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A61358 State tracts, being a farther collection of several choice treaties relating to the government from the year 1660 to 1689 : now published in a body, to shew the necessity, and clear the legality of the late revolution, and our present happy settlement, under the auspicious reign of their majesties, King William and Queen Mary. William III, King of England, 1650-1702.; Mary II, Queen of England, 1662-1694. 1692 (1692) Wing S5331; ESTC R17906 843,426 519

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false Accusations followed without number Oppression and Injustice broke forth like a Flood And to gain the King's Favour they fill'd his Coffers The Indictments against them mentioned in Anderson's Reports Pa. 156 157 are worth reading whereby they are charged with Treason for Subverting the Laws and Customs of the Land in their proceedings without Grand Juries and procuring the murmuring and hatred of the People against the King to the great danger of him and the Kingdom Nothing could satisfy the Kingdom tho ' the King was dead whom they had flattered and served but such Justice done upon them and many of their Instruments and Officers as may for ever make the Ears of Judges to tingle And it is not to be forgotten that the Judges in Queen Eliz. time in the Case of R. Cavendish in Anderson's Reports P. 152 and 155. were as they told the Queen and her Councellors by the punishment of former Judges especially of Empson and Dudley deterred from obeying her illegal Commands The Queen had sent several Letters under her Signet Great Men pressed them to obey her Patent under the Great Seal and the Reasons of their disobedience being required they answered That the Queen her self and the Judges also had taken an Oath to keep the Laws And if they should obey her Commands the Laws would not warrant them and they should therein break their Oath to the Offence of God and their Country and the Common-wealth wherein they were born And say they if we had no fear of God yet the Examples and Punishments of others before us who did offend the Laws do remember and recall us from the like Offences Whosoever being in the like places may design or be put upon the like practices will do well to consider these Examples and not to think that he who obliquely Endeavours to render Grand Juries useless is less Criminal than he that would absolutely abolish them That which doth not act according to its Institution is as if it were not in being And whoever doth without prejudice consider this matter will see that it is not less pernicious to deny Juries the use of those Methods of discovering Truth which the Law hath appointed and so by degrees turn them into a meer matter of form than openly and avowedly to destroy them Surely such a gradual Method of destroying our Native Right is the most dangerous in its consequence The safety which our Fore-fathers for many hundred of years enjoyed under this part of the Law especially and have transmitted to us is so apparent to the meanest Capacity that whoever shall go about to take it away or give it up is like to meet with the fate of Ishmael to have every man's hand against him because he is against every Man Artifices of this Kind will ruine us more silently and so with less opposition and yet as certainly as the other more moved oppression This only is the difference that one way we should be slaves immediately and the other insensibly But with this further disadvantage too that our slavery should be the more unavoydable and the faster rivited upon us because it would be under colour of Law which Practice in Time would obtain Few men at first see the danger of little changes in Fundamentals and those who design them usually act with so much craft as besides the giving specious Reasons they take great Care that the true Reason shall not appear Every design therefore of changing the Constitution ought to be most warily observed and timely opposed Nor is it only the Interest of the People that such Fundamentals should be duly guarded for whose benefit they were at first so carefully layed and whom the Judges are sworn to serve but of the King too for whose sake those pretend to act who would subvert them Our Kings as well as Judges are sworn to maintain the Laws They have themselves in several Statutes required the Judges at their peril to administer Equal Justice to every Man notwithstanding any Letters or Commauds c. even from themselves to the contrary And when any failure hath been the greatest and most powerful of them have ever been the readiest to give Redress It appears by the Preface to the Statutes of 20th Ed. 3. that the Judicial proceedings had been perverted That Letters Writs and Commands had been sent from the King and great Men to the Justices and that Persons belonging to the Court of the King the Queen the Prince of Wales had maintained and abetted Quarrels c. whereby the Laws had been violated and many wrongs done But the King was so far from justifying his own Letters or those illegal practices That the preamble of those Statutes saith they were made for the relief of the People in their sufferings by them That brave King in the height of his glory and vigor of his Age chose rather to confess his Error than to continue in it as is evident by his own words Edward by the Grace of God c. Because by divers Complaints made unto us we have perceived that the Law of the Land which we by our Oath are bound to maintain is the less well kept and Execution of the same disturbed many times by maintenances and procurements as well in the Court as the Country We greatly moved of Conscience in this matter and for this Cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God and ease and quietness of our Subjects as to save our Conscience and for to save and keep our said Oath by the Assent c. Enact That Judges shall do Justice notwithstanding Writs Letters or Commands from himself c. and that none of the King's House or belonging to the King Queen or Prince of Wales do maintain Quarrels c. King James in his Speech to the Judges in the Starchamber Anno. 1616. told them That he had after many years resolved to renew his Oath made at his Coronation concerning Justice and the promise therein contained for maintaining the Law of the Land And in the next page save one says I was sworn to maintain the Law of the Land and therefore had been perjured if I had broken it God is my Judge I never intended it And His Majesty that now is hath made frequent Declarations and Protestations of his being far from all thoughts of designing an Arbitrary Government and that the Nation might be confident he would rule by Law Now if after all this any Officer of the Kings should pretend Instructions from his Master to demand so material an alteration of proceedings in the highest Cases against Law as are above mentioned And the Court who are required to slight and reject the most solemn Commands under the Great Seal if contrary to Law should upon a verbal Intimation allow of such a Demand and so break in upon this Bulwark of our Liberties which the Law has erected Might it not give too just an occasion to suspect that all the legal securities of our Lives
Consent of Parliament is against Law That the Subjects which are Protestants may have Arms for their Defence suitable to their Condition and as allowed by Law That Election of Members of Parliament ought to be Free That the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament That excessive Bail ought not to be required nor excessive Fines imposed nor cruel and unusual Punishments inflicted That Jurors ought to be duly empannell'd and return'd and Jurors which pass upon Men in Tryals for High-Treason ought to be Freeholders That all grants and promises of Fines and Forfeitures of particular Persons before Conviction are Illegal and Void And that for Redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthening and preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be held frequently And they do claim demand and insist upon all and singular the Premises as their undoubted Rights and Liberties and that no Declarations Judgments Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premises ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into Consequence or Example To which Demand of their Rights they are particularly encouraged by the Declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange as being the only Means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein Having therefore an intire Confidence that his said Highness the Prince of Orange will perfect the Deliverance so far advanced by Him and will still preserve them from the Violation of their Rights which they have here asserted and from all other Attempts upon their Religion Rights and Liberties The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster do resolve That William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange be and be declared King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to them the said Prince and Princess during their Lives and the Life of the Survivor of them And that the sole and full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and executed by the said Prince of Orange in the Names of the said Prince and Princess during their joynt lives and after their Deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Princess and for default of such Issue to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of Her Body and for default of such Issue to the Heirs of the Body of the said Prince of Orange And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons do pray the said Prince and Princess of Orange to accept the same accordingly And that the Oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by all Persons of whom the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be required by Law instead of them and that the said Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be Abrogated I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear That I will be Faithful and bear true Allegiance to their Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY So help me God I A. B. do swear That I do from my Heart Abhor Detest and Abjure as Impious and Heretical this Damnable Doctrin and Position That Princes Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope or any Authority of the See of Rome may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do declare That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preeminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm So help me God Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parl. Die Veneris 15 Feb. 1688. His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses My Lords and Gentlemen THIS is certainly the greatest proof of the Trust you have in Vs that can be given which is the thing that maketh us value it the more and we thankfully Accept what you have Offered And as I had no other Intention in coming hither than to preserve your Religion Laws and Liberties so you may be sure That I shall endeavour to support them and shall be willing to concur in any thing that shall be for the Good of the Kingdom and to do all that is in my Power to advance the Welfare and Glory of the Nation Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parliamentorum Die Veneris 〈◊〉 Februarii 1688. ORdered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled at Westminster That His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses and the Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published And that His Majesties Gracious Answer this Day be added to the Engrossed Declaration in Parchment to be Enrolled in Parliament and Chancery A PROCLAMATION WHereas it hath pleased Almighty God in his Great Mercy to this Kingdom to Vouchsafe us a Miraculous Deliverance from Popery and Arbitrary Power and that our Preservation is due next under God to the Resolution and Conduct of His Highness the Prince of ORANGE whom God hath Chosen to be the Glorious Instrument of such an Inestimable Happiness to us and our Posterity And being highly sensible and fully persuaded of the Great and Eminent Vertues of Her Highness the Princess of ORANGE whose Zeal for the Protestant Religion will no doubt bring a Blessing along with Her upon this Nation And whereas the Lords and Commons now Assembled at Westminster have made a Declaration and Presented the same to the said Prince and Princess of ORANGE and therein desired them to Accept the Crown who have Accepted the same Accordingly We therefore the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons together with the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and others of the Commons of this Realm do with a full Consent Publish and Proclaim according to the said Declaration WILLIAM and MARY Prince and Princess of ORANGE to be KING and QUEEN of England France and Ireland with all the Dominions and Cerritories thereunto belonging Who are accordingly so to be Owned Deemed Accepted and taken by all the People of the aforesaid Realms and Dominions who are from henceforward bound to Acknowledge and Pay unto them all Faith and true Allegiance Beseeching God by whom Kings Reign to Bless King WILLIAM and Queen MARY with Long and Happy Years to Reign over Vs. God Save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY Jo. Brown Cleric ' Parliamentorum The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of King James the Seventh and filling up the Throne with King William and Queen Mary THAT King James the 7th had acted irregularly 1. By His Erecting publick Schools and Societies of the Jesuits and not only allowing Mass to be publickly said but also inverting Protestant Chapels and Churches to Publick Mass-houses contrary to the express Laws against saying and hearing of Mass 2. By allowing Popish Books to be Printed and Dispersed by a Gift to a Popish Printer designing him Printer to his Majesties Houshold College and Chapel contrary to the Laws
be miserably diminish'd sooner than we are aware But there remains yet another part of our Message which we have to impart to you on the behalf of your People They find in an antient Statute and it has been done in fact not long ago That if the King through any Evil Counsel or foolish Contumacy or out of Scorn or some singular petulant Will of his own or by any other irregular Means shall alienate himself from his People and shall refuse to be govern'd and guided by the Laws of the Realm and the Statutes and laudable Ordinances thereof together with the wholsom Advice of the Lords and great Men of his Realm but persisting head-strong in his own hare-brain'd Counsels shall petulantly prosecute his own singular humour That then it shall be lawful for them with the common assent and consent of the People of the Realm to depose that same King from his Regal Throne and to set up some other of the Royal Blood in his room H. Knight Coll. 2681. No Man can imagine that the Lords and Commons in Parliament would have sent the King such a Message and have quoted to him an old Statute for deposing Kings that would not govern according to Law if the People of England had then apprehended that an Obedience without reserve was due to the King or if there had not been such a Statute in being And though the Record of that Excellent Law be lost as the Records of almost all our Antient Laws are yet is the Testimony of so credible an Historian who lived when these things were transacted sufficient to inform us that such a Law was then known and in being and consequently that the Terms of English Allegiance according to the Constitution of our Government are different from what some Modern Authors would persuade us they are This Difference betwixt the said King and his Parliament ended amicably betwixt them in the punishment of many Evil Counsellors by whom the King had been influenced to commit many Irregularities in Government But the Discontents of the People grew higher by his After-management of Affairs and ended in the Deposition of that King and setting up of another who was not the next Heir in Lineal Succession The Articles against King Richard the Second may be read at large in H. Knighton Collect. 2746 2747 c. and are yet extant upon Record An Abridgment of them is in Cotton's Records pag. 386 387 388. out of whom I observe these few there being in all Thirty three The First was His wasting and bestowing the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and overcharging the Commons with Exactions And that whereas certain Lords Spiritual and Temporal were assign'd in Parliament to intend the Government of the Kingdom the King by a Conventicle of his own Accomplices endeavoured to impeach them of High-Treason Another was For that the King by undue means procured divers Justices to speak against the Law to the destruction of the Duke of Glocester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewsbury Another For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at a solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Glocester and sent him to Calice there to be choaked and murthered beheading the Earl of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham Another For that the King's Retinue and a Rout gathered by him out of Cheshire committed divers Murders Rapes and other Felonies and refused to pay for their Victuals Another For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other Foreign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Pope's Excommunication on such as should break the Ordinances of the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm Another That he made Men Sheriffs who were not named to him by the Great Officers the Justices and others of his Council and who were unfit contrary to the Laws of the Realm and in manifest breach of his Oath Another For that he did not repay to his Subjects the Debts that he had borrowed of them Another For that the King refused to execute the Laws saying That the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast and that himself alone could make and alter the Laws Another For causing Sheriffs to continue in Office above a Year contrary to the tenor of a Statute-Law thereby incurring notorious Perjury Another For that the said King procured Knights of the Shires to be returned to serve his own Will Another For that many Justices for their good Counsel given to the King were with evil Countenance and Threats rewarded Another For that the King passing into Ireland had carried with him without the Consent of the Estates of the Realm the Treasure Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the King 's own Coffers from all hazard And for that the said King cancelled and razed sundry Records Another For that the said King appear'd by his Letters to the Pope to Foreign Princes and to his Subjects so variable so dissembling and so unfaithful and inconstant that no Man could trust him that knew him insomuch that he was a Scandal both to himself and the Kingdom Another That the King would commonly say amongst the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture which is altogether contrary to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm Another For that he suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Martial-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm Another For that whereas the Subjects of England are sufficiently bound to the King by their Allegiance yet the said King compell'd them to take new Oaths These Articles with some others not altogether of so general a concern being considered and the King himself confessing his Defects the same seemed sufficient to the whole Estates for the King's Deposition and he was depos'd accordingly The Substance and Drift of all is That our Kings were antiently liable to and might lawfully be deposed for Oppression and Tyranny for Insufficiency to govern c. in and by the great Council of the Nation without any breach of the old Oath of Fealty because to say nothing of the nature of our Constitution express and positive Laws warranted such Proceedings And therefore the Frame of our Government being the same still and the Terms of our Allegiance being the same now that they were then without any new Obligations superinduced by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy a King of England may legally at this day for sufficient cause be deposed by the Lords and Commons assembled in a Great Council of the Kingdom without any breach of the present Oaths of Supremacy or Allegiance Quod erat demonstrandum MANTISSA WHen Stephen was King of England whom the People had chosen rather than submit to Mawd tho the Great Men of the Realm had sworn Fealty to her in her Father's life-time Henry Duke of Anjou Son of the said Mawd afterwards King Henry the Second invaded the Kingdom An. Dom. 1153 which was towards the latter-end of King Stephen's Reign and Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury endeavoured to mediate a Peace betwixt them speaking frequently with the King in private and sending many Messages to the Duke and Henry Bishop of Winchester took pains likewise to make them Friends Factum est autem ut mense Novembris in fine mensis EX PRAECEPTO REGIS ET DUCIS Collect. pag. 1374 1375. convenirent apud Wintoniam Praesules Principes Regni ut ipsi jam initae paci praeberent assensum unanimiter juramenti Sacramento confirmarent i.e. It came to pass that in the Month of November towards the latter end of the Month at the summons of the King and of the Duke the Prelats and Great Men of the Kingdom were assembled at Winchester that they also might assent to the Peace that was concluded and unanimously swear to observe it In that Parliament the Duke was declared King Stephen's adopted Son and Heir of the Kingdom and the King to retain the Government during his Life I observe only upon this Authority That there being a Controversy betwixt the King and the Duke which could no otherwise be determined and settled but in a Parliament the Summons of this Parliament were issued in the Names of both Parties concerned Quisquis habet aures ad audiendum audiat FINIS
43. A Brief Account of particulars occurring at the happy death of our late Soveraign Lord K. Ch. 2d in regard to Religion faithfully related by his then Assistant Mr. Jo. Huddleston 280 44. Some Reflections on His Majesty's Proclamation of the Twelfth of Feb. 1686 7. for a Toleration in Scotland together with the said Proclamation 281 45. His Majesty's Gracious Declaration to all his Loving Subjects for Liberty of Conscience 287 46. A Letter containing some Reflections on His Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience Dated April 4. 1687. 289 47. A Letter to a Dissenter upon Occasion of His Majesty's Late Gracious Declaration of Indulgence 294 48. The Anatomy of an Equivalent 300 49. A Letter from a Gentleman in the City to his Friend in the Countrey containing his Reasons for not reading the Declaration 309 50. An Answer to the City Minister's Letter from his Countrey Friend 314 51. A Letter from a Gentleman in Ireland to his Friend in London upon ocasion of a Pamphlet entituled A Vindication of the Present Government of Ireland under his Excellency Richard Earl of Tyrconnel 316 52. A Plain Account of the Persecution laid to the Charge of the Church of England 322 53. Abby and other Church Lands not yet assured to such possessors as are Roman-Catholicks dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion 326 54. The King's Power in Ecclesiastical matters truly stated 331 55. A Letter writ by Mijn Heer Fagel Pensioner of Holland to Mr. James Stewart Advocate giving an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws 334 56. Reflections on Monsieur Fagel's Letter 338 57. Animadversions upon a pretended Answer to Mijn Heer Fagel's Letter 343 58. Some Reflections on a Discourse called Good Advice to the Church of England c. 363 59. The ill effects of Animosities 371 60. A Representation of the Threatning Dangers impending over Protestants in Great-Britain With an Account of the Arbitrary and Popish ends unto which the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland are designed 380 61. The Declaration of his Highness William Henry by the Grace of God Prince of Orange c. of the Reasons inducing him to appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England for preserving of the Protestant Religion and for restoring the Laws and Liberties of England Scotland and Ireland 420 62. His Highnesses Additional Declaration 426 63. The then supposed Third Declaration of his Royal Highness pretended to be signed at his head Quarters at Sherborn-Castle November 28. 1688. but was written by another Person tho yet unknown 427 64. The Reverend Mr. Samuel Johnson's Paper in the year 1686. for which he was sentenc'd by the Court of Kings-Bench Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Justice and Sir Francis Wythens pronouncing the Sentence to stand Three times on the Pillory and to be whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn which barbarous Sentence was Executed 428 65. Several Reasons for the establishment of a standing Army and Dissolving the Militia by the said Mr. Johnson 429 66. To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of William Archbishop of Canterbury and divers of the suffragan Bishops of that Province then present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses with His Majesty's Answer 430 67. The Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the calling of a free Parliament together with His Majesty's Gracious Answer to their Lordships Ib. 68. The Prince of Orange's Letter to the English Army 431 69. Prince George his Letter to the King 432 70. The Lord Churchill's Letter to the King 432 71. The Princess Ann of Denmark's Letter to the Queen 433 72. A Memorial of the Protestants of the Church of England presented to their Royal Hignesses the Prince and Princess of Orange 433 73. Admiral Herbert's Letter to all Commanders of Ships and Seamen in His Majesty's Fleet. 434 74. The Lord Delamere's Speech 434 75. An Engagement of the Noblemen Knights and Gentlemen at Exeter to assist the Prince of Orange in the defence of the Protestant Religion Laws and Liberties of the People of England Scotland and Ireland 435 76. The Declaration of the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty at the Rendezvouz at Nottingham November 22. 1688. 436 77. His Grace the Duke of Norfolk's Speech to the Mayor of Norwich on the 1st of December in the Market-place of Norwich 437 78. The Speech of the Prince of Orange to some principal Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire on their coming to join his Highness at Exeter Novemb. 15. 1688. 437 79. The True Copy of a Paper delivered by the Lord Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby where he Quartered Novemb. 21. 1688. 438 80. A Letter from a Gentleman at Kings-Lynn Decemb. 7. 1688. to his Friend in London With an Address to his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshall of England Ibid. 81. His Grace's Answer with another Letter from Lynn-Regis giving the D. of Norfolk's 2d Speech there Decemb. 10. 1688. 439 82. The Declaration of the Lord 's Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-Hall Decemb. 11. 1688. Ibid. 83. A Paper delivered to his Highness the Prince of Orange by the Commissioners sent by His Majesty to treat with him and his Highness's Answer 1688. 440 84. The Recorder of Bristoll's Speech to his Highness the Prince of Orange Monday Jan. 7. 1688. 441. 85. The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 12. 1688. 442 86. The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled to his Highness the Prince of Orange 443 87. The Speech of Sir Geo. Treby Knight Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 20. 1688. Ibid. 88. His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scotch Lords and Gentlemen with their Advice and his Highness's Answer with a true Account of what past at their meeting in the Council Chamber at White-Hall Jan. 7. 1688 9. 444 89. The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the K. of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to K. James 446 90. The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster concerning the Misgovernment of K. James and filling up the Throne Presented to K. William and Q. Mary by the Right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords with His Majesty's Most Gracious Answer thereunto 447 91. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange to be King and Queen of England France and Ireland c. 449 92. The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the 7th
and filling up the Throne with K. William and Q. Mary 450 93. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. 452 93. The manner of the King and Queen's taking the Coronation-Oath 453 94. The Coronation-Oath of England 454 The Coronation-Oath of Scotland Ibid. 95. Proposals humbly offered to the Lords and Commons in the present Convention for Setling of the Government 455 96. The late Honourable Convention proved a Legal Parliament 457 97. The Present Convention a Parliament 459 98. The Thoughts of a private Person about the Justice of the Gentlemens undertaking at York Novemb. 1688. wherein is shewed That it is neither against Scripture nor Moral Honesty to defend their Just and Legal Rights against the Illegal Invaders of them occasioned then by some private Debates and now submitted to better Judgments 461 99. An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission to the Supream Authority and of the Grounds upon which it may be lawful or necessary for Subjects to defend their Religion Lives and Liberties 483 100. The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy no Badges of Slavery 489 THE Earl of Clarendon's Speech ABOUT Disbanding the Army SEPTEMBER 13. 1660. My Lords and Gentlemen THE King tells you that he hath commanded me to say many particulars to you and the truth is He hath charged me with so many that I have great reason to fear that I shall stand in much need of His Mercy for omitting many things He hath given me in Command at least for delivering them in more Disorder and Confusion then Matters of such Moment and Importance ought to be to such an Assembly for which the King Himself hath even a kind of Reverence as well as an extraordinary Kindness I am to mention some things He hath done already and many things He intends to do during this Recess that you may see how well content soever he is that you should have Ease and Pleasure and Refreshment he hath designed Work enough for Himself The King hath thanked you for the Provision you have made that there may be no free Quarter during the time the Army shall be Disbanding and hath told you what He will do with that Money you have given Him if there should want wherewithal to Disband it And now I hope you will all believe that His Majesty will consent to the Disbanding He will do so And yet He does not take it unkindly at their hands who have thought that his Majesty would not Disband this Army It was a sober and a rational Jealousie No other Prince in Europe would be willing to Disband such an Army an Army to which Victory is entailed and which humanely speaking could hardly fail of Conquest whithersoever He should lead it and if God had not restored His Majesty to that rare Felicity as to be without apprehension of Danger at home or from abroad and without any Ambition of taking from his Neighbours what they are possessed of Himself would never Disband this Army an Army whose Order and Discipline whose Sobriety and Manners whose Courage and Success hath made it famous and terrible over the World an Army of which the King and His two Royal Brothers may say as the noble Grecian said of Aeneas Stetimus tela aspera contra Contulimusque manus experto credite quantus In clypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam They have all three in several Countries found themselves engaged in the midst of these Troops in the heat and rage of Battel and if any common Souldiers as no doubt many may will demand the old Roman Priviledge for having encountred Princes single upon my Conscience he will find both Favour and Perferment They have all three observed the Discipline and felt and admired and loved the Courage of this Army when they were the worse for it and I have seen them in a season when there was little else of comfort in their view refresh themselves with joy that the English had done the great Work the English had got the Day and then please themselves with the Imagination what wonders they should perform in the head of such an Army And therefore when His Majesty is so entirely possessed of the Affection and obedience of this Army and when it hath merited so much from Him can it be believed or imagined that He can without some regret part with them No My Lords and Gentlemen He will never part with them and the only sure way never to part with them is to Disband them should it be otherwise they must be exposed to the daily Importunity of His great Neighbours and Allies and how could He refuse to lend them His Troops of which He hath no use Himself His Majesty knows they are too good English men to wish that a standing Army should be kept in the howels of their own Countrey that they who did but in Bello pacis gerere negotium and who whilest an Army lived like good Husbandmen in the Countrey and good Citizens in the City will now become really such and take Delight in the Benefit of that Peace they have so honestly and so wonderfully brought to pass The King will part with them as the most indulgent Parents part with their Children for their Education and for their Perferment He will prefer them to Disbanding and prefer them by Disbanding and will always retain such a Kindness for them and such a Memory of the Service they have done him that both Officers and Souldiers after they are Disbanded shall always find such countenance favour and reward from His Majesty that He doubts not but if he should have Occasion to use their Service they will again resort to Him with the same Alacrity as if they had never been Disbanded And if there be any so ill amongst them as there can be but very few if any who will forfeit that Favour and Protection they may have from Him by any withstanding His Majesties Commands and the full and declared sense of the Kingdom His Majesty is confident they will be as odious to their Companions as they can be to any other honest Men. My Lords and Gentlemen I am in the next place by the Kings Command to put you in mind of the Act of Indemnity not of any Grants or Concessions or Releases He made to you in that Act I have nothing of that in charge no Prince hath so excellent a memory to forget the Favours he doth but of what He hath done against you in that Act how you may be undone by that Act if you are not very careful to perform the Obligations He hath laid upon you in it the clause I am to put you in mind of is this And to the intent and purpose that all names and terms of Distinction may be likewise put into utter Oblivion Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That if any Person or Persons within the space of three Years next
ensuing shall presume so maliciously to call or alledge or object against any other Person or Persons any Name or Names or other words of Reproach any way leading to revive the Memory of the late Differences or the occasion thereof That then every such Person so as aforesaid offending shall forfeit c. It is no matter for the Penalty it is too cheap a one the King wishes it had been greater and therefore hath by His just Prerogative and 't is well for us He hath such a Prerogative added another Penalty more insupportable even His high Displeasure against all who shall swerve from this Clause in the Act. Give me leave to tell you that as many Name or Names or other words of Reproach are expresly against the Letter and punishable accordingly so evil and envious looks murmuring and discontented hearts are as directly against the Equity of this Statute a direct breach of the Act of Indempnity and ought to be be punished too And I believe they may be so You know Kings are in some sense called Gods and so they may in some degree be able to look into mens hearts and God hath given us a King who can look as far into mens hearts as any Prince alive and he hath great skill in Physiognomy too you would wonder what Calculations He hath made from thence and no doubt if He be provoked by evil looks to make a further Enquiry into mens hearts and finds those corrupted with the Passions of Envy and Uncharitableness He will never choose those hearts to trust and rely upon He hath given us a Noble and Princely Example by opening and stretching His Arms to all who are worthy to be His Subjects worthy to be thought Englishmen by extending His heart with a pious and grateful joy to find all His Subjects at once in His Arms and Himself in theirs and shall we fold our arms towards one another and contract our hearts with Envy and Malice to each other by any sharp memory of what hath been unneighbourly or unkindly done heretofore What is this but to rebell against the Person of the King against the excellent Example and Vertue of the King against the known Law of the Land this blessed Act of Oblivion My Lords and Gentlemen The King is a Suitor to you makes it His Suit very heartily That you will joyn with Him in restoring the whole Nation to its primitive Temper and Integrity to its old good Manners its old good Humour and its old good Nature Good Nature a Vertue so peculiar to you so appropriated by God Almighty to this Nation that it can be translated into no other Language hardly practised by any other People and that you will by your Example by the Candor of your Conversation by your Precepts and by your Practise and by all your Interest teach your Neighbours and your Friends how to pay a full Obedience to this Clause of the Statute how to learn this excellent Art of Forgetfulness Let them remember and let us remember how ungracious how undecent how ugly the Insolence the Fierceness the Bruitishness of their Enemies appeared to them and we may piously and reasonably believe that Gods Indignation against them for their want of Bowels for their not being Englishmen for they had the hearts of Pagans and Infidels sent a Whirlwind in a moment to blow them out of the World that is out of a capacity to do more mischief in the World except we practise their Vices and do that our selves which we pretend to detest them for Let us not be too much ashamed as if what hath been done amiss proceeded from the humour and the temper and the nature of our Nation The Astrologers have made us a fair excuse and truly I hope a true one all the motions of these last twenty Years have been unnatural and have proceeded from the evil Influence of a malignant Star and let us not too much despise the Influence of the Stars And the same Astrologers assure us that the Malignity of that Star is expired the good Genius of this Kingdom is become Superiour and hath mastered that Malignity and our own good old Stars govern us again and their Influence is so strong that with our help they will repair in a Year what hath been decaying in twenty and they only shall have no excuse from the Star who continue their Malignity and own all the ill that is past to be their own by continuing and improving it for the time to come If any body here or any where else be too much exalted with what he hath done or what he hath suffered and from thence thinks himself waranted to reproach others let him remember the story of Nicephorus it is an excellent story and very applicable to such Distempers He was a pious and a religious man and for his Piety and Religion was condemned to the fire when he was led to Execution and when an old Friend who had done him injury enough fell at his feet and asked him Pardon the poor Man was so elevated with the Triumph he was going unto with the Glory of Martyrdom that he refused to be reconciled unto him upon which he was disapointed of his end and for this Uncharitableness the Spirit of God immediately forsook him and he apostatized from the Faith Let all those who are too proud of having been as they think less faulty then other Men and so are unwilling to be reconciled to those who have offended them take heed of the Apostacy of Nicephorus and that those fumes of Envy and Uncharitableness and Murmuring do not so far transport and intoxicate them that they fall into those very Crimes they value themselves for having hitherto declined But My Lords and Gentlemen whilest we conspire together to execute faithfully this part of the Bill to put all old Names and Terms of Distinction into utter Oblivion let us not find new Names and Terms to keep up the same or a worse Disstinction If the old Reproaches of Cavalier and Round-head and Malignant be committed to the Grave let us not find more significant and better words to signifie worse things let not Piety and Godliness grow into terms of Reproach and disstinguish between the Court and the City and the Countrey and let not Piety and Godliness be measured by a morosity in Manners an affectation of Gesture a new mode and tone of Speaking at least let not our Constitutions and Complexions make us be thought of a contrary Party and because we have not an affected austerity in our looks that we have not Piety in our hearts Very merry Men have been very godly Men and if a good Conscience be a continual Feast there is no reason but Men may be merry at it You Mr. Speaker have this Day made a noble Present to the King Do you think if you and your worthy Companions had brought it up with folded Arms down-cast Looks with Sighs and other Instances of Desperation it
from those Contentions whilest every one pretended to all the Marks which are to attend upon the true Church except only that which is inseparable from it Charirity to one another My Lords and Gentlemen This Disquisition hath cost the King many a Sigh many a sad Hour when he hath considered the almost irreparable Reproach the Protestant Religion hath undergone from the Divisions and Distractions which have been so notorious within this Kingdom What pains he hath taken to compose them after several Discourses with learned and pious Men of different Perswasions you will shortly see by a Declaration He will publish upon that Occasion by which you will see His great Indulgence to those who can have any Protection from Conscience to differ with their Brethren And I hope God will so bless the Candor of His Majesty in the Condescentions he makes that the Church as well as the State will return to that Unity and Unanimity which will make both King and People as happy as they can hope to be in this World My Lords and Gentlemen I shall conclude with the Kings hearty thanks to you not only for what you have done towards Him which hath been very signal but for what you have done towards each other for the excellent correspondence you have maintained for the very seasonable Deference and Condescention you have had for each other which will restore Parliaments to the Veneration they ought to have And since His Majesty knows that you all desire to please him you have given him ample Evidence that you do so He hath appointed me to give you a sure Receipt to attain that good End it is a Receipt of His own prescribing and therefore is not like to fail Be but pleased your selves and perswade others to be so contrive all the ways imaginable for your own Happiness and you will make Him the best pleased and the most happy Prince in the World THE State of ENGLAND Both at HOME and ABROAD In Order to The Designs of France CONSIDERED To the READER THIS Discourse being imaginarily Scened and yet really performed out of the Treasure of a very great Minister of State 's Capacity it was thought fit to be Published now and not before because that Respect ought to be payed to the Secret of his Majesty's Affairs so as nothing should anticipate the King 's own Labours to give the People Satisfaction in his due time touching the tender Care that He is graciously pleased to take of all his Subjects in point of Honour Safety Freedom Union and Commerce which nothing could more advance then the Conclusion of the Treaty newly made betwixt England and the States of the United Provinces which without Flattery may be demonstrated to Men of Understanding to aim at nothing but the Good of His Subjects in general exempt from all manner of private Interest whatsoever Blessed be God then that it is so happily concluded and that we have a King whom nothing can ever alienate from the true Interest of his Realms nor no corrupt Counsellour let him be thought to be never so Powerful or Crafty in order to his own Advantages prevent the Wisdom and Integrity of such a Prince from prevailing above the Artifices and Frauds of those who would perswade the Nation were they competent Masters of their Art enough so to do that those Counsellors who are not interested can be less prudent or successful then such as did make it their Business to appropriate all to themselves and nothing to their Master The French King is much commended for his Parts and Activity but let us see him out-do the King of England in this particular of the Treaty both in Courage and Conduct and then I shall be apt to attribute his Grandeur as much to natural Abilities as extraordinary Fortune but not before THE State of England c. THE Adventure which happened unto me lately is of so extraordinary a nature and contains so many important Discoveries in relation to the publick Good in its Progress that I should prove defective towards my Countrey if I did not candidly publish all the Passages both touching the Occasion and Effects of what followed from this Accident Know then that a Peer of the Realm of England and one whose Merit Quality and the Place which he holds in the Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom are remarkable did invite sundry of his Lordship's best Friends to a magnificent Feast and amongst the rest he had the kindness not to omit me out of the number where the excellence of the Chear which he made to his Guests after a most noble manner put the whole Company into such a refined humour of conversing together that the Entertainment was but one intire pleasing Debate how to express our compleat enjoying of each other I was not wanting with the uttermost of Vigour and Solace to uphold the Genious of this Conference But as the freest speakers do commonly come by the worst in Discourse and are the soonest exposed to enterfiering lashes I found my self to be attacqued in so many places at once with the swiftness of other Mens Reasons and Wits who held the opposite Arguments that although I were something heated yet there remained unto me presence of mind enough and success of Intervalls to get insensibly out of the Press whilst the Disorder and Confusion lasted which is usual at such Meetings into another room I retired then pursuing the Opportunity into a fair Gallery which surprised my Eyes with the rich Ornaments wherewith it was furnished but not without trouble neither and a Curiosity beyond the Opticks of the Place which increased there so as I was diverted from any farther Consideration of the Furniture because the Place seemed to lie too near the Enemy to dwell any longer upon those Objects Wherefore I went into another Chamber hard by which instantly filled me with new Apprehensions by the means of several large Looking-Glasses hanging on the Walls which shewed me my own proper Figure at length on every side and from thence imprinted in my wounded Imagination as many Adversaries as there were angular Reflections out of each Mirrour that appeared to pursue me so furiously that I ran on violently with my head forwards in order to some Escape to the door of another Chamber adjoyning thereunto which opened with such Resistance when I thrust against it as if it had been forced with a Petard And thus falling in the Attempt I was so stunned that it was a good while after before I could come to my self again But at last having partly recovered my spirits I was surprised with a fresh astonishment as much amazed me as the former had done that I repeated for when I began to open my eyes half way finding that till then they had been altogether unuseful to me I attributed the Disorder to want of Sight often feeling in regard of the Darkness of the Room to try whether they were still in my head or not
be grantable against the Commissioners upon the Statute of 2 H. 5. if they do not deliver the Copy of the Libel to the Party Whereto they all answered That that Statute is intended where the Ecclesiastical Judge proceeds ex Officio ore tenus Thirdly Whether it were an Offence punishable and what Punishment they deserved who framed Petitions and collected a multitude of hands thereto to prefer to the King in a publick cause as the Puritans had done with an intimation to the King That if he denied their Sute many thousands of his Subjects would be discontented Whereto all the Justices answered That it was an Offence finable at Discretion and very near to Treason and Felony in the Punishment For they tended to the raising of Sedition Rebellion and Discontent among the People To which Resolution all the Lords agreed And then many of the Lords declared That some of the Puritans had raised a false Rumor of the King how he intended to grant a Toleration to Papists Which Offence the Justices conceived to be heinously finable by the Rules of the Common Law either in the Kings Bench or by the King and his Councel or now since the Statute of 3 H. 7. in the Star-Chamber And the Lords severally declared how the King was discontented with the said false Rumor and had made but the Day before a Protestation unto them that he never intended it and that he would spend the last drop of Bloud in his Body before he would do it and prayed that before any of his Issue should maintain any other Religion than what he truly professed and maintained that God would take them out of the World I doubt not but yourself and every English Protestant will joyn with this Royal Petitioner and will heartily say Amen But you desire to know if I think the Resolution of the Judges in this case ought to deter us from humbly Petitioning his Majesty that this Parliament may effectually sit on the 26th day of January next In order to this give me leave to observe to you As it is most certain that a great Reverence is due to the Unanimous Opinion of all the Judges so there is a great difference to be put between the Authority of their Judgments when solemnly given in Cases depending before them and their sudden and extrajudicial Opinions The Case of Ship-money it self is not a better proof of this than that which you have now read as you will now see if you consider distinctly what they say to the several Questions proposed to them As to their Answer to the first Question it much concerns the Reverend Clergy to enquire whither they did not mistake in it And whether the King by his Proclamation can make new constitutions and oblige them to obedience under the Penalty of Deprivation Should it be so and should this unhappy Kingdom ever suffer under the Reign of a Popish Prince he might easily rid himself of such obstinate Hereticks and leave his Ecclesiastical Preferments open for Men of better Principles He will need only to publish a Proclamation that Spittle and Salt should be used in Baptism that Holy-water should be used and Images set up in Churches and a few more such things as these and the Business were effectually done But if you will believe my Lord Chief Justice Cook 12. Co. 19. 12. Co. 49. he will tell you that it was agreed by all the Judges upon Debate Hill 4to Jacobi that the King cannot change his Ecclesiastical Law and you may easily remember since the whole Parliament declared That he could not alter or suspend them I have the uniform Opinion of all the Judges given upon great Deliberation Co. Mag. Char. 616. Mich. 4to Jac. to justifie me if I say that our Judges here were utterly mistaken in the Answer which they gave to the second Question I will not cite the numerous subsequent Authorities since every man knows that it is the constant practice of Westminster-Hall at this Day to grant Prohibitions upon refusal to give a Copy of Articles where the Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts are ex Officio You see there was a kind of ill Fate upon the Judges this day as usually there was when met in the Star-chamber and that they were very unfortunate in answering two of the three Questions proposed to them let us go on to consider what does principally concern us at present their Answer to the last Question You have just done reading it and therefore I need not repeat to you either the Doubt or the Solution of it but one may be allowed to say modestly that it was a sudden Answer 'T is possible the Lords then present were well enough inform'd when they were told that such kind of Petitioning was an Offence next to Treason and Felony but I dare be so bold as to say That at this Day not a Lawyer in England would be the wiser for such an Answer they would be confounded and not know whether it were Misprision of Treason which seems an Offence nearest to Treason or Petty-larceny which seems nearest to Felony You will be apt to tell me that I mistake my Lords the Judges and they spoke not of the nature of the crime but the manner of the Punishment but this will mend the matter but little for since the Punishments of those two Crimes are so very different you are still as much in the dark as ever what these ambiguous words mean Well but we will agree that the Crime about which the Enquiry was made was a very great one When Men arrive to such Insolence as to threaten their Prince it will be but little excuse to them to call their Menaces by the soft and gentle Name of Petitions But you would know for what and in what manner we are at present to Petition 13 Car. 2. c. 5 and I will give you a plain and infallible Rule It is the Statute 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Be it enacted c. that no person or persons whatsoever shall solicite labour or procure the getting of hands or other consent of any persons above the number of twenty or more to any Petition Complaint Remonstance Declaration or other Addresses to the King or both or either Houses of Parliament for alteration of matters established by Law in Church or State unless the matter thereof have been first consented to and ordered by three or more Justices of the County or by the major part of the Grand Jury of the County or Division of the County where the same matter shall arise at their publick Assizes or General Quarter-Sessions or if arising in London by the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons in Common Council assembled and that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to His Majesty or both or either of the Houses of Parliament upon Pretence of presenting or delivering any Petition Complaint Remonstrance or Declaration or other Addresses accompanied with excessive Number of People not at
any one time with above the Number of ten Persons upon the Pain of incurring a Penalty not exceeding the Sum of 100 l. in Money and Three Months Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every Offence which Offence to be prosecuted at the Court of Kings-bench or at the Assizes or general Quarter-Sessions within six Months after the Offence committed and proved by two or more credible Witnesses Here you observe the Parliament who set themselves directly to obviate all the Inconveniences which might arise to the Government from tumultuous petitioning will not allow that great Numbers should joyn in Petitions for alteration of the Laws because it is possible ill Men should abuse such Liberty unless the matter of the Petition be con●●●ted to in such a manner as the Act directs but in all other Cases they leave the Subjects to their undoubted Liberty as well knowing that from thence there could arise no possible Inconvenience but on the contrary that to bar the People of that humble way of making their Wants known might force them upon worse ways of doing it And therefore I must tell you that you do my Lord Chancellor great Injustice if you think his Speech tends to deter Men from all manner of petitioning No that wise and eloquent Lord who receives every day so many Petitions will I suppose be content the King should receive some too It never yet was thought * It is the Right of all People that apprehend themselves aggrieved to approach his Majesty by Petition Mr. Finch's Argument in the Trial of the Seven Bishops f. 105. The Subjects have a Right to Petition the King in all their Grievances so say all our Books of Law and so says the Statute 13 Car. 2. Sergeant Levinz in the same Trial fol. 121. It was one Article against the Earl of Strafford That he Issued out a Proclamation and Warrant of Restraint to inhibit the Kings Subjects to come to the Fountain their Sovereign to deliver their Complaints of their Wrongs and Oppressions Rushw in his Trial 721. seditious or tumultuous in any Government for the Subjects in an humble manner to beg That he who has the only Power to do it would redress their Grievances 'T is the way by which we apply our selves to the King of Heaven who knows all our Wants and yet expects from us that we should daily express them to him in humble Petitions And the Wisdom of the Church which has appointed Liturgies and Forms of Common-Prayer seems to instruct us that God is pleased when huge Numbers joyn in the same Petition Why should not then suppliant Subjects with like Humility and in like manner address themselves to the God on Earth Especially since Kings cannot know our Desires or our Grievances till we our selves inform them what they are I remember some wicked Councellors of Darius did once obtain a Law to be made that none should Petition any one but the King for thirty Days but there never yet was found so absurd a States-man as to advise a Law that Subjects should not supplicate their Prince 'T is probable it would be well for some Favourites who are near a King if such a Right could be taken from the People for then all their false Suggestions and Informations might pass undiscovered but 't is impossible that a King should long be safe in such a Condition I will suppose a malicious States-man intending to raise a Jealousie in the Mind of the Sovereign should inform him in dangerous times that he was not beloved by his People and that he was not to trust them How could the Subjects in such a Case recover the Prince's good Opinion in the Absence of a Legal Representative but by humble and affectionate Addresses Or suppose some good Protestant Prince should be so unfortunate as to have some Councellors near him who are conceal'd and others whose Crimes make them fear Parliaments it is easie to suppose that the one sort will be filling his Ears with Stories that a great part of his Kingdom are inclined to Popery and the other sort that the best of his Subjects are quite out of Love with Parliaments as factious and seditious Assemblies Into what unfortunate Circumstances would such a Prince be apt to fall if his People were percluded from Addressing themselves and opening their Desires to him I might go on to trouble you with infinite Instances of this Nature but there is no want of any in so plain a case 'T is the Doctrine of our Church that the only Arms of Subjects are Prayers Petitions Supplications and Tears and they are no Friends either to the King or Church H●b 220. Wrenhams Case Vet. Magn. Chart. Exil Hugi. De Spencer 51. who would disarm us of these My Lord Chief Justice Hobbart tell us That it is lawful for any Subject to petition to the King for Redress in an humble and modest manner for says he Access to the Sovereign must not be shut up in case of the Subjects Distresses It was one of the Crimes for which the Spencers were banished by Parliament that they hindred the King from receiving and answering Petitions from great Men and others And as it is our unquestionable Right Be the Right of the Subject never so clear manifest and acknowledged by all yet if his own be detained from him by the King he hath no other Writ or Account to recover but a mere Petition Supplicare Celsitudini c. A Learned Judge's Argument about Impositions Printed 1641. p. 26. so in all Ages the Usage has been by Petition to inform our King of our Grievances In the Reign of King Ed. 2. and Ed. 3. Petitions were frequent for Redress of publick Grievances and for Parliaments especially out of Ireland though that is a conquer'd Nation as may be seen in the close Rolls of the Reigns of those two Kings One Instance I will give you for your Satisfaction but I will tire you with no more for that would be endless 'T is Claus 10. Ed. 2. M. 28. Claus 10. E. 2. M. 28. intus Pro communitate Hiberniae Intus pro Communitate Hiberniae Rex Dilect fideliter suis Justa Cancellar Thesaur suis Hib. salutem ex parte populi nostri terrae praedict per Petitionem suam coram nobis Concilio nostro exhibitum nobis est cum instantia supplicare quod cum c. In the 5th year of King Richard the II. the whole Body of the Realm petition'd Cookes Jurisdiction of Courts p. 79. Burarts History of the Reformation Pag. 231. Procl Dat. 7. Feb. 11. Jac. that the most wise and able men within the Realm might be chosen Chancellors King Henry the 8. told his Subjects then in Arms against him in York-shire that they ought not to have rebell'd but to have applied themselves to him by Petition King James by a Proclamation publisht in the 12th year of his Reign begins thus The Complaints lately exhibited to us
certain that in all Absolute Governments the poorest Countreys are always most favourably dealt with When the Ancient Nobility and Gentry there cannot enjoy their Royalties their Shrevaldoms and their Stewardaries which they and their Ancestors have possessed for several hundreds of years but that now they are enjoyned by the Lords of the Council to make Deputations of their Authorities to such as are their known Enemies Can we expect to enjoy our Magna Charta long under the same Persons and Administration of Affairs If the Council-Table there can Imprison any Nobleman or Gentleman for several years without bringing him to Trial or giving the least Reason for what they do can we expect the same Men will preserve the Liberty of the Subject here I will acknowledge I am not well vers'd in the particular Laws of Scotland but this I do know that all the Nothern Countries have by their Laws an undoubted and inviolable Right to their Liberties and Properties yet Scotland hath out-done all the Eastern and Southern Countries in having their Lives Liberties and Estates subjected to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of those that Govern They have lately plundered and harrassed the richest and wealthiest Countries of that Kingdom and brought down the Barbarous Highlanders to devour them and all this without almost a colourable Pretence to do it Nor can there be found a Reason of State for what they have done but that those wicked Ministers designed to procure a Rebellion at any Rate which as they managed was only prevented by the miraculous Hand of God or otherwise all the Papists in England would have been Armed and the fairest Opportunity given in the just time for the Execution of that Wicked and Bloudy Design the Papists had and it is not possible for any Man that duly considers it to think other but that those Ministers that Acted that were as guilty of the Plot as any of the Lords that are in question for it My Lords I am forced to speak this the plainer because till the Pressure be fully and clearly taken off from Scotland 't is not possible for me or any Thinking Man to believe that Good is meant us here We must still be upon our Guard apprehending that the Principle is not changed at Court and that these Men that are still in Place and Authority have that Influence upon the Mind of our Excellent Prince that he is not nor cannot be that to us that his own Nature and Goodness would incline him to I know your Lordships can order nothing in this but there are those that hear me can put a perfect Cure to it until that be done the Scottish Weed is like Death in the Pot Mors in Olla But there is something too now I consider that most immediately concerns us their Act of Twenty two thousand Men to be ready to invade us upon all Occasions This I hear that the Lords of the Council there have treated as they do all other Laws and expounded it into a standing Army of Six thousand Men. I am sure we have Reason and Right to beseech the King that that Act may be better considered in the next Parliament there I shall say no more for Scotland at this time I am afraid your Lordships will think I have said too much having no concern there But if a French Noble-Man should come to dwell in my House and Family I should think it concern'd me to ask what he did in France for if he were there a Felon a Rogue a Plunderer I should desire him to live elsewhere and I hope your Lordships will do the same thing for the Nation if you find the same cause My Lords give me leave to speak two or three Words concerning our other Sister Ireland thither I hear is sent Douglas's Regiment to secure us against the French Besides I am credibly informed that the Papists have their Arms restored and the Protestants are not many of them yet recovered from being the suspected Party the Sea-Towns as well as the In-land are full of Papists That Kingdom cannot long continue in the English Hands if some better Care be not taken of it This is in your Power and there is nothing there but is under your Laws therefore I beg that this Kingdom at least may be taken in consideration together with the State of England For I am sure there can be no Safety here if these Doors be not shut up and made sure THE INSTRUMENT OR Writing of Association THAT THE True Protestants of ENGLAND entred into IN THE Reign of Q. Elizabeth FOrasmuch as Almighty God hath Ordained Kings Queens and Princes to have Dominion and Rule over all their Subjects and to preserve them in the Possession and Observation of the true Christian Religion according to his holy Word and Commandment And in like sort that all Subjects should Love Fear and Obey their Soveraign Princes being Kings or Queens to the utmost of their Power at all times to withstand pursue and suppress all manner of Persons that shall by any means intend and attempt any thing dangerous or hurtful to the Honour States or Persons of their Soveraigns Therefore we whose Names are or shall be subscribed to this Writing being Natural Born Subjects of this Realm of England and having so gracious a Lady our Soveraign Elizabeth by the Ordinance of God our most rightful Queen Reigning over us these many Years with great Felicity to our inestimable Comfort And finding lately by divers Depositions Confessions and sundry Advertisements out of Foreign Parts from credible Persons well known to her Majesties Council and to divers others That for the furtherance and Advancement of some pretended Title to the Crown it hath been manifested that the Life of our gracious Soveraign Lady Queen Elizabeth hath been most dangerously to the Peril of her Person if Almighty God her perpetual Defender of his Mercy had not revealed and withstood the same By whose Life we and all other her Majesties True and Loyal Subjects do enjoy an inestimable benefit of Peace in this Land do for the Reasons and Causes before alledged not only acknowledge our selves most justly bound with our Lives and Goods for her Defence in her Safety to persecute suppress and withstand all such Intenders and all other her Enemies of what Nation Condition and Degree whatsoever they shall be or by what Council or Title they shall pretend to be her Enemies or to attempt any Harm upon her Person but do further think it our bounden Duties for the great Benefit of Peace Wealth and Godly Government we have more plentifully received these many Years under her Majesties Government then any of our Forefathers have done in any longer time of any other Progenitors Kings of this Realm Do declare and by this Writing make manifest our bounden Duties to our said Sovereign Lady for her Safety And to that end We and every of us First Calling to Witness the Name of Almighty God do Voluntarily and
King make unto him certain propositions for taking away some heavy Taxes that had been imposed on them by his Father Solomon which he refusing to gratifie them in and following the Advice of Young Men Ten of the twelve Tribes immediately chose Jeroboam a Servant of Rehoboham's a meer Stanger and of mean Parentage and made him their King and God approved thereof as the Scriptures in express Words do testifie For when Rehoboam had raised an Army of One hundred and fourscore thousand Men intending by force of Arms to have justified his Claim God appeared unto Semaiah and commanded him to go to Rehoboam and to the House of Jadah and Benjamin saying Return every man to his house for this thing is of me saith the Lord. So that since God did permit and allow this in his own Commonwealth which was to be the Pattern for all others no doubt he will approve the same in other Kingdoms whenever his Service and Glory or the Happiness of the Weal-publick shall require it The next instance I shall give you shall be in Spain where Don Alonso de la Cerda having been admitted Prince of Spain in his Father's Life-time according to the Custom of that Realm married Blanoha Daughter of Lewis the First King of France and had by her two Sons Named Alonso and Hernando de la Cerda but their Father who was only Prince dying before Alonso the Ninth then King he recommended them to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown But Don Sancho their Fathers Younger Brother who was a great Warrier and Sirnamed El Bravo was admitted Prince and they put by in their Grandfathers Life-time by his and the States Consent and this was done at a Parliament held at Sagovia in the Year 1276. And in the Year 1284 Alonso the Ninth being dead Don Sancho was aknowledg'd King and the Two Princes Imprisoned but at the Mediation of Philip the Third King of France their Unkle they were set free and Endowed with considerable Revenues in Land and from them do descend the Dukes De Medina Celi at this Day and the present King of Spain that is in Possession descendeth from Don Sancho In France Lewis the Fourth had Two Sons Lothairin who succeeded him and Charles whom he made Duke of Lorrain Lothairin dying left an only Son named Lewis who dying without Issue after he had reigned Two Years the Crown was to have descended on his Unkle Charles Duke of Lorrain But the States of France did exclude him and chose Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris for their King and in an Oration made by their Embassadour to Charles of Lorrain did give an Account of their Reasons for so doing as it is related by Belforest a French Historian in these very words Every Man knoweth Lord Charles that the Sucession of the Crown and Kingdom of France according to the ordinary Rights and Laws of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King But yet the same Laws which do give unto you such Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Use and Custom of the Kingdom of France but rather have allied your self with the Germans our old Enemies and have accustomed your self to their vile and base Manners Wherefore since you have abandoned and forsaken the ancient Virtue Amity and Sweetness of your Countrey your Countrey has also abandoned and forsaken you for we have chosen Hugh Capet for our King and have put you by and this without any Scruple in our Consciences at all esteeming it for better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the possessor of the Crown with enjoying the ancient use of our Laws Customs Privileges and Liberties than under you the next Heir by Blood in Oppressions strange Customs and Cruelty For as they who are to make a Voyage in a Ship on a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot claims Title to the Ship or no but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their ways end even so our principal care is to have a good Prince to lead and guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politick Life which is the end for which Princes are appointed And with this Message ended his Succession and Life he dying not long after in Prison And now I shall come home and give you an Instance or two in England since the Conquest and so conclude William Rufus second Son of William the Conqueror by the assistance of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury who had a great opinion of his Virtue and Probity was admitted King by the consent of the Realm his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy being then in the War at Jerusalem William dying his younger Brother Henry by his ingenuity and fair carriage and by the assistance of Henry Earl of Warwick who had greatest interest in the Nobility and Maurice Bishop of London a leading-man amongst the Clergy obtained also the Crown And Robert Duke of Normandy was a second time excluded And though this King Henry could pretend no other Title to the Crown than the Election and Admission of the Realm yet he defended it so well and God prosper'd him with success that when his elder Brother Robert came to claim the Kingdom by force of Arms he beat him in a pitch'd-Battel took him Prisoner and so he died miserable in Bonds King Henry had one only Daughter named Maud or Matilda who was married to the Emperor and he dying without Issue she was afterwards married to Geofry Plantagenet Earl of Anjou in France by whom she had a Son named Henry whom his Grandfather declared Heir-apparent to the Crown in his Life-time yet after his Death Henry was excluded and Stephen Earl of Bulloine Son of Adela Daughter of William the Conqueror was by the States thought more fit to Govern than Prince Henry who was then but a Child And this was done by the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester and at the solicitation of the Abbot of Glastenbury and others who thought they might do the same lawfully and with a good Conscience for the publick Good of the Realm But the Event did not prove so well as they intended for this occasioned great Factions and Divisions in the Kingdom for the quieting of which there was a Parliament held at Wallingford which passed a Law That Stephen should be King only during his Life and that Prince Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and by the same Law debarred William Son of King Stephen from inheriting the Crown and only made him Earl of Norfolk Thus did the Parliament dispose of the Crown in those days which was in the year 1153 which sufficiently proves what I have asserted The sum of all I have said amounts to this That Government in general is by the Law of
out of the Hands of the Possessor than purely those of his own Conscience which is worthy Mr. Considerer's highest Consideration I shall only take notice of one Objection more and then conclude fearing I have too much trespass'd on your Patience already It 's very hard says he that a man should lose his Inheritance because he is of this or that Perswasion in Matters of Religion And truly Gentlemen were the Case only so I should be intirely of his mind But alass Popery whatever Mr. Considerer is pleas'd to insinuate in not an harmless innocent Perswasion of a Number of Men differing from others in matters relating to Christian Religion but is really and truly a different Religion from Christianity it self Nor is the Inheritance he there mentions an Inheritance only of Black-Acre and White Acre without any Office annexed which requires him to be par Officio But the Government and Protection of several Nations the Making War and Peace for them the Preservation of their Religion the Disposal of Publick Places and Revenues the Execution of all Laws together with many other things of the greatest Importance are in this Case claimed by the Word Inheritance which if you consider and at the same time reflect upon the Enslaving and Bloody Tenents of the Church of Rome more particularly the Hellish and Damnable Conspiracy those of that Communion are now carrying on against our Lives our Religion and our Government I am confident you will think it as proper for a Wolf to be a Shepherd as it is for a Papist to be the Defender of our Faith c. The Old Gentleman had no sooner ended his Discourse but I returned him my hearty Thanks for the Trouble he had been pleased to give himself on this Occasion and I could not but acknowledge he had given me great Satisfaction in that Affair what it will give thee Charles I know not I am sure I parted from him very Melancholy for having been a Fool so long Adieu I am thy Affectionate I. D. A Collection of Speeches IN THE House of Commons In the Year 1680. The Lord L. Speech My Lords MAny have been the Designs of the Papists to subvert this poor Nation from the Protestant Religion to that of the See of Rome and that by all the undermining Policies possibly could be invented during the Recess of Parliament even to the casting the Odium of their most Damnable Designs on the Innocency of his Majesties most Loyal Subjects We have already had a taste of their Plottings in Ireland and find how many unaccountable Irish Papists dally arrive which we have now under Consideration My Lord Dunbarton a great Romanist has Petitioned for his stay here alledging several Reasons therein which in my Opinion make all for his speedy Departure for I can never think his Majesty and this Kingdom sufficiently secure till we are rid of those Irish Cattel and all others besides for I durst be bold to say that whatsoever they may pretend there is not one of them but have a destructive Tenet only they want Power not Will to put it in force I would not have so much as a Popish Man nor a Popish Woman to remain here nor so much as a Popish Dog or a Popish Bitch no not so much as a Popish Cat that should pur or mew about the King We are in a Labyrinth of Evils and must carefully endeavour to get out of them and the greatest danger of all amongst us are our conniving Protestants who notwithstanding the many Evidences of the Plot have been industrious to revile the Kings Witnesses and such an one is R L'E who now disappears being one of the greatest Villains upon the Earth a Rogue beyond my Skill to delineate has been the Bugbear to the Protestant Religion and traduced the King and Kingdoms Evidences by his notorious scribling Writings and hath endeavoured as much as in him lay to eclipse the Glory of the English Nation he is a dangerous rank Papist proved by good and substantial Evidence for which since he has walked under another disguise he deserves of all Men to be hanged and I believe I shall live to see that to be his State He has scandalized several of the Nobility and detracted from the Rights of his Majesty's great Council the Parliament and is now fled from Justice by which he confesses the Charge against him and that shows him to be guilty My humble Motion is that this House Address to his Majesty to put him out of the Commission of Peace and all other Publick Employments for ever Speeches in the Honourable House of Commons Mr. Speaker IN the Front of Magna Charta it is said Nulli negabimus nulli differimus Justitiam we will defer or deny Justice to no Man to this the King is Sworn and with this the Judges are intrusted by their Oaths I admire what they can say for themselves if they have not read this Law they are not fit to sit upon the Bench and if they have I had almost said they deserve to lose their Heads Mr. Speaker The State of the poor Nation is to be deplored that in almost all ages the Judges who ought to be Preservers of the Laws have endeavoured to destroy them and that to please a Court-Faction they have by Treachery attempted to break the Bonds asunder of Magna Charta the great Treasury of our Peace it was no sooner passed but a Chief Justice in that day perswades the King he was not bound by it because he was under Age when it was passed But this sort of Insolence the next Parliament resented to the ruine of the pernicious Chief Justice In the time of Richard the Second an unthinking dissolute Prince there were Judges that did insinuate into the King that the Parliament were only his Creatures and depended on his Will and not on the Fundamental Constitutions of the Land which Treacherous Advice proved the Ruine of the King and for which all those evil Instruments were brought to Justice In his late Majesties Time his Misfortunes were occasioned chiesly by the Corruptions of the Long Robe his Judges by an Extrajudicial Opinion give the King Power to raise Money upon an extraordinary Occasion without Parliament and made the King Judge of such Occasions Charity prompts me to think they thought this a Service to the King but the sad Consequences of it may convince all Mankind that every illegal Act weakens the Royal Interest and to endeavour to introduce Absolute Dominion in these Realms is the worst of Treasons because whilst it bears the Face of Friendship to the King and Designs to be for his Service it never fails of the contrary effect The two great Pillars of the Government are Parliaments and Juries it is this gives us the Title of Free-born English-men for my Notion of Free-English-men is this that they are ruled by Laws of their own making and tried by Men of the same Condition with themselves The Two great
him 't is absolutely necessary without 't is impossible to salve I perceive no Gentleman here has confidence to deny the Loyalty of the Fact or excuse the black Crimes that appear before us Why do they not answer the Evidence that is now come in If it be false contradict it if true what is the Reason of this Debate Is not the King alive Is not all Loyalty due to him Love hates a Competitor much more a Crown A Speech spoke by the same Worthy Member upon the Irish Informations given in at the Bar in Writing THIS is not so much a Discovery as a Confirmation of the Discovery of the Plot although some inconsiderate Men are apt to give Credit to the dying Words of some Men. This agrees exactly with Oates his first Discovery It adds to the strength of what Coleman's Letters imported but so deplorable is our Condition we are in danger we see the Knife is even at our Throats but none seeks to take it out of our Enemies hand You have Witnesses against a Great Person one before another now he is a Lord a Privy Counsellor and sits in Council still My Lord of Tyrone he is in the Gate-House but not secured There is one Informant tells you they received Incouragement from the D. of Y. and that he promised them Assistance I call not the Truth of this in question but we see they make use of these great Names so that even in this Kings time we are not secure a day without the Bill They have Reason to believe that a Popish Successor will assist them in their Rebellion Now we see why our Ministers made a Peace We thought our Security to be in the French Kings being involved in a War Now I say the reason of the Nimeguen Plenipotentiaries making a Peace is seen to have the French King be at Liberty to send Men into Ireland Here you have a full Confirmation of this Evidence We see our danger both at home and abroad and what posture we are in if any means be left for our Security Let these Depositions be Printed that the Country may see our Danger if we will not Impeach the Earl of Tyrone presently if he should write into Ireland I am afraid he will find too much Favour there consider the Case of this Lord the Privy Councellor he is a great Man and a Lawyer if I thought we could not reach him we would not go about to Impeach him Agree with the Lords in their Vote and desire them to agree with you that the Papists may not draw their Incouragement from a Popish Successor Another Speech by a Person of Honour Mr. Speaker I Have not hitherto troubled you and am so sensible of my own inabilities in comparison of so many wiser and abler Men in this House that 't is with great unwillingness I rise up to speak but when I hear the Honour and Justice of this House call'd in question as it was by that Honourable Member which spake last I cannot I confess bear it with patience but must as I think it my Duty endeavour to vindicate the Justice of the House for I must profess Sir that in my Judgment this Bill is so far from an unjust thing that it is rather a Favour to him since if he were proceeded against by Impeachment for the Crimes he is accused of by several Witnesses he might perhaps forfeit more than a Crown which for our Safeties only we go about to exclude him from enjoying And since it is undoubtedly in the Power of Parliaments to dispose of such Successions it seems very hard with me to tax this House with Unjustice for so doing upon so great reason and necessity as now requires it I will not Sir at all deny the many great Services mentioned by that Honourable Member the Duke has done the Nation at Sea nor will I say any thing at all in Derogation of any one of them but yet I do not think he fought for us when he was asleep There are several things Sir wherein this Nation hath been betrayed I will not say any of them directly upon him but when I think of some of them I am very much startled and know not well what to believe for when I consider that in the Fire of London there were several outlandish Men taken in the very act of Firing a House and being delivered to the Guard were presently set at Liberty by the Officer that commanded it and that such a Man should ever since not only continue but increase in the Duke's Favour to the greatest Degree imaginable I must confess I do not like it and I think it looks very ill When I also think of the general Design which plainly appears to have been carried on all along to destroy the People and to weaken the Nation as much as possible as apapears by the Treachery was used at Chatham and the French's standing still while the Dutch and we cut one anothers Throats this also in my Judgment is very ill nor doth it appear better that it was taken ill that the D. of Monmouth when he was sent into Scotland did not cut those poor miserable Peoples Throats But that Prince had too much humanity and discretion than to do it But I do not particularly charge any Person with these There are many things Sir spoken of by the witnesses you have heard relating to the Duke as also several things in the Letters you have heard read I shall not repeat any of them I will only tell you a Passage comes into my mind and I do not tell it for the sake of the Story but that it appears to me by it that the Duke was either somewhat concerned in the Plot or at least to hinder the discovery of it for the D. speaking publickly to all that were round him of one Le Faire that was accused by Mr. Bedloe to have been one of Sir E. B. Godfreys Murderers and one of the Queens servants he said that could not be because there was no such Man as Le Faire about the Queen but yet it so fell out they say that in some little time after there was a Bond found under this Man 's own hand and he proved to be one of the Queens Servants and run away upon this Business Now Sir if this were so 't is impossible the other should be true and if a Prince or any Man speaks an untruth it is a fault so hateful to me that I must confess I know not what to call it nor what Name to give it It is the Devil I shall trouble you Sir with one thing more which comes into my mind and if true is as bad as any thing can be There was Sir a French Protestant came o're to the King to make Proposals for the Interest of the Protestant Religion Here a Person of Honour standing up said He never heard a Prince so Reflected upon in his life Upon which the House cried Go on Go on The
Gentleman answered Mr. Speaker I wonder that Noble Lord should thus interrupt me for I have not positively affirmed any thing at all of the Duke though I have said nothing but what in my Judgment I thought might be truth and I shall not change my mind for his being displeased at it but however I am very well satisfied to say no more but only that I remember that Honourable Person by the Bar told us he would not speak to the prudential part against the Bill and truly Sir I think he has kept his Word very exactly and that whereas another Member before him objected That it was possible the Duke might turn Protestant I would only answer that I do not think it possible that any Person that has been bred up in the Protestant Religion and hath been weak enough for so I must call it to turn Papist should ever after in that respect be wise enough to turn Protestant and therefore Sir upon the whole matter my humble Motion is That the Bill may pass Debates in the House of Commons Jan. 7. 1680. upon His Majesties Message The First Speech by an Honourable Gentleman HIS Majesties relies not only on the Dictates of his own Judgment but is confirmed by the Judgment of the House of Lords but many of them have gained their Honour by Interest rather than Merit His Majesty hath given no Answer to several of your Addresses when you say nothing can secure you but this Bill that he should propose other means but if we have not the Bill we are deprived of the means to preserve His Majesties Life Person and Government I never knew that Tangier was more considerable than all the Three Kingdoms Is it time to be silent or not Why is all this stir for a Man that desires the Throne before His Majesty is dead He is in all the Plot either at one end or other who took evidence of London Fire Arbitrary Power was at the end and no Religion like Popery to set up That I will pay the Duty and Allegiance of an English-man to an English Prince But Popery and Arbitrary Power must be rooted out Can you hope for any Good while this Man is Heir an Apostate from his Religion his Government is the most dangerous Our Ministers of State give us little hopes from Whitehall I hope they will be Named First set a Brand on all them that framed the Answer and all them that shall lend Money by way of Anticipation desire him to take Advice of His Parliament rather then private Men or to let us go home and attend His Service when he shall again call for us The Second Speech by another Person of Hour I am afraid we are lost we have done our Parts shewed our selves good Subjects but some stand between the King and us to promote the Duke of York's Interest Those that advised the King not to pass the Bill deserve to be Branded The Third Speech by an Honourable Gentleman We have made the modestest Request that ever People did in such a time of Danger we have neither passed a Bill nor obtained a kind Answer our Trust must be in our Votes When the King bid us look into the Plot like well-meaning Countrey-Gentlemen we looked into the Tower we should have looked into Whitehall There the Plot is hatched cherished and brought up It would be well if all against the Bill were put out of Councel and all of this House were put out of Commission that were for it I had rather the Moors had Tangier the French King Flanders than the Pope had Eugland The Fourth Speech by a Person of Honour I think the Debate is upon a Message from the King and the most especial part is about the Bill I concur with that Noble Person rather than with all the rest But begin with the first his Majesty hath suffered us twice to address upon the Bill yet the Lords have not admitted one Conference I believe every man came unwillingly into this Bill have any that were against it proposed any thing for our Security if they will let them stand up and I will sit down I have advised with Men that know the Laws Religion and Government they say if you will preserve this Government this Law this Bill must pass We have received no expedient from the Lords the State of the Nation lies at their Door they sit to hear Causes they mind you of Mr. Seymour but say nothing of the Bills In Richard the Second his Time some Lords were said to be Lords in the King's Pocket but had no shoulders to support him It 's plain our evil comes from evil Ministers There are some that will have a Prince of one Religion on the Throne to rule the People of another a Popish Prince and a Protestant Kingdom will any Ministers of parts unless they have an indifferency of Religion think this consistent I dedicate my Allegiance to the King they to another Person so the Kingdom must be destroy'd either this limited Monarchy must stand or come to Blood on the other side Water-Monarchy is absolutely supported by little men of no Fortune and he that takes mean and low men to make Ministers of sets up for Popery and Arbitrary Government The King hath Counsels born if you have a Popish Prince and a Protestant Parliament will the King ever concur with them in matters of Religion and Property are not your Estates sprinkled with Abbey-Lands If he asks Money will you trust him must Foreigners comply with a Prince that in effect hath no People We must be overcome with France and Popery or the Body will get a new Head or the Head a new Body The Fifth Speech by a Person of Honour The House was unwilling at first to enter into a Debate about Expedients and I am not prepared to propound them any thing you have heard proposed by the King in Print if you had them they will do you no harm One day you say the King had been a good Prince if he had good Company and good Councils no great Complement to the King he offers you any thing but the Bill I humbly make my motion to try it The Sixth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman I think it becomes that Gentleman very well to be of the Opinion he is though no man else in this House I wish the D. was of that Opinion his Father desired him The Lords rejected the Bill but I am afraid the King solicited or else they would not it 's some mens interest to be for the D. but while they are at Court we shall never have it Foreign Persons have given Influence at Court the French Ministers access to Court inclines me to believe some body is paid for it The Court is a Nurcery of Vice they transmit them into the Countrey and none but such men are imployed The Seventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman The Question now before you is Whether any other means be effectual
besides the Bill I have heard none proposed in this Parliament the last Parliament thought not fit to debate them they were so weak but hath this Plot been no longer than 1678. We gave 250000 l. to fight the Dutch and assist them that had a Design to subdue us and the Protestant Religion which is not well settled Have all the Laws been put in Execution against the Papists But a few Apprentices going to pull down a Bawdy-house with a Red Cloth on a Pole was made Treason but what hath been done with the Plot in the intervals of Parliament The Lords have confirmed the King in his Opinion but did not the Proviso for the D. come from the Lords House I believe the Lords do not fear him but I believe the Plot is more dangerous than ever To rely upon any Remedy but this Bill will expose your Selves and your Religion The Eighth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman You have heard several Propositions but first make an end of one It is long since we thought in this House we were not secure without the Bill some have not yet considered of it and I think we never shall To make an Act of Association against the D. is to say Let him be lawful King and then fight against him Another way is Banishment if it be during the Kings life truly you run into more dangers rather then remove them if you talk of Banishment during the D. Life that is Exclusion if the D. be a Papist exclude all Papists from inheriting Some talk of an Act pass they would not satisfie their Consciences I am sure a Vote to Exclude him will not Popery encreases upon hopes the D. may come to the Crown we ought to take care of this Presumption Will not Papists expect to have their Religion established when the D. is next I wonder men will pretend to plead for Loyalty to one that they may never come to use it some say Cannot the D. change his Religion Must not the Two Houses joyn Did not Queen Mary do it Regis ad Exemplum most will conform To make Arguments of this Bill is to lessen it the King bids you go on to other things let 's declare all other things are ineffectual without this Bill We cannot think our selves safe to rely on any thing else is not only insufficient but dangerous The Ninth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman Now I see the House is full so considerate I am bound to give my Thoughts The Reason the Verity of the Bill hath formerly been debated and Precedents are Printed to shew it hath been done It will be a Reproach to us when dead in our Graves if we do not whatever any Parliament did to preserve Religion When we received the Kings Message I was perswaded he was over-ruled by other men for he saith What shall come in a Parliamentary Way how comes the King to know what 's done in Parliament When Clifford set up bare-fac'd for Popery he brought the King to come frequently to the House of Lords Cranmer saith That King Henry the Eighth passed the Act of 6 Articles in an Un-Parliamentary way by the Kings coming and solliciting Henry the Fourth in a Record called The Indempnity of the Peers and Commons the King being in haste for Money sends a Message desires he may debate the matter with them they return Answer Parliaments ought to debate free It 's entred into the Rolls That the King shall neither come to one House or other Danby's solliciting could not move them the King comes and he prevails Some Lords have little Estates some little Consciences some less Religion The King calls it an Opinion and tells you he is confirmed in it by the House of Lords he may come to take up other Resolutions if the Parliament go away and leave this work undone The King is in the highest Danger though some men think they shall be accounted Loyal for opposing an Act of Parliament it is but a Nick-name King James in his Speech 1603 thought it his Security to comply with his Parliament Nay He would betray his Country and Posterity in not doing it Remember what care the last King took to have his Posterity maintain the Protestant Religion Remember Queen Mary broke her Word for Conscience sake every day a Security would draw me from the Bill Queen Elizabeths Association against the Queen of Scots in the Act of Parliament was an Exclusion she was but a Woman but had wise Counsellors Prelates then did not fear the frown of a Prince Surely when the King sees so many Gentlemen of this House so firm he will take their Advise and Prorogue them and then pass the Bill I find not a Man that hath understanding but saith We are undone without it We have not Compounded yet for our Throats as some at Whitehall have done there is no next best the only way to preserve the Protestant Religion is to pass the Bill what is as secure as this must be amounting to Exclusion We can't save his Personal Dignity but with the loss of our Laws and Lives too I would to God the King knew how well this House doth love him The Tenth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman Consider whether the Dis-inheriting of a lawful Prince be Injustice or not or whether we ought not rather to trust to the Providence of Almighty God The Eleventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman I should be glad the last Gentleman would make it good that we are to trust to the Providence of Almighty God rather than do as he supposes an unlawful Act but can he prove it unlawful can the King Lords and Commons do an unlawful Act must we not have a Supream Power But to hint it to something is to say it is not Supream was there not Machinations every year against Queen Elizabeth but she took away the Scotch Queen I wonder we have this Answer till I consider who is at the Kings Ear and have had an Interest carried on so long The denial of this is the denial of every thing you see where there are divers Medicines yet but one conducing to the end you shall have a Popish King if that be allowed with Power to compel and corrupt you you shall have what you will to protect you but you shall be under the power of one to destroy you The Frogs must have a Government but they must have a Stork for their King Samson's Locks will be grown again by that time he comes in There is a Lion in the Lobby keep him out say I no says some open the Door we will chain him when he 's come in Would you have a King that would neither court you nor protect you you would have a Parliament to make Judges and Bishops then sure the Long-House will be Jure divino you can have no Security under the Copes of Heaven without this Bill A Copy of the Duke of YORK 's Bill WHereas James Duke of York is notoriously known
words pointing at the Dead said That he was no Schismatical Petitioning Rebel and that by his instigations the Grand-Jury of Bristol made a Presentment of their detestation against Petitioning for the sitting of the Parliament that he said Mr. Thompson had told him that he was Governour to Mr. Narbor when he was beyond Sea and said That he had been very often and above one hundred times at Mass in the great Church at Paris and usually gave half a Crown to get a Place to hear a certain Doctor of that Church and that he was like to be brought over to that Religion and that when he went beyond Sea did not know but that he might be of that Religion before his return That he is very Censorious and Frequently casts evil Aspersions against several Divines at Bristol of great Note viz. Mr. Chetwind Mr. Standfast Mr. Crosman Mr. Palmer and others saying That such as went to their Lectures were the Brats of the Devil The 9th That Mr. Thompson in his preaching inveighed bitterly against Subscribing Petitions for Sitting of this Parliament saying That it was the Seed of Rebellion and like to Forty one and that the Devil set them on work and the Devil would pay them their Wages saying That before he would set his hand to such Petitions he would cut it off yea and cut them off The 10th saith That about two years since being in the Chancel of St. Thomas's Church in Bristol where Queen Elizabeth's Effigies is Mr. Thompson pointing his Finger to it said That she was the worst of Women and a most lewd and infamous Woman Upon which this Informant replied He never heard any speak ill of her thereupon Mr. Thompson said She was no better than a Church-Robber and that Henry the 8th begun it and that she finish'd it The 11th Rowe saith That in the year 1678 he waited on the Mayor to Church and that Mr. Thomson who was there railed at Henry the Eighth saying He did more hurt in Robbing the Abby Lands than he did good by the Reformation That after Dinner Mr. Thompson comes to this Informant and claps his Hands on his Shoulders saying Hah Boy had Queen Elizabeth been living you needed not to have been Sword-bearer of Bristol The said Rowe asked him why He replied She loved such a lusty Rogue so well as he was and he would have been very fit for her Drudgery at White-hall The 12th saith That he heard a great noise of a Sermon to be preached by Mr. Thompson on the 30th of January 1679 to the second part of the same Tune And that he was present at the same Sermon in which Mr. Thompson said There was a great noise of a Popish Plot but says he Here is nothing in it but a Presbyterian Plot for here they are going about to Petition for the sitting of the Parliament but the end of it will be to bring the Kings Head to the block as they have done his Father The 13th saith That in January last or thereabouts there was a Petition going about for the sitting of this Parliament When Mr. Thompson in Red●liff Church in his Sermon said It was a Seditious and Rebellious Petition and rather than he would sign it his Hand should be cut off The 14th saith The Eighth day of April he going to pay Mr. Thompson his Dues speaking concerning the Meeters in private Mr. Thompson said He would hall them out and fill the Gaols with them and hoped to see their Houses afire about their Ears in a short time and this he the said Thompson doubled again and again The 15th saith That about December 1679 Mr. Thompson came to visit his Mother being sick and discoursing of Religion The said Thompson said If he were as well satisfied of other things as he was of Justification Auricular Confession Penance Extream Unction and Crisme in Baptism he would not have been so long separated from the Catholick Church And further affirmed That the Church of Rome was the True Catholick Church He further endeavoured to prove Extream Unction and Auricular Confession as well as he could out of the Epistles Further he hath heard him say The King was a Person of mean and soft Temper and could be led easily to any thing but yet a Solomon in vices but that the Duke of York was a Prince of a brave Spirit would be faithful to his Friends and that it was our own Faults that he was a Roman Catholick in that we forc'd him to fly into France where he imbraced that Religion About the same time he the said Thompson said the Church would be Militant but greatly commended the Decency of Solemnizing the Mass in France and that it was performed with much more Reverence and Devotion than any other Religion doth use He further heard him say in a Sermon about the time of Petitioning he would rather cut off his hand than Sign it and had many bad Expressions of it that it was the Seed of Rebellion and like 40 and 41 And further the said Mr. Thompson at one Sandford's Shop door in Bristol speaking of Bedlow said That he was not to be believ'd because Bedlow had said he meaning Mr. Thompson was at St. Omers where Mr. Thompson said he was not and that Bedlow was of a bad Life and in many Plots and not to be credited in any thing he said And that in another Discourse he commended the Romish Clergy for their single Life and is himself so and did at the same time Vilify and Rail at the English Clergy for Marrying saying It was better for a Clergy-Man to be Guelt than to Marry and that the Calvinists in France were Letcherous Fellows and could scarce be two years a Priest without a Wife About the time and after the Election of Sir John Knight to this Parliament Mr. Thompson said he was not fit to be believ'd and as bad as any Fanatick He further said in the Pulpit at St. Thomas's that after Excommunication by the Bishop without Absolution from the Spiritual Court such a one was surely Damned and he would pawn his Soul for the Truth of it Mr. Thompson after the Evidence given by every particular Person Face to Face was asked to every one If he had any Questions to ask before they called another Who answer'd He should not say any thing at present When the Witnesses before mentioned were all Examined Mr. Thompson being desir'd to make his Defence and declare whether he were Guilty of the Matters laid to his charge did for the greatest part confess words spoken to that effect and in other things endeavoured to turn the words with more favour towards himself but the Witnesses being of great Credit and many more being ready to have made good the same things the Committee look'd upon the business to be of a high Nature and therefore ordered the matter to be reported specially leaving it to the Wisdom of the House The Resolution of the House of Commons upon the
that I disown and renounce all such Principles Doctrins or Practices whether Popish or Fanatical which are contrary unto and inconsistent with the said Protestant Religion and Confession of Faith And for testification of my obedience to my most gracious Soveraign Charles the II. I do affirm and swear by this my solemn Oath that the Kings Majesty is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm over all Persons and in all Causes as well Ecclesiastical as Civil And that no Foreign Prince Person Pope Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminency or Authority Ecclesiastical or Civil within this Realm And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all Foreign Jurisdictions Powers Superiorities and Authorities And do promise that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Majesty his Heirs and lawful Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Rights Jurisdictions Prerogatives Priviledges Preferments and Authorities belonging to the Kings Majesty his Heirs and lawful Successors And I further affirm and swear by this my solemn Oath That I judge it unlawful for Subjects upon pretence of Reformation or any other pretence whatsoever to enter into Covenants or Leagues or to Gonvocate Conveen or Assemble in any Councils Conventions or Assemblies to Treat Consult or Determine in any matter of State Civil or Ecclesiastick without His Majesties special Command or Express License had thereto or to take up Arms against the King or these Commissionate by him And that I shall never so rise in Arms or enter into such Covenants or Assemblies And that there lies no obligation on me from the National Covenant or the Solemn Leag●e and Covenant commonly so called or any other manner of way whatsoever to endeavour any Change or Alteration in the Government either in Church or State as it is now established by the Laws of this Kingdome And I Promise and Swear That I shall with my utmost power Defend Assist and Maintain His Majesties Jurisdiction foresaid against all deadly And I shall never decline His Majesties Power and Jurisdiction as I shall answer to God And finally I affirm and swear That this my solemn Oath is given in the plain genuine sense and meaning of the words without any equivocation mental reservation or any manner of evasion whatsoever and that I shall not accept or use any dispensation from any creature whatsoever So help ne God The Bishop of Aberdeen and the Synods Explanation of the Test WE do not hereby swear to all the particular Assertions and Expressions of the Confession of Faith mentioned in the Test but only to the uniform Doctrine of the Reformed Churches contained therein II. We do not hereby prejudge the Churches Right to and Power of making any alteration in the said Confession as to the ambiguity and obscure expressions thereof or of making a more unexceptionable frame III. When we swear That the King is Supreme Governour over all Persons and in all Causes as well Ecclesiastick as Civil and when we swear to assert and defend all His Majesties Rights and Prerogatives this is reserving always the intrinsick unalterable power of the Church immediately derived from Jesus Christ to wit the power of the Keys consisting in the preaching of the Word administration of the Sacraments ordaining of Pastors exercise of Discipline and the holding of such Assemblies as are necessary for preservation of Peace and Vnity Truth and Purity in the Church and withal we do hereby think that the King has a power to alter the Government of the Church at his pleasure IV. When we swear That it is unlawful for Subjects to meet or convene to treat or consult c. about matters of State Civil and Ecclesiastick this is excepting meetings for Ordination publick Worship and Discipline and such meetings as are necessary for the conservation of the Church and true Protestant Religion V. When we swear There lies no obligation on us c. to endeavour any change or alteration in Government either in Church or State we mean by Arms or any seditious way VI. When we swear That we take the Test in the plain and genuine sense of the words c. we understand it only in so far as it does not contradict these Exceptions The Explanation of the Test by the Synod and Clergy of Perth BEcause our Consciences require the publishing and declaring of that express meaning we have in taking the Test that we be not mis-interpreted to swear it in these glosses which men uncharitable to it and enemies to us are apt to put upon it and because some men ill affected to the Government who are daily broachers of odious and calumnious Slanders against our Persons and Ministry are apt to deduce inferences and conclusions from the alledged ambiguity of some Propositions of the Test that we charitably and firmly do believe were never intended by the Imposers nor received by the Takers Therefore to satisfie our Consciences and to save our Credit from these unjust imputations we expressly declare That we swear the Test in this following meaning I. By taking the Test we do not swear to every Proposition and Clause contained in the Confession of Faith but only to the true Protestant Religion founded upon the Word of God contained in that Confession as it is opposed to Popery and Fanaticism II. By swearing the Ecclesiastick Supremacy we swear it as we have done formerly without any reference to the assertory Act. We also reserve intire unto the Church it s own intrinsick and unalterable power of the Keys as it was exercised by the Apostles and the pure primitive Church for the first three Centuries III. By swearing That it is unlawful to Convocate convene or assemble in any Council Conventions or Assemblies to treat consult c. in any matter of State Civil or Ecclesiastick as we do not evacuate our natural Liberty whereby we are in freedom innocently without reflection upon or derogating to Authority or persons intrusted with it to discourse in any occasional meeting of these things so we exclude not those other meetings which are necessary for the well-being and Discipline of the Church IV. By our swearing it unlawful to endeavour any change or alteration in the Government either of Church or State we mean that it is unlawful for us to endeavour the alteration of the specifick Government of Monarchy in the true and lineal Descent and Episcopacy V. When we swear in the genuine and literal sense c. we understand it so far as it is not opposite or contradictory to the foresaid exceptions They were allowed to insert after the Oath before their Subscriptions these words or to this purpose We under-written do take this Oath according to the Explanation made by the Council approved by His Majesties Letter and we declare we are no further bound by this Oath EDINBVRGH The sederunt of the Council Sederunt vigesimo secundo Die Septembris 1681. His Royal
distinctly As what thing spoke in Council is distinctly heard and considered by all Yet it being certain that they did all approve it it is sufficient to the Earl And it is only their concern whether in approving what they did not hear they observed their Oath De fideli c. or not His Highness who the Earl was most concerned should hear did certainly hear as himself afterwards acknowledged 2. The Advocate says That the hearing and allowing the Earl to sit is no relevant Plea yea further though all the Council had allowed him that day yet any of his Majesty's Officers might have quarrelled him the next day But first I would gladly know upon what head For if upon obtruding a sense of his own it is undeniable that whatever the sense was the obtruding of it was purged by the Council's acceptation and it became theirs and was no more his But if the Advocate doth think that even the matter of the Explanation though allowed and accepted may still be quarrelled Then 1. I hope he will consider in what terms he doth it for if he charge it after it becomes the Councils as in truth he hath done already with the same liberty wherewith he treats it as the Earl's he runs fair to make himself the arrantest Defamer and Slanderer of the King and Council that ever yet attempted it But 2dly It merits a worse name than I am free to give it to say That an Explanation allowed by the Council in the administrating of an Oath proper to be administrat by them doth not secure the Taker as to that sense both in Law and Conscience Seeing in effect this quite takes away the best grounds of assurance among men and turns their greatest security to their greatest snare And 3dly If this be sound Doctrine it is worth the enquiring what security the Clergy to whom the Council as you have heard did indulge an Explanation have thereby obtained For as to such Laicks as did only at their own hand take hold of and snatch at this Indulgence not provided for them by the Councils Act it is clear their doom is dight It is not here debated how far that Explication of the Council's may satisfy and quiet Conscience let such concerned see to it Some please themselves with a general notion That if the sense given by the Administrator be sound then it is also safe whether it be agreeable to the plain and genuine meaning of the Oath or not nay whether it be agreeable to the sense of the first Imposers or not But others who consider more tenderly what it is to swear in Truth and in Judgment think it rather a prophanation and a sinful preferring of the Credit of Men to the glory of the Almighty to offer to smooth an Oath by a disagreeable interpretation when in effect the Oath it self ought to be changed But the thing in question is about the security of life and fortune for seeing the Council's Explanation is at least to say no worse liable enough to the Calumnies of an inventive malice and the Advocate telleth us Though all the Ceuncil had allowed a man to swear with an Explanation yet any of His Majesty's Officers may the next day quarrel him it is evident that this allowance can afford him no security It is true the Advocate may alledge and possibly find a difference betwixt the Council's emitting and their accepting of an Explanation But as in truth there is none more than betwixt a Mandat and a Ratihabition so I am confident if ever the thing come to be questioned this Pretence will evanish and come to nothing It is likewise to be remembred That when the Earl the next day after he took the Test was questioned for the Explanation he had made and required to exhibit a Copy which was afterwards made the ground of his Indictment so soon as he observed that some began to carp he refused to sign it demanded it back and would have destroyed it as you have heard which were all clear Acts of disowning and retracting for eviting offence and of themselves sufficient to have prevented any further enquiry there being nothing more just and human than that words though at the first hearing offensive yet if instantly retracted when questioned should be past But this as well as other things must in the Earl's Case be singular and whether he plead the Councils allowing or his own disowning as in effect he doth both it is equally to no purpose the thing determined must be accomplished You heard before how that a Reverend Bishop and many of the Orthodox Clergy did take a far greater liberty of Explanation than the Earl pretended to you see also that first the Council allows his words whereupon he rests And when he finds that they begin to challenge he is willing to disown And withal it is undeniable and acknowledged by the Council themselves that the Test as it stands in the Act of Parliament is ambiguous and needs to be explained And the Earl may confidently aver that of all the Explanations that have been offered even the Councils not excepted his is the most safe sound and least disagreeable to the Parliament's true sense and meaning And yet when all others escape he alone must be seised and for a thing so openly innocent clearly justifiable and undeniably allowed found guilty of the worst of Crimes even Leasing-making Leasing-telling Depraving of Laws and Treason but all these things God Almighty sees and to him the Judgment yet belongs And thus I leave this Discouse shutting it up with the Case of Archbishop Cranmer plainly parallel to the Earl's to shew how much he was more favourably dealt with by the King and Government in those days than the Earl now is though he live under a much more merciful and just Prince than that worthy Prelate did for Cranmer being called and promoted by Henry VIII of England to be Archbishop of Canterbury and finding an Oath was to be offered to him which in his apprehension would bind him up from what he accounted his duty he altogether declined the Dignity and Preferment unless he were allowed to take the Oath with such an Explanation as he himself proposed for salving of his Conscience and tho this Oath was no other than the Statute and solemn Oath that all his Predecessors in that See and all the mitered Clergy in England had sworn yet he was admitted to take it as you see in Fuller's Church Hist of Britain lib. 5. p. 185 and 186. with this formal Prorestation In nomine Domini Amen Coram vobis c. Non est aut erit meae voluntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta qualitercunque verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur me obligare ad aliquid ratione eorundum posthac dicendum faciendum aut attentandum quod erit aut esse videbitur contra Legem Dei vel contra illustrissimum Regem nostrum Angliae Legesve aut
him and it can give none to destroy its self and those it protects but the contrary Bracton in his Comments pag. 487. tells us Bracton p. 487. That although the Common Law doth allow many Prerogatives to the King yet it doth not allow any that He shall wrong or hurt any by His Prerogative Therefore 't is well said by a late Worthy Author upon this point That what Power or Prerogative the Kings have in Them ought to be used according to the true and genuine intent of the Government that is for the Preservation and Interest of the People And not for the disappointing the Councils of a Parliament towards reforming Grievances and making provision for the future Execution of the Laws and whenever it is applied to frustrate those ends it is a Violation of Right and Infringement of the King's Coronation Oath who is obliged to Pass or Confirm those Laws His People shall cluse And tho he had such a Prerogative by Law yet it should not be so used especially in time of Eminent danger and distress The late King in His Advice to His Majesty that now is in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239. Tells him That his Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in Remitting rather than exacting the Rigor of the Laws there being nothing worse than Legal Tyranny Nor would he have him entertain any Aversion or Dislike of Parliaments The Late King's advice to His Majesty which in their right Constitution with freedom and Honour will never Injure or Diminish His Greatness but will rather be as interchangings of Love Loyalty and Confidence between a Prince and His people It is true some Flatterers and Traytors have presumed in defiance to their Countries Rights to assert that such a boundless Prerogative belongs to Kings As did Chief Justice Trisilian c. in R. 2●s time Advising him that he might Dissolve Parliaments at pleasure and that no Member should be called to Parliament nor any Act past in either House without His Approbation in the first place and that whoever advis'd otherwise were Traytors But this Advice you read was no less fatal to himself than pernicious to his Prince Bakers Chron. p. 147 148 and 159. King James in His Speech to the Parliament 1609. Gives them assurance That he never meant to Govern by any Law but the Law of the Land tho it be disputed among them as if he had an intention to alter the Law and Govern by the absolute power of a King but to put them out of doubt in that matter tells them That all Kings who are not Tyrants or Perjured will bound themselves within the limits of their Laws And they that persuade the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Commonwealth Wilson K. J. p. 46. The Conclusion 1. IF this be so That by so great Authority viz. so many Statutes in force The sundamental of the Common Law the Essentials of the Government it self Magna Charta The King's Coronation Oath so many Laws of God and Man The Parliament ought ro sit to Redress Grievances and provide for Common Safety especially in times of Common Danger And that this is eminently so who can doubt that will believe the King so many Parliaments The Cloud of Witnesses the Publick Judicatures their own sense and experience of the manifold Mischiefs which have been acted and the apparent Ruine and Confusion that impends the Nation by the restless Attempts of a bloody Interest if speedy Remedy is not applied Then let it be Queried Whether the People having thus the Knife at the Throat Cities and Habitations Fired and therein their Persons fried Invasions and Insurrections threatned to Destroy the King and Subjects Church and State and as so lately told us upon Mr. Fitz Harris's Commitment the present Design on Foot was to Depose and Kill the King and their only remedy hoped for under God to give them relief Relief thus from time time cut off viz. Their Parliaments who with so much care cost and pains are Elected sent up and Intrusted for their help turned off ré infecta and rendred so insiguificant by those frequent Prorogations and Dissolutions Are they not therefore justified in their important Cries in their many Humble Petitions to their King Fervent Addresses to their Members earnest Claims for this their Birth-right here Pleaded which the Laws of the Kingdom consonant to the Laws of God and Nature has given them 2. If so what then shall be said to those who advise to this high Violation of their Countries Rights to the infringing so many just Laws and exposing the Publick to those desperate hazards if not a total Ruine If King Alfred as Andrew Horne in his Mirror of Justice tells us hanged Darling Segnor Cadwine Cole and Forty Judges more for Judging contrary to Law and yet all those false Judgments were but in particular and private Cases What death do those Men deserve who offer this violence to the Law it self and all the Sacred Rights of their Country If the Lord Chief Justice Thorp in Ed. 3d's time for receiving the Bribery of One hundred pounds was adjudged to be Hanged as one that had made the King break his Oath to the People How much more guilty are they of making the King break His Coronation Oath that persuade him to Act against all the Laws for holding Parliaments and passing Laws therein which he is so solemnly sworn to do And if the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian was Hanged Drawn and Quartered for Advising the King to Act contrary to some Statutes only What do those deserve that advise the King to Act not only against some but against all these Ancient Laws and Statutes of the Realm And if Blake the King's Council but for assisting in the matter and drawing up Indictments by the King's Command contrary to Law tho it is likely he might Plead the King's Order for it yet if he was Hang'd Drawn and Quartered for that What Justice is due to them that assist in the Total Destruction of all the Laws of the Nation and as much in them lies their King and Country too And if Vsk the under-Sheriff whose Office is to Execute the Laws for but endeavouring to aid Tresilian Blake and their Accomplices against some of the Laws was also with Five more Hang'd Drawn and Quartered What punishment may they deserve that Aid and endeavour the Subversion of all the Laws of the Kingdom And if Empson and Dudley in Henry the Eighth's time tho two of the King 's Privy Council were Hanged for Procuring and Executing an Act of Parliament contrary to the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and to the great vexation of the People so that tho they had an Act of Parliament of their side yet that Act being against the known Laws of the Land were Hang'd as Traytors for putting that Statute in Execution Then what shall become of those who have no such Act to shelter themselves under and who
rather inclined to desire that a Party accused should be found guilty than that he should be declared innocent if he be so in truth Doubtless the King ought to wish in all Enquiries made after Treason Felonies c. that there were none to be found in his Kingdom and that whosoever is accused might be able to answer so well and truly for himself as to shew the Accusation to be erroneous or false and to be acquitted of it Something of this appears in the common Custom of England that the Clerks of the King's Courts of Justice when any man hath pleaded Not guilty to an Indictment prays forthwith that God would send him a good deliverance The destruction of every Criminal is a loss to a Prince and ought to be grievous to him in the common regard of humanity and the more particular Relation of his Office and the name of Father The King's Interest and Honour is more concerned in the protection of the Innocent than in the punishment of the Guilty This Maxime can never run them into excesses for it hath ever been lookt upon as a mark of great Wisdom and Vertue in some Princes and States upon several occasions to destroy all Evidences against Delinquents and nothing is more usual than to compose the most dangerous Distempers of Nations by Acts of general Amnesty which were utterly unjust if it were as great a Crime to suffer the Guilty to escape as to destroy the Innocent We do not only find those Princes represented in History under odious Characters who have basely murthered the Innocent but such as by their Spies and Informers were too inquisitive after the Guilty whereas none was ever blamed for Clemency or for being too gentle Interpreters of the Laws Tho Trajan was an excellent Prince endowed with all heroical Virtues yet the most Eloquent Writers and his best Friends found nothing more to be praised in his Government Tacit. lib. 1. Hist than that in his time all men might think what they pleased and every man speak what he thought and he had no better way of distinguishing himself from his wicked Predecessors than by hanging up the Spies and Informers whom they had employed for the discovery of Crimes But if the punishment of Offenders were as universally necessary as the protection of the Innocent he were as much to be abhorred as Nero and that Clemency which is so highly praised were to be lookt upon as the worst of Vices and those who have hitherto been taken for the best of Princes were altogether as detestable as the worst Moreover all humane Laws were ordained for the preservation of the Innocent and for their sakes only are punishments inflicted that those of our own Country do solely regard this was well understood by Fortescue who saith Fort. de Laud. Leg. Ang. ch 27. Indeed I could rather wish Twenty Evil-doers to ●●ape death through pity than one man to be unjustly condemned Such Blood hath cried to Heaven for Vengeance against Families and Kingdoms and their utter destruction hath ensued If a Criminal build be acquitted by too great lenity caution or otherwise he may be reserved for future Justice from Man or God if be doth not repent but 't is impossible that satisfaction or reparation should be made for innocent Bloodshed in the forms of Justice Without all question the King 's only just Interest in the Evidence given against the Party accused and in the manner of taking it is to have the truth made manifest that Justice may thereupon be done impartially And if Accusations may be first examined in secret more strictly and exactly to prevent Fraud and Perjury than is possible to be done in open Court as hath before appeared then 't is for the King's benefit to have it so And nothing done in or by a Court about the Trial of the Accused is for the King in the sense of our Law unless it some way conduce to Justice in the case The Witnesses which the Prosecutor brings are no further for the King than they tell the truth and the whole truth impartially and by whomsoever any others may be called upon the Enquiry or the Trial to be examined if they sincerely deliver the truth of the matters in question they are therein the King's Witnesses though the Accused be acquitted by reason of their Testimonies If such as are offered by the Attorny-General to prove Treason against any man shall be found to swear falsly maliciously or for Reward or Promises though they depose positively Facts of Treason against the Accused yet they are truly and properly Witnesses against the King by endeavouring to prevent Justice and destroy his Subjects Their Malice and Villany being confessed or proved the King's Attorney ought ex Officio to prosecute them in the King's Name and at his Suit for their Offences against him in such Depositions pretended to have been for him and the legal Form of the Indictment ought to be for their swearing falsly and maliciously against the Peace of the King his Crown and Dignity The Prosecutors themselves notwithstanding their big words and assuming to themselves to be for the King if their Prosecution shall be proved to be malicious or by Conspiracy against the Life or Fortune of the Accused they are therein against the King and ought to be indicted at the King's Suit for such Prosecutions done against His Crown and Dignity And if an Attorney-General should be found knowingly guilty of abetting such a Conspiracy his Office could not excuse or legally exempt him from suffering the villanous Judgment to the destruction of him and his Family 'T is esteemed in the Law one of the most odious Offences against the King to attempt in his Name to destroy the Innocent for whose Protection he himself was ordained Queen Elizabeth had the true sense of our Law when the Lord Burleigh Co. Inst 3d part p. 79. upon Sir Edward Coke her then Attorney's coming into her presence told her This is he who prosecutes pro Domina Regina for our Lady the Queen and She said she would have the form of the Records altered for it should be Attornatus Generalis qui pro Domina veritate sequitur The Attorney-General who prosecutes for our Lady the Truth Whoever is trusted in that employment dishonours his Master and Office if he gives occasion to the Subjects to believe that his Master seeks other profits or Advantages by Accusations than the common Peace and Welfare He ought not to excite a jealousie in any of their minds that confiscations of Estates are designed or desired by any of the King's Ministers whosoever makes such advantages to the Crown their principal aim in accusing are either Robbers and Murtherers in the Scripture-sense in seeking innocent Blood for gain or in the mildest Construction supposing the Accusation to be on good grounds they shew themselves to be of corrupt minds and a scandal to their Master and the Government Profit or loss of
that kind ought to have no place in judicial proceedings against suspected Criminals but truth is only to be regarded and for this reason the Judgments given in Court of humane Institution are in Scripture called the Judgments of God who is the God of truth Yet further If any benefit to the King could be imagined by making the Evidence to the Grand Jury publick it could not come in competition with the Law expressed in their Oath which by constant uninterrupted usage for so many Ages hath obtained the force of Law Bracton and Britton in their several Generations bear witness that it was then practised and greater proof of it needs not be sought than the Disputes that appear by the Law-Books to have been amongst the ancient Lawyers whether it was Treason or Felony for a Grand-Jury to discover either who was indicted or what Evidence was given them The Trust of the Grand Juries was thought so sacred in those Ages and their secrecy of so great concern to the Kingdom that whosoever should break their Oath therein was by all thought worthy to die Co. Instit 3d part p. 107. Rulls Indic 771. only some would have had them suffer as Traytors others as Felons And at this day it is held to be a high Misprision punishable by Fine and Impoverishment The Law then having appointed the Evidence to be given to Grand Juries in secret the King cannot desire to have it made publick He can do no wrong saith the old Maxime that is He can do nothing against the Law nor is any thing to be judged for his benefit that is not warranted by Law His Will Commands and Desires are therein no otherwise to be known He cannot change the legal Method or manner of enquiring by Juries nor vary in any particular case from the customary and general forms of judicial proceedings he can neither abridge nor enlarge the power of Juries no more than he can lessen the legal Power of the Sheriffs or Judges or by special Direction order the one how they shall execute Writs and the other how they shall give Judgments though these made by himself 'T is criminal no doubt for any to say that the King desires a Court of Justice or a Jury to vary from the direction of the Law and they ought not to be believed therein If Letters Writs or other Commands should come to the Judges for that purpose they are bound by their Oaths not to regard them but to hold them for null the Statutes of 2 E. 3.8 and 20 E. 3.1 are express That if any Writs or Commandments come to the Justices in disturbance of the Law or the Execution of the same or of right to the Parties they shall proceed as if no such Letters Writs or Commands were come to them And the substance of these and other Statutes is inserted into the Oath taken by every Judge and if they be under the most solemn and sacred Tye in the Execution of Justice to hold for nothing or none the Commands of the King under the Great Seal surely the Word or Desire of an Attorney-General in the like case ought to be less than nothing Besides they are strangely mistaken who think the King can have an Interest different from or contrary unto that of the Kingdom in the prosecution of Accused Persons His Concernments are involved in those of his People and he can have none distinct from them He is the Head of the Body Politick and the legal Course of doing Justice is like the orderly circulation of the Blood in the Natural Bodies by which both Head and Body are equally preserved and both perish by the interruption of it The King is obliged to the utmost of his Power to maintain the Law and Justice in its due course by his Coronation Oath and the Trust thereby reposed in him In former Ages he was conjured not to take the Crown unless he resolved punctually to observe it Brom. p. 1159. Mat. Paris p. 153. Bromton and others speaking of the Coronation of Richard the first delivered it thus That having first taken the Oath Deinde indutus Mantello ductus est ad Altare conjuratus ab Archiepiscopo prohibitus ex parte Dei ne hunc Honorem sibi assumat nisi in mente habeat tenere Sacramenta Vota quae superius fecit Et Ipse respondit se per Dei auxilium omnia supradicta observaturum bona fide Deinde cepit Cor●nam de Altari tradidit eam Archiepiscopo qui posuit eam super caput Regis sic Coronatus Rex ductus est ad sedem suam Afterward cloathed with the Royal Robe he is led to the Altar and conjured by the Archbishop and forbid in the Name of God not to assume that Honour unless he intended to keep the Oaths and Vows he had before made and he answered By God's help he would faithfully observe all the Premises and then he took the Crown from off the Altar and delivered it to the Archbishop who put it upon the King's Head and the King thus Crowned is led unto His Seat The violation of which Trust cannot but be as well a wound unto their Consciences as bring great Prejudice upon their Persons and Affairs The Common-Law that exacts this doth so far provide for Princes That having their minds free from cares of preserving themselves they may rest assured that no Acts Words or Designs that may bring them into danger can be concealed from the many Hundreds of Men who by the Law are appointed in all parts of the Kingdom watchfully to take care of the King and are so far concerned in His safety that they can hope no longer to enjoy their own Lives and Fortunes in Peace than they can preserve him and the good Order which according to the Laws he is to uphold It is the joynt Interest of King and People that the ancient Rules of doing Justice be held sacred and inviolable and they are equally concerned in causing strict enquiries to be made into all Evidences given against suspected or accused Persons that the Truth may be discovered and such as dare to disturb the Publick Peace by breaking the Laws may be brought to punishment And the whole course of Judicial Proceedings in Criminal Causes shews that the People is therein equally concerned with the King whose name is used This is the ground of that distinction which Sir Ed. Coke makes between the Proceedings in Pleas of the Crown and Actions for wrongs done to the King himself In Pleas of the Crown or other common offences nusances c. Co. 3d. Inst pag. 136. principally concerning others or the Publick there the King by Law must be apprised by Indictment Presentment or other matter of Record but the King may have an Action for such wrong as is done is himself and whereof none other can have an Action but the King without being apprised by Indictment Presentment or other matter of Record
Administration of Justice Belongeth to the Office of a King But the fullest account of it in few words is in Chancellor Fortescue Chap. XIII which Passage is quoted in Calvin's Case Coke VII Rep. Fol 5. Ad Tutelam namque Legis Subditorum ac eorum Corporum bonorum Rex hujusmodi erectus est ad hanc potestatem a populo effluxam ipse habet quo ei non licet potestate alia suo populo Dominari For such a King That is of every Political Kingdom as this is is made and ordained for the Defence or Guardianship of the Law of his Subjects and of their Bodies and Goods whereunto he receiveth power of his People so that he cannot Govern his People by any other power Corollary 1. A Bargain 's a Bargain 2. A Popish Guardian of Protestant Laws is such an Incongruity and he is as Unfit for that Office as Antichrist is to be Christ's Vicar CHAP. II. Of Prerogatives by Divine Right I. GOvernment is not matter of Revelation if it were then those Nations that wanted Scripture must have been without Government whereas Scripture it self says That Government is The Ordinance of Man and of Humane Extraction And King Charles the First says of this Government in particular That it was Moulded by the Wisdom and Experience of the People Answ to XIX Prop. II. All just Governments are highly Beneficial to Mankind and are of God the Author of all Good they are his Ordinances and Institutions Rom. 13.1 2. III. Plowing and Sowing and the whole business of preparing Bread-Corn is absolutely necessary to the subsistence of Mankind This also cometh forth from the Lord of Hosts who is wonderful in Counsel and excellent in Working Isa 28. from 23. to 29th Verse IV. Wisdom saith Counsel is mine and sound Wisdom I am Vnderstanding I have strength By me Kings Reign and Princes decree Justice By me Princes Rule and Nobles even all the Judges of the Earth Prov. 8.14 V. The Prophet speaking of the Plowman saith His God doth instruct him to discretion and doth teach him Isa 28.26 VI. Scripture neither gives nor takes away Mens Civil Rights but leaves them as it found them and as our Saviour said of himself is no Divider of Inheritances VII Civil Authority is a Civil Right VIII The Law of England gives the King his Title to the Crown For where is it said in Scripture That such a Person or Family by Name shall enjoy it And the same Law of England which has made him King has made him King according to the English Laws and not otherwise IX The King of England has no more Right to set up a French Government than the French King has to be King of England which is none at all X. Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars neither makes a Caesar nor tells who Caesar is nor what belongs to him but only requires Men to be just in giving him those supposed Rights which the Laws have determined to be his XI The Scripture supposes Property when it forbids Stealing it supposes Mens Lands to be already Butted and Bounded when it forbids removing the antient Land-marks And as it is impossible for any Man to prove what Estate he has by Scripture or to find a Terrier of his Lands there so it is a vain thing to look for Statutes of Prerogative in Scripture XII If Mishpat Hamelech the manner of the King 1 Sam. 8.11 be a Statute of Prerogative and prove all those particulars to be the Right of the King then Mishpat Haccohanim the Priest's custom of Sacrilegeous Rapine Chap. 2.13 proves that to be the Right of the Priests the same wood being used in both places XIII It is the Resolution of all the Judges of England that even the known and undoubted Prerogatives of the Jewish Kings do not belong to our Kings and that it is an absurd and impudent thing to affirm they do Coke 11. Rep. p. 63. Mich. 5. Jac. Give us a King to Judge us 1 Sam. 8.5 6 20. Note upon Sunday the Tenth of November in this same Term the King upon Complaint made to him by Bancroft Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Prohibitions was informed that when Question was made of what matters the Ecclesiastical Judges have Cognizance either upon the Exposition of the Statutes concerning Tythes or any other Thing Ecclesiastical or upon the Statute 1 Eliz. concerning the High Commission or in any other Case in which there is not express Authority by Law the King himself may decide it in his Royal person and that the Judges are but the Delegates of the King and that the King may take what Causes he shall please to determine from the Determination of the Judges and may determine them himself And the Archbishop said That this was clear in Divinity That such Authority belongs to the King by the Word of God in Scripture To which it was answered by me in the presence and with the clear consent of all the Justices of England and Barons of the Exchequer That the King in his own person cannot adjudge any Case either Criminal as Treason Felony c. but this ought to be determined and adjusted in some Court of Justice according to the Law and Custom of England And always Judgments are given Ideo consideratum est per Curiam so that the Court gives the Judgment And it was greatly marvelled That the Archbishop durst inform the King that such absolute power and authority as is aforesaid belonged to the King by the Word of God CHAP. III. Of OBEDIENCE I. NO Man has any more Civil Authority than what the Law of the Land has vested in him Nor is he one of St. Paul's Higher Powers any farther or to any other purposes than the Law has impowr'd him II. An Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary power is so far from being the Ordinance of God that it is not the Ordinance of Man III. Whoever opposes an Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power does not oppose the Ordinance of God but the Violation of that Ordinance IV. The 13. of the Romans commands Subjection to our Temporal Governours Verse 4. because their Office and Imployment is for the publick welfare For he is the Minister of God to Thee for Good V. The 13. of the Hebrews commands Obedience to spiritual Rulers Verse 17. Because they watch for your Souls VI. But the 13. of the Hebrews did not oblige the Martyrs and Confessors in Queen Mary's Time to obey such blessed Bishops as Bonner and the Beast of Rome who were the perfect Reverse of St. Paul's Spiritual Rulers and whose practice was murthering of Souls and Bodies according to the true Character of Popery which was given it by the Bishops who compiled the Thanksgiving for the Fifth of November but Archbishop Laud was wiser than they and in his time blotted it out The Prayer formerly run thus To that end strengthen the Hands of our Gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the
had received from Christ they were the Judges even of the Scripture it self many years after the Apostles which Books were Canonical and which were not And if they had this power then I desire to know how they came to lose it and by what Authority men separate themselves from that Church The only pretence I ever heard of was because the Church has fail'd in wresting and interpreting the Scripture contrary to the true sence and meaning of it and that they have imposed Articles of Faith upon us which are not to be warranted by God's word I do desire to know who is to be Judge of that whether the whole Church the Succession whereof has continued to this day without interruption or particular men who have raised Schims for their own advantage This is a true Copy of a Paper I found in the late King my Brothers Strong Box written in his own Hand JAMES R. The Second Paper IT is a sad thing to consider what a world of Heresies are crept into this Nation Every man thinks himself as competent a Judge of the Scriptures as the very Apostles themselves and 't is no wonder that it should be so since that part of the Nation which looks most like a Church dares not bring the true Arguments against the other Sects for fear they should be turned against themselves and confuted by their own Arguments The Church of England as 't is call'd would fain have it thought that they are the Judges in matters Spiritual and yet dare not say positively that there is no Appeal from them for either they must say that they are Infallible which they cannot pretend to or confess that what they decide in matters of Conscience is no further to be followed then it agrees with every mans private Judgment If Christ did leave a Church here upon Earth and we were all once of that Church how and by what Authority did we separate from that Church If the power of Interpreting of Scripture be in every mans brain what need have we of a Church or Church-men To what purpose then did our Saviour after he had given his Apostles power to Bind and Loose in Heaven and Earth add to it that he would be with them even to the end of the World These words were not spoken Parabolically or by way of Figure Christ was then ascending into his Glory and left his Power with his Church even to the End of the World We have had these hundred years past the sad effects of denying to the Church that Power in matters Spiritual without an Appeal What Country can subsist in peace or quiet where there is not a Supream Judge from whence there can be no Appeal Can there be any Justice done where the Offenders are their own Judges and equal Interpreters of the Law with those that are appointed to administer Justice This is our Case here in England in matters Spiritual for the Protestants are not of the Church of England as 't is the true Church from whence there can be no Appeal but because the Discipline of that Church is conformable at that present to their fancies which as soon as it shall contradict or vary from they are ready to embrace or joyn with the next Congregation of People whose Discipline and Worship agrees with their Opinion at that time so that according to this Doctrine there is no other Church nor Interpreter of Scripture but that which lies in every mans giddy brain I desire to know therefore of every serious Considerer of these things whether the great work of our Salvation ought to depend upon such a Sandy Foundation as this Did Christ ever say to the Civil Magistrate much less to the People that he would be with them to the end of the World Or did he give them the Power to forgive Sins St. Paul tells the Corinthians Ye are Gods Husbandry ye are Gods Building we are Labourers with God This shews who are the Labourers and who are the Husbandry and Building And in this whole Chapter and in the preceeding one St. Paul takes great pains to set forth that they the Clergy have the Spirit of God without which no man searcheth the deep things of God and he concludeth the Chapter with this Verse For who hath known the mind of the Lord that he may instruct him But we have the mind of Christ Now if we do but consider in humane probability and reason the powers Christ leaves to his Church in the Gospel and St. Paul explains so distinctly afterwards we cannot think that our Saviour said all these things to no purpose And pray consider on the other side that those who resist the truth and will not submit to his Church draw their Arguments from Implications and far fetch'd Interpretations at the same time that they deny plain and positive words which is so great a Disingenuity that 't is not almost to be thought that they can believe themselves Is there any other foundation of the Protestant Church but that if the Civil Magistrate please he may call such of the Clergy as he thinks fit for his turn at that time and turn the Church either to Presbytery Independency or indeed what he pleases This was the way of our pretended Reformation here in England and by the same Rule and Authority it may be altered into as many more Shapes and Forms as there are Fancies in mens Heads This is a true Copy of a Paper written by the late King my Brother in his own Hand which I found in his Closet JAMES R. A LETTER Containing some Remarks on the Two Papers writ by His late Majesty King CHARLES the Second Concerning Religion SIR I Thank you for the two Royal Papers that you have sent me I had heard of them before but now we have them so well attested that there is no hazard of being deceived by a false Copy you expect that in return I should let you know what impression they have made upon me I pay all the reverence that is due to a Crowned Head even in Ashes to which I will never be wanting far less am I capable of suspecting the Royal Attestation that accompanies them of the truth of which I take it for granted no man doubts but I must crave leave to tell you that I am confident the late King only copied them and that they are not of his Composing for as they have nothing of that free Air with which he expressed himself so there is a Contexture in them that does not look like a Prince and the beginning of the first shews it was the effect of a Conversation and was to be communicated to another so that I am apt to think they were Composed by another and were so well relished by the late King that he thought fit to keep them in order to his examining them more particularly and that he was prevailed with to Copy them lest a Paper of that nature might have been made a
and it is in these Words Which all our Subjects are to obey without reserve And this is the carrying Obedience many sizes beyond what the Grand Seignior ever yet claimed For all Princes even the most violent Pretenders to Absolute Power 'till Lewis the Great 's time have thought it enough to oblige their Subjects to submit to their Power and to bear whatsoever they thought good to impose upon them but till the Days of the late Conversions by the Dragoons it was never so much as pretended that Subjects were bound to Obey their Prince without Reserve and to be of his Religion because he would have it so Which was the only Argument that those late Apostles made use of so it is probable this qualification of the Duty of Subjects was put in here to prepare us for a terrible le Roy le veut and in that case we are told here that we must Obey without Reserve and when those Severe Orders come the Privy Council and all such as execute this Proclamation will be bound by this Declaration to shew themselves more forward than any others to obey without Reserve and those poor pretensions of Conscience Religion Honour and Reason will be then reckoned as Reserves upon their Obedience which are all now shut out III. These being the grounds upon which this Proclamation is founded we ought not only to consider what Consequences are now drawn from them but what may be drawn from them at any time hereafter for if they are of force to justify that which is inferred from them it will be full as just to draw from the same premises an Abolition of the Protestant Religion of the Rights of the Subjects not only to Church-Lands but to all Property whatsoever In a word it Asserts a Power to be in the King to command what he will and an Obligation in the Subjects to Obey whatsoever he shall Command IV. There is also mention made in the Preamble of the Christian Love and Charity which his Majesty would have established among Neighbours but another dash of a Pen founded on this Absolute Power may declare us all Hereticks and then in wonderful Charity to us we must be told that we are either to Obey without Reserve or be burnt without Reserve We know the Charity of that Church pretty well It is indeed fervent and burning and if we have forgot what has been done in former Ages France Savoy and Hungary have set before our Eyes very fresh Instances of the Charity of that Religion While those Examples are so green it is a little too imposing on us to talk to us of Christian Love and Charity No doubt His Majesty means sincerely and his Exactness to all his Promises chiefly to those made since he came to the Crown will not suffer us to think an unbecoming Thought of his Royal Intentions but yet after all tho' it seems by this Proclamation that we are bound to Obey without Reserve it is hardship upon hardship to be bound to Believe without Reserve V. There are a sort of People here Tolerated that will be hardly found out and these are the Moderate Presbyterians Now as some say that there are very few of those People in Scotland that deserves this Character so it is hard to tell what it amounts to and the calling any of them Immoderate cuts off all their share in this Grace Moderation is a quality that lyes in the mind and how this will be found out I cannot so readily guess If a Standard had been given of Opinions or Practices then one could have known how this might have been distinguished but as it lies it will not be easy to make the Discrimination and the declaring them all immoderate shuts them out quite VI. Another Foundation laid down for repealing all Laws made against the Papists is That they were Enacted in King James the Sixth's Minority with some harsh expressions that are not to be insisted on since they shew more the heat of the Penner than the Dignity of the Prince in whose name they are given out But all these Laws were ratifyed over and over again by King James when he came to be of full Age and they have received many Confirmations by King Charles the First and King Charles the Second as well as by his present Majesty both when he represented his Brother in the Year 1681 and since he himself came to the Crown so that whatsoever may be said concerning the first Formation of those Laws they have received now for the course of a whole hundred Years that are lapsed since King James was full of Age so many Confirmations that if there is any thing certain in Humane Government we might depend upon them but this new coyned Absolute Power must carry all before it VII It is also well known that the whole Settlement of the Church Lands and Tythes with many other things and more particularly the Establishment of the Protestant Religion was likewise enacted in King James's minority as well as those Penal Laws so that the Reason now made use of to annul the penal Laws will serve full as well for another Act of this Absolute Power that shall abolish all those and if Maximes that unhinge all the Securities of Human Society and all that is sacred in Government ought to be lookt on with the justest and deepest prejudices possible one is tempted to lose the respect that is due to every thing that carries a Royal Stamp upon it when he sees such grounds made use of as must shake all Settlements whatsoever for if a prescription of 120 Years and Confirmations reiterated over and over again these 100 Years past do not purge some Defects in the first Formation of those Laws what can make us secure But this looks so like a fetch of the French Prerogative Law both in their Processes with Relation to the Edict of Nantes and those concerning Dependences at Mets that this seems to be a Copy from that famous Original VIII It were too much ill nature to look into the History of the last Age to examine on what grounds those Characters of Pious and Blessed given to the Memory of Q Mary are built but since K. James's Memory has the Character of Glorious given to it if the Civility of the fair Sex makes one unwilling to look into one yet the other may be a little dwelt on The peculiar Glory that belongs to K. James's Memory is that he was a Prince of great Learning and that he imployed it chiefly in writing for his Religion of the Volume in Folio in which we have his Works two thirds are against the Church of Rome one part of them is a Commentary on the Revelation proving that the Pope is Antichrist another part of them belonged more naturally to his Post Dignity which is the warning that he gave to all the Princes and States of Europe against the Treasonable and Bloody Doctrines of the Papacy The first Act he did
meet for the meaning of this seems plain that His Majesty is resolved that they shall never meet till he receives such Assurances in a new round of Closetting that he shall be put out of doubt concerning it VII I will not enter into the Dispute concerning Liberty of Conscience and the Reasons that may be offered for it to a Session of Parliament for there is scarce any one point that either with relation to Religion or Politicks affords a greater variety of matter for Reflection and I make no doubt to say that there is abundance of Reason to oblige Parliaments to review all the Penal Laws either with relation to Papists or to Dissenters but I will take the boldness to add one thing that the King 's Suspending of Laws strikes at the root of this whole Government and subverts it quite for if there is any thing certain with relation to English Government it is this that the Executive Power of the Law is entirely in the King and the Law to fortifie him in the Management of it has cloathed him with a vast Prerogative and made it unlawful on any pretence whatsoever to resist him whereas on the other hand the Legislative Power is not so entirely in the King but that the Lords and Commons have such a share in it that no Law can either be made repealed or which is all one suspended but by their consent so that the placing this Legislative Power singly in the King is a subversion of this whole Government since the Essence of all Governments consists in the Subjects of the Legislative Authority Acts of Violence or Injustice committed in the Executive part are such things that all Princes being subject to them the peace of mankind were very ill secured if it were not unlawful to resist upon any pretence taken from any ill Administrations in which as the Law may be doubtful so the Facts may be uncertain and at worst the publick Peace must always be more valued than any private Oppressions or Injuries whatsoever But the total Subversion of a Government being so contrary to the Trust that is given to the Prince who ought to execute it will put men upon uneasie and dangerous Inquiries which will turn little to the Advantage of those who are driving matters to such a doubtful and desperate Issue VIII If there is any thing in which the Exercise of the Legislative Power seems indispensable it is in those Oaths of Allegiance and Tests that are thought necessary to Qualifie men either to be admitted to enjoy the protection of the Law or to bear a share in the Government for in these the Security of the Government is chiefly concerned and therefore the total Extinction of these as it is not only a Suspension of of them but a plain repealing of them so it is a Subverting of the whole Foundation of our Government For the Regulation that King and Parliament had set both for the Subjects having the protection of the State by the Oath of Allegiance and for a share in the places of Trust by the Tests is now pluckt up by the roots when it is declared That these shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken or subscribed by any persons whatsoever for it is plain that this is no Suspension of the Law but a formal repeal of it in as plain words as can be conceived IX His Majesty says that the Benefit of the Service of all his Subjects is by the Law of Nature inseparably annexed to and inherent in his Sacred Person It is somewhat strange that when so many Laws that we all know are suspended the Law of Nature which is so hard to be found out should be cited but the Penners of this Declaration had best let that Law lie forgotten among the rest and there is a scurvy Paragraph in it concerning self-Preservation that is capable of very unacceptable Glosses It is hard to tell what Section of the Law of Nature has markt either such a Form of Government or such a Family for it And if his Majesty renounces his Pretensions to our Allegiance as founded on the Laws of England and betakes himself to this Law of Nature he will perhaps find the Counsel was a little too rash but to make the most that can be the Law of Nations or Nature does indeed allow the Governours of all Societies a Power to serve themselves of every Member of it in the cases of Extream Danger but no Law of Nature that has been yet heard of will conclude that if by special Laws a sort of men have been disabled from all Imployments that a Prince who at his Coronation Swore to maintain those Laws may at his pleasure extinguish all these Disabilities X. At the end of the Declaration as in a Poscript His Majesty assures his Subjects that he will maintain them in their Properties as well in Church and Abbey Lands as other Lands but the chief of all their Properties being the share that they have by their Representatives in the Legislative Power this Declaration which breaks thro' that is no great Evidence that the rest will be maintained and to speak plainly when a Coronation Oath is so little remembred other Promises must have a proportioned degree of Credit given to them as for the Abbey Lands the keeping them from the Church is according to the Principles of that Religion Sacriledge and that is a mortal Sin and there can no Absolution be given to any who continue in it and so this Promise being an Obligation to maintain men in a mortal Sin is nul and void of it self Church-Lands are also according to the Doctrine of their Canonists so immediately God's Right that the the Pope himself is the only Administrator and Dispencer but is not the master of them he can indeed make a truck for God or let them so low that God shall be an easie Landlord but he cannot alter God's Property nor translate the Right that is in him to Sacrilegious Laymen and Hereticks XI One of the Effects of this Declaration will be the setting on foot a new run of Addresses over the Nation for there is nothing how impudent and base soever of which the abject flattery of a slavish Spirit is not capable It must be confest to the Reproach of the Age that all those strains of flattery among the Romans that Tacitus sets forth with so much just scorn are modest things compared to what this Nation has produced within these seven Years only if our Flattery has come short of the Refinedness of the Romans it has exceeded theirs as much in its loathed Fulsomeness The late King set out a Declaration in which he gave the most solemn Assurances possible of his adhering to the Church of England and to the Religion established by Law and of his Resolution to have frequent Parliaments upon which the whole Nation fell as it were into Raptures of Joy and Flattery but though he lived four
Laws a Penalty in any one particular Law can have no effect but what is precarious It may have a loud Voice to threaten but it has not an Hand to give a Blow for as long as the Governing Power is in possession of this Prerogative let who will chuse the Meat if they chuse the Cooks it is they that will give the Taste to it So that it is clear that the Rigor of a Penalty will not in all cases fix a Bargain neither is it universally a true Position that the Increase of Punishment for the Breach of a new Law is an Equivalent for the Consent to part with an old one XVIII In most Bargains there is a Reference to the time to come which is therefore to be considered as well as that which cometh within the Compass of the present Valuation Where the Party contracting hath not a full Power to dispose what belongeth on him or them in Reversion who shall succeed after him in his Right he cannot make any part of what is so limited to be the Condition of the Contract Further he cannot enjoyn the Heir or Successor to forbear the Exercise of any Right that is inherent to him as he is a Man neither can he restrain him without his own Consent from doing any Act which in it self is lawful and liable to no Objection For Example a Father cannot stipulate with any other Man that in Consideration of such a thing done or to be done his Son shall never Marry because Marriage is an Institution established by the Laws of God and Man and therefore no Body can be so restrained by any Power from doing such an Act when he thinketh fit being warranted by a Authority that is not to be controuled XIX Now as there are Rights inherent in Mens Persons in their single Capasities there are Rights as much fixed to the Body Politick which is a Creature that never dieth For instance There can be no Government without a Supream Power that Power is not always in the same Hands it is in different Shapes and Dresses but still where ever it is Lodged it must be unlimited It hath ●●●risdiction over every thing else but it cannot have it above it self Supream Power can be no more limited than Infinity can be measured because it cease●h to be the thing it s very being is dissolved when any bounds can be put to it Where this Supreme Power is mixed or divided the shape only differeth the Argument is still the same The present State of Venice cannot restrain those who succeed them in the same power from having an entire and unlimited Sovereignty they may indeed make present Laws which shall retrench their present Power if they are so disposed and those Laws if not repealed by the same Authority that enacted them are to be observed by the succeeding Senate till they think fit to abrogate them and no longer for if the Supreme Power shall still reside in the Senate perhaps composed of other Men or of other minds which will be sufficient the necessary consequence is that one Senate must have as much right to alter such a Law as another could have to make it XX. Suppose the Supreme Power in any State should make a Law to enjoyn all subsequent Law-makers to take an Oath never to alter it it would produce these following Absurdities First All Supreme Power being instituted to promote the safety and benefit and to prevent the prejudice and danger which may fall upon those who live under the protection of it the consequence of such an Oath would be that all Men who are so trusted shall take God to witness that such a Law once made being judged at the time to be advantagious for the publick though afterwards by the vicissitude of times or the variety of accidents or interests it should plainly appear to them to be destructive they will suffer it to have its course and will never repeal it Secondly If there could in any Nation be found a set of Men who having a part in the Supreme Legislative Power should as much as in them lieth betray their Country by such a criminal engagement so directly opposite to the nature of their Power and to the Trust reposed in them If these Men have their power only for life when they are dead such an Oath can operate no farther and though that would be too long a Lease for the Life of such a Monster as an Oath so composed yet it must then certainly give up the Ghost It could Bind none but the first makers of it another generation would never be tied up by it Thirdly In those Countries where the Supreme Assemblies are not constant standing Courts but called together upon occasions and composed of such as the People chuse for that time only with a Trust and Character that remaineth no longer with them than that Assembly is regularly dissolved such an Oath taken by the Members of a Senate Diet or other Assembly so chosen can have very little effect because at the next meeting there may be quite another set of Men who will be under no Obligation of that kind The Eternity intended to that Law by those that made it will be cut off by new Men who shall succeed them in their power if they have a differing Taste or another Interest XXI To put it yet further Suppose a Clause in such a Law that it shall be criminal in the last degree for any Man chosen in a subsequent Assembly to propose the repealing it and since nothing can be Enacted which is not yet first proposed by this means it seemeth as if a Law might be created which should never die But let this be Examined First Such a Clause would be so destructive to the being of such a Constitution as that it would be as reasonable to say that a King had right to give or sell his Kingdom to a Foreign Prince as that any number of Men who are intrusted with the Supreme Power or any part of it should have a right to impose such shackles upon the Liberty of those who are to succeed them in the same Trust The ground of that Trust is that every Man who is chosen into such an Assembly is to do all that in him lieth for the good of those who chose him The English of such a Clause would be that he is not to do his best for those that chose him because though he should be convinc'd that it might be very fatal to continue that Law and therefore very necessary to repeal it yet he must not repeal it because it is made a Crime and attended with a Penalty But secondly to shew the emptiness as well as injustice of such a Clause it is clear that although such an Invasion of Right should be imposed it will never be obeyed There will only be Deformity in the Monster it will neither sting nor bite Such Law-givers would only have the honour of attempting a contradiction
some cases a Promise is in the nature of a Covenant and then between equal parties the breach of it will bear a Suit but where the greatness of the Promiser is very much raised above the Level of equality there is no Forfeiture to be taken It is so far from the party grieved his being able to sue or recover Damages that he will not be allow'd to explain or expostulate and instead of his being relieved against the breach of Promise he will run the hazard of being punished for breach of Good Manners Such a difficulty is putting all or part of the Payment in the Fire where Men must burn their Fingers before they can come at it That cannot properly be called good payment which the party to whom it is due may not receive with ease and safety It was a King's Brother of England who refused to lend the Pope mony for this reason That he would never take the Bond of one upon whom he could not distrain The Argument is still stronger against the validity of a Promise when the Contract is made between a Prince and a Subject The very offering a King's Word in Mortgage is rather a threatning in case of Refusal than an inducing Argument to accept it it is unfair at first and by that giveth greater cause to be cautious especially if a thing of that value and dignity as a King's Word ought to be should be put into the hands of State-brokers to strike up a Bargain with it XXVIII When God Almighty maketh Coveant with Mankind His promise is a sufficient Security notwithstanding his Superiority and his power because first he can neither err nor do injustice It is the only Exception to his Omnipotence that by the Perfection of his being he is incapacitated to do wrong Secondly at the instant of His promise by the extent of his Foresight which cannot fail there is no room left for the possibility of any thing to intervene which might change his mind Lastly he is above the receiving either Benefit or Inconvenience and therefore can have no Interest or Temptation to vary from his Word when once he hath granted it Now though Princes are God's Vicegerents yet their Commission not being soo large as that these Qualifications are devolved to them it is quite another case and since the offering a Security implyeth it to be examined by the party to whom it is proposed it must not be taken ill that Objections are made to it even though the Prince himself should be the immediate Proposer Let a familiar Case be put Suppose a Prince tempted by a Passion to strong for him to resist should descend so as to promise Marriage to one of his Subjects and as Men are naturally in great haste upon such occasions should press to take possession before the necessary Forms could be complyed with would the poor Ladies Scruple be called Criminal for not taking the Security of the Royal Word Or would her Allegiance be tainted by her resisting the sacred Person of her Soveraign because he was impatient of delay Courtesie in this case might perswade her to accept it if she was so disposed but sure the just exercise of Power can never claim it XXIX There is one Case where it is more particularly a Duty to use very great occasion in accepting the security of a Promise and that is when Men are Authorized and trusted by others to act for them This putteth them under much greater restraints than those who are at liberty to treat for themselves It is lawful though it is not prudent for any man make an ill Bargain for himself but it is neither the one nor the other where the party contracting treateth on behalf of another by whom he is intrusted Men who will unwarily accept an ill security if it is for themselves forfeit their own discretion and undergo the Penalty but they are not responsible to any body else They lie under the Mortification and the loss of committing the error by which though they may expose their Judgment to some censure yet their Morality suffers no reproach by it But those who are deputed by others to treat for them upon terms of best advantage though the Considence placed in them should prevent the putting any limits to their power in their Commission yet the Condition implied if not expressed is that the Persons so trusted shall neither make an ill Bargain nor accept a slight Security The Obligation is yet more binding when the Trust is of a Publick Nature The aggravation of disappointing a Body of Men that rely upon them carrieth the Fault as high as it can go and perhaps no Crime of any kind can out do such a deliberate breach of Trust or would more justly make Men forfeit the protection of humane Society XXX I will add one thing more upon this Head which is that it is not always a true Preposition that 't is safe to rely upon a promise if at the time of making it it is the Interest of the Promiser to make it good This though many times it is a good Inducement yet i● hath these Exceptions to it First if the proposer hath at other times gone plainly against his Visible Interest the Argument will turn the other way and his former Mistakes are so many Warnings to others not to come within the danger any more let the Inducements to those Mistakes be never so great and generous that does not alter the Nature they are Mistakes still Interest is an uncertain thing It goeth and cometh and varieth according to times and circumstances as good build upon a Quick-sand as upon a presumption that Interest shall not alter Where are the Men so distinguished from the rest of Mankind that it is impossible for them to mistake their Interest Who are they that have such an Exemption from human frailty as that it can never happen to them not to see their Interest for want of Understanding or not to leap over it by excess of Zeal Above all Princes are most liable to mistake not out of any defect in their Nature which might put them under such an unfortunate distinction quite contrary the blood they derive from great and wise Ancestors does rather distingush them on the better side besides that their great Character and Office of Governing giveth a noble Exercise to their Reason which can very hardly fail to raise and improve it But there is one Circumstance annexed to their Glorious Calling which in this Respect is sufficient to outweigh all those Advantages it is that Mankind divided in most things else agree in this to conspire in their Endeavours to deceive and mislead them which maketh it above the Power of human Understanding to be so exactly guarded as never to admit a Surprize and the highest Applause that could ever yet be given to the greatest Men that ever wore a Crown is that they were no oftner deceived Thus I have ventured to lay down my Thoughts of
the Nature of a Bargain and the due Circumstances belonging to an Equivalent and will now conclude with this short Word Where Distrusting may be the Cause of provoking Anger and Trusting may be the Cause of bringing Ruine the Choice is too easie to need the being explained A LETTER From a Gentleman in the City To his Friend in the Country Containing his Reasons for not Reading the Declaration SIR I Do not wonder at your Concern for finding an Order of Council published in the Gazette for Reading the King's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in all Churches and Chappels in this Kingdom You desire to know my Thoughts about it and I shall freely tell them for this is not a time to be reserved Our Enemies who have given our Gracious King this Counsel against us have taken the most effectual way not only to ruine us but to make us appear the Instruments of our own Ruine that what Course soever we take we shall be undone and one side or other will conclude that we have undone our selves and fall like Fools To lose our Livings and Preferments nay our Liberties and our Lives in a plain and direct Opposition to Popery as suppose for refusing to read Mass in our Churches or to swear to the Trent Creed is an honorable way of falling and has the Divine Comforts of Suffering for Christ and his Religion and I hope there is none of us but can chearfully submit to the Will of God in it But this is not our present Case to read the Declaration is not to read the Mass nor to profess the Romish Faith and therefore some will judge that there is no hurt in Reading it and that to suffer for such a Refusul is not to fall like Confessors but to suffer as Criminals for disobeying the Lawful Commands of our Prince but yet we judge and we have the concurring Opinions of all the Nobility and Gertry with us who have already suffered in this Cause that to take away the Test and Penal Laws at this time is but one step from the introducing of Popery and therefore to read such a Declaration in our Churches though it do not immediately bring Popery in yet it sets open our Church Doors for it and then it will take its own time to enter So that should we comply with this Order all good Protestants would despise and hate us and men we may be easily crushed and shall soon fall with great Dishonour and without any Pity This is the Difficulty of our Case we shall be censured on both sides but with this Difference We shall fall a little sooner by not Reading the Declaration if our Gracious Prince resent this as an Act of an obstinate and peevish or factious Disobedience as our Enemies will be sure to represent it to him We shall as certainly fall and not long after if we do read it and then we shall fall unpitied and despised and it may be with the Curses of the Nation whom we have ruined by our Compliance and this is the way never to rise more And may I suffer all that can be suffered in this World rather than contribute to the sinal Ruine of the best Church in the World Let us then examine this Matter impartially as those who have no mind either to ruine themselves or to ruine the Church I suppose no Minister of the Church of England can give his Consent to the Declaration Let us then consider whether Reading the Declaration in our Churches be not an Interpretative Consent and will not with great Reason be interpreted to be so For First By our Law all Ministerial Officers are accountable for their Actions The Authority of Superiors though of the King himself cannot justifie inferior Officers much less the Ministers of State if they should execute any illegal Commands which shews that our Law does not look upon the Ministers of Church or State to be meer Machines and Tools to be managed wholly by the Will of Superiors without exercising any Act of Judgment or Reason themselves for then inferior Ministers were no more punishable than the Horses are which draw an innocent Man to Tyburn and if inferior Ministers are punishable then our Laws suppose that what we do in obedience to Superiors we make our own Act by doing it and I suppose that signifies our Consent in the Eye of the Law to what we do It is a Maxime in our Law That the King can do no Wrong and therefore if any Wrong be done the Crime and Guilt is the Ministers who does it for the Laws are the King 's publick Will and therefore he is never supposed to command any thing contrary to Law nor is any Minister who does an illegal Action allowed to pretend the King's Command and Authority for it and yet this is the only Reason I know why we must not obey a Prince against the Laws of the Land or the Laws of God because what we do let the Authority be what it will that commands it becomes our own Act and we are responsible for it and then as I observed before it must imply our own Consent Secondly The Ministers of Religion have a greater Tye and Obligation than this because they have the Care and Conduct of Mens Souls and therefore are bound to take Care that what they publish in their Churches be neither contrary to the Laws of the Land nor to the Good of the Church For the Ministers of Religion are not look'd upon as Common Cryers but what they Read they are supposed to recommend too though they do no more than Read it and therefore to read any thing in the Church which I do not consent to and approve nay which I think prejudicial to Religion and the Church of God as well as contrary to the Laws of the Land is to misguide my People and to dissemble with God and Men because it is presum'd that I neither do nor ought to read any thing in the Church which I do not in some degree approve Indeed let Mens private Opinions be what they will in the Nature of the thing he that reads such a Declaration to his People teaches them by it For is not Reading Teaching Suppose then I do not consent to what I read yet I consent to Teach my People what I Read and herein is the Evil of it for it may be it were no Fault to Consent to the Declaration but if I consent to Teach my People what I do not consent to my self I am sure that is a great one And he who can distinguish between consenting to Read the Declaration and consenting to Teach the People by the Declaration when Reading the Declaration is teaching it has a very subtile Distinguishing Conscience Now if consenting to Read the Declaration be a Consent to Teach it my People then the natural Interpretation of Reading the Declaration is That he who Reads it in such a solemn Teaching-manner Approves it If this be not
called The Publick Occurrences which came out to day and cannot but set you right as to his News about the Reading of the Declaration on Sunday He tells you That several Divines of the Church of England in and about this City eminent for their Piety and Moderation did yesterday Read his Majesties late Declaration in their Churches according to the Order in that behalf but some to the great surprize of their Parishoners were pleased to decline it You in the Country are from this Account to believe that it was Read here by the generality of the Clergie and by the eminent Men among them But I can and do assure you that this is one of the most impudent Lyes that ever was Printed For as to this City which hath above a Hundred Parishes in it it was Read only in Four or Five Churches all the rest and best of the Clergy refusing it every where I will spare their Names who read it but should I mention them it would make you who knows this City a little heartily to deride H. C's Account of them And for the Surprize he talks of the contrary of it is so true that in Woodstreet where it was read by one Dr. M. the People generally went out of the Church This I tell you that you may be provided for the future against such an Impudent Lyar who for Bread 〈…〉 and put about the Nation the falfest of things I am Yours AN ANSWER To the City Minister's LETTER from his Country Friend SIR IT is not for me now to acknowledge my private Debt to you for the favour of your Letter since the publick is as much concern'd in it as I and if I may judge of all by the compass of my Neighbourhood and Acquaintance I may assure you they are not insensible of your Obligation though they are ignorant of the Author The Country as far as my Intelligence reaches has followed the Example of the City and refused to read the Declaration of Indulgence according to a certain Order said to be the Kings which we in the Country can scarce believe to be His. For it has neither been signified to the Ordinaries according to the usual manner nor could those that dispersed it give any Account whence it came to them I have heard indeed that an Act of Council concerning it has been published in the Gazette which I never saw and if I had I should scarce have thought Authentick For I always took that Paper as for its Authority to have been all of a piece and that we were no more bound to take notice of any Order published there under any penalty than we are to believe all the News from Poland or Constantinople Nay though this Order had come to us in due form yet had we had great reason to suspect something of surreption and surprize upon his Majesty in this matter and that it could not proceed from his Majesty's free and full consent for we cannot yet forget his repeated professions of kindness to us and of satisfaction in our Principles and Duty and having done nothing since which might forfeit his goed Opinion we are unwilling to believe that it is His Majesties own mind and pleasure to loud us with such an Order as we cannot execute with any congruity safety or good Conscience I. As to his Majesties Declaration We of all his Majesties Subjects are the least concern'd in it and with all duty be it spoken we cannot see that our legal Establishment receives any Addition by this Declaration For there are yet thanks be to God no Penal Laws to which our Congregations are obnoxious and therefore we do not stand in need of any Toleration Yet it is upon us only that the Reading of it is imposed An Act which cannot well be construed otherwise than as a soliciting and tempting our own people to forsake our Communion If this Declaration must needs be read in any Religious Assemblies ' in reason surely it should be in those who wholly owe their substance to it It would better have become the Roman than the Protestan Chappels But in the Koman Church Indulgence hath another signification and belongs to those only that frequent their Churches but not to such as leave them for with them this is the only sin that is not capable of Indulgence But the Priests desire to be excus'd lest while they proclaim Toleration to others they bring an Interdict upon themselves Or why I pray was not Father Pen Ordered to publish it in his Meetings Or the worthy Mr. Lob the reputed Father of this Project why had not he the benefit of his own Invention and a Patent for being the sole Publisher of it within his own Pound Or why was not my Lord Mayor's private and elect Congregation thought worthy of so great a grace Surely it is not to draw upon us the envy of the Distenters that the honour of publishing this Declaration is impos'd upon us alone when it belongs to all other Communions in the Kingdom except our own And it we refuse it I hope it will be imputed to our Modesty for we are not ambitious of being impertinent or busie bodies in other mens matters A certain person much greaten than he deserves but perhaps not so high is said to have used the Words of Rabshaketh upon this occasion That the Church of England Clergy should eat their own Dung Isa 36.12 This sentence might better have become a Messenger of the King of Affyria than a pretended Counsellour of our own Prince though some make a question to which King he belongs But God be thanked we are not yet so straitly besieg'd as to be reduc'd to that extremity and though by the permission of God We should be reduc'd to so miserable a Condition We should I hope by the Grace of God be content to endure that and worse extremities if possible rather than Betray or Surrender the City of God But before that comes it is possible that the Throat that belch'd out this Nasty Insolence may be stopp'd with something which it cannot swallow II. Besides there are some passages in the Declaration which in Conscience we cannot read to our People though it be in the King's Name for among others we are to Read these Words We cannot but heartily wish as will easily be believed that all the People of our Dominions were Members of the Catholick Church Our People know too well the English of this and could not but be strangely surpriz'd to hear us tell them that it would be an acceptable thing to the King that they should leave the Truth and our Communion and turn Papists The Wish of a King when solemnly Declared is no light insignificant thing but has real influence and effect upon the minds of Men. It was but a Wish of Henry the Second that cut off F. Becket then Archbishop of Canterbury Councils and Courts of Justice too often bend to a King's Wishes though against their own
the Face to turn them again upon you after they have made all this Noise for Liberty And the Church of England you may be assured will not any more trouble you but when a Protestand Prince shall come will joyn in the Healing of all our Breaches by removing all things out of the way which have long hindred that blessed Work They cannot meet together in a Body to give you this Assurance how should they without the Kings Authority so to do but every particular Person that I have discoursed withal which are not a few and you your selves would do well to ask them when you meet them profess that they see an absolute Necessity of making an end of these Differences that have almost undone us and will no longer contend to bring all Men to one Vniformity but promote an Vniform Liberty Do not imagine I intend to give meer Words I me●n honestly such a regular Liberty as will be the Beauty and Honour not the Blot and Discredit of our Religion To such a Temper the Archbishop of Canterbury with several other Bishops of his Province and their Clergy have openly declared they are willing to come And the Bishops and Clergy of the Church of England have never been know to act deceitfully Our Religion will not at any time allow them to equivecate nor to give good VVords without a Meaning much less at such a time as this when our Religion is in great danger and we have nothing to trust unto but Gods Protection of sincere Persons Let Integrity and Vprightness preserve us is their constant Prayer They can hope for no Help from Heaven if they should prevaricate with Men. God they know would desert them if they should go about to delude their Brethren And they are not so void of common Sense as to adventure to incur his most high Displeasure when they have nothing to rely upon but his Favour In short Trust to those who own you for their Brethren as you do them for though they have been angry Brethren yet there is hope of Reconciliation between such near Relations But put no Confidence in those who not only utterly disown any such Relation to you but have ever treated you with an implacable Hatred as their most mortal Enemies unto whom it is impossible they should be reconciled Prov. 12.19 20. The Lips of Truth shall be established for ever but a lying tongue is but for a m●ment Lying Lips are an Abomination to the Lord but they that deal truly are his Delight Abby and other Church-Lands not yet assured to such Possessors as are Roman Catholicks Dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion SInce it is universally agreed on that so great a Matter as the total Alienation of all the Abby-Lands c. in England can never be made legal and valid and such as will satisfie the reasonable Doubts and Scruples of a religious and conscientions Person except it be confirm'd by the Supreme Authority in this Church t is evident that the Protestants who assert the Church of England to be Autokephalos and such as allows of no Foreign Jurisdiction or Appeals having had these Lands confirmed to them by the King as Head of the Chuech the Convocation as the Church Representative and by the King and Parliament as the Supreme Legislative Power in this Realm have these Alienations made as valid to them as any Power on Earth can make them but the Members of the Church of Rome who maintain a Foreign and Supreme Jurisdiction either in a General Council or in the Bishop of Rome or both together cannot have these Alienations confirm'd to them without the Consent of one or both of these Superior Jurisdictions If therefore I shall make it appear that these Alienations in England were never confirm'd by either I do not see how any Roman Catholick in England can without Sacriledge retain them and his Religion together As to the first of these since there hath been no Council from the first Alienation of Abby-Lands in England to this Day that pretends to be general but that of Trent we need only look into that for the Satisfaction of such Roman Catholicke as esteem a General Council above the Bishop of Rome And I am sure that that Council is so far from confirming these Abby-Lands to the present Possessors that it expresly denounceth them accursed that detain them Sess 22. Decret de Ref. Cap. 11. Si quem c. If Covetousness the Root of all Evil shall so far possess any Person whatsoever whether of the Clergy or Laity though he be an Emperor or a King as that by Force Fear or Fraud or any Art or Colour whatsoever he presume to convert to his own Use and usurp the Jurisdiction Goods Estates Fruits Profits or Emoluments whatever of any Church or any Benefice Secular or Regular Hospital or Religious House or shall hinder that the Profits of the said Houses be not received by those to whom they do of right belong let him lie under an Anathema till the said Jurisdiction Goods Estates Rents and Prosits which he hath possessed and invaded or which have come to him any manner of way be restored to the Church and after that have Absolution from the Bishop of Rome So great a Terror did this strike into the English Papists that were Possessors of Church-Lands against whom this Anathema seems particularly directed that many of the zealous Papists began to think of Restitution and Sir William Peters notwithstanding his private Bull of Absolution from Pope Ju●●us the Fourth was so much startled at it as that the very next Year he endowed eight new Fellowships in Exeter-Colledge in Oxford Again the same Council Sess 25. Decret de R●f c. 2 ● Cupiens Sancta Synodus c. Decreeth and commandeth that all the Holy Ca 〈◊〉 and General Councils and Apostolick Sanctions in Favour of Ecclesiastical Persons and the Liberties of the Church and against those that violate them be exactly observed by eve●y 〈◊〉 and doth farther admonish the Emperor Kings Princes and all Persons of what Estate soever that they would observe the Rights of the Church as the Commands of God and defend them by their particular Patronage nor suffer them to be invaded by any Lords or G●ntlemen wha●soever but severely punish all those who hinder the Li●●w●●ies Imm●●ities and Jurildictions of the Church and that they would imitate those excellent Princes who by their Authority and Bounty encreased the Revenues of the Church so far were they from suffering them to be invad●● and in this let every one sedulously perform his part c. And now after so full and express Declaration of the Council of Trent I do not ●●e how any of those R●man Catholicks who esteem a general Council to be the Supreme Authority in the Church and receive the Trent Council as such can any way excuse themselves in point of Conscience from these heavy Curses that are there denounc'd against all those
of so great an indiscretion or rather Imposture as to write such a Letter of his own Head The Letter it self Demonstrates that whoever writ it is no Fool and the Circumstances I have marked show that he is no Knave And indeed the Substance of it is not new it only repeats to his Majesty the same Answer which the Prince and Princess had formerly given to his Majesties Envoy there In short you may leave the whole Matter to this plain Issue If this Letter be a false one it will be disowned if a true one it will be owned Their Highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the Light It is evident they did not intend the Matter of it should be a Secret having told it to Monsieur D' Albeville as often as he in his discreet VVay necessitated them to do it But how it came to be printed I cannot inform you justly however you shall have my Conjecture I remember as soon as it was noised about Town that Mr. Stewart had received a Letter of such a Nature from Monsieur Fagle care was taken that the VVriter of the common News Letters which are dispersed over the Kingdom should insert in them that their Highnesses had declared themselves for the Repeal of the Test This Pia Fraus might I suppose give occasion to the printing of the Letter as the VVisdom and Policy of our States-men in putting Mr. Stewart on writting such Letters had procured 〈◊〉 I say Letters for Monsieur Fagel had five or six on that Subject before he answered so unwilling were they in Holland to return an Answer since they could not give one that was pleasing or do any thing that looked like medling The third thing you desired to be satisfied in is Whether the Dissenters may re●y on their Highnesses Word I am as apt to mistrust Princes Promises as you are But shall now give you my Reasons why I think the Dissenters may safely do it And at the same time because of the Affinity of the Matter I will tell you why I think we may all rely on their Highness for our Civil Liberties as well as the Dissenters may do for Liberty of Conscience Much of what I have to say is equally applicable to them both yet because I know you have had an Account of Her Royal Highness better than I can give you I shall for the most part speak only of the Prince My first Reason is the certainest of all Reasons That it will be His Highnesses Interest to settle Matters at Home which only can be done by a Legal Tolleration or Comprehension in Matters of Religion and by restoring the Civil Liberties of the Nation so much invaded of late That this will be his Interest is evident if his Designs lye abroad as it 's certain they do Designs at home and abroad at the same time are so inconsistent that we see his Majesty tho raised above his Fears at home by his late Victory and invited abroad by all that can excite his Appetite for Glory cannot reconcile them The Truth is one that would undertake it is in the same Condition with Officers that beat their Men to make them fight they have Enemies before and behind But you may happily object that Princes do not always follow their true Interests of which it is not difficult in this Age to give several fatal Instances I answer That it is to be presumed that Princes as well as other Men will follow their Interests till the contrary appear and if they be of an Age to have taken their Fold and have till such an Age kept firm to their Interests the Presumption grows strong but if their Inclinations the Maxims of their Families the Impressions of their Education and all their other Circumstances to side with their Interest and lead them the same way it is hardly credible they should ever quit it Now this being the present Case we have all the certainty that can be had in such Matters The Prince of Orange has above these 15 years given so great proof of his Firmness and Resolution as well as of his Capacity and Conduct in opposing the Grand Ravisher I may add the Betrayers too of Liberty and Religion that he is deservedly by all impartial Men owned to be the Head of the Protestant Interest A Headship which no Princes but the Kings of England should have and none but they would be without it Now one may rationally conclude That when the Prince shall joyn to his present Possession of this Headship a more natural Title by being in a greater Capacity to act he will not degrade himself nor lay aside Designs and Interests which ought to be the Glory of England as they are indeed the Glory of his Family acquired and derived to him by the Blood of his Ancestors and carried on and maintained by himself with so much Honour and Reputation I might add here That the Prince is a Man of a sedate even Temper full of Thoughts and Reflections one that precipitates neither in Thinking Speaking nor Acting is cautious in resolving and promising but firm to his Resolutions and exact in observing his Word Inform your self and you 'll find this a part of his Character and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his Inclinations Now as to the Maxims of his Family let us compare them a little where it may be decently done The French King broke his Faith to his Protestant Subjects upon this single Point of Vain glory that he might shew the World he was greater than most of his Predecessors who tho they had the same Inclinations were not potent enough to pursue them effectually as he has done to the everlasting Infamy of his Name and Reign The Maxims of the French Kings have been how to outvie each other in Robbing their Neighbours and Oppressing their Subjects by Perfidiousness and Cruelty But those of the Family of Orange on the contrary have been to Rescue Europe from its Oppressors and maintain the Protestant Interest by Vertue Truth Honour and Resolution knowing that such Methods are as necessary to make Protestant Princes and States flourish as Vice and Oppression are to maintain Popish Government No Popish Prince in Europe can pretend to have kept his Word to his Protestant Subjects as the Princes of Orange have always done to their Popish Subjects at Orange and elsewhere and the Papists have often broke their Word to that Family and have been and are its declared Enemies and tho the Princes two Great Grand-Fathers Admiral Coligny and Prince William were assassinated by the Authority and with the Approbation of that whole Party yet it cannot be made appear that ever the Princes of that Family failed in keeping their Word even to such Enemies or used their own Popish Subjects the worse for it in making distinction between them and their other Subjects or influenced the States to use theirs so I say the States who a low their R.
C. Subjects all the Priviledges of their other Subjects only they are kept by a Test from having any share in the Government which is truly a Kindness done them considering that ill-natured humour of destroying all those that differ from them which is apt to break out when that Religion is in Power Now the 〈◊〉 of England may justly expect all sort of Protection and Countenance from the Succe●●●● 〈…〉 it's their Turn to give it they have a legal Right to it and impartial Dissenters 〈…〉 ●●●ledge that of late they have deserved it But as 〈…〉 Protestant Dissenters I think no honest Man amongst them will apprehend that their 〈…〉 who keep their Word to their Popish Enemies will break it to Protestant Subject● 〈…〉 from the publick Establishment The next thing I am to make good is That his Highnesses Education must have infused such Principles as side with his Interest There must be a fatal Infection in the English Crown if Matters miscarry in his Highnesses Hands his Veins are full of the best Protestant Blood in the VVorld The Reformation in France grew up under the Conduct and Influence of Coligni Prince William founded the Governmtnt of the United Netherlands on the Basis of Property and Liberty of Conscience his Highness was bred and lives in that State which subsists and flourishes by adhering steadily to the Maxims of its Founder He himself both in his publick and private Concerns as well in the Government of his Family and of such Principalities as belong to him as in that of the Army and in the Dispensing of that great Power which the States have given him has as great regard to Justice Vertue and true Religion as may compleat the Character of a Prince qualified to make those he governs happy It does not indeed appear that their Highnesses have any share of that devouring Zeal which hath so long set the VVorld on Fire and tempted thinking Men to have a Notion of Religion it self like that we have of the ancient Paradice as if it had never been more than an interced Blessing but all who have the Honour to know their Highnesses and their Inclinations in Matters of Religion are fully satisfied they have a truly Christian Zeal and as much as is consistent with Knowledge and Charity As to his Highnesses Circumstances they will be such when his Stars make way for him as may convince our Scepticks that certain persons times and things are prepared for one another I know not why we may not hope that as his Predecessors broke the York of the House of Austria from off the Neck of Europe The Honour of breaking that of the House of Bourbon is reserved for him I am confident the Nation will heartily joyn with him in his just Resentments Resentments which they have with so much Impatience long'd to find and have miss●d with the greatest Indignation in the Hearts of their Monarchs His Highness has at present a greater Influence on the Councils of the most part of the Princes of Christendom than possibly any King of England ever had And this acquired 〈…〉 weight of his own personal Merit which will no doubt grow up to a glorious Authority when it is cloathed with Sovereign Power May I here mention to lay the Jealousies of the most unreasonable of your Friends that his Highness will have only a borrowed Title which we may suppose will make him more cautious in having Designs at Home and his wanting Children to our great Misfortune will make him less solicitous to have such Designs But after all it must be acknowledged that in Matters of this Nature the Premises may seem very strong and yet the Conclusion not follow Humane Infirmities are great Temptations to Arbitrariness are strong and often both the Spirit and Flesh weak Such fatal Mistakes have been made of late that the Successors themselves may justly pardon Mens jealousies A VVidow that has had a bad Husband will cry on her VVedding-day though she would be married with all her Heart But I am confident you will grant to me that in the Case of the present Successors the Possibilities are as remote and the Jealousies as ill grounded and that there is as much to ballance them as ever there was to be found in the prospect of any Successors to the Crown of England Now may I add To conclude the Reasons that I have given you why we may depend on their Highnesses that I know considerable Men who after great Enquiry and Observation do hope that their Highnesses being every way so well qualified for such an end are predestinated if I may speak so to make us happy in putting an end to our Differences and in fixing the Prerogative and in recovering the Glory of the Nation which is so much sunk and which now when we were big with Expectations we find sacrificed to unhappy partialities in matters of Religion The last thing you desire to know is What Effect this Letter has had But it is not yet old enough for me to judge of that I can better tell you what Effects it ought to have I find the moderate wise Men of all Perswasions are much pleased with it I know Roman Catholiks that wish to God Matters were setled on the Model given in it they see the great Difficulty of getting the Test Repealed And withal they doubt whether it is their Interest that it should be repealed or not They fear needy violent Men might get into Employments who would put his Majesty on doing things that might ruine them and their posterity They are certainly in the right of it It is good to provide for the worst A Revolution will come with a VVitness and its like it may come before the Prince of Wales be of Age to manage an unruly Spirit that I fear will accompany it Humane Nature can hardly digest what it is already necessitated to swallow such provocations even alters mens Judgments I find that Men who otherways hate severity begin to be of Opinion that Queen Elizabeths Lenity to the R. C's proves now Cruelty to the Protestants The whole Body of Protestants in the Nation was lately afraid of a Popish Successor and when they reflected on Queen Maries Reign thought we had already sufficient Experience of the Spirit of that Religion and took Self preservation to be a good Argument for preventing a second Tryal But now a handful of Roman Catholicks perhaps reflecting on Queen Elizabeths Reign are not it seems afraid of Protestant Successors But if some Protestants at that time from an Aversion to the Remedy hop'd that the Disease was not so dangerous as it proves I am confident at present all Protestants are agreed that henceforward the Nation must be saved not by Faith And therefore I would advise the R. C's to consider that Protestants are still Men that late Experiences at home and the Cruelties of Popish Princes abroad has given us a very terrible Idea of their Religion That
time be safely conducted thither Nor can I avoid pleasing my self with those joyful and hopeful thoughts when I reflect upon the various steps of Divine Providence by which they are brought into that nearness of legally inheriting these Crowns Certainly there is a voice that speaketh loud to this purpose not only in Gods denying a Legitimate Issue to the Late King and in his taking away from time to time all the Lawful Male Off-spring of his present Majesty but in the uniting their Highnesses in Marriage even to the crossing a certain Persons Inclinations whom I forbear to Name as well as to the disgusting of a Neighbouring Monarch and to the defeating the busie endeavours of the Popish Party But I must return to our Author whose Injustice to their Highnesses and his malice against their Honour Interest and Reputation knows neither end nor bounds For upon Monsieur Fagel's having ask'd Who would go about to advise him or any man else to endeavour to perswade their Highnesses whom God has so far honoured as to make them Defenders of his Church to approve and promote things so dangerous and hurtful both to the Reformed Religion and to the publick safety as the Repealing of the Test Laws would be our Author does hereupon with his wonted Friendship Equity and Candor to those Excellent Princes tells us that he hath not met with so bold a Declaration as this of calling them the Protectors of Gods Church and that the ascribing it to them is a detracting from the Honour of Kings and Monarchs who will not Abdicate from themselves to any other so glorious a Title And in pursuance of his rancour towards their Highnesses he runs out in his way of Wit and Learning into a most silly and impertinent Discourse about the Nature of a Church and accuseth the Prince and Princess as if by having this Character conferred upon them they had a design to usurp from his Majesty of Great Brittain the stile of Defenders of the Faith and to challenge to themselves the being the Protectors of the Church of England Surely this Gentleman does by vertue of his Popish Zeal and Irish Understanding believe that no Titles are due to Princes in reference to the Church of God but what are derived from the Papal Chair Whereas I dare say that Monsieur Fagel in bestowing this Title upon Their Highnesses did not dream of the Roman Pontif but had been taught it by God Almighty whom I take to be the Supream and true Fountain of Honour who is pleased to character such Princes as do cherish and favour his Church by the Name of Nursing Fathers and Nursing Mothers which is the term that the Pensionary useth in reference to their Highnesses And as it is their own merit which according to the Tenor of the Divine Creation hath entitled them to this glorious stile so they are neither to be ridicul'd nor hectored out of that duty of countenancing and supporting the Reformed Religion nor to be deterred by bold and empty words from those compassionate generous and Princely Offices to sincere Orthodox Believers by which they have deserved it And while others glory in the enjoyment of the Titles of most Christian and most Catholick Kings which their Vassalage to the See of Rome their contributing to the Exaltation of the Triple Crown and their being the Popes Executioners in the shedding the Blood of Saints hath procured unto them 't is enough for their Highnesses to be by the Suffrage of all true Protestants and that agreeably to the Doctrine and Authority of the Sacred Scriptures had in esteem and reverenced for Nutritii and Protectors of Gods Church Nor do they appropriate this stile to themselves tho' they account it the brightest among all their Titles but they acknowledge it to belong equally to many others and are afflicted at nothing more than that all Potentates may not justly claim a share in it And as the Pensionary's ascribing it unto their Highnesses was out of no design to usurp upon the King of Englands Title of Defender of the Faith nor to affix any Authority unto them over that Church so it will be no presumption to add that all of the Reformed Religion in that Kingdom how much soever differing in little and circumstantial things among themselves are yet so far sensible of the obligations they are under to Their Highnesses and of the benefits they have all the Assurance to expect from them hereafter that without meaning ill either to the King or to any one else they will unanimously join in stiling them Defenders of the Christian Reformed Faith and Protectors of Gods Church professing the Protestant Religion And they will easily know with whom they are to be angry and against whom to direct their Resentments Mijn Heer Fagel had said that if the Dissenters cannot during his Majesties Reign be eased from the Penal Laws unless the Tests be also abrogated that this will be an unhappiness unto them but for which the Roman Catholicks are only to be blamed who chuse rather to be contented that they and their Posterity should remain still obnoxious to the Penal Laws and exposed to the hatred of the whole Nation than be restrained from a capacity of attempting any thing against the peace and security of the Reformed Religion Our Author whose envy and injustice against Their Highnesses is not yet fully spent doth in his imprudent and indiscreet way obtrude from hence upon the World that the Nonconformists as well as the Roman Catholicks may hereby see where their true Interest stands and that they are extreamly obliged to those in whose Name this advice is given for the Consolation afforded them in the condition under which they are stated by Law Which is as much as if he should harangue the Nonconformists into discontentment against the Prince and Princess by assuring them that they are to hope for no relief against the Penal Laws by any favour of theirs Whereas the Dissenters are not only told that their Highnesses are willing to consent but that they do fully approve that they should have an entire Liberty for the full exercise of their Religion without being obnoxious to receive any prejudice trouble or molestation upon that account So that the heat which our Author would enflame the Dissenters unto against their Highnesses ought to turn and spend it self against the Papists who rather than part with the Tests which the Nonconformists are as much concerned to have maintained as they of the National Communion can be are resolved to keep all the Penal Laws in force and to leave the Dissenters under the dread and apprehension of them But this they may be fully perswaded of that if they can escape the edge of them during this Kings Reign they will be in no danger from them in case the Nation come once to be so happy as to see their Highnesses seated on the Throne For as much as they have not only their word which was hitherto
from the publick and established Religion As to the first it is sufficiently known that according to the judgment of the Church of Rome we are Hereticks and that Heresie being Crimen laesae Majestatis Divinae we are therefore the worst of Traitors and liable to the Penalties of the greatest High Treason And thereupon we are not only declared to be infamous and sentenced to be deprived of all Honor and Dignity and to be incapable of all Offices and have our Estates confiscated and seised but we are condemned to be burnt and if that cannot conveniently be effected it is both made lawful and meritorious to extirpate us by War or Massacre as shall be best and most safe for the Church of Rome In order whereunto not only all Laws made for our Security are declared to be null and that no promises made unto us ought to be kept but all Princes that neglect to destory and extirpate us are proclaimed to be deposed And sutable hereunto has their carriage been for many ages to such as differ from them in Articles of Faith and will not joyn in their Superstitions and Idolatries In proof where of I neither need to insist upon the infinite Murders committed by the Inquisition the most Devilish Engine of Cruelty that ever the World was acquainted with nor to reflect so far backward as the Parisian and Irish Massacres or the infinite Slaughters perpetrated heretofore in France Germany and the Low Countreys c. seeing we have such fresh and doleful evidences of the mercy and gentleness of the Papal Church in the ungrateful inhumane perjurious and salvage persecutions executed so lately in France and Piedmont If it be the effect of Royal and Paternal affection in the King of England to his Subjects that all he endeavoureth is to treat them as becomes a common Father without making any distinction between one and another as our Author is pleased to call it in his Testimony concerning him what cruel Parents must many Princes of the Roman Communion be who act with that difference towards their people that while they cherish and embrace some they tear out the Bowels and suck the blood of others And if no Society destitute of such tender and Christian affections can merit the name of a Church we hence learn where to fasten the character of being the Mother of Harlots In that we not only know whose Doctrine it is that whom She cannot convert She ought to destroy but that we have observed her to have been in all Ages drunk with the Blood of Saints All the commendations our Author bestows upon the King of England are not only either so many accusations of His Majesties insincerity in the Papal Faith or infallible indications that both the King pardon the expression and his Minister are Hypocritical Dissemblers but they are stabbing and twinging Satyr's against Mother Church and the Holy Father and against his Brittanick Majesties dear Brother and Ally the French King Nor can we be guilty either of Crime or Indecency in the worst we can say of the Church of Rome and the Most Christian King seeing we have in equivalent Terms a President for it both from so good a Catholick and so wise a Minister of a great Monarch as our honourable Author is And tho I begin to grow weary of conversing with so impertinent a man yet I am bound to wait upon him a little longer and while the Reader can reap no advantage by any thing he says to see whether it be not possible to lay hold of an occasion from his Ignorance and Folly to communicate things that may be more solid and instructive The sixth thing therefore whereof I accused him and for which I promised to call him to an account is his egregious ignorance in relation to Government Laws Customs and matters of Fact Mijn Heer Fagel tells us that the Test Laws being enacted by King and Parliament for the Security of the Reformed Religion and the Roman Catholicks receiving no prejudice by them but being meerly restrained from getting into a condition to subvert it therefore Their Highnesses could not consent to their Repeal And he further adds that there is no Kingdom Common-wealth or any constituted Body and Society in which there are not Laws made for the safety thereof which not only provide against all attempts that may disturb their peace but which prescribe such conditions as they judge necessary for the discerning who are qualified to bear Employments To which he again subjoins that there is a great difference between the conduct of these of the Reformed Religion towards Roman Catholicks which is moderate and only to prevent their getting into a capacity to do hurt and that of those of the Roman Catholick Religion towards the Reformed who not being satisfied to exclude them from places of Trust do both suppress the whole Exercise of their Religion and severely persecute all that profess it And he finally adds that both Reason and the Experience of the present as well as past Ages do shew that it is impossible for Roman Catholicks and those of the Reformed Religion when joyned together in places of Trust and publick Employment to maintain a good Correspondence live in mutual peace and to discharge their Offices quietly and to the publick Good Now from these several passages which carry their own evidence along with them our Author takes occasion both to vent his foolish and ridiculous Politicks and to proclaim his ignorance in History and of the most obvious matters of Fact However we shall have the patience to hearken to what he hath been pleased to say and shall examine it piece by piece as we go along And the first thing he does is to acquaint us with a mighty Mystery of State and which none but so great a Minister could have been able to have revealed namely that tho the King and Parliament upon the first Revolution with respect to Religion and the introducing and setting up the Reformed Religion thought fit to make those Laws which they judged necessary for its preservation yet that it does not follow that his present Majesty and a Parliament would be of the same mind but that they might enact Laws of a differing Nature from the former and re-establish Religion into the same State in which it was before the Reformed Doctrine and Worship was set up We are much obliged to our Author for this discovery though I must add that this it is to trust a Fool with secrets for he will be sure to be blabbing For tho he subjoin that he will not say that matters would be pushed so far yet he hath already told us enough to make us understand both what his own hopes are and what is designed by the Papal party if they could compass a Parliament of a Complexion and Temper to their mind But there are two fatal things which lye in their way One is that neither progressing nor closeting bribing nor threatning can
equally partake in publick Trusts and Employments He must pardon me if I not only say he is mistaken but that it is a down-right Falsehood and that herein he betrays his wonted ignorance or at least gives us a new discovery of the insincerity that is natural to him Nor would he have vented this in so general Terms but that he did foresee if he should have condescended to particulars how easy it would have been for persons of very ordinary acquaintance either with History or the World to have both contradicted and refuted him And if there were some one or other small City where by reason of the Fewness of those of one Religion to exercise the Government and to take care of the Welfare of the Society those of the other Religion are sometimes received into Employments in order to prevent the inconveniencies which the want of a competent number of Magistrates would be attended with and where the Jealousie and Fear of being swallowed up by some envious and potent Neighbour may lay them under a necessity of agreeing better together than otherwise they would or than the principles of some of them incline them unto must we thence conclude that it ought to be so in a great Kingdom where there is so vast a number of Protestants admirably qualified with Wisdom Interest and Estates to discharge all the Offices of the Government and to manage the universal care of the Society without running the hazard of the many mischiefs that would accompany the taking the Papists into partnership with them Nor could Mijn Heer Fagel in representing what is safe or unsafe to so great and noble a Nation take notice of what is practised upon necessity in some mean Town or Corporation supposing that it were there as our Author alledgeth without transgressing against all the Rules both of prudence and decency But as the Pensionary had no where in his Letter affirmed that there were not any States or Cities in which the Protestants and Papists bear Office in Government together but had only said that Reason and Experience do shew us how impossible it will be for them when joyned together in places of Trust and publick Employments to maintain a good Correspondence and to live peaceably with one another so this is found to be so just a truth and so pertinently observed that in all the places where it hath been practised tho not in Germany as our Author ignorantly suggests they have not only lived in continual heats and dissentions but have often come to open Hostility against each other Nor hath it meerly fallen out thus in private and particular States within themselves but the like evils have often followed and ensued where more States have associated into Union for the common preservation of the Generality and where the Government hath been in some in the hands of Protestants and in others executed by Roman Catholicks Of this we have diverse Examples in the Cantons of Switzerland where thro the Magistrates being in some Cantons of the Reformed and in others of the Roman Catholick Religion they have not only been often hindred from joyning and acting vigorously as they ought to have done for the interest of all and the benefit of the common Confederation and Union but they have sometimes come to open ruptures and have been embarqued in War against one another And forasmuch as our Author makes bold to say That there was never any Christian Kingdom where the Religion that the Prince professeth and which had in former ages been Dominant was so far laid aside and banished that his Subjects professing the same with himself were shut out and precluded from Trusts and Employments I will take the freedom to tell him that it is so gross and palpable a Falsehood that none but a person of his ignorance and impudence would have had the face to have asserted it For there are Christian Kingdoms that have done more than this amounts unto and who to prevent the danger of having Papists preferred to Trusts and Employments in case a Prince of their Religion should come to the Throne have been so wise as to declare Roman Catholicks incapable either of obtaining or keeping the Soveraignty And it was in the vertue of such a Law and by reason of the dread of it that Christina Queen of Sweden upon the having taken up a resolution to turn Papist chose to demit her Crown before she declared her self as knowing that immediately after such a Declaration she would have been deposed from the Throne and possibly not have had so liberal an allowance assigned her afterwards as by that conduct she did obtain Nor is it unknown to any except it be to such as our Author is for natural and acquired accomplishments that there were not only Laws in Scotland for precluding a Popish Prince from coming to the Government but that the same thing was imployed in the English Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy as being Oaths of such a frame and nature that it had been most incongruous to impose them upon Subjects to a King of the Roman Catholick Religion And tho these two Nations did not improve the advantage which they had by means of their legal provisions to hinder the present King from inheriting the Crowns of the respective Realms yet those Laws serve to inform us how far some Christian Kingdoms thought it lawful to go and to what heighth to Act not only against Popish Subjects but against Catholick Princes themselves Yea the time was that the very Papists were so far from condemning the having men of their Religion debarred from Trusts and Employments in Protestant Kingdoms under a Popish Prince that they made the Test Laws by which they are shut out from Offices and Declared incapable of them the great Argument against the necessity of having the Bill passed for excluding the Duke of York from the Crown and improved them as the main Engine for allaying the fears of the Nation under the apprehensions they had of his being a Roman Catholick and coming to the Throne But by their different Language now from what it was then all Englishmen understand how far they are to be believed in other cases and whether the many promises which they do make at this time in order to a further design and the putting a new Trick upon the Nation ought to be depended on by them whom they have already deceived And whereas upon Mijn Heer Fagel's having observed that the conduct of Roman Catholicks is much more severe towards Protestants than that of those of the Reformed Religion towards Papists our Author is pleased to reply that in order to judge as we should of that different procedure we are to consider whether it be not less just to banish a Religion that had been so long dominant as the Roman Catholick had been than to withstand the introduction of a new Religion that would depress and supplant the old All I shall say in reference to this is
enacted for our security which to every ones knowledge are so palpably false that we have all the ground that may be both to question and suspect his sincerity and to conclude that his Masters do not purpose to confine themselves within the bounds that he is pleased to chalk out for them and which he undertakes they shall be contented with for their allotment For what can be remoter from Truth than that the Test Laws were designed as a preamble to the Bill of Exclusion as he phrases it Letter first and that they were contrived to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown as he expresseth it p. 15. of his Good Advice c. when it is most certain that as the Test in 73. was made long before there were or could be any thoughts of it and was enacted by a Parliament against whose Loyalty there can be no exception so there was a clause in the last Test Act by which it was provided that he should not be obliged to take it Again what can be more repugnant to experience than that the King onely desires ease for those of his Religion Good Adv. p. 44. and that the Papists desire no more than a Toleration and are willing upon those Terms to make a perpetual peace with the Church of England Good Advice p. 17. For do we not daily see Protestants turned out of all Places of Trust Authority and Command and Papists advanced into all Offices Military and Civil Could the King have been contented with a Non-execution of the Laws against those of his Communion and could they have been satisfied with such an Indulgence and have modestly improved it 'T is not improbable but that such a behaviour would have so far prevailed upon the ingenuity and good nature of the generality of Protestants that without needing to have been importuned they would have repealed all the Penal Laws against Roman Catholicks But the methods which have been pursued by his Majesty and them shews both that they aim at no less than the Domination and that we must be very willing to be deceived if we either credit Mr. Pen or suffer our selves to be influenced by him after his obtruding upon us for truths matters which our very senses inable us to refute It may justly make us question his sincerity and beget a suspition in all thinking people of the sinistrous design these Papers are adapted unto when we find him endeavouring to cajole the Nation to an abrogation of the Laws by which our Religion and Safety are secured by telling us That the King's word is enough for us to rely upon if they were gone Good Advice p. 49. and that he could easily pack a Parliament for Repealing them if he did not seek a more lasting and more agreeable security to his Friends Letter third p. 12. and that if they were abolished 't is below the Glory of our King to use ways so unlike the rest of his open and generous principles as to endeavour to get a Parliament afterwards returned that is not duly chosen Letter second p. 15. and that he is a Prince of that Honour Conscience and generoas nature as not by invading the Rights of the Church of England to become guilty of an injustice and irreligion he hath so often so solemnly and earnestly spoken against Letter second p. 11. He must needs take us to be strangely unacquainted with the whole Tenor of the King's Actings in England as well as in Scotland and Ireland and to be persons of very weak understandings and of an easie belief if he think we are to be imposed upon and decoy'd by such Topicks as these to absolish the Tests or that after what we have seen and felt contradictory to those Panegyricks and inconsistent with those beautiful and lofty Characters fastned upon his Majesty we should believe Mr. Pen to mean nothing but well and honestly towards the Protestant Interest in what he so earnestly solliciteth the Church of England and the Dissenters in the forementioned Papers to concurr and consent unto I do acknowledge that what he hath said about Liberty due to men in matters of meer Religion and by way of rebuke unto and reflection upon the Wisdom and Justice of those that either are or have been for persecution is very strong and convincing but I must withall add that it is all at this time very needless and impertinent For the Church of England is so sensible of the Iniquity as well as folly of that Method that there is no ground to suspect She will ever be guilty of it for the future They whom no Arguments could heretofore convert the Court whose Tools they were in that mischievous and Unchristian work and by whom they were instigated to all the severities which they are now blamed for by objecting it to them as their Reproach and Disgrace and by seeking to improve the resentments of those who had suffered by Penal Laws to become an united party with the Papists for their subversion hath brought them at once to be asham'd of what they did and to Resolutions of promoting all Christian Liberty for the time to come And should there be any peevish and ill-natur'd Ecclesiasticks who upon a turn of Affairs would be ready to reassume their former principles and pursue their wonted course we may be secure against all fear of their being successful in it not only by finding the Majority as well as the more learned both of the dignified and inferior Clergy unchangeably fixed and determined against it but by having the whole Nobility and Gentry and those Noble Princes whose right it will be next to ascend the Throne fully possessed with all the generous and Christian purposes we can desire of making provision for Liberty of Conscience by a Law Nor can I forbear to subjoyn how surprizing it ought to be to all Protestants that while Mr. Pen expresseth so much charity for the Papists he entertaineth so little for the Church of England He would perswade us that if the Penal and Test Laws were abrogated the Papists would be so far afterward from seeking to shake the Constitution of the Church of England or from breaking in upon the Liberty that is now vouchsafed unto Dissenters or from endeavouring to make their Religion National that they would not onely be contented with a bare Toleration but that upon their enjoyment of ease by Law they would turn good Countrymen and come in to the Interest of the Kingdom Letter first Whereas at the same time he would have us believe that all the Protestations of those in the Communion of the Church of England for exercising Moderation in time to come are but the Language of their fear that their promises are not to be trusted Good Advice p. 54. and that the Dissenters deserve to be begged for Fools should they be satisfied with any less assurance than the abolition of the Penal and Test Laws ibid. p. 55. 'T is enough not onely to excite
maintain them For as no Papist is prejudiced by them in his person or property so they are the most innocent and moderate security we can have for the preservation of our selves and of our Religion Nor could any thing justifie the Wisdom of the Nation in being without them so long but that we were not till then suspicious of the Religion of the Regnant Prince nor apprehensive before of the misfortune of having a Popish Successor And whereas Mr. Pen tells us that it were ridiculous to talk of giving liberty of Conscience and at the same time imagine that the Tests ought to be continued Good Adv. p. 59. We may not onely reply that Liberty of Conscience has no Relation to Mens being admitted unto Civil Trusts but that the same is practised in several States and Governments both Popish and Protestant and in Pensilvania it self where I suppose Liberty of Conscience is allowed For as we find freedom vouchsafed to Men in matters of Religion both in Holland and in diverse Protestant States in Germany without their being capable of Claiming a share in the Magistracy so though the Protestant Religion be tolerated in Collen yet it is with a preclusion of all of that Religion from Authority Whatsoever else Mr. Pen says upon this head is so despicably weak that as I neither judge it worthy to be taken notice of nor have Room to do it so I am confident that be his Religion what it will which by reason of his late Papers I have more Reason to suspect than ever he writes as much against his conscience and Judgment as against the Pattern and Example which he hath set us in Pensilvania I confess the Dissenters are under more temptations than other Protestants to wish for and to endeavour the Abrogation of the Penal Laws And as this makes them to be the more particularly applied unto by the Court for the promoting of it so it renders them the more liable to be influenced by Discourses of the nature and complexion that Mr. Pen's are of But I hope they will consider that the preservation of the Protestant Religion to themselves their posterity and the Kingdom is more valuable than a little temporal ease and which they onely hold by the precarious tenure of the King's word Surely they cannot be so infatuated as to think that the Papists love them or that they will trust them any longer than they have occasion to use them I would think that it should both make them blush to find themselves coupled with Roman Catholicks in Courts and Employments while their fellow Protestants are shut out and make them jealous that they are onely made use of for some mischievous and sinistrous end They can never hope to lay such a merit upon the Court as the Church of England hath done and her reward may forewarn them what they are to expect when they have done the job that is allotted for them His Majesties sincerity in giving liberty to Dissenting Protestants may be easily guessed at by his ordering 26 poor Scots Dissenters to be sent to the Barbadoes for slaves and this both since the Emitting of his First Proclamation for a Toleration and without the having any thing objected to them but what concerned their Consciences in matters of Religion The Terms upon which Phanaticks are to enjoy his Majesties favour and how long they are to expect the continuance of that mighty Grace we have declared by himself as they stand recorded in my Lord Melfort's Letter to the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland Namely That he intends to continue their Liberty if he have suitable encouragement and concurrence from them in their Doctrine and Practice and if they concur with him in removing of the Penal Laws This is the Task that they are indulged and preferred for and 't is a wonder that they do not foresee that their destiny will be one and the same in case they have once done it as if they do it not This is the Fountain of all his Majesties friendship to them and the glorious assertion of its having been always his Principle that Conscience ought not to be constrained and that none ought to be persecuted for meer matters of Religion is at last dwindled into this that he will give them Liberty so long as they will concurr and cooperate with him in his introducing of Popery and till they have destroyed the Laws by which our own Religion is fenced about and defended Certainly it is high time to consider what this is which is exacted of them and what hazard they not onely expose the Nation and the Gospel unto but what guilt they derive upon themselves if they undertake and pursue it Nor can they promote the Repealing of the Penal Laws against Papists and the Test Statutes without running themselves under the guilt of Perjury and the making themselves chargeable before God with all the blood that was shed in the War between King Charles I. and the Parliament For as one of the Articles of the Solemn League and Covenant was to endeavour to extirpate Popery so the countenance and incouragement which that Prince gave to Papists was a main ingredient in the State of the Quarrel for which they drew their Swords against him and in the assertion whereof so many thousands lost their lives Can they now be willing to act in direct opposition to that Covenant which rather than renounce and disclaim the obligatory force of many of them have suffered so much or would they have the guilt of all the blood lye upon them which was shed in the former long and fatal War I 'm perswaded that many who are most forward to pursue the Abrogation of the Tests and Penal Laws against Papists never gave themselves leave to think what they are hurried unto Mr. Pen tells them he will beg them for Fools if they do it not Good Advice p. 54. and I dare take upon me to say that they are most Execrable Knaves and Villains if they do it Is it possible they should be so deprived of all understanding as not to perceive themselves meerly trick't upon and made use of for Tools to promote a Design which others have the wisdom and integrity not to be instrumental in when Jeffreys who a while ago said on the Bench Shew me a Fanatick and I will shew you a Knave and that 't was impossible to be a Fanatick and not to be a Rebel should now caress them as his Majesties best and most Loyal Subjects and tell them upon their being advanced to Offices That he is glad to find honest men come to be employed which was the Complement he lately bestowed upon Sir John Shorter 'T is likely they may be told that if they will fall in with the Papists for destroying the Church of England that they shall be secured from the Resentments of the next Heir by having the Monarchy made dissolvable into a Republick upon his Majesties death And this would seem to be
what Mr. Pen intends when he tells us that such a Bargain will be driven with the Kingdom as will make the Church of England think that half a Loaf had been better than no Bread Good Adv. p. 43. and that one year will shew the Trick and mightily deceive her and the opportunity of her being preserved lost and another Bargain driven mightily to her disadvantage Ibid. p. 42. But as it will be impossible for Papists and Dissenters should they conspire together to be able to effect it considering the interest which her integrity in the Protestant Religion and her tenderness for the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdoms have justly acquired unto her so it were both the most foolish as well as criminal thing which any pretending themselves Protestants can be guilty of to be in any measure accessory unto it For as there is nothing in reference to their own Religious Liberties and the Priviledges of the Nation which they may not undoubtedly expect from her Justice as well as from her Mercy and Moderation so there is no means left within our view either to give a lasting Peace and a firm settlement to Three distracted Kingdoms or to bring the Protestant Interest into such a condition as may ballance the Papal grandure in Europe and give check to the rage of Persecution in all places but her happy advancement to the Thrones of Great Brittain and Ireland when it shall please God to remove his Majesty Until which time I hope all who call themselves Protestants will submit to the worst of fate rather than to fall under the Curse of this Age and Ignominy with all that shall come after for becoming an United Party with the Church of Rome in any of her Designs how plausible soever they may appear The Ill Effects of Animosities 'T IS long since the Court of England under the Authority of the late King and his Brother was embark'd in a design of subverting the Protestant Religion and of introducing and establishing Popery For the two Royal Brothers being in the time of their Exile seduced by the Caresses and Importunities of their Mother allured by the Promises and Favours of Popish Princes and being wheedled by the Crafts and Arts of Priests and Jesuites who are cunning to deceive and know how to prevail upon persons that were but weakly established in the Doctrine and wholly strangers to the practice and power of the Religion they were tempted from they not only abjured the Reformed Religion and became reconciled to the Church of Rome but by their Example and the Influence which they had over those that depended upon them both for present Subsistence and future Hopes they drew many that accompanied them in their Banishment to renounce the Doctrine Worship and Communion of the Church of England though in the War between Charles the First and the Parliament they had pretended to fight for them in equal conjunction with the Prerogatives of the Crown So that upon the Restoration in the year 1660 they were not only moulded and prepared themselves for promoting the desires of the Pope and his Emissaries but they were furnished with a stock of Gentlemen out of whom they might have a supply of Instruments both in Parliament and elsewhere to co-operate with and under them in the methods that should be judged most proper and subservient to the Extirpation of Protestancy and the bringing the Nation again into a Servitude to the Triple Crown And besides the Obligations that the Principles of the Religion to which they had revolted laid them under for eradicating the established Doctrine and Worship they had bound themselves unto it by all the Promises and Oaths which persons are capable of having prescribed unto and exacted of them Nor can any now disbelieve his late Majesty's having lived and died a Papist who hath either heard what he both said and did when under the prospect of approaching Death and past hope of acting a part any longer on the present Stage or who have seen and read the two Papers left in his Closet which have been since published to the World and attested for Authentick by the present King And had we been so just to our selves as to have examined the whole course of his Reign both in his Alliances Abroad and his most Important Counsels and Actions at Home or had we hearkened to the Reports of those who knew him at Collen and in Flanders we had been long ago convinced of what Religion he was Nor were his many repeated Protestations of his Zeal for Protestancy but in order to delude the Nation till insensibly as to us and with safety to himself he had overturned the Religion which he pretended to own and had introduced that which he inveighed against And while with the highest asseverations he disclaimed the being what he really was and with most sacred and tremendous Oaths professed the being what he was not his Religion might in the mean time have been traced through all the signal Occurrences of his Government and have been discerned written in Capital Letters through all the material Affairs wherein he was engaged from the Day he ascended the Throne till the Hour he left the World His entring into two Wars against the Dutch without any provocation on their part or ground on his save their being a Protestant State his being not only conscious unto but interposing his Commands as well as Encouragements for the burning of London His concurrence in all the parts of the Popish Plot except that which the Jesuites with a few others were involved in against himself his stifling that Conspiracy and delivering the Roman Catholicks from the Dangers into which it had cast them His being the Author of so many forged Plots which he caused to be charged on Protestants His constant Confederacies with France to the disobliging his people the betraying of Europe the neglect of the reformed in that Kingdom and the encouraging the Design carried on against them for their Extirpation His entailing the Duke of York upon the Nation contrary to the Desires and Endeavours of three several Parliaments and that not out of Love to his person but Affection to Popery which he knew that Gentleman would introduce and establish All these besides many other things which might be named were sufficient Evidences of the late King's Religion and of the Design he was engaged in for the Subversion of Ours So that it would fill a sober person with amazement to think that after all this there should be so many sincere Protestants and true English Men who not only believed the late King to be of the reformed Religion but with an insatiableness thirsted after the Blood of those that durst otherwise represent him And had it not been for his receiving Absolution and Extream Unction from a Popish Priest at his Death and for what he left in writing in the two Papers found in his strong Box he would have still passed for a Prince
who had lived and died a cordial and zealous Protestant and whosoever had muttered any thing to the contrary would have been branded for a Villain and an execrable person But with what a scent and odor must it recommend his Memory to them to consider his having not onely lived and died in the Communion of the Church of Rome in contradiction to all his publick Speeches solemn Declarations and highest Asseverations to his People in Parliament but his participating from time to time of the Sacrament as Administred in the Church of England while in the interim he had Abjured our Religion stood reconciled to the Church of Rome and had obliged himself by most sacred Vows and was endeavouring by all the Frauds and Arts imaginable to subvert the established Doctrin and Worship and set up Heresy and Idolatry in their room And it must needs give them an abhorrent Idea and Character of Popery and a loathsom representation of those trusted with the Conduct and Guidance of the Consciences of Men in the Roman Communion that they should not onely dispense with and indulge such Crimes and Villanies but proclaim them Sanctified and Meritorious from the end which they are calculated for and levelled at And for his dear Brother and renowned Successor who possessed the Throne after him I suppose his most partial Admirers who took him for a Prince not onely merciful in his Temper and imbued with all gracious Inclinations to our Laws and the Rights of the Subject but for one Orthodox in his Religion and who would prove a zealous Defender of the Doctrine Worship and Discipline of the Church established by Law are before this time both undeceived and filled with Resentments for his having abused their Credulity deceived their Expectations and reproached all their Gloryings and Boastings of him For as it would have been the greatest Affront they could have put upon the King to question his being of the Roman Communion or to detract from his Zeal for the introduction of Popery notwithstanding his own antecedent Protestations as well as the many Statutes in force for the preservation of the Reformed Religion so I must take the liberty to tell them that his Apostacy is not of so late Date as the World is made commonly to believe For though it was many Years concealed and the contrary pretended and dissembled yet it is most certain that he Abjured the Protestant Religion soon after the Exilement of the Royal Family and was reconciled to the Romish Church at St. Germains in France Nor were several of the then suffering Bishops and Clergy ignorant of this though they had neither the Integrity nor Courage to give the Nation and Church warning of it And within these five Years there was in the custody of a very worthy and honest Gentleman a Letter written to the late Bishop of D. by a Doctor of Divinity then attending upon the Royal Brothers wherein the Apostacy of the then Duke of York to the See of Rome is particularly related and an Account given how much the Dutchess of Tremoville though without being her self observed had heard the Queen Mother glorying of it bewailed it as a dishonour unto the Royal Family and as that which might prove of pernicious consequence to the Protestant Interest But though the old Queen privately rejoyced and triumphed in it yet she knew too well what disadvantage it might be both to her Son and to the Papal Cause in Great Brittain to have it at that Season communicated and divulged Thereupon it remained a Secret for many Years and by virtue of a Dispensation he sometimes joined in all Ordinances with those of the Protestant Communion But for all the Art Hypocrisy and Sacrilege by which it was endeavoured to be concealed it might have been easily discerned as manifesting it self in the whole Course of his Actions And at last his own Zeal the Importunity of the Priests and the Cunning of the late King prevailing over Reasons of State he withdrew from all Acts of Fellowship with the Church of England But neither that nor his refusing the Test enjoyned by Law for distinguishing Papists from Protestants though thereupon he was forced both to resign his Office of Lord High Admiral c. nor his declining the Oath which the Laws of Scotland for the securing a Protestant Governour enjoyn to be taken by the High Commissioner nor yet so many Parliaments having endeavoured to get him Excluded from Succession to the Crown upon the account of having revolted to the See of Rome and thereby become dangerous to the Established Religion could make impression upon a wilfully deluded and obstinate sort of Protestants but in defiance of all means of Conviction they would perswade themselves that he was still a Zealot for our Religion and a grand Patriot of the Church of England Nor could any thing undeceive them till upon his Brother's Death he had openly declared himself a Roman Catholick and afterwards in the fumes and raptures of his Victory over the late Duke of Monmouth had discovered and proclaimed his Intentions of overthrowing both our Religion and Laws Yea so closely had some sealed up their Eyes against all beams of Light and hardned themselves against all Evidences from Reason and Fact that had it pleased the Almighty God to have prospered the Duke of Monmouth's Arms in the Summer 85. the present King would have gone off the Stage with the Reputation among them of a Prince tender of the Laws of the Kingdom and who notwithstanding his own being a Papist would have preserved the Reformed Religion and have maintained the Church of England in all her Grandure and Rights And though his whole Life had been but one continued Conspiracy against our Civil Liberties and Priviledges he had left the Throne with the Character and under the Esteem of a Gentleman that in the whole course of his Government would have regulated himself by the Rules of the Constitution and the Statutes of the Realm Now among all the Methods fallen upon by the Royal Brothers for the undermining and subverting our Religion and Laws there is none that they have pursued with more Ardor and wherein they have been more successful to the compassing of their Designs than in their dividing Protestants and alienating their Affections and embittering their Minds from and against one another And had not this lain under their prospect and the means of effecting it appeared easie they might have been Papists themselves while in the mean time they had been dispensed with to protest and swear their being of the Reformed Religion and they might have envied our Liberties and bewailed their Restriction from Arbitrary and Despotical Power but they never durst have entertained a Thought of subverting the Established Religion or of altering the Civil Government nor would they ever have had the boldness to have attempted the introducing and erecting Popery and Tyranny in their room And whosoever should have put them upon reducing the Nation
to the Church of Rome or upon rendring the Monarchy unlimited and independent on the Law would have been thought to have laid a Snare for exposing the Papists to greater Severities than they were obnoxious unto before and to have projected the robbing the Crown of the Prerogatives which belong unto it by the Rules of the Constitution and to which it was so lately restored And the despair of succeeding would have rendred the Royal Brothers deaf to all Importunities from Romish Emissaries and Court Minions Neither the Promises and Oaths which they had made and taken beyond Sea to introduce Popery nor their Ambition to advance themselves beyond the restraint of Laws and the Controul of Parliaments would have prevailed upon them to have encountred the Hazards and Difficulties which in case of the Union of English Protestants must have attended and ensued upon Attempts and Endeavours of the one kind and of the other Or should their beloved Popery and their own Bigottedness in the Romish Superstition have so far transported them beyond the bounds of Wisdom and Discretion as to have appeared possessed with an Intention of subverting the Protestant Religion and of enslaving the Nation to the Superstition and Idolatry of Rome they would have been made soon to understand That the Laws which make it Treason to own the Jurisdiction of the Pope or to seduce the meanest Subject to the Church of Rome were not enacted in vain and that those as well as many more made for the Security of the Protestant Religion and to prevent the growth and introduction of Popery were not to be dallied and plaid withal Or should they have been so far infatuated and abandoned of all Understanding as out of a foolish and haughty Affectation of being Absolute to have attempted the Alteration of the Civil Government they would have been immediately and unanimously told That the People have the same Right to their Liberties that the King hath to the Prerogatives of the Crown And if they would not have been contented with what belongs unto the Prince by the Common and Statute-Laws of the Realm but had invaded the Priviledges reserved unto the Subject they would have been made to know that they might not onely be withstood in what they strove to Usurp contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right and other Laws of the Kingdom but that thereby they forfeited and might be disseized of what either appertained unto the Crown by fundamental Agreements or hath been since settled upon the Monarch by Statute-Laws Nor could any thing have emboldened his late Majesty and the present King to Enterprizes of the one kind or the other but the prospect of begetting a Misunderstanding Jealousie and Rancor among Protestants and thereby both of making them instrumental to the ruin of one another and contributary to the loss of English Liberty and the Reformed Religion which they equally value and esteem and to the setting up Popery and Tyranny which the one detesteth and abhorreth no less than the other Though all English Protestants have ever been at an Accord in all the Essentials and Vitals of Religion yet from the very beginning of the Reformation there have been Differences among them concerning Ecclesiastical Government and Discipline and about Forms Rites and Ceremonies of Worship And had they consulted either their Duty to God or the common Interest of Religion they might have found ways either for removing the occasions of them or they ought to have lived together as Brethren notwithstanding the differences which were among them in those things But how much wiser are the Children of this World than those of the Kingdom of God and of Jesus Christ For though the differences among the Papists do far exceed ours both in their number and in the Importance of those things wherein they disagree yet they do mutually tolerate and bear with one another The matters wherein they differ are neither made the Terms of their Church-Communion nor the Grounds of mutual Excommunications and Persecutions But alas one Party among us hath been always endeavouring to cut or stretch others to their own Size and have made those things which themselves stile Indifferent both the Qualifications for admission to the Pastoral Office and the Conditions of Fellowship in the Ordinances of the Gospel Nor is it to be expressed what Advantages were hereby administred all along to the Common Enemy and what Sufferings peaceable and orthodox Christians were exposed unto from their peevish and angry Brethren And though these Things with the Heats begotten among all and the Calamities undergone by one side were not the cause of that funestous War betwixt Charles the First and the Parliament yet they were an occasion of diverting Thousands from the side which the Persecuting Church-men espoused and engaging them in the behalf of the two Houses in the Quarrel which they begun and carried on against that Prince for defence of the Civil Liberties Priviledges and Rights of the People but some of the Mitred Clergy were so far from being made wise by their own and the Nations Sufferings as upon their Restoration to hearken to moderate Counsels and to decline their former Rigours and Severities that they became the Tools and Instruments of the Court not onely for reviving but for heightning and enflaming all the Differences which had formerly been among English Protestants For the Royal Brothers finding nothing more adapted and subservient than this to their Design of altering the Government and subverting Religion they animated those waspish and impolitick Ecclesiasticks not onely to pursue the Restoration of all those things which had given rise and occasion to former Dissentions and Persecutions but to lay new Snares for alienating many persons of unspotted lives and tender Consciences from the Church and of rendring them obnoxious to suffer in their Names Persons and Estates And what a satisfaction was it to the late King and his Brother to find the old Episcopal Clergy prepared through Principles of revenge as well as from Love of Domination Ambition and Covetousness to fall in with the Design not onely of Increasing Divisions among Protestants both by making the Conditions of entring upon the Pastoral Function narrower and for screwing Conformity with the Church in her Forms and Ceremonies of Worship into Tests for admission to Magistracy and Civil Trusts but of obtaining several Laws against Dissenters whereby the Penalties to which they foresaw that People would become liable were rendred greater than they had been before and their Sufferings made more merciless inhumane and intolerable For though his late Majesty had by a Declaration dated at Breda promised Indulgence to all Protestants that would live peaceably under the Civil Government yet it was never in his Thoughts to perform it and the previous Obligations which he was under to the Church of Rome had a virtue to supersede and cancel his Engagements to English Hereticks And all he intended by that Declaration was onely to wheedle
impoverished and ruined by him at his pleasure especially when those whom they give up to be thus treated and entertained are at agreement with them in all the Essentials of Religion equally zealous as themselves for the Liberties of their Country and who for Sobriety in their Lives Industry in their Callings and Usefulness in the Common-Wealth are inferior to none of their Fellow-Subjects So it is obvious to any who give themselves leave to think that the King would long ere this have been stated in the Absoluteness that is aspired after and both Church and State reduced to lie at the discretion of the Monarch provided the Nonconformists for procuring his Favour in non-execution of the Laws had suffered themselves to be prevailed upon and drawn over to stand by and assist him in his Popish and Despotical Designs But that honest people though hated and maligned by their Brethren rather than be found aiding the King in his Usurpations over the Kingdom have chosen to undergoe the utmost Calamities they could be made subject unto either through the Execution of those Laws which had been made against them or through our Princes and their Ministers wrecking their Malice upon them in Arbitrary and Illegal Methods But what the Royal Brothers could not work the afflicted and persecuted Side unto they found the Art to engage the other Side in though not onely excepted from all Obnoxiousness to those Laws but strengthened and supported by them For as soon as the Court begun to despair of prevailing upon Dissenters to become their Tools and Instruments of enslaving the Nation and of exalting the Monarchy to a Despotical Absoluteness they applied to the Bigots of the Church of England whom by gratifying with a vigorous Execution of the Laws upon Dissenters they brought to abett applaud and justifie them in all those Counsels and Ways which have reduced us into that miserable condition wherein we not long since were The Clergy being advanced to Grandure and Opulency things which many of them are fonder of and lother to foregoe than Religion and the Rights of the Nation the Court made it their business to possess them with a Belief that unless the Fanaticks were suppressed and ruined they could not enjoy with Security their Dignities and Wealth Whereupon not onely the lesser Levites but the Superior Clergy having their Lesson and Cue given them from White-hall and St. James's fell upon pursuing the Nonconformists with Ecclesiastical Punishments and upon exciting and animating the Civil Officers against them And under pretence of preserving and defending the Church they gave themselves over to an implicit serving of the Court and became not onely Advocates but Instruments for the robbing of Corporations of their Charters for imposing Sheriffs upon the City of London who had not been legally elected and of fining and punishing Men arbitrarily for no Crime save the having asserted their own and the Nations Rights in modest and lawful ways Posterity will hardly believe that so many of the Prelatical Clergy and so great a number of Members of the Church of England should from an Enmity unto and pretended Jealousie of the Dissenters have become Tools under the late King for justifying the Dissolution of so many Parliaments the Invasion made upon their Priviledges the ridiculing and stifling of the Popish Plot the shamming of forged Conspiracies upon Protestants the condemning several to Death for High-Treason who could be rendred guilty by the Transgression of no known Law and finally for advancing a Gentleman to the Throne who had been engaged in a Conjuration against Religion and the Legal Government and whom three several Parliaments would have therefore Excluded from the Right of Succession And being seduced into an espousal of the Interests of the Court against Religion Parliaments and the Nation it is doleful to consider what Doctrines both from Pulpit and Press were thereupon brought forth and divulged Such as Monarchy's being a Government by Divine Right That it is in the Prince's Power to Rule as he pleaseth That it is a Grace and Condescention in the King to give an Account of what he does That for Parliaments to direct or regulate the Succession borders upon Treason and is an Offence against the Law of Nature And that the onely thing left to Subjects in case the King will Tyrannize over their Consciences Persons and Estates is tamely to suffer and as some of them did absurdly express it to exercise Passive Obedience So that by corrupting the Minds and Consciences of men with those pestilent and slavish Notions they betrayed the Nation both to the Mischiefs which have alrerdy overtaken us and to what further we were threatned with Nor did these Doctrines tend meerly to the fettering and enfeebling the Spirits of Men but they were a Temptation to the Royal Brothers to put in Execution what they had been so long contriving and travelling with and were a kind of reprimanding them for being ignorant of their own Right and Power and for not exerting it with that Vigour and Expedition which they might I do acknowledge that there were many both of the Sacred Order and of the Laick Communion of the Church of England who were far from being infected with those brutish Sentiments and Opinions and who were as zealous as any for having the Monarchy kept within its ancient limits Parliaments maintained in their wonted Reverence and Authority the Subjects preserved in the enjoyment of their immemorial Priviledges and who were far from sacrificing our Religion and Laws to Popery and Arbitrariness and from lulling us into a Tameness and Lethargy in case the Court should attempt the abolishing the established Doctrine and Worship and the subverting and changing the Civil Government But alass besides their being immediately branded with the Name of Trimmer and conformable Fanaticks and registred in the Kalender with those that stood precluded the King's Favour and merited his Animadversion their Modesty was soon drowned and silenced in the loud Noise of their clamorous Brethren and their retiredness from Conversation while the others frequented all places of Society and publick Concourse deprived the Nation of the benefit of their Example and the happiness of their Instructions Nor have I mentioned the Extravagancies of any of the Ecclesiasticks and Members of the Church of England with a design either of reproaching and upbraiding them or of provoking and exasperating the Dissenters to Resentments but onely to shew how fatal our Divisions have been unto us what excesses they have occasioned our being hurried and transported into and what mischievous Improvement our Enemies have made of them to the supplanting and almost subverting of all that is valuable unto us as we are English-men Christians and Protestants And as our Animosities through our Divisions gave the Courrt an advantage of suborning that Party which they pretended to befriend and uphold into a Ministration to all their Counsels and Projections against our Religion and Laws so by reason of the
there being sincere Christians and true Englishmen among those of all Judgments and Societies of Protestants and among none more than those of the Communion of the Church of England It were the height of Wickedness as well as the most prodigious Folly to imagine that the Conformists have abandoned all Fidelity to God and cast off all care of themselves and their Country upon a mistaken Judgment of being Loyal and Obedient to the King The contrary is plain enough they knew as well as any that the giving to Caesar the Things that are Caesar's lay them under no Obligation of surrendring unto him the Things that are God's nor of sacrificing unto the Will of the Sovereign the Priviledges reserved unto the People by the Fundamental Rules of the Constitution and by the Statutes of the Realm And they understand as well as others that the Laws of the Land are the only measures of the Prince's Authority and of the Subjects Fealty and where they give him no Right to Command they lay them under no tye to Obey And though here and there a Dissenter has written against Popery with good Success yet they have been mostly Conformable Divines who have triumphed over it in elaborate Discourses and who have beaten the Romish Scriblers off the Stage Nor can it be thought that they who have so accurately related and vindicated the History and asserted and defended the Doctrine of the Reformation should either tamely relinquish or be wanting in all due and legal Ways to uphold and maintain it And though some few of the Nonconformists have with sufficient strength and applause used their Pens against Arbitrariness in detecting the Designs of the Royal Brothers yet they who have generally and with greatest Honour appeared for our Laws and Legal Government against the Invasions and Usurpations of the Court have been Theologues and Gentlemen of the Church of England Nor in case of further Attempts for altering the Constitution and enslaving the Nation will they shew themselves unworthy the having descended from Ancestors whose Motto in the high Places of the Field was nolumus Leges Angliae mutari They who have so often justified the Arms of the Vnited Netherlands against their Rightful Princes the Kings of Spain and so unanswerably vindicated their casting off Obedience to those Monarchs when they had invaded their Priviledges and attempted to establish the Inquisition over them cannot be ignorant what their own Right and Duty is in behalf of the Protestant Religion and English Liberties for the Security whereof we have not only so many Laws but the Coronation Oaths and Stipulations of our Kings And those Gentlemen of the Church of England who appeared so vigorously in three Parliaments for excluding the Duke of York from the Succession to the Crown by reason of a Jealousy of what through being a Papist he would attempt against our Religion and Priviledges in case he were suffered to ascend the Throne cannot be now to seek what becomes them towards him having seen and felt what before they only apprehended and feared For if the Law that entaileth the Succession upon the next of Kin and obligeth the Subjects to admit and receive him not only may but ought to be dispensed with in case the Heir thro' having imbib'd Principles which threaten the Safety and are inconsistent with the Happiness of the People hath made himself incapable to inherit we know by a short Ratiocination how far we stand bound to a Prince on the Throne who by Transgressing against the Laws of the Constitution hath abdicated himself from the Government and stands virtually Deposed For whosoever shall offer to Rule Arbitrarily does immediately cease to be King de jure seeing by the Fundamental Common and Statute Laws of the Realm we know none for Supream Magistrate and Governor but a limited Prince and one who stands circumscribed and bounded in his Power and Prerogative And should the Dissenters entertain a belief that the Conformists are less concerned and zealous than themselves for the Protestant Religion and Laws of the Kingdom they would not only Sin and offend against the Rules of Charity but against the Measures of Justice and daily Evidences from Matters of Fact For neither they nor we owe our Conversion to God and our practical Holiness to the Opinions about Discipline Forms of Worship and Ceremonies wherein we differ but the Doctrines of Faith and Christian Obedience wherein we agree 'T is not their being for a Liturgy a Surpliss or a Bishop that hath heretofore influenced them to subserve the Court in Designs tending to Absoluteness but they were seduced unto it upon Motives whereof they are now ashamed and the ridiculousness and folly of which they have at last discever'd Nor is the multitude of profligate and scandalous persons with which the Church of England is crowded any just impeachment of the Purity of her Doctrine in the Vitals and Essentials of Religion or of the Vertue and Piety of many of her Members For as it is her being the only Society established by Law that attracts those Vermin to her Bosom so it is her being restrained by Law from debarring them that keeps them there to her reproach and to the grief of many of her Ecclesiasticks Neither is it the fault of the Church of England that the Agents and Factors for Popery and Arbitrary Power have chosen to pass under the name of her Sons but it proceeds partly from their Malice as hoping by that means to disgrace her with all true English-men as well as with Dissenters and partly from their Craft in order thereby the better to conceal their Design and to shrowd themselves from the Censure and Punishment which had it not been for that Mask they would have been exposed unto and have undergone And I dare affirm that besides the Obligations from Religion which the Conformists are equally under with Dissenters for hindring the introduction of Popery there are several Inducements from interest which sway them to prevent its establishment wherein the Dissenters are but little concerned For though Popery would be alike afflictive to the Consciences of Protestants of all Persuasions yet they are Gentlemen and Ministers of the Church of England whole Livings Revenues and Estates have been threatned in case it had come to be established Nor would the most Loyal and obsequious Levites provided they resolve to continue Protestants be willing that their Personages and Incumbencies to which they have have no less Right by Law than the King hath to the Excise and Customs should be taken from them and bestowed upon Romish Priests by an Act of Despotical Power and of unlimited Prerogative And for the Gentlemen as I think few of them would hold themselves obliged to part with their purses to High-way-Padders though such should have a pattent from the King to rob whomsoever they met upon the Road so there will not be many inclined to suffer their Mannours and Abbey-Lands to which they have so
which they cannot help but bear his Misfortune and Lot with Patience in himself and with Compassion and Charity towards them and have his Indignation raised only against that Court which forced them to be instrumental in their Oppression and Trouble The Protestant Dissenters could not be so far void of sense as to think that the Person lately in the Throne bore them any good-Will but his drift was to screw himself into a Supremacy and Absoluteness over the Law and to get such an Authority confessed to be vested in him as when he pleased he might subvert the Established Religion and set up Popery Forby the same Power that he can dispense with the Penal Statutes against the Nonconformists he may also dispense with those against the Roman Catholicks And whosoever owneth that he hath a Right to do the first doth in effect own that he hath a Right to do the last For if he be allowed a Power for the superseding some Laws made in reference to Matters of Religion he may challenge the like Power for the superseding others of the same kind And then by the same Authority that he can suspend the Laws against Popery he may also suspend those for Protestancy And by the same Power that he can in defiance of Law indulge the Papists the Exercise of their Religion in Houses he may establish them in the publick Celebration of their Idolatry in Churches and Cathedrals yea whereas the Laws that relate to Religion are enacted by no less Authority than those that are made for the Preservation of our Civil Rights should the K. be admitted to have an Arbitrary Power over the one it is very like that by the Logick of Whitehall he might have challeng'd the same Absoluteness over the other Nor do I doubt but that the eleven Judges who gratified him with a Despoticalness over the former would when required grant him the same over the latter I know the Dissenters have been under no small Temptations both by reason of being hindred from enjoying the Ordinances of the Gospel and because of many grievous Calamities which they suffer for their Nonconformity of making Applications to the K. for some Relief by his suspending the Execution of the Laws but they must give me leave to add that they ought not for the obtaining of a little Ease to have betrayed the Kingdom and Sacrifice the Legal Constitution of the Government to the Lust and Pleasure of a Popish Prince whom nothing less would serve than being Absolute and Despotical And had he once been in the quiet Possession of an Authority to dispense with the Penal Laws the Dissenters would not long have enjoyed the Benefit of it Nor could they have denied him a Power of reviving the Execution of the Law which is part of the Trust deposited with him as Supreme Magistrate who have granted him a Power of Suspending the Laws which the Rules of the Government precluded him from And as he might whensoever he pleased cause the Laws to which they were Obnoxious to be executed upon them so by virtue of having an Authority acknowledged in him of superceding the Laws he might deprive them of the Liberty of meeting together to the number of Five a Grace which the Parliament thought fit to allow them under all the other Severities to which they were subjected Nor needs there any further Evidence that the Prince's challenging such a Power was an Usurpation and that the Subjects making any Application by which it seem'd allowed to him was a betraying of the Ancient Legal Government of the Kingdom whereas the most Obsequious and Servile Parliament to the Court that ever England knew not only denied this Prerogative to the late King Charles but made him renounce it by revoking his Declaration of Indulgence which he had emitted Anno 1672. And as it will be to the perpetual Honour of some of the Dissenters to have chosen rather to suffer the Severities which the Laws make them liable unto than by any Act and Transaction of theirs to undermine and weaken either the Church or the State so it will be a means both of endearing them we hope not only to the Prince of Orange now by a miraculous Providence brought in amongst us but to future Parliaments and of bringing them and the Conformists into an Union of Counsels and Endeavours against Popery and Tyranny for ever which is at this season a thing so indispensibly necessary for their common Preservation Especially when through a new and more threatning Alliance and Confederacy with France than that in 72 the King had not only engaged to act by and observe the same Measures towards Protestants in England which that Monarch hath vouchsafed the World a Pattern and Copy of in his carriage towards those of the Reformed Religion in France but had promised to disturb the Peace and Repose of his Neighbours and to commence a War in conjunction with that Prince against Foreign Protestants For as the King 's giving Liberty and Protection to the Algerines to frequent his Havens and sell the Prizes which they take from the Dutch is both a most infamous Action for a Prince pretending to be a Christian and a direct Violation of his Alliance with the States General so nothing can be more evident than that he thereby sought to render them the weaker for him to assault and that he was resolved if some unforeseen and extraordinary Providence had not interposed and prevented to declare War against them the next Summer in order whereunto great Remises of Money were already ordered him from the French Court So that the Indulgence which he pretends to be inclinable to afford the Dissenters was not an effect of Kindness and Good-will but an Artifice whereby to oblige their Assistance in destroying those Abroad of the same Religion with themselves Which if he could once compass it were easie to foresee what Fate both the Dissenters and they of the Communion of the Church of England were to expect Who as they would not then have known whither to retreat for shelter so they would have been destitute of Comfort in themselves and deprived of Pity from others not only for having through their Divisions made themselves a Prey to the Papists at Home but for having been accessary to the Ruin of the Reformed State Abroad and which was the Asilum and Sanctuary of all those that were elsewhere oppressed and persecuted for Religion Gloria Deo Optimo Maximo Honos Principi nostri celcissimo pientissimo A Representation of the Threatning Dangers Impending over Protestants in Great Britain With an Account of the Arbitrary and Popish Ends unto which the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland are designed THey are great Strangers to the Transactions of the World who know not how many and various the Attempts of the Papists have been both to hinder all Endeavours towards a Reformation and to overthrow and subvert it
is in other Princes of the same Communion or that they are more regardless of Fame and less concerned how future Generations will brand their Memories than other Papal Monarchs seem to be that they have suffered themselves to be prevailed upon to violate the Promises and Oaths they were bound by to their Protestant Subjects seeing the Emperor is character'd for a Person of a meek and gentle Temper and of the goodness of whose Nature there remain some shadows interwoven with the bloody streaks of the Hungarian Persecution And the French King though he stand not much commended for Sweetness and Benignity of Disposition is known to be unmeasurably Ambitious of having his name transmitted to Posterity in Letters of Greatness and Honor which his behaviour towards his Subjects of the Reformed Religion is no ways adapted unto but calculated to make him hereafter listed with Nero and Julian As to the Duke of Savoy there seems by the whole course of his other Actions to be a certain Greatness of Mind in him not easily consisting with that savage and brutal Temper which the Cruelties he hath exercised upon the Protestants in Piedmont would intimate and denote But it ariseth from the Mischievousness and Pestilency of their Religion their Bigottry in it and their having put themselves so entirely under the conduct of the Clergy particularly of the Jesuits who are for the most part a Sett of Men especially the latter that through acting in the Prospect of no other Ends but the Grandeur Wealth and Domination of the Church of Rome do with an unlimited Rage and a peculiar kind of Malice persecute all that have renounced Fellowship with it and care not if they Sacrifice the Honor Glory and Safety of Monarchs and bring their Kingdoms into Contempt and Desolation by rending them weak poor and dispeopled provided they may wreek their Spleen and Revenge upon those whose Religion is not only dissonant from theirs but should it prevail to be the Religion of the Legislators and Rulers of Nations those Springs of Wealth would be immediately dried up by which their Superior Clergy and all their Religious Orders are enriched and fed up in Idleness And should the People come to be generally imbued with Principles of Gospel Light and Liberty they would immediately shake off a blind and slavish Dependence upon Pope and Priests and thereby subvert the Foundation upon which the Monarchick Grandeur of the Romish Church and their whole Religion is superstructed and destroy the Engine by which they are inabled to Lord it over the Bodies Estates and Consciences of Men. And if Protestants every where especially under Popish Rulers were not under a strange Infatuation they would look for no fairer Quarter from Papists than what their Brethren have met with in France and Piedmont nor would they rely upon the Faith of any King that stiles himself a Roman Catholick seeing Sacred Promises tremendous Oaths and the most Authentick Declarations are but Papal Arts and Tricks sanctified at Rome whereby to lull Subjects into a Security and delude them into a neglect of all means for preserving themselves and their Religion till their Rulers can be in a condition of obeying the Decrees of the fourth Lateran Council that enjoyns Kings to destroy and extirpate Hereticks under pain of Excommunication and of having both their Subjects absolved from Allegiance to them and their Territories given away to others and till without running any Hazard they may comply with the Ordinance of the Council of Constance which not only releaseth them from all Obligation of keeping Faith to Hereticks but requires them to violate it and accordingly made Sigismond break his Faith to John Hus whom in defiance of the Security given him by that King they caused to be condemned and Burn'd Nor is the Practice and late Example of the Great Louis designed for less than a Pattern by which all Popish Princes are to act and his Proceedings are to be the Copy and Moddel which they who would merit the name of Zealous Catholicks and be esteemed dutiful Sons of the Church are to transcribe and limn out in Lines of Force Violence and Blood and for the better corresponding with the Original to imploy Dragoons for Missionaries And tho I will not say but that there may be some Popish Princes who through an extraordinary Measure of good Nature and from Principles of Compassion woven into their Constitution previously to all notices of Revelation whether real or pretended and who through Sentiments imbib'd from a generous Education and their coming afterwards to be under the Influence and Management of wise and discreet Counsellors may be able to resist the malignant Impressions of their Religion and so be preserved from the Inhumanities towards those of different Perswasions from them in the things of God which their Priests would lay them under Obligations unto by the Doctrines of the Romish Faith yet there appears no reason why an understanding Man should be induced to believe that the King of England is likely to prove a Prince of that great and noble Temper there being more than enough both to raise a Jealousie and beget a Perswasion that there is not a Monarch among all those who are commonly stiled Catholicks from whom Protestants may justly dread greater Severities than from Him or look for worse and more Barbarous Treatments I am not ignorant with what Candor we ought by the Rules of Charity and good Manners to speak of all Men whatsoever their Religion is nor am I unacquainted with what Veneration and Deference we are to discourse of Crowned Heads but as I dare not give those flattering Titles unto any of which there are not a few in some of the late Addresses presented to the King by an inconsiderable and foolish sort of Dissenting Preachers so I should not know how to be accountable to God my own Conscience or the World should I not in my Station as a Protestant and as a Lover of the Laws and Liberties of my Country offer something whereby both to undeceive that weak and short-sighted People whom their own being accommodated for a Season by the Declaration of Indulgence hath deluded into an Opinion that His Majesty cherisheth no thoughts of subverting our Religion and also further to enlighten and confirm others in the just Apprehensions they are possessed with of the Design carrying on in Great Britain and Ireland for the Extirpation of Protestancy and that the late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience is emitted in Subserviency thereunto and calculated by the Court toward the paving and preparing the way for the more facile Accomplishment of it And while Mercenary Sycophants by their Flatteries infect and corrupt Princes and by their representing them to the World in Colours disagreeable from their Tempers and Dispositions and in milder and fairer Characters than any thing observable in them either deserveth or correspondeth with do delude Subjects into such Opinions of them as beget a neglect of
is a Mystery which few are yet acquainted with and which both His Majesty and the Order judge it their Interest to have industriously concealed but whereof the World may ere long receive that convictive Intelligence that there will be no room left for suspecting the Truth of it and whereof a Jesuit in the late printed Letter from Liege hath given us already sufficient Intimation both in telling us That the King of England stiles himself a Son of the Society and how that he wrote to Father de la Chaise that he would account every Injury done to the Jesuits to be a wrong committed against himself Neither is it so surprising as it may seem at first view that the King should list himself a Member of the Order seeing there have been four other Crowned Heads of whose Entrance and Matriculation into the Society there is all the Evidence and Assurance imaginable And tho one of them is acknowledged to have been in the Classis of the Directors while the other three are generally believed to have been in the Form of the Directed yet such was the Power of the Society over them all that a great part of the Cruelty exercised towards Protestants both in the last Age and in this is to be ascribed to that implicit and blind Obedience which they were bound to yield to the Injunctions of the Order and to the Commands of the General Philip the Second of Spain who was the first King that entred into the Order and who did it upon Motives of Policy in hopes by their means to have compassed the Universal Monarchy which he was aspiring after and who through being in the Classis of Directors had Advantages of using and improving and not of being in that degree of Servitude unto them which the others have been yet to what barbarous Cruelties did they over-rule and instigate him not only to the Destruction of unconceivable Numbers of his Subjects whose only Crime was that they could not believe as the Church of Rome doth which issued in the depopulating some of his Dominions and his being deposed from the Sovereignty in others but to the Sacrificing his Son and Heir Prince Charles whom to gratifie the Society he caused upon an Accusation of his favoring the Low-Country Hereticks and the being himself tainted with Lutheranism to be murthered in his own Court and Palace Sigismond of Poland who was the second Crowned Head admitted into the Order through complying with the Counsels and serving the Wrath Rage and Passions of the Jesuits in endeavoring to suppress Religion in Swedeland to which he was Heir and in striving to subvert their Civil Rights drew upon himself the Resentment and Wrath of that Nation to such a degree that they abdicated him and his Heirs from the Government and advanced another to the Throne Casimire who was also King of Poland is reckoned to be the third Sovereign Prince that entered into the Society and he through coming under the Domination of the Jesuits and being bound to follow their Directions and to execute whatsoever the General of the Order thought fit to enjoyn for the Promotion and Benefit of the Church became not only an Instrument of a severe Persecution against all sort of Dissenters from the Romish Faith so that many were put to Death and more driven to abandon their Country but through committing many things in the course of his Government that were prejudicial to the Rights and thereupon disgustful to the Polish Nobility they conceived such an Aversion and Hatred for him that to avoid the Effects of their Resentment and Indignation he was forced to lay down his Crown and to chuse to end his days in France in no higher a Post and under no more glorious a Character than that of Abbot of St. German There is a fourth Prince and who is yet in being that is generally believed to be enrolled into the Order and the Persecution he hath carried on in Hungary contrary to his natural Temper and to all the Rules of Interest and Policy and to the Violation of his Promises and Oaths for continuing unto them the Liberty of their Religion is both too probable an Evidence of it and a strong Confirmation of the Cruelties which the Jesuits instigate Princes unto over whom they have Influence and whom they have wheedled into Engagements of obeying their Commands and pursuing their Injunctions And as the desolating of Hungary through a long and bloody War and the tempting the Turks to invade the Austrian Territories are some of the Effects that have ensued upon the Emperor's complying with the fierce and heady Counsels of the Jesuits so we have not seen all the Mischiefs that the Persecution which they have engaged him in against Protestants is like to issue in tho beside the disgusting several Electoral Princes and States in Germany and the furnishing the Ottoman Potentate with Encouragements of continuing the War there are wonderful Advantages afforded by it to embolden the French King in his Encroachments upon the Empire which otherways he would not have dared to attempt and whereof the result at last may prove fatal to the Imperial Dignity and to the whole House of Austria Now what the Protestants in Great Britain and Ireland ought to dread from the King upon his being entred into a Society that hath breathed nothing but Fire and Blood since its first Institution I leave to the serious Consideration of all Men who value their Lives Liberties and Estates and that do not think of renouncing their Religion and turning Papists Nor is it to be imagined that the King before he can be supposed well settled on the Throne and while under a declining State of Body as well as in an advanced Age having the weight of Four and fifty upon his Shoulders beside something else that he is obliged to the Earl of Southesk for which I shall not mention would have taken so many bold wide and Illegal Steps for the Supplanting our Religion and Laws and for the Introduction and Establishment of Popery and Tyranny and this not only to the losing and disobliging his former Votaries and Partizans but to the strange Allarming and Disgusting most Persons of Honor Quality and Interest in the Three Kingdoms were he not beside the being under the Sway of his own Bigottry and the strong Ballance of a large Measure of ill Nature bound by Ties of implicit Obedience to the Commands of that extravagant and furious Society to the promoting of whose Passions and Malice rather than his own Safety and Glory or the lasting Benefit of the Roman Catholicks themselves the whole Course of his Government hitherto seems to have been shapen and adapted The Occasion and Subject of the late Contest between him and the Pope which hath made so great a Noise not only at Rome but through all Europe may serve to convince us both of the extraordinary Zeal he hath for the Society and of the transcendent Power they have over
were prepared for in case it had succeeded and the foreign aid they had been solliciting and were promised and all for the extirpation of English Hereticks are things so modern and which we have had so many times related to us by our Fathers that it is enough barely to intimate them The Irish Massacre in which above 200000 were murder'd in cold blood and to which there was no provocation but that of hatred to our Religion and furious zeal to extirpate Hereticks ought at this time to be more particularly reflected upon as that which gives us a true scheme of the manner of the Church of Rome's converting Protestant Kingdoms and being the Copy they have a mind to write after and that in such Characters and lines of blood as may be sure to answer the Original At the season when they both entred upon and executed that hellish conjuration they were in a quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the private exercise of their Religion yea had many publick meeting-places thro the means of the Queen and many great friends which they had at Court and were neither disturbed for not coming to Church nor suffered any severities upon the account of their Profession but that would not satisfie nor will any thing else unless they may be allowed to cut the throats or make bonefires of all that will not join with them in a blind obedience to the Sea of Rome and of worshipping S. Patrick The little harsh usages which the Papists at any time met with there or in England they derived them upon themselves by their Crimes against the State and for their Conspiracies against our Princes and their Protestant Subjects For till the Pope had taken upon him to depose Queen Elizabeth and absolve her Subjects from their Allegiance and till the Papists had so far approved that Act of his Holiness as to raise Rebellions at home and enter into treasonable confederacies abroad there were no Laws that could be stiled severe enacted in England against Papists and the making of them was the result of necessity in order to preserve our selves and not from an inclination to hurt any for matters of mere Religion Such hath always been the moderation of our Rulers and so powerful are the incitements to lenity which the generality of Protestants through the influence and impression of their Religion especially they of a more generous education have been under towards those of the Roman Communion that nothing but their unwearied restlesness to disturb the Government and destroy Protestants hath been the cause either of enacting those Laws against them that are stiled rigorous or of their having been at any time put into execution And notwithstanding that some such Laws were enacted as might appear to savour of severity yet could they have but submitted to have dwelt peaceably in the Land they would have found that their mere belief and the private practice of their Worship would not have much prejudiced or endangered them and that tho the Laws had been continued unrepealed yet it was only as a Hedge about us for our protection and as Bonds of obligation upon them to their good behaviour To which may be added that more Protestants have suffered in one year by the Laws made against Dissenters and to the utmost height of the penalties which the violation of them imported and that by the instigation of Papists and their influence over the late King and his present Majesty than there have Papists from the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign to this very day tho there was a difference in the punishments they underwent However we may from their many and repeated attempts against us while we had Princes that both would and could chasten their insolencies and inflict upon them what the Law made them obnoxious unto for their outrages gather and conclude what we are now to expect upon their having obtained a King imbu'd with all the persecuting and bloody principles of Popery and perfectly baptised into all the Doctrines of the Councils of Lateran and Constance And it may strengthen our faith as well as increase our fear of what is purposed against and impends over us in that they cannot but think that the suffering our Religion to remain in a condition to be at any time hereafter the Religion of the State and of the universality of the People may not only prove a means of retrieving Protestancy in France and of assisting to revenge the barbarities perpetrated there upon a great and innocent people but may leave the Roman Catholicks in England exposed to the resentment of the Kingdom for what they have so foolishly and impudently acted both against our Civil Rights and Established Religion since James II. came to the Crown and may also upon the Government 's falling into good hands and Magistrates coming to understand their true Interest which is for an English Prince to make himself the Head of the Protestant cause and to espouse their quarrel in all places give such a Revolution in Europe as will not only check the present Career of Rome but cause them repent the methods in which they have been engaged These things we may be sure the Papists are aware of and that having proceeded so far they have nothing left for their security from punishments because of crimes committed but to put us out of all capacity of doing our selves Right and them Justice and he must be dull who does not know into what that must necessarily hurry them It being then as evident as a matter of this nature is capable of what we are to expect and dread from the King both as to our Religion and Laws we may do more than presume that the late Declaration for liberty of Conscience and the Proclamation for a Toleration are not intended and designed for the benefit and advantage of the Reformed Religion and that whatsoever motives have influenced to the granting and emitting of them they do not in the least flow or proceed from any kindness and good will to Protestant Dissenters And though many of those weak and easie People may flatter themselves with a belief of an interest in the Kings favour and suffer others to delude them into a persuasion of his bearing a gracious respect towards them yet it is certain that they are People in the world whom he most hates and who when things are ripe for it and that he hath abused their credulity into a serving his Ends as far as they can be prevailed upon and as long as the present Juggle can be of any advantage for promoting the Papal Cause will be sure not only to have an equal share in his displeasure with their Brethren of the Church of England but will be made to drink deepest in the cup of fury and wrath that is mingling and preparing for all Protestants No provocation from their present behaviour tho it is such as might warm a person of very cool temper much less offences of another complexion
that upon pretended Occasions arising from the Abuse of this Indulgence or for some alledged Crimes wherein they and all other Protestants are to be involved tho their supineness and excess of Loyalty continue to be their greatest Offences this Liberty will not only be withdrawn and the old Church of England Severities revived but some of the new à là mode à France Treatments come upon the Stage and be pursued against them and all other perverse and obstinate British Hereticks The Declaration for Liberty of Conscience being injurious to the Church of England and not proceeding from any inward and real good Will to the Dissenters it will be worth our pains to inquire into and make a more ample Deduction of the Reasons upon which it was granted that the Grounds of emitting it being laid under every Man's view they who have Addressed may come to be asham'd of their Simplicity and Folly they who have not may be farther confirm'd both of the Unlawfulness and Inconveniency of doing it and that all who preserve any regard to the Protestant Religion and the Laws of England may be quickened to the use of all legal and due means for preventing the mischievous Effects which it is shapen for and which the Papists do promise themselves from it The Motives upon which His Majesty published the Declaration may be reduced to three of which as I have already made some mention so I shall now place every one of them in its several and proper light and give such Proofs and Evidence of their being the great and sole Inducements for the Emitting of it that no rational Man shall be able henceforth to make a doubt of it The first is the King's winding himself into a Supremacy and Absoluteness over the Law and the getting it acknowledged and calmly submitted unto and acquiesced in by the Subjects The Monarchies being Legal and not Despotical bounded and regulated by Laws and not to be exercised according to mere Will and Pleasure was that which he could not digest the thoughts of when a Subject and had been heard to say That he had rather Reign a day in that Absoluteness that the French King doth than an Age tied up and restrained by Rules as his Brother did And therefore to perswade the Prince of Orange to approve what he had done in dispensing with the Laws and to obtain him and the Princess to joyn with His Majesty and to employ their Interest in the Kingdom for the Repealing the Test Acts and the many other Statutes made against Roman Catholicks he used this Argument in a Message he sent to their Royal Highnesses upon that Errand that the getting it done would be greatly to the Advantage and for the increase of the Prerogative but this these two noble Princes of whose Ascent to the Throne all Protestants have so near and comfortable a Prospect were too Generous as well as Wise to be wheedled with as knowing that the Authority of the Kings and Queens of England is great enough by the Rules of the Constitution without grasping at a new Prerogative Power which as the Laws have not vested in them so it would be of no use but to inable them to do hurt And indeed it is more necessary both for the Honor and Safety of the Monarch and for the Freedom and Security of the People that the Prerogative should be confined within its ancient and legal Channels than be left to that illimited and unbounded Latitude which the late King and his present Majesty have endeavored to advance and screw it up unto That both the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland are calculated for raising the Sovereign Authority to a transcendent Power over the Laws of the two Kingdoms may be demonstrated from the Papers themselves which lay the Dispensing Power before us in terms that import no less than his Majesty's standing Free and absolved from all Ties and Restraints and his being cloathed with a Right of doing whatsoever he will For if the Stile of Royal Pleasure to suspend the Execution of such and such Laws and to forbid such and such Oaths to be required to be taken and this in the virtue of no Authority declared by the Laws to be resident in his Majesty but in the virtue of a certain vagrant and indeterminate thing called Royal Prerogative as the Power exercised in the English Declaration is worded and expressed be not enough to enlighten us sufficiently in the matter before us the Stile of Absolute Power which all the Subjects are to obey without reserve whereby the King is pleased to chalk before us the Authority exerted in the Scots Proclamation for the stopping disabling and dispensing with such and such Laws as are there referred unto and for the granting the Toleration with the other Liberties Immunities and Rights there mentioned is more than sufficient to set the Point we are discoursing beyond all possibility of rational controll As 't is one and the same Kind of Authority that is claimed over the Laws and Subjects of both Kingdoms tho for some certain reasons it be more modestly designed and expressed in the Declaration for a Liberty in England that it is in the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland so the utmost that the Czar of Mosco the great Mogul or the Turkish Sultan ever challenged over their respective Dominions amounts only to an Absolute Power which the King both owns the Exertion of and makes it the Fountain of all the Royal Acts exercised in the forementioned Papers And as the improving this challenged Absolute Power into an Obligation upon the Subjects to obey his Majesty without reserve is a Paraphrase upon Despotical Dominion and an advancing it to a Pitch above what any of the Ancient or Modern Tyrants ever dream'd of and beyond what the most servile part of Mankind was ever acquainted with till the present French King gave an Instance of it in making his mere Will and pleasure to be the Ground and Argument upon which his Reformed Subjects were to renounce their Religion and to turn Roman Catholicks so it is worth considering whether His Majesty who glories to imitate that Foreign Monarch may not in a little time make the like Application of this Absolute Power which his Subjects are bound to obey without reserve and whether in that case they who have Addressed to thank him for his Declaration and thereby justified the Claim of this Absolute Power being that upon which the Declaration is superstructed and from which it emergeth can avoid paying the Obedience that is demanded as a Duty in the Subject inseparably annexed thereunto That which more confirms us that the English Declaration and the Scots Proclamation are not only designed for the obtaining from the Subjects an Acknowledgment of an Absolute Power vested in the King but that no less than the Usurpation and Exercise of such a Power can warrant and support them are
Exercise of his Absolute Power against all deadly Nor is it difficult to assign the reason of the Deformity that appears in his Majesty's present Actings towards his Dissenting Protestant Subjects in those two Kingdoms For should there be no Restriction upon the Toleration in Scotland to hinder the greatest part of the Presbyterians from taking the Advantage of it the Bishops and Conforming Clergy would be immediately forsaken by the generality if not all the People and so an issue would not only be put to the Division among Protestants in that Kingdom but they would become an united and thereupon a formidable Body against Popery which it is not for the Interest of the Roman Catholicks to suffer or give way unto Whereas the more unbounded the Liberty is that is granted to Dissenters in England the more are our Divisions not only kept up but increased and promoted especially through this Freedom's arriving with them in an illegal way without both the Authority of the Legislative Power and the Approbation of a great part of the People it being infallibly certain that there is a vast number of all Ranks and Conditions who do prefer the abiding in the Communion of the Church of England before the joyning in Fellowship with those of the Separate and Dissenting Societies Upon the whole this different Method of proceeding towards Dissenting Protestants in Matters mere Religious shews that all this Indulgence and Toleration is a Trick to serve a present juncture of Affairs and to advance a Popish and Arbitrary Design and that the Dissenters have no Security for the continuance of their Liberty but that when the Court and Jesuitick end is compassed and obtained there is another course to be steered towards them and instead of their hearing any longer of Liberty and Toleration they are to be told that it is the Interest of the Government and the Safety and Honor of his Majesty to have but one Religion in his Dominions and that all must be Members of the Catholick Church and this because the King will have it so which is the Argument that hath been made use of in the making so many Converts in France They who now suffer themselves to be deluded into a Confidence in the Royal Word will not only come to understand what Mr. Coleman meant in his telling Pere de la Chaise that the Catholicks in England had a great work upon their hand being about the Extirpation of that Heresie which hath borne sway so long in this Northern part of the World but they will also see and feel how much of the Designs of Rome was represented in that passage of the Pope's Nuncio's Letter dated at Brussels Aug. 9. 1674. wherein upon the Confidence which they placed in the Duke of York which is not lessened since he came to the Crown he takes the confidence to write That they hoped speedily to see the total and final Ruin of the Protestant Party And as Protestant Dissenters have no Security by the Declaration and Proclamation for the continuance of their Liberty so they that have by way of Thanksgiving Addressed to the King for those Royal Papers have not only acted very ill in reference both to the Laws and Rights of the Kingdoms and of Religion in general but they have carried very unwisely in relation to their own Interest and the avoiding the Effects of that Resentment which most Men are justly possessed with upon the illegal Emission of these Arbitrary and Prerogative Papers I shall not enter upon any long Discourse concerning this new Practice of Addressing in general it having been done elsewhere some years ago but I shall only briefly intimate that it was never in fashion unless either under a weak and precarious Government or under one that took illegal Courses and pursued a different Interest from that of the People and Community As he who Ruleth according to the standing Laws of a Country over which he is set needs not seek for an Approbation of his Actions from a part of his Subjects the Legality of his Proceedings being the best Justification of him that Governs and giving the truest Satisfaction to them that are Ruled so he who enjoys the love of all his People needs not look for Promises of being assisted stood by and defended by any one Party or Faction among them there being none from whom he can have the least Apprehension of Opposition and Danger It was the want of a legal Title in Oliver Cromwel and his Son Richard to the Government that first begot this Device of Addressing and brought it upon the Stage in these British Nations and it was the Arbitrary Procedures of the late King as it is of his present Majesty and their acting upon a distinct Bottom from that of the Three Kingdoms that hath revived and does continue it Nor is there any thing that hath rendered those two Princes more contemptible abroad and proclaimed them Weaker at home than their recurring unto and solliciting the Flatteries and Aid of the Mercenary Timorous Servile and for low and personal Ends byass'd part of their Subjects and thereby telling the World that neither the Generality nor the most Honorable of their People have been united in their Interest nor Approvers of the Counsels that have been taken and pursued And if any thing did ever cast a Dishonor upon the English Nation it hath been that loathsome Flattery and slavish Sycophancy wherewith the Addressers both now and for some years past have stuffed their Applications to the two Royal Brothers The Throne that is sustained and upheld by the Pillars of Law and Justice needs not to hew out unto its self other Supporters nor lean upon the crooked and weak Stilts of the insignificant and for the most part deceitful as well as brib'd Vows of a sort of Men who will be as ready upon the least disgust to cry Crucifie to morrow as they were for being gratified may be in their Lusts Humors and Revenges and at the best in some separate Concern to cry Hosanna to day I shall decline prosecuting what concerns the Honor or Dishonor of him to whom the Addresses are made or how Politick or Impolitick the Countenancing and Encouraging them is and shall apply my self to this new Sett of Addressers and endeavor to shew how Foolish as well as Criminally they have acted Nor is it an Argument either of their Prudence or Honesty or of their acting with any Consistency to themselves that having so severely inveighed against the Addresses that were in fashion a few years ago and having fastened all the Imputations and Reproaches upon those that were Accessary to them which that Rank of Addressers could be supposed to have deserved they now espouse the Practice which they had condemned and in reference to as Arbitrary and unjustifiable an Act of His present Majesty as the most illegal one the late King was guilty of or the worst Exercise or Prerogative for which any heretofore either
Proclamation dated at Windsor the 28th of June 1687 for granting further Liberty in Scotland and which was published there by an Order of the Privy Council of that Kingdom bearing date at Edinburgh the 5. of July This Superfoetation of one Proclamation after another in reference to the same thing is so apportioned and parallel to the late French method of emitting Edicts in relation to those of the Reformed Religion in that Kingdom that they seem to proceed out of one mint to be calculated for the same end and to be designed for the compassing and obtaining the like effects For assoon as an Alarm was taken at the publishing of some unreasonable and rigorous Edict there used often to follow another of a milder strain which was pretended to be either for the moderating the severities of the former or to remove and rectifie what they were pleased to call misconstructions unduly put upon it but the true end whereof was only to stifle and extinguish the Jealousies and Apprehensions that the other had begotten and excited and which had they not been calmed and allay'd might have awakened the Protestants there to provide for their safety by a timely withdrawing into other Countries if they had not been provoked to generous endeavours of preventing the final suppression of their Religion and for obviating the ruin which that Court had projected against them and was hastning to involve them under Nor does my suspicion of his Majesties pursuing the same design against Protestants which the great Louis glories to have accomplished proceed merely from that conjunction of Counsels that all the world observes between Whitehall and Versailles nor merely from the Kings abandoning his Nephew and Son-in-law the Prince of Orange and not so much as interposing to obtain satisfaction to be given him for the many Injuries Damages Spoiles and Robberies as well as Affronts done him by that haughty Monarch when one vigorous Application could not fail to effect it nor yet merely from that agreeableness in their proceedures through the King of England's imitating that Foreign Potentate and making the whole course that hath been taken in France the Pattern of all his actings in Great Britain but I am much confirmed in my fears and jealousies by remembring a passage in one of Mr. Coleman's Letters who as he very well knew what the then Duke of York had been for many years engaged in against our Religion and Civil Lberties and under what Vows and Promises he was not to desist from prosecuting what had been resolved upon and undertaken so he had the confidence to say that his Master's design and that of the King of France was one and the same and that this was no less as he farther informs us than the extirpating the Northern Heresie Had the King of England acted with sincerity from that noble Principle that Conscience ought not to be constrained nor People forced in matters of mere Religion as he would delude weak and easie People to believe and had not all his Arbitrary and illegal proceedings in granting Liberty to Dissenting Protestants been to subserve and promote other Designs which it is not yet seasonable and convenient to discover and avow he would have then acted with that conformity to the Principle he professeth to be under the Influence and Government of and with that consonancy and harmonious agreeableness in all the degrees of Indulgence vouchsafed to those of the Reformed Religion in England and Scotland that differ from them of the Established way that there would have needed no second Proclamation apporting new measures of Liberty and favour to Scots Dissenters seeing they would have had it granted them at first in the same latitude and illimitedness that it was bestowed upon the English Nonconformists But when Princes carry on and pursue mischievous designs under the palliations of Religion publick good and the Right of Mankind it comes often to pass through adapting their methods to what they mean and intend and not to what they pretend and give out that their crafty projections by being not sufficiently accommodated to their purposes prove ineffectual to the compassing what was aim'd at and this forceth them to a new Game of Falshood and Subtilety but still under the old varnish and gloss and obligeth them to have recourse to means that may be more proportioned than the former were for their reaching the End that they ubtimately drive at Thence it is that those Rulers who are engaged in the Prosecution of wicked and unjustifiable Designs are necessitated not only to apply themselves to opposite Methods towards different Parties and those such as must be suited and apportioned to their discrepant Interest without the accommodating of which they can neither hope to mould them to that tame and servile Compliance nor work them up to that active and vigorous abetting of their malicious and crafty Projections as is necessary for the rendring them Successful but they are forced to vary their Proceedings towards one and the same Party and that as well when the ways they have acted in towards them are found inadequate to the end unto which they were calculated as when the mischief hid under them comes to be too soon discovered This weak and short-sighted People fancy to arise from an uncertainty in Princes Counsels and from their being at no Consistency with themselves but they who can penetrate into Affairs and that do consider things more narrowly can easily discern that all this Variation Diversity and shifting of Methods in Rulers Actings proceed from other Causes and that it is their Stability and Perseverance in an illegal and wicked Design that compels them to those crooked and contrary Courses either for the gaining the unwary and ill-applied Concurrence of their Subject to the hastning Distress and Desolation upon themselves or for the throwing them into that Lethargy and under that Supineness as may hinder them from all Endeavors of obstructing and diverting the Evils that their Governours are seeking to bring upon them Nor is there a more certain Indication of a Princes being engaged in a Design contrary to the good and happiness of the Society over which he is set than his betaking himself to illegal ways upon pretence of promoting the ease and benefit of his People or according as he finds his Subjects to differ in their particular Interests his applying himself to them in Methods whereof the contrariety of the one to the other renders them the more proper and adapted to ensnare the divided Factions through accosting each of them with something that they are severally fond of Legal means are always sufficient to the pursuing and compassing legal Ends and whatsoever is for the general good of the Community may either be obtained by Courses wherein the Generality find their united Interest and common Felicity or else by Application to a Parliament freely and duly chosen which as it represents the whole Politick Society so there may be expected most Compassion and
appeared both during the Queens Pretended Biggness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible Grounds of Suspition that not only we our selves but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the Pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queens Biggness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their Doubts And since our Dearest and most Entirely Beloved Consort the Princess and likewise we our selves have so great an Interest in this Matter and such a Right as all the World knows to the Succession to the Crown since also the English did in the Year 1672. when the States General of the United Provinces were Invaded in a most unjust War use their utmost Endeavors to put an end to that War and that in Opposition to those who were then in the Government and by their so doing they run the Hazard of losing both the Favor of the Court and their Imployments And since the English Nation has ever testified a most particular Affection and Esteem both to our Dearest Consort the Princess and to our selves We cannot excuse our selves from espousing their Interests in a matter of such high Consequence and from Contributing all that lies in us for the Maintaining both of the Protestant Religion and of the Laws and Liberties of those Kingdoms and for the Securing to them the continual Enjoyment of all their just Rights To the doing of which we are most earnestly solicited by a great many Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and by many Gentlemen and other Subjects of all Ranks Therefore it is that we have thought fit to go over to England and to carry over with us a Force sufficient by the Blessing of God to defend us from the Violence of those Evil Counsellors And we being desirous that our Intentions in this may be rightly understood have for this end prepared this Declaration in which as we have hitherto given a true Account of the Reasons inducing us to it So we now think fit to Declare that this our Expedition is intended for no other Design but to have a free and lawful Parliament assembled as soon as is possible and that in order to this all the late Charters by which the Elections of Burgesses are limited contrary to the Ancient Custom shall be considered as null and of no force And likewise all Magistrates who have been Injustly turned out shall forthwith resume their former Imployments as well as all the Boroughs of England shall return again to their Ancient Prescriptions and Charters And more particularly that the Ancient Charter of the Great and Famous City of London shall again be in Force And that the Writs for the Members of Parliament shall be addressed to the proper Officers according to Law and Custom That also none be suffered to choose or to be chosen Members of Parliament but such as are qualified by Law And that the Members of Parliament being thus lawfully chosen they shall meet and sit in full Freedom that so the Two Houses may concur in the preparing of such Laws as they upon full and free Debate shall judge necessary and convenient both for the confirming and executing the Law concerning the Test and such other Laws as are necessary for the Security and Maintenance of the Protestant Religion as likewise for making such Laws as may establish a good Agreement between the Church of England and all Protestant Dissenters as also for the covering and securing of all such who will live Peaceable under the Government as becomes good Subjects from all Persecution upon the account of their Religion even Papists themselves not excepted and for the doing of all other things which the Two Houses of Parliament shall find necessary for the Peace Honor and Safety of the Nation so that there may be no more danger of the Nations falling at any time hereafter under Arbitrary Government To this Parliament we will also refer the Enquiry into the Birth of the Pretended Prince of Wales and of all things relating to it and to the Right of Succession And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our Undertaking but the Preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all Men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the free Enjoyment of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Just and Legal Government This is the design that we have proposed to our selves in appearing upon this occasion in Arms In the Conduct of which we will keep the Forces under our Command under all the Strictness of Martial Discipline and take a special Care that the People of the Countries through which we must march shall not suffer by their means And as soon as the State of the Nation will admit of it we promise that we will send back all those Foreign Forces that we have brought along with us We do therefore hope that all People will judge rightly of us and approve of these our Proceedings But we chiefly rely on the Blessing of God for the Success of this our Undertaking in which we place our whole and only Confidence We do in the last place invite and require all Persons whatsoever all the Peers of the Realm both Spiritual and Temporal all Lords-Lieutenants Deputy-Lieutenants and all Gentlemen Citizens and other Commons of all Ranks to come and assist us in order to the Executing of this our Design against all such as shall endeavor to oppose us that so we may prevent all those Miseries which must needs follow upon the Nations being kept under Arbitrary Government and Slavery And that all the Violences and Disorders which have overturned the whole Constitution of the English Government may be fully redressed in a Free and Legal Parliament And we do likewise resolve that as soon as the Nations are brought to a State of Quiet we will take care that a Parliament shall be called in Scotland for the restoring the Ancient Constitution of that Kingdom and for bringing the Matters of Religion to such a Settlement that the People may live Easie and Happy and for putting an end to all the Injust Violences that have been in a course of so many Years committed there We will also study to bring the Kingdom of Ireland to such a State that the Settlement there may be Religiously observed and that the Protestant and British Interest there may be secured And we will endeavor by all possible means to procure such an Establishment in all the Three Kingdoms that they may all live in a Happy Union and Correspondence together and that the Protestant Religion and the Peace
in open Arms or with Arms in their Houses or about their Persons or in any Office or Imployment Civil or Military upon any Pretence whatsoever contrary to the known Laws of the Land shall be treated by Us and our Forces not as Soldiers and Gentlemen but as Robbers Free-Booters and Banditti they shall be incapable of Quarter and intirely delivered up to the Discretion of our Soldiers And We do further declare that all Persons who shall be found any ways aiding and assisting to them or shall march under their Command or shall joyn with or submit to them in the Discharge or Execution of their Illegal Commissions or Authority shall be looked upon as Partakers of their Crimes Enemies to the Laws and to their Country And whereas we are certainly informed that great Numbers of armed Papists have of late resorted to London and Westminster and parts adjacent where they remain as we have reason to suspect not so much for their own Security as out of a wicked and barbarous Design to make some desperate Attempt upon the said Cities and their Inhabitants by Fire or a sudden Massacre or both or else to be the more ready to joyn themselves to a Body of French Troops designed if it be possible to land in England procured of the French King by the Interest and Power of the Jesuits in Pursuance of the Engagements which at the Instigation of that pestilent Society his most Christian Majesty with one of his Neighbouring Princes of the same Communion has entred into for the utter Extirpation of the Protestant Religion out of Europe Tho we hope we have taken such effectual care to prevent the one and secure the other that by God's Assistance we cannot doubt but we shall defeat all their wicked Enterprises and Designs We cannot however forbear out of the great and tender Concern We have to preserve the People of England and particularly those great and populous Cities from the cruel Rage and bloody Revenge of the Papists to Require and expect from all the Lord-Lieutenants Deputy-Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace Lord-Mayors Mayors Sheriffs and all other Magistrates and Officers Civil and Military of all Counties Cities and Towns of England especially of the County of Middlesex and Cities of London and Westminster and parts adjacent that they do immediately disarm and secure as by Law they may and ought within their respective Counties Cities and Jurisdictions all Papists whatsoever as Persons at all times but now especially most dangerous to the Peace and Safety of the Government that so not only all Power of doing mischief may be taken from them but that the Laws which are the greatest and best Security may resume their Force and be strictly Executed And We do hereby likewise Declare that We will Protect and Defend all those who shall not be afraid to do their Duty in Obedience to these Laws And that for those Magistrates and others of what condition soever they be who shall refuse to assist Us and in Obedience to the Laws to Execute vigorously what we have required of them and suffer themselves at this Juncture to be cajoled or terrified out of ther Duty We will esteem them the most Criminal and Infamous of all Men Betrayers of their Religion the Laws and their Native Country and shall not fail to treat them accordingly resolving to expect and require at their hands the Life of every single Protestant that shall perish and every House that shall be burnt or destroyed by their Treachery and Cowardise William Henry Prince of Orange Given under our Hand and Seal at our Head-quarters at Sherburn Castle the 28th day of November 1688. By his Highness special Command C. HUYGENS. The following Paper was Published by Mr. Samuel Johnson in the Year 1686. for which he was Sentenc'd by the Court of King's Bench Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Justice to stand three times on the Pillory and to be whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn Which barbarous Sentence was Executed An Humble and Hearty Address to all the English Protestants in this present Army Gentlemen NExt to the Duty which we owe to God which ought to be the principal Care of Men of your Profession especially because you carry your Lives in your Hands and often look Death in the Face The second Thing that deserves your Consideration is The service of your Native Country wherein you drew your first Breath and breathed a free English Air. Now I would desire you to consider how well you comply with these two main Points by engaging in this present Service Is it in the Name of God and for his Service that you have joyned your selves with Papists who will indeed fight for the Mass-book but burn the Bible and who seek to Extirpate the Protestant Religion with Your Swords because they cannot do it with their Own And will you be Aiding and Assisting to set up Mass-houses to Erect that Popish Kingdom of Darkness and Desolation amongst us and to train up all our Children in Popery How can you do these Things and yet call your selves Protestants And then what Service can be done your Country by being under the Command of French and Irish Papists and by bringing the Nation under a Foreign Yoke Will you help them to make forcible Entry into the Houses of your Country-men under the Name of Quartering directly contrary to Magna Charta and the Petition of Right Will you be Aiding and Assisting to all the Murders and Outrages which they shall commit by their void Commissions Which were declared Illegal and sufficiently blasted by both Houses of Parliament if there had been any need of it for it was very well known before That a Papist cannot have a Commission but by the Law is utterly Disabled and Disarmed Will you exchange your Birth-right of English Laws and Liberties for Martial or Club-law and help to destroy all others only to be eaten last your selves If I know you well as you are English Men you hate and scorn these Things And therefore be not unequally yoaked with Idolatrous and Bloody Papists Be Valiant for the Truth and shew your selves Men. The same Considerations are likewise humbly offered to all the English Seamen who have been the Bulwark of this Nation against Popery and Slavery ever since Eighty Eight Several Reasons for the Establishment of a standing Army and Dissolving the Militia By Mr. S. Johnson 1. BEcause the Lords Lieutenants Deputy Lieutenants and the whole Militia that is to say the Lords Gentlemen and Free-holders of England are not fit to be trusted with their own Laws Lives Liberties and Estates and therefore ought to have Guardians and Keepers assigned to them 2. Because Mercenary Soldiers who fight for twelve Pence a Day will fight better as having more to lose than either the Nobility or Gentry 3. Because there are no Irish Papists in the Militia who are certainly the best Soldiers in the World for they have slain Men Women and Children
by Hundreds of Thousands at once 4. Because the Dragooners have made more Converts than all the Bishops and Clergy of France 5. The Parliament ought to establish one standing Army at the least because indeed there will be need of Two that one of them may defend the People from the other 6. Because it is a thousand pities that a brave Popish Army should be a Riot 7. Unless it be Established by Act of Parliament The Justices of Peace will be forced to suppress it in their own Defence for they will be loth to forfeit an hundred Pounds every day they rise out of Complement to a Popish Rout. 13 H. 4. c. 7. 2 H. 5. c. 8. 8. Because a Popish Army is a Nullity For all Papists are utterly disabled and punishable besides from bearing any Office in Camp Troop Band or Company of Soldiers and are so far disarmed by Law that they cannot wear a Sword so much as in their Defence without the allowance of four Justices of the Peace of the County And then upon a March they will be perfectly Inchanted for they are not able to stir above five Miles from their own Dwelling-house 3. Jac. 5. Sect. 8.27 28 29.35 Eliz. 2.3 Jac. 5. Sect. 7. 9. Because Persons utterly disabled by Law are utterly Unauthorized and therefore the void Commissions of Killing and Slaying in the Hands of Papists can only enable them to Massacre and Murder To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and divers of the Suffragan Bishops of that Province now present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses Humbly sheweth THAT the great averseness they find in themselves to the distributing and publishing in all their Churches your Majesty's late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience proceeds neither from any want of Duty and Obedience to your Majesty our Holy Mother the Church of England being both in her Principles and in her constant Practice unquestionably Loyal and having to her great Honour been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your Gracious Majesty Nor yet from any want of due tenderness to Dissenters in relation to whom they are willing to come to such a Temper as shall be thought fit when that Matter shall be considered and settled in Parliament and Convocation But among many other Considerations from this especially because that Declaration is founded upon such a Dispensing Power as has been often declared Illegal in Parliament and particularly in the years 1662 and 1672. and in the beginning of your Majesty's Reign and is a matter of so great Moment and Consequence to the whole Nation both in Church and State that your Petitioners cannot in Prudence Honour or Conscience so far make themselves Parties to it as the distribution of it all over the Nation and the solemn Publication of it once and again even in God's House and in the Time of his Divine Service must amount to in common and reasonable Construction Your Petitioners therefore most Humbly and Earnestly beseech your Majesty that you will be ciously pleased not to insist upon their Distributing and Reading your Majesty's said Declaration And Your Petitioners as in Duty bound shall ever Pray Will. Cant. Will. Asaph Fr Ely Jo. Cicestr Tho. Bathon Wellen. Tho. Peterburgen Jonath Bristol His Majesties Answer was to this effect I Have heard of this before but did not believe it I did not expect this from the Church of England especially from some of you If I change my Mind you shall hear from me if not I expect my Command shall be obeyed The PETITION of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the Calling of a Free Parliament Together with his Majesty's Gracious Answer to their Lordships To the KING 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whose Names are subscribed May it please your Majesty WE your Majesty's most loyal Subjects in a deep sense of the Miseries of a War now breaking forth in the Bowels of this your Kingdom and of the Danger to which your Majesty's Sacred Person is thereby like to be exposed and also of the Distractions of your People by reason of their present Grievances do think our selves bound in Conscience of the duty we owe to God and our holy Religion to your Majesty and our Country most humbly offer to your Majesty That in our Opinion the only visible Way to preserve your Majesty and this your Kingdom would be the Calling of a Parliament Regular and Free in all its Circumstances We therefore do most earnestly beseech your Majesty That you would be graciously pleased with all speed to call such a Parliament wherein we shall be most ready to promote such Counsels and Resolutions of Peace and Settlement in Church and State as may conduce to your Majesty's Honour and Safety and to the quieting the Minds of your People We do likewise humbly beseech your Majesty in the mean time to use such means for the preventing the Effusion of Christian Blood as to your Majesty shall seem most meet And your Petitioners shall ever pray c. W. Cant. Grafton Ormond Dorset Clare Clarendon Burlington Anglesey Rochester Newport Nom. Ebor. W. Asaph Fran. Ely Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriburg Tho. Oxon. Paget Chandois Osulston Presented by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Arch-Bishop of York Elect the Bishop of Ely and the Bishop of Rochester the 17th of November 1688. His Majesty's most Gracious Answer My LORDS What You ask of Me I most passionately desire And I promise You upon the Faith of a King That I will have a Parliament and such an One as You ask for as soon as ever the Prince of Orange has quitted this Realm For How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances as You Petition for whil'st an Enemy is in the Kingdom and can make a Return of near an Hundred Voices The Lords Petition with the King's Answer may be printed Novemb. 29. 1688. The P. O.'s Letter to the English Army Gentlemen and Friends WE have given you so full and so true an Account of Our Intentions in this Expedition in Our Declaration that as We can add nothing to it so We are sure you can desire nothing more of us We are come to preserve your Religion and to restore and establish your Liberties and Properties and therefore We cannot suffer Our selves to doubt but that all true English men will come and concur with Us in Our desire to secure these Nations from POPERY and SLAVERY You must all plainly see that you are only made use of as Instruments to enslave the Nation and ruin the Protestant Religion and when that is done you may judge what ye your selves ought to expect both from the cashiering of all the Protestant and English Officers and Soldiers in Ireland and by the Irish Soldiers being brought over to be put in your places
and of which you have seen so fresh an instance that we need not put you in mind of it You know how many of your Fellow-Officers have been used for their standing firm to the Protestant Religion and to the Laws of England and you cannot flatter your selves so far as to expect to be better used if those who have broke their word so often should by your means be brought out of those Straits to which they are reduced at present We hope likewise that you will not suffer your selves to be abused by a false Notion of Honour but that you will in the first place consider what you owe to Almighty God and your Religion to your Country to your Selves and to your Posterity which you as Men of Honour ought to prefer to all private Considerations and Engagements whatsoever We do therefore expect that you will consider the Honour that is now set before you of being the Instruments of serving your Country and securing your Religion and We will ever remember the Service you shall do Us upon this Occasion and will promise unto you that We shall place such particular Marks of our Favour on every one of you as your Behaviour at this time shall deserve of Us and the Nation in which we will make a great Distinction of those that shall come seasonably to join their Arms with ours and you shall find us to be Your Well-wishing and Assured Friend W. H. P. O. Prince George 's Letter to the King SIR WITH a Heart full of Grief am I forced to Write what Prudence will not permit me to say to your Face And may I e'er find Credit with your Majesty and protection from Heaven as what I now do is free from Passion Vanity or Design with which Actions of this Nature are too often accompanied I am not ignorant of the frequent Mischiefs wrought in the World by factious pretences of Religion but were not Religion the most justifiable Cause it would not be made the most specious pretence And your Majesty has always shewn too uninterested a Sense of Religion to doubt the just Effects of it in one whose Practices have I hope never given the World cause to censure his real conviction of it or his backwardness to perform what his Honour and Conscience prompt him to How then can I longer disguise my just Concern for that Religion in which I have been so happily Educated which my Judgment throughly convinces me to be best and for the Support of which I am so highly interested in my Native Country And is not England now by the most endearing Tie become so Whilst the restless Spirits of the Enemies of the REFORMED RELIGION back'd by the cruel Zeal and prevailing Power of France justly alarm and unite all the Protestant Princes of Christendom and engage them in so vast an Expence for the support of it can I act so degenerous and mean a part as to deny my Concurrence to such worthy Endeavours for disabusing of your Majesty by the Reinforcement of those Laws and Establishment of that Government on which alone depends the well-being of your Majesty and of the PROTESTANT RELIGION in Europe This Sir is that irresistible and only Cause that cou'd come in Competition with my Duty and Obligations to your Majesty and be able to tear me from You whilst the same Affectionate Desire of serving You continues in me Could I secure your Person by the Hazard of my Life I should think it could not be better Employed And wou'd to God these Your distracted Kingdoms might yet receive that satisfactory Compliance from your Majesty in all their justifiable pretensions as might upon the only sure Foundation that of the Love and Interest of your Subjects establish your Government and as strongly Unite the Hearts of all your Subjects to You as is that of SIR Your Majesty's most Humble and most Obedient Son and Servant The Lord Churchill 's Letter to the King SIR SInce Men are seldom suspected of Sincerity when they act contrary to their Interests and though my dutiful Behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of Times for which I acknowledge my poor Services much over paid may not be sufficient to incline You to a charitable Interpretation of my Actions yet I hope the great Advantage I enjoy under Your Majesty which I can never expect in any other change of Government may reasonably convince Your Majesty and the World that I am acted by a higher Principle when I offer that violence to my inclination and interest as to desert Your Majesty at a time when your Affairs seem to challenge the strictest Obedience from all your Subjects much more from one who lies under the greatest personal Obligations imaginable to Your Majesty This Sir could proceed from nothing but the inviolable Dictates of my CONSCIENCE and a necessary concern for my RELIGION which no good man can oppose and with which I am instructed nothing ought to come in Competition Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful Opinion of Your Majesty hath hitherto represented those unhappy Designs which inconsiderate and self-interested men have framed against Your Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion But as I can no longer joyn with such to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect so will I always with the hazard of my Life and Fortune so much your Majesty's due endeavour to preserve Your Royal Person and Lawful Rights with all the tender Concern and dutiful Respect that becomes SIR Your Majesty's most Dutiful and most Obliged Subject and Servant The Princess Ann of Denmark 's Letter to the Queen Madam I Beg your pardon if I am so deeply affected with the surprising News of the Princes being gon as not to be able to see You but to leave this Paper to Express my humble Duty to the King and your Self and to let You know that I am 〈◊〉 to absent my self to avoid the King's Displeasure which I am not able to bear ●ur ther against the Prince or my Self And I shall stay at so great a distance as not to return before I hear the happy News of a Reconcilement And as I am confident the Prince did not leave the King with any other design than to use all possible means for His Preservation so I hope You will do me the Justice to believe that I am uncapable of following Him for any other End Never was any one in such an unhappy Condition so divided between Duty and Affection to a Father and a Husband and therefore I know not what to do but to follow one to preserve the other I see the general falling off of the Nobility and Gentry who avow to have no other end than to prevail with the King to secure their Religion which they saw so much in danger by the Violent Counsels of the Priests who to promote their own Religion did not care to what dangers they exposed the King I am fully perswaded that the Prince of
for we assure our selves that no rational and unbyassed Person will judge it Rebellion to defend our Laws and Religion which all our Princes have sworn at their Coronations Which Oath how well it hath been observed of late we desire a Free Parliament may have the Consideration of We own it Rebellion to resist a King that governs by Law but he was always accounted a Tyrant that made his Will his Law and to resist such an one we justly esteem no Rebellion but a necessary Defence And in this Consideration we doubt not of all Honest Mens Assistance and humbly hope for and implore the great Gods Protection that turneth the Hearts of People as pleaseth him best it having been observed That People can never be of one Mind without his Inspiration which hath in all Ages confirmed that Observation Vox Populi est Vox Dei The present restoring of Charters and reversing the oppressing and unjust Judgment given on Magdalen Colledg Fellows is plain are but to still the People like Plums to Children by deceiving them for a while but if they shall by this Stratagem be fooled till this present Storm that threatens the Papists be past as soon as they shall be resetled the former Oppression will be put on with greater vigour But we hope in vain is the Net spread in the sight of the Birds For 1. the Papists old Rule is That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks as they term Protestants tho the Popish Religion is the greatest Heresie And 2. Queen Mary's so ill observing her Promises to the Suffolk-men that help'd her to the Throne And above all 3. the Popes dispensing with the breach of Oaths Treaties or Promises at his pleasure when it makes for the service of Holy Church as they term it These we say are such convincing Reasons to hinder us from giving Credit to the aforesaid Mock-Shews of Redress that we think our selves bound in Conscience to rest on no Security that shall not be approved by a Freely Elected Parliament to whom under God we refer our Cause His Grace the Duke of Norfolk 's Speech to the Mayor of Norwich on the First of December in the Market-place of Norwich Mr. Mayor NOT doubting but you and the rest of your Body as well as the whole City and Country may be Alarmed by the great Concourse of Gentry with the numerous Appearance of their Friends and Servants as well as of your own Militia here this Morning I have thought this the most proper place as being the most publick one to give you an Account of our Intentions Out of the deep sense we had that in the present unhappy Juncture of Affairs nothing we could think of was possible to secure the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion but a Free Parliament WE ARE HERE MET TO DECLARE That we will do our utmost to defend the same by declaring for such a Free Parliament And since His Majesty hath been pleased by the News we hear this day to order Writs for a Parliament to sit the Fifteenth of January next I can only add in the name of my Self and all these Gentlemen and others here met That we will ever be ready to support and defend the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion And so GOD SAVE THE KING To this the Mayor Aldermen and the rest of the Corporation and a numerous Assembly did concur with his Grace and the rest of the Gentry His Grace at his lighting from his Horse perceiving great numbers of Common People gathering together called them to him and told them He desired they would not take any occasion to commit any Disorder or Outrage but go quietly to their Homes and acquainted them that the King had ordered a Free Parliament to be called The Speech of the Prince of Orange to some Principal Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire on their coming to joyn his Highness at Exeter the 15th of Nov. 1688. THO we know not all your Persons yet we have a Catalogue of your Names and remember the Character of your Worth and Interest in your Country You see we are come according to your Invitation and our Promise Our Duty to God obliges us to protect the Protestant Religion and our Love to Mankind your Liberties and Properties We expected you that dwelt so near the place of our Landing would have joyn'd us sooner not that it is now too late nor that we want your Military Assistance so much as your Countenance and Presence to justifie our declar'd Pretensions rather than accomplish our good and gracious Designs Tho we have brought both a good Fleet and a good Army to render these Kingdoms happy by rescuing all Protestants from Popery Slavery and Arbitrary Power by restoring them to their Rights and Properties established by Law and by promoting of Peace and Trade which is the Soul of Government and the very Life-Blood of a Nation yet we rely more on the goodness of God and the Justice of our Cause than on any Humane Force and Power whatever Yet since God is pleased we shall make use of Human Means and not expect Miracles for our Preservation and Happiness let us not neglect making use of this gracious Opportunity but with Prudence and Courage put in Execution our so honourable Purposes Therefore Gentlemen Friends and Fellow-Protestants we bid you and all your Followers most heartily Welcom to our Court and Camp Let the whole World now judg if our Pretensions are not Just Generous Sincere and above Price since we might have even a Bridge of Gold to return back But it is our Principle and Resolution rather to die in a good Cause than live in a bad One well knowing that Vertue and True Honour is its own Reward and the Happiness of Mankind Our Great and Only Design The true Copy of a Paper delivered by the Lord Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby where he quarter'd the one and twentieth of November 1688. WE the Nobility and Gentry of the Northern parts of England being deeply sensible of the Calamities that threaten these Kingdoms do think it our Duty as Christians and good Subjects to endeavour what in us lies the Healing of our present Distractions and preventing greater And as with grief we apprehend the said Consequences that may arise from the Landing of an Army in this Kingdom from Foreign parts So we cannot but deplore the Occasion given for it by so many Invasions made of late Years on our Religion and Laws And whereas we cannot think of any other Expedient to compose our Differences and prevent Effusion of Blood than that which procured a Settlement in these Kingdoms after the late Civil Wars the Meeting and Sitting of a Parliament freely and duly Chosen we think our selves obliged as far as in us lies to promote it And the rather because the Prince of Orange as appears by his Declaration is willing to submit his own Pretensions and all other Matters to their Determination We heartily Wish and
such Assemblies which times are as ancient as any Memory of the Nation it self hence I infer that no Summons from the King can be thought to have been necessary in those days because it was altogether needless Secondly The Succession to the Crown did not in those days nor till of late years run in a course of Lineal Succession by right of Inheritance But upon the death of a Prince those Persons of the Realm that Composed the then Parliament Assembled in order to the choosing of another That the Kingdom was then Elective though one or other of the Royal Blood was always chosen but the next in Lineal Succession very seldom is evident from the Genealogies of the Saxon Kings from an old Law made at Calchuyth appointing how and by whom Kings shall be chosen and from many express and particular Accounts given by our old Historians of such Assemblies held for Electing of Kings Now such Assemblies could not be Summon'd by any King and yet in conjunction with the King that themselves set up they made Laws binding the King and all the Realm Thirdly After the Death of King William Rufus Robert his Elder Brother being then in the Holy Land Henry the younger Son of King William the First procured an Assembly of the Clergy and People of England to whom he made large Promises of his good Government in case they would accept of him for their King and they agreeing that if he would restore to them the Laws of King Edward the Confessor then they would consent to make him their King He swore that he would do so and also free them from some oppressions which the Nation had groan'd under in his Brothers and his Fathers time Hereupon they chose him King and the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of York set the Crown upon his Head Which being done a Confirmation of the English Liberties passed the Royal Assent in that Assembly the same in substance though not so large as King John's and King Henry the Third's Magna Charta's afterwards were Fourthly After that King's Death in such another Parliament King Stephen was Elected and Mawd the Empress put by though not without some stain of perfidiousness upon all those and Stephen himself especially who had sworn in her Fathers Life-time to acknowledge her for their Soveraing after his decease Fifthly In King Richard the First 's time the King being absent in the Holy Land and the Bishop of Ely then his Chancellor being Regent of the Kingdom in his Absence whose Government was intolerable to the People for his Insolence and manifold Oppressions a Parliament was convened at London at the Instance of Earl John the Kings Brother to treat of the great and weighty affairs of the King and Kingdom in which Parliament this same Regent was depos'd from his Government and another set up viz. the Arch-Bishop of Roan in his stead This Assembly was not conven'd by the King who was then in Palaestine nor by any Authority deriv'd from him for then the Regent and Chancellor must have call'd them together but they met as the Historian says expresly at the Instance of Earl John And yet in the Kings Absence they took upon them to settle the publick Affairs of the Nation without Him Sixthly When King Henry the 3d. died his Eldest Son Prince Edward was then in the Holy Land and came not home till within the third year of his Reign yet immediately upon the Fathers Death all the Prelates and Nobles and 4 Knights for every Shire and 4 Burgesses for every Borough Assembled together in a great Council and setled the Government till the King should return Made a new Seal and a Chancellor c. I infer from what has been said that Writs of Summons are not so Essential to the being of Parliaments but that the People of England especially at a time when they cannot be had may by Law and according to our old Constitution Assemble together in a Parliamentary way without them to treat of and settle the publick Affairs of the Nation And that if such Assemblies so conven'd find the Throne Vacant they may proceed not only to set up a Prince but with the Assent and Concurrence of such Prince to transact all Publick business whatsoever without a new Election they having as great Authority as the People of England can deligate to their Representatives II. The Acts of Parliaments not Formal nor Legal in all their Circumstances are yet binding to the Nation so long as they continue in Force and not liable to be questioned as to the Validity of them but in subsequent Parliaments First The two Spencers Temp. Edvardi Secundi were banished by Act of Parliament and that Act of Parliament repealed by Dures Force yet was the Act of Repeal a good Law till it was Annulled 1 Ed. 3. Secondly Some Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. and attainders thereupon were repealed in a Parliament held Ann. 21. of that King which Parliament was procured by forced Elections and yet the Repeal stood good till such time as in 1 Henry 4. the Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. were revived and appointed to be firmly held and kept Thirdly The Parliament of 1 Hen. 4. consisted of the same Knights Citizens and Burgesses that had served in the then last dissolved Patliament and those Persons were by the Kings Writts to the Sheriffs commanded to be returned and yet they passed Acts and their Acts tho never confirmed continue to be Laws at this day Fourthly Queen Mary's Parliament that restored the Popes Supremacy was notoriously known to be pack'd inso much that it was debated in Queen Elizabeth's time whether or no to declare all their Acts void by Act of Parliament That course was then upon some prudential considerations declined and therefore the Acts of that Parliament not since repealed continue binding Laws to this day The reason of all this is Because no inferiour Courts have Authority to judge of the Validity or Invalidity of the Acts of such Assemblies as have but so much as a colour of Parliamentary Authority The Acts of such Assemblies being Entred upon the Parliament-Roll and certified before the Judges of Westminster-Hall as Acts of Parliament are conclusive and binding to them because Parliaments are the only Judges of the Imperfections Invalidities Illegalities c. of one another The Parliament that call'd in King Charles the Second was not assembled by the Kings Writ and yet they made Acts and the Royal assent was had to them many of which indeed were afterwards confirmed but not all and those that had no Confirmation are undoubted Acts of Parliament without it and have ever since obtained as such Hence I inferr that the present Convention may if they please assume to themselves a Parliamentary Power and in conjunction with such King or Queen as they shall declare may give Laws to the Kingdom as a legal Parliament The Thoughts of a Private Person about the Justice of the Gentlemens Vndertaking
as long as the King is safe and his just Power and Prerogatives the Government is in no danger and there is not the least Colour imaginable that those that have surrendered their Offices and Honours the Court and the King's Favour for preserving the Government and are now ready to hazard their Lives in defence of it will ever alter it No their design is to preserve it a greater Evidence of which they could not give at present than to petition for a Free Parliament Obj. 17. But this casts dirt upon the Frame of the Government leaving room for perpetual quarrelling Answ 1. Neither this nor any other Government that I know of affords absolute means of Peace and Preservation The Government is effectual enough so far as it reaches but it is not extensive enough If the Monarch were Arbitrary then no Cause could introduce Resistance the Nation might be at Peace but the Subjects could not be safe and Liberty and Property would be lost Therefore if Safety Liberty and Property be worth the preserving they must be defended when wicked Men would wrest them from us The Constitution of this Government is such That if the King and Parliament or the King and the Subjects differ about Fundamental Rights they have no way to reconcile the Difference but by their own Consent If the King without the Parliament could determine the Difference he would be Arbitrary and if the People or the Parliament could determine it without him they would be Supream and then it could be no Monarchy and if the Judges had the determining Power they would get the Supremacy from both and if a Foreigner were to decide the Matter he would seek his own Advantage so that they must either condescend for Peace sake to one anothers Proposals so as not to destroy the Government or they must suffer the Grievance and let the Quarrel fall for a time till the injurious can be worn to a compliance or they must fight it out for that is their going to Law the Souldiers are their Jury-men and Victory is their Verdict For the Question is not about breach of Government but whether that be the Government or no and seeing this Cause transcends the executive Part of the Government it cannot be decided by Legal Progress but by Law-makers and if they cannot agree Men are at liberty to join with that side they judg in the right Reason and Conscience must be their Guide the Law cannot and they that proceed on this ground are their own Warrants on either side for neither have a Legal Power to determine the other Therefore the Power of Judging is neither Authoritative nor Civil and so argues no Superiority in those that judg but only a Power residing in reasonable Creatures or judging of their own Act of which they never were devested by any lawful Authority and therefore may lawfully use upon such Occasions and though the Government does not Warrant a Civil War in such a case yet the End and Reason of this Government does For it being fram'd to prevent the exorbitant Power of the Prince for the publick Good he that fights for the publick Good against an Usurped Power or an Arbitrary Invader of the Governments Rights is justified by the design and intendment of the Frame and consequently by the Equity of the Government though not by any prescribed Form For seeing many things are morally honest and profitable that are not reduced into positive Laws Men cannot proceed to those things if at any time they become necessary by prescribing Forms of Law because they have none and so in this case the Question being not about Breach of Law but what is Law And the Law not able to satisfy both King and People each claiming contrary Rights from the same Laws the Decision of this Case though it be very good and profitable for this Nation yet has no prescribed form of Law to direct us to and therefore both King and People are to proceed according to moral Honesty to the end of the Government that is the publick Good The Conclusion of all which is That seeing resisting of Illegal and Arbitrary Forces in defence of the Laws and Publick Interest of the Land is not against the Scriptures and consequently no Sin nor against moral Honesty and consequently no Crime not against Law but Law-breakers not against true Allegiance or any Prerogative of the Crown no Rebellion no Usurpation of the Sword nor Criminal Disobedience and not incommodious or unsafe for the Publick in respect of the impendant Injuries and Hazards it removes nor inconsistent with the Frame of Government which cannot otherwise decide an obstinate Difference betwixt King and People I cannot but conclude it is a very worthy and virtuous Act to be in Arms for defence of the Laws the King 's just Rights and the Publick Good and consequently that those Gentlemen who are in Arms for defence of our Laws Liberties and Lives against Illegal Forces Arbitrary Commands and Usurped Powers are in a virtuous Post For if the Subjects Right might not be defended by this means it would be all lost it being all one in these days to have no Right and to have no sufficient means to defend it The Doctrine of Non-resistance plainly puts all we have into an ill King's hands and the good Ones will scarce part with what they are apt to love so dearly and we parted with so freely should we therefore preach this Doctrine to our Princes and tell them that they might take what we have without danger or opposition we should teach them to try our Patience if all must be referr'd to their Consciences they will soon without the help of a Jesuit find case enough and cause enough to secure that and leave the examination of them to the latter Day hatred of our Persons love of our Estates disgust at our Words or Actions or dislike of our Religion will soon judg us unworthy of our Liberty and Property as well as it has already done of our Offices Honours and Preferments Passion and Scorn Pride and Ambition Covetousness and Prodigality would all prey upon what we had with a quiet though not with a good Conscience but especially if the King were poor and necessitous either by wilful Profuseness or Negligence for Nature would even tell him in such a Case That we had all better want than he and then farewel Property the worst you could do him was but to pet and cry a bit and perhaps that might become a Pleasure to him too and then you had nothing to rest on but that God would give you the Kingdom of Heaven for beggering your selves impoverishing the Church and giving what you had to the Devil's Service an ill Ground for such costly Hopes to stand upon 2. This Doctrine renders Government prejudicial to the greatest part of Mankind depriving them of all just Defence For the illegal Force bars them of legal Defence and the Doctrine of Non-resistance
from a Divine Right so though Princes have no immediate Warrants from Heaven either for their original Titles or for the extent of them yet they are secured in the possession of them by the Principles and Rules of Natural Religion V. It is to be considered that as a private Person can bind himself to another Man's Service by different Degrees either as an ordinary Servant for Wages or as one appropriate for a longer time as an Apprentice or by a total giving himself up to another as in the case of Slavery In all which Cases the general Name of Master may be equally used yet the Degrees of his Power are to be judged by the Nature of the Contract so likewise Bodies of Men can give themselves up in different Degrees to the Conduct of others and therefore though all those may carry the same name of King yet every ones Power is to be taken from the Measures of that Authority which is lodged in him and not from any general Speculations founded on some equivocal Terms such as King Sovereign or Supream VI. It is certain that God as the Creator and Governour of the World may set up whom he will to rule over other Men But this Declaration of his Will must be made evident by Prophets or other extraordinary Men sent of him who have some manifest Proofs of the Divine Authority that is committed to them on such Occasions and upon such Persons declaring the Will of God in favour of any others that Declaration is to be submitted to and obeyed But this pretence of a Divine Delegation can be carried no further than to those who are thus expresly marked out and is unjustly claimed by those who can prove no such Declaration to have been ever made in favour of them or their Families Nor does it appear reasonable to conclude from their being in possession that it is the Will of God that it should be so this justifies all Usurpers when they are successful VII The Measures of Power and by consequence of Obedience must be taken from the express Laws of any State or Body of Men from the Oaths that they swear or from immemorial Prescription and a long Possession which both give a Title and in a long tract of Time make a bad one become good since Prescription when it passes the Memory of Man and is not disputed by any other Pretender gives by the common sense of all Men a just and good Title So upon the whole matter the Degrees of all Civil Authority are to be taken either from express Laws immemorial Customs or from particular Oaths which the Subjects swear to their Princes this being still to be laid down for a Principle that in all the Disputes between Power and Liberty Power must always be proved but Liberty proves it self the one being founded only upon positive Law and the other upon the Law of Nature VIII If from the general Principles of human Society and natural Religion we carry this matter to be examined by the Scriptures it is clear that all the Passages that are in the Old Testament are not to be made use of in this matter of neither side For as the Land of Canaan was given to the Jews by an immediate Grant from Heaven so God reserved still this to himself and to the Declarations that he should make from time to time either by his Prophets or by the Answers that came from the Cloud of Glory that was between the Cherubims to set up Judges or Kings over them and to pull them down again as he thought fit Here was an express Delegation made by God and therefore all that was done in that Dispensation either for or against Princes is not to be made use of in any other State that is founded on another Bottom and Constitution and all the Expressions in the Old Testament relating to Kings since they belong to Persons that were immediately designed by God are without any sort of Reason applied to those who can pretend to no such designation neither for themselves nor for their Ancestors IX As for the New Testament it is plain that there are no Rules given in it neither for the Forms of Government in general nor for the Degrees of any one Form in particular but the general Rules of Justice Order and Peace being established in it upon higher Motives and more binding Considerations than ever they were in any other Religion whatsoever we are most strictly bound by it to observe the Constitution in which we are and it is plain that the Rules set us in the Gospel can be carried no further It is indeed clear from the New Testament that the Christian Religion as such gives us no grounds to defend or propagate it by force It is a Doctrine of the Cross and of Faith and Patience under it And if by the Order of Divine Providence and of any Constitution of Government under which we are born we are brought under Sufferings for our professing of it we may indeed retire and fly out of any such Country if we can but if that is denied us we must then according to this Religion submit to those Sufferings under which we may be brought considering that God will be glorified by us in so doing and that he will both support us under our Sufferings and gloriously reward us for them This was the state of the Christian Religion during the three first Centuries under Heathen Emperors and a Constitution in which Paganism was established by Law But if by the Laws of any Government the Christian Religion or any Form of it is become a part of the Subjects Property it then falls under another Consideration not as it is a Religion but as it is become one of the principal Rights of the Subjects to believe and profess it and then we must judg of the Invasions made on that as we do of any other Invasion that is made on our other Rights X. All the Passages in the New Testament that relate to Civil Government are to be expounded as they were truly meant in opposition to that false Notion of the Jews who believed themselves to be so immediately under the Divine Authority that they could not become the Subjects of any other Power particularly of one that was not of their Nation or of their Religion therefore they thought they could not be under the Roman Yoke nor bound to pay Tribute to Cesar but judged that they were only subject out of fear by reason of the force that lay on them but not for Conscience sake and so in all their dispersion both at Rome and elsewhere they thought they were God's Freemen and made use of this pretended Liberty as a cloak of Maliciousness In opposition to all which since in a course of many Years they had asked the Protection of the Roman Yoke and were come under their Authority our Saviour ordered them to continue in that by his saying Render to Cesar that which is
relate to the Executive Power which is in the King and not to the Legislative in which we cannot suppose that our Legislators who made that Law intended to give up that which we plainly see they resolved still to preserve entire according to the Antient Constitution So then the not resisting the King can only be applied to the Executive Power that so upon no pretence of ill Administrations in the Execution of the Law it should be lawful to resist him but this cannot with any reason be extended to an Invasion of the Legislative Power or to a total Subversion of the Government For it being plain that the Law did not design to lodg that Power in the King it is also plain that it did not intend to secure him in it in case he should set about it 4. The Law mentioning the King or those Commissionated by him shews plainly that it only designed to secure the King in the Executive Power for the word Commission necessarily imports this since if it is not according to Law it is no Commission and by consequence those who act in virtue of it are not commissionated by the King in the Sense of the Law The King likewise imports a Prince clothed by Law with the Regal Prerogative but if he goes to subvert the whole Foundation of the Government he subverts that by which he himself has his Power and by consequence he annuls his own Power and then he ceases to be King having endeavoured to destroy that upon which his own Authority is founded XV. It is acknowledged by the greatest Assertors of Monarchial Power that in some Cases a King may fall from his Power and in other Cases that he may fall from the Exercise of it His deserting his People his going about to enslave or sell them to any other or a furious going about to destroy them are in the opinion of the most Monarchical Lawyers such Abuses that they naturally divest those that are guilty of them of their whole Authority Infancy or Phrenzy do also put them under the Guardianship of others All the crowned Heads of Europe have at least secretly approved of the putting the late King of Portugal under a Guardianship and the keeping him still Prisoner for a few Acts of Rage that had been fatal to a very few persons And even our Court gave the first countenance to it though of all others the late King had the most reason to have done it at least last of all since it justified a younger Brother's supplanting the Elder yet the evidence of the thing carried it even against Interest Therefore if a King goes about to subvert the Government and to overturn the whole Constitution he by this must be supposed either to fall from his Power or at least from the Exercise of it so far as that he ought to be put under Guardians and according to the Case of Portugal the next Heir falls naturally to be the Guardian XVI The next thing to be considered is to see in Fact whether the Foundations of this Government have been struck at and whether those Errors that have been perhaps committed are only such Malversations as ought to be imputed only to human Frailty and to the Ignorance Inadvertencies or Passions to which all Princes may be subject as well as other Men. But this will best appear if we consider what are the Fundamental Points of our Government and the chief Securities that we have for our Liberties The Authority of the Law is indeed all in one word so that if the King pretends to a Power to dispence with Laws there is nothing left upon which the Subject can depend and yet as if Dispensing Power were not enough if Laws are wholly suspended for all time coming this is plainly a repealing of them when likewise the Men in whose hands the Administration of Justice is put by Law such as Judges and Sheriffs are allowed to tread all Laws under foot even those that infer an Incapacity on themselves if they violate them this is such a breaking of the whole Constitution that we can no more have the Administration of Justice so that it is really a Dissolution of the Government since all Trials Sentences and the Executions of them are become so many unlawful Acts that are null and void of themselves The next thing in our Constitution which secures to us our Laws and Liberties is a free and Lawful Parliament Now not to mention the breach of the Law of Triennial Parliaments it being above three years since we had a Session that enacted any Law Methods have been taken and are daily a taking that render this impossible Parliaments ought to be chosen with an entire Liberty and without either Force or Preingagements whereas if all Men are required beforehand to enter into Engagements how they will vote if they are chosen themselves or how they will give their Voices in the Electing of others This is plainly such a preparation to a Parliament as would indeed make it no Parliament but a Cabal if one were chosen after all that Corruption of Persons who had preingaged themselves and after the Threatning and Turning out of all Persons out of Imployments who had refused to do it and if there are such daily Regulations made in the Towns that it is plain those who manage them intend at last to put such a number of Men in the Corporations as will certainly chuse the Persons who are recommended to them But above all if there are such a number of Sheriffs and Mayors made over England by whom the Elections must be conducted and returned who are now under an Incapacity by Law and so are no Legal Officers and by consequence those Elections that pass under their Authority are null and void if I say it is clear that things are brought to this then the Government is dissolved because it is impossible to have a Free and Legal Parliament in this state of things If then both the Authority of the Law and the Constitution of the Parliament are struck at and dissolved here is a plain Subversion of the whole Government But if we enter next into the particular Branches of the Government we will find the like Disorder among them all The Protestant Religion and the Church of England make a great Article of our Government the latter being secured not only of old by Magna Charta but by many special Laws made of late and there are particular Laws made in K. Charles the First and the late King's time securing them from all Commissions that the King can raise for Judging or Censuring them if then in opposition to this a Court so condemned is erected which proceeds to judg and censure the Clergy and even to disseise them of their Freeholds without so much as the form of a Trial though this is the most indispensable Law of all those that secures the Property of England and if the King pretends that he can require the Clergy
to publish all his Arbitrary Declarations and in particular one that strikes at their whole Settlement and has ordered Process to be begun against all that disobey'd this illegal Warrant and has treated so great a number of the Bishops as Criminals only for representing to him the Reasons of their not obeying him if likewise the King is not satisfied to profess his own Religion openly though even that is contrary to Law but has sent Ambassadors to Rome and received Nuntio 's from thence which is plainly Treason by Law if likewise many Popish Churches and Chappels have been publickly opened if several Colledges of Jesuits have been set up in divers parts of the Nation and one of the Order has been made a Privy Counsellor and a principal Minister of State and if Papists and even those who turn to that Religion though declared Traitors by Law are brought into all the chief Employments both Military and Civil then it is plain That all the Rights of the Church of England and the whole establishment of the Protestant Religion are struck at and designed to be overturned since all these things as they are notoriously illegal so they evidently demonstrate That the great design of them all is the rooting out of this Pestilent Heresy in their stile I mean the Protestant Religion In the next place If in the whole Course of Justice it is visible that there is a constant practising upon the Judges that they are turned out upon their varying from the Intentions of the Court and if Men of no Reputation nor Abilities are put in their places if an Army is kept up in time of Peace and Men who withdraw from that illegal Service are hanged up as Criminals without any colour of Law which by consequence are so many Murders and if the Souldiery are connived at and encouraged in the most enormous Crimes that so they may be thereby prepared to commit greater ones and from single Rapes and Murders proceed to a rape upon all our Liberties and a destruction of the Nation if I say all these things are true in fact then it is plain that there is such a dissolution of the Government made that there is not any one part of it left found and entire and if all these things are done now it is easy to imagine what may be expected when Arbitrary Power that spares no Man and Popery that spares no Heretick are finally established Then we may look for nothing but Gabelles Tailles Impositions Benevolences and all sorts of illegal Taxes as from the other we may expect Burnings Massacres and Inquisitions In what is doing in Scotland we may gather what is to be expected in England where if the King has over and over again declared that he is vested with an Absolute Power to which all are bound to obey without reserve and has upon that annulled almost all the Acts of Parliament that passed in K. James the Ist's Minority though they were ratified by himself when he came to be of age and were confirmed by all the subsequent Kings not excepting the present We must then conclude from thence what is resolved on here in England and what will be put in execution as soon as it is thought that the Times can bear it When likewise the whole Settlement of Ireland is shaken and the Army that was raised and is maintained by Taxes that were given for an Army of English Protestants to secure them from a new Massacre by the Irish Papists is now all filled with Irish Papists as well as almost all the other Imployments it is plain That not only all the British Protestants inhabiting that Island are in daily danger of being butchered a second time but that the Crown of England is in danger of losing that Island it being now put wholly into the hands and power of the Native Irish who as they formerly offered themselves up sometimes to the Crown of Spain sometimes to the Pope and once to the Duke of Lorrain so are they perhaps at this present treating with another Court for the sale and surrender of the Island and for the Massacre of the English in it If thus all the several Branches of our Constitution are dissolved it might be at least expected that one part should be left entire and that is the Regal Dignity and yet even that is prostituted when we see a young Child put in the reversion of it and pretended to be the Prince of Wales concerning whose being born of the Queen there appear to be not only no certain Proofs but there are all the Presumptions that can possibly be imagined to the contrary No Proofs were ever given either to the Princess of Denmark or to any other Protestant Ladies in whom we ought to repose any Confidence that the Queen was ever with Child that whole matter being managed with so much Mysteriousness that there were violent and publick Suspitions of it before the Birth But the whole Contrivance of the Birth the sending away the Princess of Denmark the sudden shortning of the Reckoning the Queen 's sudden going to St. James's her no less sudden pretended Delivery the hurrying the Child into another Room without shewing it to those present and without their hearing it cry and the mysterious Conduct of all since that time no satisfaction being given to the Princess of Denmark upon her Return from the Bath nor to any other Protestant Ladies of the Queen's having been really brought to bed These are all such evident Indications of a base Imposture in this matter that as the Nation has the justest reason in the World to doubt of it so they have all possible reason to be at no quiet till they see a Legal and Free Parliament assembled which may impartially and without either Fear or Corruption examine that whole matter If all these Matters are true in fact then I suppose no Man will doubt that the whole Foundations of this Government and all the most sacred Parts of it are overturned And as to the truth of all these Suppositions that is left to every Englishman's Judgment and Sense The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy no Badges of Slavery THE Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Crown of England having been invaded and broke in upon by the Power of the Court of Rome in K. Henry the Eighth 's time all Foreign Power was abolished and the Antient Legal Supremacy restor'd and by many additional Acts corroborated But all that was done of that kind in K. Henry the Eighth 's time was undone again in Queen Mary's and therefore in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth's Reign an Act of Parliament was made Intituled All Antient Jurisdiction restored to the Crown A Repeal of divers Statutes and Reviver of others and all foreign Power Abolished Which Act recites that whereas in the Reign of R. H. 8. divers good Laws were made and established as well for the utter extinguishment and putting away of all Vsurped and Foreign Powers and
recites the daily Experiences that many of his Majesty's Subjects that adhere in their Hearts to the Popish Religion by the Infection drawn from thence by the wicked and devillish Counsel of Jesuits Seminaries and other like Persons dangerous to the Church and State are so far perverted in the point of their Loyalties and due Allegiance to the King's Majesty and the Crown of England as they are ready to entertain and execute any Treasonable Conspiracies and Practices And for the better Trial how his Majesty's Subjects stand affected in point of their Loyalties and due Obedience Enacts that it shall be lawful for any Bishop in his Diocess or any two Justices of the Peace whereof one to be of the Quorum within the Limits of their Jurisdiction out of the Session to require any Person of the age of eighteen Years or above which shall be convict or indicted of Recusancy other than Noblemen c. or which shall not have received the Sacrament twice within the Year then next past or any Person passing in or through the Country unknown that being examined upon Oath shall confess or not deny him or her self to be a Recusant and to take the Oath therein after expressed viz. c. The Oath of Allegiance So that by the occasion of imposing the Oath and by the appointing it to be tendred only to Papists or suspected Papists it is apparent that the Design of the Law-makers was to detect such Persons as were perverted or in danger to be perverted in their Loyalty by Infection drawn from the Popish Religion The form of the Oath makes it yet more evident being wholly levell'd against any Opinion of the Lawfulness of deposing the King or practising any Treason against him upon pretence of his being excommunicated or deprived by the Pope and against any Opinion of the Pope's Power to discharge Subjects from their Oaths of Fidelity to their Princes It runs thus viz. I A. B. Do truly and sincerely profess testify and declare in my Conscience before God and the World that our Soveraign Lord King James is lawful and rightful King of this Realm and of all his Majesty's Dominions and Countries And that the Pope neither of himself nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome or by any other means with any other hath any Power or Authority to depose the King or to dispose any of his Majesty's Kingdoms or Dominions or to authorize any Foreign Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance or Obedience to his Majesty or to give licence or leave to any of them to bear Arms raise Tumults or to offer any Violence or Hurt to his Majesty's Royal Person State or Government or to any of his Majesty's Subjects within his Majesty's Dominions Also I do swear from my Heart that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted or to be made or granted by the Pope or his Successors or by any Authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his See against the said King his Heirs and Successors or any Absolution of the said Subjects from their Obedience I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my Power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their Persons their Crown and Dignity by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration or otherwise and will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty his Heirs and Successors all Treasons and traiterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them And I do further swear that I do from my Heart abhor and detest and abjure as impious and heretical this damnable Doctrine and Position That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do believe and in Conscience am perswaded that neither the Pope nor any Person whatsoever hath Power to absolve me of this Oath or any part thereof which I acknowledg by good and lawful Authority to be lawfully administred unto me and I do renounce all Parsons and Dispensations to the contrary And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and swear according to these express words by me spoken and according to the plain and common Sense and Vnderstanding of the same words without any Equivocation or mental Evasion or secret Reservation whatsoever And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment heartily willingly and truly upon the true Faith of a Christian So help me God And the Statute of 7 Jacobi cap. 6. recites that Whereas by a Statute made in the third Year of the said King's Reign the form of an Oath to be ministred and given to certain Persons in the same Act mentioned is limited and prescribed tending only to the Declaration of such Duty as every true and well affected Subject not only by bond of Allegiance but also by the Commandment of Almighty God ought to bear to the King his Heirs and Successors Which Oath such are infected with Popish Superstition do oppugne with many false and unsound Arguments the just defence whereof the King had therefore undertaken and worthily performed to the great contentment of all his Subjects notwithstanding the Gainsayings of Contentious Adversaries And to shew how greatly the King 's Loyal Subjects do approve the said Oath they beseech his Majesty that the said Oath be administred to all his Subjects The Pope and Authority of the See of Rome run through the first Paragraph Notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication c. Governs the second Paragraph Excommunicated and deprived the Pope are the material words in the third Paragraph The fourth is added in Majorem cautelam in opposition to the Popish Doctrine of Dispensing with Oaths Absolving Subjects from their Allegiance Equivocations Mental Evasions c. So that as the Oath of Supremacy did but enforce the Antient Oath of Fealty with an acknowledgment of the Queen 's supream Authority in Ecclesiastial Causes and things as well as Temporal and a Renunciation of all Foreign Jurisdictions so the Oath of Allegiance does but enforce the same old Oath of Fealty by obliging the Subjects of England expresly to disown any lawful Authority in the Pope or See of Rome to depose invade or annoy the King his Dominions or Subjects And notwithstanding any Sentence of Excommunication Deprivation c. by the Pope c. to bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King his Heirs and lawful Successors And to abjure that Position that it is lawful to depose Princes that are Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope Whatever is added is either Oath over and above what was exprest in the old Oath of Fealty is but as Explanatory of it and branching it out
Regnis atque populi innumerabiles in Guerrâ illâ mortem mortis periculum sustinuerunt bona quoque catalla inaestimabilia thesauros innumerabiles pro sustentatione hujus guerrae Communes Regni hujus indefesse effuderunt Et quod graviùs dolendum est jam in diebus vestris tanta onera iis imposita pro guerris vestris sustinendis supportaverunt quod ad tantam pauperiem incredibilem deducti sunt quod nec reditus suos pro suis tenementis solvere possunt nec Regi subvenire nec vitae necessaria sibi ipsis ministrare depauperatur Regia potestas Dominorum Regni magnatum infelicitas adducitur atque totius populi debilitas Nam Rex depauperari nequit qui divitem habet populum nec dives esse potest qui pauperes habet communes Et mala haec omnia redundant non solum Regi sed omnibus singulis Dominis Proceribus Regni unicuique in suo gradu Et haec omnia eveniunt per iniquos ministros Regis qui malè gubernaverunt Regem Regnum usque in praesens Et nisi manus citiùs apponamus adjutrices remedii fulcimentum adhibeamus Regnum Angliae dolorosè attenuabitur tempore quo minus opinamur Sed unum aliud de nuncio nostro superest nobis ex parte populi vestri vobis intimare Habent enim EX ANTIQUO STATUTO de facto non longe retroactis temporibus experienter quod dolendum est habito si Rex EX MALIGNO CONSILIO QUOCUNQUE vel INEPTA CONTUMACIA aut CONTEMPTU seu PROTERVA VOLUNTATE SINGULARI aut QUOVIS MODO IRREGULARI se alienaverit à populo suo nec voluerit per jura Regni Statuta ac laudabiles Ordinationes cum salubri consilio Dominorum Procerum Regni gubernari regulari sed capitose in suis insanis consiliis propriam voluntatem suam singularem proterve exercere extunc licitum est iis cum communi assensu consensu Populi Regni ipsum REGEM DE REGALI SOLIO ABROGARE propinquiorem aliquem de stirpe Regiâ loco ejus in Regni solio sublimare H. Knighton Collect. 2681. Wherefore taking wholsome Advice they sent by common Assent of the whole Parliament the Lord Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Glocester and Thomas de Arundell Bishop of Ely to the King to Eltham to salute him on behalf of the Lords and Commons of his Parliament who express'd their Desires to the King to this effect Sir The Lords and all the Commons of your Parliament have themselves commended to your most excellent Majesty desiring the Success of your invincible Honour against the Power of your Enemies and a most firm Bond of Peace and Love in your Heart towards your Subjects for your good God-wards and the good of your Soul and to the unspeakable Comfort of all your People whom you govern On whose behalf we intimate these things to you That it appears to us by an antient Statute and by laudable and approved Vsage which cannot be deny'd that our King can call together the Peers of the Realm and the Commons once a year to his Parliament as to the supream Court of the whole Kingdom in which all Right and Justice ought to shine forth without any doubt or stain as the Sun at Noon-day where Poor and Rich may find an infallible Refuge to enjoy the Refreshments of Tranquillity and Peace and for repelling of Injuries where also Errors in Government are to be reformed and the State and Government of King and Kingdom treated upon by sage Advice and the destroying and repelling of both intestine and foreign Enemies to the King and Kingdom with most Convenience and Honour may be debated upon and provided for as also in what manner the Charges incumbent upon the King and Kingdom may be born with most ease to the Commonalty They conceive likewise that since they bear the incumbent Charges it concerns them to inspect how and by whom their Goods and Chattels are expended They say also that it appears to them by an antient Statute that if the King absent himself from his Parliament voluntarily not by reason of Sickness or for any other necessary cause but through an inordinate Will shall wantonly absent himself by the space of forty days as not regarding the Vexation of his People and their great Expences it shall then be lawful to all and singular of them to return to their own Homes without the King's leave And you have now been longer absent and have refused to come to them for what cause they know not Then said the King I now plainly see that my People and the Commons design to oppose me with Force and are about to make an Insurrection against me And if I be so infested I think the best course I can take will be to _____ my Cousin the King of France and ask his Advice and pray in aid of him against those that way-lay me and rather to submit my self to him than be foil'd by my own Subjects To which they reply'd That Counsel is not for your good but will inevitably tend to your ruin for the King of France is your capital Enemy and the greatest Adversary that your Kingdom has and if he should set his foot within your Kingdom he would rather endeavour to prey upon you and invade your Realm and to depose you from your Royal Dignity than afford you any Assistance if which God forbid you should stand in need of his help Call to mind therefore how your Grand-father King Edward III and your Father Prince Edward for him fought indefatigably in Sweat and Sorrow all their days and went through innumerable Hardships of Cold and Heat to acquire the Kingdom of France which by hereditary Right appertain'd to Them and does now to You by Succession after them Remember likewise how innumerable Lords and Commons of both Realms and Kings and Gentlemen of other Kingdoms and People innumerable perished or hazarded perishing in that War and that the Commons of this Realm pour'd out Goods of inestimable value and innumerable Sums of Money for the carrying on of that same War and which is more to be lamented they have now in your days undergone such heavy Taxes towards the maintaining of your Wars that they are reduced to such incredible Poverty that they cannot so much as pay their Rents for their Farms nor aid the King nor afford themselves Necessaries and the King himself is impoverish'd and the Lords become uneasy and all the People faint for a King cannot become poor that has a rich People nor can he be rich whose People are poor And all these Mischiefs redound not to the King only but also to all and singular the Peers of the Realm in proportion And all these Mischiefs happen by means of the King 's Evil Ministers who have hitherto misgovern'd both the King and Kingdom and if some course be not taken the Kingdom of England will
good a Title to be ravished from them either by Monks or Janizaries though authorised thereunto by the Princes Commission Even they who had formerly suffered themselves to be seduced to prove in a manner Betrayers of the Rights and Religion of their Country will now being undeceived not only in conjunction with others withstand the Court in its prosecution of Popish and Arbitrary Designs but through a generous exasperation for having been deluded and abused will judge themselves obliged in vindication of their Actings before to appear for the Protestant Religion and the Laws of England with a Zeal equal to that wherewith they contributed to the undermining and supplanting of them For they are not only become more sensible than they were of the Mischiefs of Absolute Government so as for the future to prize and assert the Priviledges reserved unto the people by the Rules of the Constitution and chalk'd out for them in the Laws of the Land but they have such a fresh view of Popery both in its Heresies Blasphemies Superstitions and Idolatries and in the Treachery Sanguinariness Violence and Cruelty which the Papal Principles mould influence and oblige Men unto that they not only entertain the greatest abhorrency and detestation imaginable for it but seem resolved not to cherish in their Bosom a Thing so abominable to God execrable to good Men and destructive to Humane as well as to Christian Societies Nor are the Dissenters meerly to believe that the Conformists are equally zealous as themselves for the Reformed Religion and English Rights but they are to consider them as the only great and united Body of Protestants in the Kingdom with whom all other parties compared bear no considerable proportion For though the Nonconformists considered abstractly make a vast number of honest and useful people yet being laid in the Scale with those of the Episcopal Communion they are but few and lye in a little room And whosoever will take the pains to ballance the one against the other even where Dissenters make the greatest Figure and may justly boast of their Multitude they will soon be convinced that the number of the other doth far transcend and exceed them And if it be so in Cities and Corporations where the greatest Bulk of Dissenters are it is much more so in Country Parishes where the latter bear not the proportion of one to a hundred Nor doth the Church of England more exceed the other parties in her number than she doth in the quality of her Members For whereas they who make up and constitute the separate Societies are chiefly persons of the middle Rank and Condition the Church of England doth in a manner vouch and claim all the Persons of Honour of the Learned professions and such as have valuable Estates for her Communicants And though the other sort are as necessary in the Common-wealth and contribute as much to its Strength Prosperity and Happiness yet they make not that Figure in the Government nor stand in that Capacity of having influence upon Publick Affairs For not only the Gentlemen of both the Gowns who by reason of their Calling and Learning are best able to defend our Religion and vindicate our Laws and Priviledges with their Tongues and Pens but they whose Estates Reputation and Interest recommendeth them to be elected Members of the great Senate of the Nation as well as they who by reason of their Honours and Baronages are Hereditary Legislators are generally if not all of the Communion of the Church of England So that they who conform to the established Worship and Discipline are to be look'd upon and acknowledged as the great Bulwark of the Protestant Religion in England and the Hedge and Fence of our Civil Liberties and Rights And though it be true that this great Breach made upon our Religion and Laws is fallen out under their hand while the poor Dissenters had neither accession to nor were in a condition to prevent it yet seeing their own Consciences do sufficiently load and charge them for it with Shame and Ignominy it were neither candid nor at this Juncture seasonable to upbraid it to them or improve it to their Dishonour and Reproach For as they have tamely look'd on and connived till our Religion and Liberties are so far undermined and supplanted so it is they alone who have been in a condition of stemming the Inundation of Idolatry and Tyranny with which we were threatned and of repairing our Breaches and reducing the Prerogative to its old Channel and making Popery sneak and retreat into its holes and corners again And should the Church of England have been overthrown and devoured what an easie Prey would the rest have been to the Romish Cormorants And could the King under the Conduct of the Jesuits and with the assistance of his Myrmidons have dissolved the established Worship and Discipline they of the Separation would have been in no capacity to support the Reformed Religion nor able to escape the common Ruine and Persecution 'T is therefore the Interest as well as the Duty of the Dissenters to help maintain and defend those Walls within the skreen and shelter whereof their own Huts and Cottages are built and stand And the rather seeing the Conformists are at last though to their own Religion's and the Nations Expence become so far enlightned as to see a necessity of growing more amicable towards them and to enlarge the Terms of their Communion grant an Indulgence to all Protestants that differ from them And as we ought to admire the Wisdom of God in those Providences by which Protestants are taught to lay aside their Animosities and let fall their Persecutions of one another so it would be a Contradiction both to the principles and repeated Protestations of Dissenters to aim at more than such a Liberty as is consistent with a National Ecclesiastick Establishment Yea it were to proclaim themselves both Villains and Hypocrites not to allow their Fellow-Protestants the Exercise of their Judgments with what further Profits and Emoluments the Law will grant them provided themselves may be discharged from all obnoxiousness to Penalties and Censures upon the account of their Consciences and be admitted a free and publick Practice of their own respective Modes of Discipline and be suffered to worship God in those ways which they think he hath required and enjoyned them And were England immediately to be rendred so happy as to have a Protestant Prince or Princess as we are not now quite out of hopes ascend the Throne and to enjoy a Parliament duly chosen and acting with freedom no one party of the Reformed Religion among us must ever expect to be established and supported to the denial of Liberty to others much less to be by Law empowered to ruine and destroy them Should it please Almighty God to bring the Princess of Orange to the Crown though the Church of England may in that case justly expect the being preserved and upheld as the National
where it hath obtained and prevailed For beside the innumerable Executions and Murthers committed by means of the Inquisition to crush and stifle the Reformed Religion in its Rise and Birth and to prevent its Succeeding and Settlement in Spain Italy and many other Territories there is no Kingdom or State where it hath so far prevailed as to come to be universally received and legally established but it hath been through strange and wonderful Conflicts with the Rage and Malice of the Church of Rome The Persecutions which the Primitive Christians underwent by vertue of the Edicts of the Pagan Emperors were not more Sanguinary and Cruel than what through the Laws and Ordinances of Popish Princes have been inflicted upon those who have testified against the Heresies Superstitions and Idolatries and have withdrawn from the Communion of the Papal Church Nor were the Martyrs that suffered for the Testimony of Jesus against Heathenism either more numerous or worthier of esteem for Virtue Justice and Piety than they who have been slaughtered upon no other Pretence but for Endeavouring to restore the Christian Religion to the Simplicity and Purity of its Divine and first Institution and to recover it from the Corruptions wherewith it was become universally Tainted in Doctrine Worship and Discipline How have all the Nations in Europe been soak'd with the Blood of Saints through the Barbarous Rage of Popish Rulers whom the Roman Bishops and Clergy stirred up and instigated in order to support themselves in their secular Grandeur and in their Tyranny over the Consciences of Men and to keep the World in Slavery under Ignorance Errors Superstition and Idolatry which the reducing Christianity again to the Rule of the Gospel would have redeemed Mankind from and been an effectual Means to have Dissipated and Subverted They of the Roman Communion having strangely corrupted the Christian Religion in its Faith Worship and Discipline and having prodigiously altered it from what it was in the Doctrines and Institutions of our Saviour and his Apostles they found no otherway whereby to sustain their Errors and Corruptions and to preserve themselves in the Possession of that Empire which they had usurped over Conscience and in the Enjoyment of the Wealth and secular Greatness which by working upon the Ignorance Superstition Lusts and Prophaneness of People they had skrewed and wound themselves into but by adjudging all who durst detect or oppose them to Fire and Sword or to Miseries to which Death in its worst shape were preferrable Nor have they for the better obstructing the Growth and compassing the Extirpation of the Reformed Religion omitted either the Arts and Subtleties of Julian or the Fury and Violence of Galerius and Dioclesian Whosoever hath not observed the Craft and Rage that have been employed and exerted against Protestants for these 170 Years must have been very little Conversant in Histories and strangely overlook'd the Conduct of Affairs in the World and the Transactions in Churches and States during their own time And tho the Papists do not think it fit to put their Maxims for preserving the Catholick Religion and converting Hereticks in Execution at all times and in every place yet some of their Writers are so Ingenuous as to tell us the reason of it and that they do not forbear it upon Principles of Christianity or good Nature but upon Motives of Policy and Fear lest the cutting one of our Throats might endanger two of their own However they have been careful not to suffer a period of twenty Years to clapse since the beginning of the Reformation without affording us in some place or another renewed Evidences of Papal Charity and of the Roman Method of hindering the Growth of Heresie either by a Massacre War or Persecution begun and executed upon no other Account or Provocation but merely that of our Religion and because we cannot believe and practise in the Matters of God as they do And having obtained of late great Advantages for the pursuing their Malice against us more boldly and avowedly than at another Season and that not only through a strange Concurrence and Conjunction of Princes in the Papal Communion who are more intoxicated with their Superstitions and Idolatries or less wise merciful and humane than some of their Predecessors of that Fellowship were but through having obtained a Prince intirely devoted unto them and under the implicit guidance of their Priests to be advanced unto a Throne where such sometime used to sit as were the Terror of Rome the Safeguard of the Reformed Religion and the Sanctuary of oppressed Protestants they have thereupon both assumed a Courage of stirring up new and unpresidented Persecutions in divers places against the most useful best and loyallest of Subjects upon no other Charge or Allegation but for dissenting for the Tridentine Faith and denying Subjection to the Tripple Crown and are raised into a Confidence of wholly Extirpating Protestancy and of re-establishing the Papal Tyrannies and Superstition in the several Countries whence they had been expelled or stood so depressed and discountenanced as that the Votaries and Partizans of their Church had not the Sway and Domination Nor need we any other Conviction both of their Design and of their Confidence of Succeeding in it than what they have already done and continue to pursue in France Hungary and Piedmont where their prospering to such a degree in their Cruel and Barbarous Attempts not only gives them boldness of entertaining thoughts of taking the like Methods and Acting by the same Measures in all Places where they find Rulers at their beck and under their Influence but to unite and provoke all Popish Monarchs to enter into a holy War against Protestants every where that by Conquering and Subduing those States and Kingdoms where the Reformed Religion is received and established they may extirpate it out of the World under the Notion of the Northern Heresie If Principles of Humanity Maxims of Interest Rules of Policy Obligations of Gratitude Ties of Royal and Princely Faith or the repeated Promises Oaths Edicts and Declarations of Sovereigns could have been a Security to Protestants for the Profession of their Faith and Exercise of their Worship in the forementioned Territories and Dominions they had all that could be rationally desired for their Safety and Protection in the free and open Profession and Practice of their Religion whereas by a Violation of all that is Sacred among Men of a binding Virtue unto Princes except Chains and Fetters or that confer a Right Claim and Security unto Subjects the poor Protestants in those Places have been and still are Persecuted with a Rage and Barbarity which no Age can parallel and for which it is difficult to find words proper and severe enough whereby to stamp a Character of Infamy upon the treacherous cruel and savage Authors Promoters and Instruments of it Nor does it proceed from a Malignancy of Nature peculiar to the Emperor the French King and the Duke of Savoy above what