princesses or Ladies of great quality whose marriages may be of concern to the State may marry but by and with the Kings order and consent The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld with Bauldwin grand Forrestier and afterwards first Earl of Flanders he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates Clergy of France assembled at Senlis though she were at her own disposal by her first marriage and royalty though Pope Nicholas the first would have pickt a quarrel at it and have confirmed it Some one perchance not well informed may suppose that this Pope wanted courage but there is no reason for it seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife leaving his first though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife and to receive his first as also to dispossess two Bishops who had Abetted the disorder the true reason is he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Judith to re-marry without the Kings consent The third Race affords us another proof reported by a Historian who deserves so much the rather to be credited he being generally known for one of the enemies of France It was the marriage contracted by Proxy between Maximilian and Anne of Brittain It 's true it was not consummated as that of Judith was but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings His Majesty making use of his Power declared it Null by reason of that default In fine it was allowed for naught and both parties remained Free Maximilian afterwards marrying Margaret of Milan and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages If these examples evince to us the Antiquity of this Custome and how the Church hath allowed of it we cannot suspect or doubt but that they are grounded upon just reasons seeing the marriages of persons of such quality are of great importance to the State and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War and serve for a Stair-Case to such who aspiring higher then they ought raise enterprizes against the Soveraignty as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent So that neither men or women who have had them in their possession did never make a difficulty to promise either by Oath or any other assurance that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and approbation Philippes Auguste took security of Mahaut Countess of Flanders that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn should separate she should not re-marry without permission Philip Earl of Namur promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders his Neeces whose Guardian he was without his consent Jane Countess of Flanders promised by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort but with his allowance Jane daughter to Philip of Burgogn being delivered to King John by the Treaty between him and the Earl of Savoy amongst other things it was then concluded that she should be married where his Majesty should think fitâ—â— provided it were not to the Daupâ—ine his eldest son And Francis Duke of Brittain ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight not to marry either of his two daughters without his advise under the penal forfeiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold and for the greater security he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee The Deputation of Father Berule to his Holiness to obtain a Dispensation for the above-mentioned Marriage THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty That in
things to that passe that they might have none above them but God to Pray too The other was to form so powerful a Party amongst the Princes that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty to constrain him to banish the Cardinal and to compel him to be ruled by their directions This Cabal consisted of a great many persons which as it could not be done but with a multitude so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it There were divers reports spreadabroad of what they intended which were published though whisperingly with a great deal of insolency and at the same time it was known that a Favourite of Buckingham's said openly in England That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any danger and Heretiques placed in their room though contrary to the Articles of marriage There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination who talked so openly and confidently that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Seneschal of the Bourbonnois to make enquiry of the truth who gave a great light of the whole matter by his informations It was likewise discovered that Madam de Cheâ—â—reuse being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of did not a little promote the undertakings by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior and Chalais to execute it both which were ingaged by love to her as also that the Colonel de Ornano abusing Monsieurs goodnesse and the credit which his place gave him did absolutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal being deeply in love with a Lady of quality had discovered to her the summe of their design and amongst other things had assured her that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot in Chalais father in Laws house that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business His design took effect and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this business of discovery He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano was the Ringleader of the Plot hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry his Princesse would assume to her self those advantages which he then had over his Spirit That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty not to remove any of them from the Court and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed That to this effect they endeavoured the breaking of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de Mâ—ntpensier and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon which would more neerly ingage Monsieur to their Interests or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Princesse which might be a means to shelter and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family That this once effected they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together and in this manner they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at The Cardinal was not defective in acknowledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular and he might certainly have made very great advantages by it had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs Politique Observation IT is a very great Imprudence to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State under hope of not being discovered It cannot be denied but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed For who would commit them if he thought he should be detected But who knoweth not that there is a certain blindness which attendeth on sin like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out nor nothing how secret soever but time shall discover God who over-ruleth Kingdoms and watcheth for their conservation will not permit that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons should remain concealed and it oftentimes so fals out That Justice being guided by his Providence causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer and experience hath often shewed that it is almost impossible for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it yet can he never forbear the discovery of it by some Actions which will speak it to those of understanding And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence under whose Laws few would enforce themselves to live if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self Aristole did judiciously answer him who demanded what was the most difficult thing in the World when he said that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue Indeed whatever is once known to three persons is quickly after made common to all for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of relateth it to his friend and so from one to another it comes to be published According to which History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived yet at length brought unto light Plutarch saith that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons into which the desire of rule had ingaged him and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
Politique Observation NOthing doth more alarum the common people then the noise of new impositions they think it is to take away their lives at least to make them insupportable if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance which is the reason that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition they being desirous and greedy of novelties and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed they have more to get then to lose by such revolts and turmoils Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty but the obedience which is due to Magistrates and the recessity of contributing to the publick charge renders them culpable without excuse Those who lead them on and incite them to their mutinies ought most principally to be punished for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms and to keep the rest in slavery by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them saith Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear which is one of the best Rays in his Crown He ought so to pardon offences that he do not by it give way to or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves who will be quickly quelled if their Ringleaders be but punished To pardon all were an excessive liberty and would breed a like licentiousnesse and to chastise the most culpable is an effect of Prudent Justice Impunity authoriseth licentiousnesse and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience by sending some grave personage amongst them as T. Livy hath observed whom they hold in some esteem and respect because Reputation and a good beleef is as the Soul of all other Reasons for that very cause it was as the same Author reports it that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus unto Sardigna when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection The quick and timely dispatch of such person is of great consequence too for that Rebellion are like flames which do increase every day more then other if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings The Monsieurs return to France THe King went to Troys and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother who after the conclusion of the accommodation about the end of the year last past which we have already spoken of retired to Nancy and testifying to him his hearty affections by all ways of lively demonstrations and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him and augmented his Pensions 〈◊〉 we have already declared The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April and in hâ—s Company besides his own retinue came divers Princes and Lords who were thâ—â— at the Court and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to meâ—â— him He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings and the King stood expecting of him in the Court and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it but imbraced him so long and ardently that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts in their wishes in their wills in their designs and even in their very recreations so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together The Court was filled with joy and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Trâ—yâ—â— so that there was great reason to hope that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable by keeping them at a greater distance and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions Politique Observation NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting after a little breach or falling out provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other And in this the power of Nature is very much observed and the truth of their opinion made good who say that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us affections and inclinations to love those objects which she doth oblige us to seek after And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards and to others which are heavy an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Center of the earth so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity as well as for those objects which are proper for him so that he can neither check his eyes or curb his heart but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit hence it comes to passe as we see that kindred love and that tenderly one another upon their first meeting though they had not known one another before this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits as to entertain by the presence its object for that they had not differed to love but onely because they had not seen one another before The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne and of Paris to the Monsieur THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty not onely of respect but of friendship he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection but sent to him two Commissions the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne the other to govern not onely the City of Paris but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome Politique Observation JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in
soul with a strong knot Origen writing upon the Epistle to the Romans though born under a Pagan saith there ought to be no difference in obedience due to Princes of what belief soever they be God hath advanced them above man for reasons unknown to us I could easily add the restimony of others but that I fear I should act the part of a Divine I will only add the exemplary loyalty of the Primitive Christians who without any sense of being hunted beaten persecuted imprisoned and burnt did yet continue so constant that the horrible diversity and excess of torments to which the fury oâ— Tyrants did daylie expose them could never make them do any thing repugnant to that obedience they ought their Prince no more then against the Faith they had sworn to God It were to be wish'd that the Spaniards would follow these glorious Tracts whereby the world might remain in Peace and Princes might be unmolested in the enjoyment of their estates but their Designs being different no wonder if their faith be dissonant An Answer to the Spaniards who blame the Alliance between France and Sweden THe second reason which they alledge in condemnation of the Alliance of France with Swede was that it was contracted with an heretick King an enemy of the Church and one who exerciseth great cruelties against the German Catholiques But this scruple of Conscience which they pretended aimed at nothing else but to force our Arms out of our hands that in effect they might the easilier despoil the ancient Aâ—â—â—es of this Crown who are only able to curb their Ambition It is a very frivolous objection and I do the more wonder at their condemning the Alliances of Hereticks it being their practice time out of mind not only to admit them but Infidels likewise into their confederacies Do we not know how in the time of the Florentine Counsel and of the Emperour Hâ—nry the second who designed to make Spain Tributary to him that King Ferdinand contracted an alliance with the Moors that he might by them be assisted against the Emperour against the Councel against the Popes Leon the ninth and Victor the second his enemies Do we not know that they have attempted all possible means to contract alliance with the Turk and that they have already effected it with the Persian who is of the same Religion Do we not know that they are allyed with the Indian King who openly worshippeth the Divel Do we not know how Charls the fâ—â—t â—eagued himself with the Lutherans that he might the better make war upon us and that by the advice of the Theologians as Bannes repâ—rteth it who about the second of his Commentaries saith It is no more inconvenient to make use of Infidels then of Elephants and Horses Do we not likewise know how Aurelius King of Spain who slew Troila leagued himself with the Moors and Saracens and paid them yearly a Tribute of an hundred Catholique children as Mariana reporteth it Do we not know how Alphonsus sir-named the grand leagued himself with the Moors on condition that he should deliver his Son Ordonius to be brought up amongst them They who have taken the pains to read their Histories may meet with divers such examples We are not ignorant of the ancient alliances which they have had in Germany the King of Denmark the Dukes of Saxony Brandenburgh and others and which have been but lately renewed though they are all Protestants Now what reason can there be to blame alliances with Heretiques Were it not to plead against their customs And why should they alone assume this Liberty seeing they only object it to authorize their own ambitious Designs and for our parts we only designe by it the preservation of our Allies in the lawful possession of their estates It is a right which our Kings will the hardlier relinquish seeing the holy Chair is so much concerned in it who ought the more be defended from the oppression of the House of Austria because they have too to much discovered their Designe of setting on foot their ancient Titles to the Empire for the recovering those lands which the Popes have heretofore received from the bounty of our Kings We are not ignorant how he contrives to invade Italy which after the reducing of â—ermany would easily be brought to passe Our Kings who have alwaies undertaken the Churches Protection as having the honour to be her eldest Sons cannot endure it because after the temporal is once subdued they will soon be intermedling with the Spiritual which would produce an immediate Schisme This one was the weightiest affair which hath a long time befallen the Church and that alone consideration were enough to vindicate the alliance with the Swede If in processe of time any disorders have succeeded upon this Treaty well may they be imputed unto the proseperities which had made a Prince become insolent but not unto the effects of his Majesties alliance with him who had no other designe besides the establishing of the German Princes Religion was not interessed in the least in the Articles of agreement it having been expresly concluded between them that no alteration should be made in any of those places of which his Arms should make him Master Those disorders which he committed against the Church were accidental like unto those medicines which weaken Nature yet cure the disease in regard of which no one ought to be deterr'd from assisting his Allies As the weaknesse caused by Physick ought not to fright us from receiving it because strength and health will the sooner return after it The King hath already given satisfaction for some of those injuries suffered by the German Church and he will be glad to establish the rest after the ambitious madnesse of the House of Austria shall be somwhat more reasonable But admitting Wars could be unjust by reason of injuries done unto the Church how would the Spaniards save themselves What could they sayd for themselves in that expedition of theirs against Monsieur de Mantua where the Lutherans by them introduced omitted no kind of Sacriledge which could be perpetrated against the Church This reason therefore cannot be right for their turn it will only serve to lay their own injustice before them which is but too notorious from many other considerations It cannot then be hence concluded whether a War be just or notâ— There are moreover another sort of people ignorant of affairs who alledge the King might have made a Catholique League which would have wrought the same effect To which I answer his Majesty would have been very glad to have found it so and the reason why it was not effected was because it was never propos'd Some Religious persons indeed more Devout then Prudent did make some overtures but they were the more suspected because made by those who were Subjects to the House of Austria and such men who are unaâ—quainted with the reaches of the Spanish Ministers and are as commonly deceived as
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâ—gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ— and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service