Civitates evertit destruxit solo adaequavit quot Provincias vastavit quot Regna depredatum est quantum denique innocentis sanguinis prosundere non dubitavit dicat hoc Gallia dicat Belgium dicat Scotia dicat etiam vestra haec Anglia Siquidem omnis illa tyrannis barbarics crudelitas saevitia quae hodie apud vos obtinet aliud nihil sunt quam vestri Evangelii fructuâ— Quibus ita constitutis Evangelium adhue vestrum Deo attribuere ad illum reserre audetis Potestne blasphemia major ista reperiri Pet. Ribad Appendix sive Lib. 4. ad Nicol. Sanders de Schismate Angl. cap 17. You may see the same also in his Spanish Hist Ecclesiastica del Schisma del Reyno de Inglaterra lib. 3. cap. 17. Lying Perjury Deceipt Flattery Hypocrisie Tyranny Sedition Destruction Murther and what not is nothing but the fruit and result of our Religion upon which the man wonders how we dare intitle it to God or Christ but never remembers the treasonable Principles of himself and his Brethren with the Practices of his Church Jacobus Gretser another of the same stamp will have our Religion not onely to be the off spring but also the b Sectam vestram Martis Bellonae esse filiam parentem clarius est quam ut sine impudentia negare possis loquatur Gallia utraque Germania Anglia Scotia Jac. Grets Apol. pro vita Ignat. Loyolae lib. 3. pag. 475. Mother of War and Sedition to deny which he looketh upon as a grand piece of Impudence And c Ubique seditiones tumultus praetextu Religionis movent ubique jugum Principum quantum possunt excutiuâ—t sibi omnem gubernationem vindicant Discussio Decreti Magni Concilii Lateran pag. 129. Leonardus Lessius of the same Order but disguised under the false name of Guilielmus Singletonus is much of the same opinion and we need not doubt but these men speak the sentiment of their whole Order But to come neerer home No sooner was King James setled in the Kingdom here but the English Romanists drew up a d 1604. pag. 7 Supplication to his Majesty and the Parliament in which they do not a little vaunt of the loyalty of their Religion in these words The Catholick Subject is if any other the Glory strength and perpetuity of the Kingdom because he principally seeking Heaven in this world and will not for the world be diverted cannot be treacherous or disloyal or undutiful to your Highness but in every service and distress occurring valiant resolute and most faithful and all these fair words were to the same King and Parliament whose destruction they intended and had at that time contrived it Towards the latter end of the said King James his Reign Prince Charles was sent a wooing into Spain at which time the Romanists were fill'd with hopes though upon no certain grounds of the Conversion of the Prince a Free Toleration of their Religion or rather that the whole Kingdom would be at their Devotion As a preparative to this grand Expectation Father Pateson drew up a Book under the Title of Jerusalem and Babel or The Image of both Churches collected mostly out of the Answers to Anti-coton and Brerely This Treatise he dedicateth to the Prince the main designe being to vindicate the Popish Loyalty and to declare the Protestants to be absolute Rebels For proof of which he boldly affirms a Pag 347. Editionis Lond. 1653. Now it is manifest that in the short space of her Reign viz. of Queen Mary of England which was not much above five years she had more open Rebellions and Insurrections made agâ—inst her from such of her Subjects as were not well-affected unto her Religion then Queen Elizabeth had from Catholicks in full forty and five c. And to testifie farther what loyal people they were to Queen Elizaheth let Pope Spain or any other confederate against her never so much thus the same Penman taketh upon him the confidence to testifie b Pag. 491. Among so many Priests as by that time there were both in England and beyond the Seas and in so long a time as this pretended Confederacie was in framing when Spies and Intelligences were many and well paid by the State was there so much as one Priest nominated and accused to have been so corrupted or induced any way by these Princes or their Ministers to practice ought to the prejudice of their Country was there any one apprehended or convicted of such a Treason was there ever any subject of England call'd in Question for entertaining Priests that were sought after upon that account In a word when the Spanish Armado was under sail for England was there so much as one Priest or Seminary-man found or known to be in it Or at any time since discover'd to have been imploy'd in that service And lastly thus the same man characters the two Religions The c Pag. 560. Catholicks seek onely by way of Petition Supplication Prayer and humble Remonstrating of their sufferances the other viz. Protestants seek chiefly by Fire and Sword and Cannon-Bullet and by thundring of Ordnance With these Arguments or Weapons did Pateson endeavour to force the Prince from his Religion but they were too weak and blunt against such a noble and knowing Champion yet when he was in Spain he is there assaulted again and that by no less man then Zacharias Boverius the old Cappuchine who wrote a Folio Book call'd Orthodoxa Consultatio and dedicated it to the said Prince where he endeavours by might and main to bring a dislikeing in Prince Charles to the Church of England by hinting to him the Divisions of it as if forsooth the Romanists agreed in all things He would also perswade him to turn Romanist one of his encouragements being that the Pope can d Ortho. Coâ—sult part 2. Reg. 6. p. 286. Depose Kings a very excellent complementive Argument to convert a man out of his Rights and Dominions But this e Caeterum si Reges â—e oves esle aegre serent ac luporum more Ecclesiasticum Potestatem invadant sciant profecto eam potestatem Pontifici totius Ecclesiae Pastori à Christo esse collatam quae veâ—o Pâ—stori adveâ—sus Lupos gregâ—s vastatores ipso naturali jure permissa est nimitum ut Lupos à grege arceant Id enim postulat commissa sibi à Christo Dominici gregts cura qua Ecclesiae conservationi sedulo invigilare debet ut Lupos gregem invadences expellat ac modis omnibus Ecclesiasticae Reipub. utilitati atque incolumitati consulaâ— Praestat namque Principem à grege expelli quam gregem totum corruete Zach. Bover Demonstrationes Symbolorum verae falsae Religionis Tom. 2. Art 5. pag. 150. Doctrine Boverius had taught in his former Writings from which his Orthodoxa Consultatio if a man may be a Plagiary to himself is stoln for the nonce Dr. Benjamin Carier having plaid
her King and elder Brother Henry and conjures them also to loyalty to throw away all private Interests and Factions and conclude in a firm peace and union The Confederates perceiving that they wanted an Head and so a main pretence to countenance their Arms to the people and that whatever they had hitherto gained was more by their dissembling then strength that also the Pope Paul II had censured them if they continued in open wars For King Henry was held an obedient son to the Bishops of Rome for which Calixtus III had sent him formerly an Hat and a consecrated Sword which they use to bless upon Christmas-Eve at night laying them upon the Altar where they say Mass And farther they recollected that upon Henries death Isabella was like to be Queen whereby they could procure no favour or benefit to themselves by opposing her peaceable desires Upon these considerations they consented to an Agreement so Articles are drawn up a Peace concluded on Donna Isabella is declared Princess of the c Las Asturias formerly of a larger extent is now â— little Province between Galicia Leon and Biscay lying upon the Cantabrian sea 'T is twofold Asturia de Oâ—iedo and Astur de Santillana As the Heirs of England are called Princes of Wales and those of France les Dauphins so are those to the Crown of Castile call'd Princes of the Asturias Upon what occasion this â—hort Scheme may shew Alphonso XI had amongst other Children Henry a Bastard Earl of Transâ—amara took the Kingdom from the Tyrant Pedro and stab'd him with his dagger he had John I. who had Henry III. Don Pedro el Cruel had amongst others a bastard call'd Constancia she was marryed to John of Gant Duke of Lancaster son to Edward III King of England Upon the death of Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel though his bastard-Brother Henry II. seised upon the Crown and was acknowledged for King yet John of Gant Duke of Lancaster pretended the right to lye in him by reason of his Wife Constance and made some bustle about it Henry dying there succeeded his son John I. with whom and Lancaster a peace was concluded Lancaster to renounce all his Title to Castile and King John to marry his son Henry to Lancaster's Daughter Catherine which accordingly was accompish'd so both their pretensions united And for more honour Don Henry the young son was to be call'd Prince of the Asturias since which time the eldest sons of Castile were call'd Princes and the younger are titled Infantas This hapned about the year 1388. And so much by the way concerning the Title of Prince of Asturias yet do I finde Jehan Froissart who lived at this time to tell us that Henry was call'd Prince of Gallicia in his French Edition 1530. vol. 3. fol. 96. and fol. 143. In the old English Edition vol. 2. cap. 154. fol. 170. and cap. 176. fol. 214. Asturias and lawful Heir to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon with their dependants What troubles hapned in Castile after this treaty being not considerable I shall pass over Donna Isabella now declared Heir several matches were consulted of but she secretly joyned her self with Don Fernando Prince of Girona and the eldest son living to John II King of Arragon At this marriage King Henry was greatly vext as being contrary to his desire and without his knowledge But at the long run the King becomes more pacified and at last a 1474. dying she succeeds as Queen of Castile and Leon although some busled for Joane the supposed Daughter of King Henry but she is generally thrown by as a bastard being begot of his Queen Joane by one Don Bertrand de la Cueva afterwards prefer'd for his kindness being created Earl of Ledesma Master of Santiago and Duke of Albuquerque As for Henry himself he is by all esteem'd as frigid and uncapable of such loves Not long after John II King of Arragon b 1479. dying that Kingdom was united to Castile by the fortunate former marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella Here might I descend into the troubles of Navar and tell how Don Carlos Prince of Viana took up Arms against his Father John King of Navar and Arragon Upon which quarrel began the great Factions of those of Beaumont and Grammont the first adhering to the Prince and the latter to the King and the feuds of these two potent Families was one of the main causes of the loss of Navar to the Spaniard those of Beaumont assisting Don Ferdinand in the conquest against their own King and Country Of which more hereafter In short the Prince being not able to keep the field withdrew himself to Naples for sometime thence returns endeavours new troubles upon which he is taken and secuâ—ed Upon this the Catalonians rebel and though Prince Carlos was set at liberty and c Some say he was poyson'd by his Step mother D. Joane to make way for heâ—â—â—son Ferdinando to the Crown of Arragon dyed presently after yet they continue their Treasons The people of Barcelona publickly declare King John an Enemy to his Country and so they would withdraw themselves from his obedience And the Catalonians sent to Henry IV. of Castile to desire him to take them under his protection they being resolved no more to obey the Crown of Arragon Don Henry accepts them so they set up the Banners of Castile At last after a tedious War they are vanquish'd forced to submit and King John giveth them all freely a pardon But of Spain more in the next Century A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS Particularly in Spain Scotland and Ireland From the year MD. to MDC BOOK VI. CHAP. I. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived 2. Pope Julius II. Sect. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived THe Conquest of Navar being acted suddenly we year 1500 shall make the story of it but very short At the beginning of this Century we finde John d'Albret or Don Juan de la Brit and Donna Catherina King and Queen of Navar which had boasted it self a Kingdom almost DCCC years Ferdinand II King of Arragon having by his marrying with Isabella Queen of Castile enlarged his Authority and Dominions as also by his banishing the Jews and subduing the Moores to him in Granado made his Government more secure cast many a greedy a Jo. de Bussieres lib. 15. § 16. Spondan an 1512. § 21. thought upon the seising the Kingdom of Navar and then all of Spain Portugal excepted would be his own At last opportunity good enough as he thought offer'd it self which was thus Pope Julius II. a zealous Hotspur falling out with Lewis XII King of France Fernando sides with the Pope and having rais'd an Army not onely demands passage for it through Albrets Territories but the command of his strongest Castles and Fortifications and which was most the possession and custody of Prince Henry eldest son to Navar
Guiccard lib. 1. Ibero Hoc tulit invisum jure Navarra jugum Barbarus insulsum sed Rex f Lop. Gomar cap. 113. Atabaliba Papam Risit Insanit Papa superbus ait Regna datignotis qui sic aliena Dynastis Excidit Imperio sed tamen ille suo Heu quantas peperit Papa Donatio strages Millia g Joseph Acosta lib. 4. cap. 3. Bar. de Casao Epise This last viz Barthomaeus Casaus a Godly Spaniard and a Dominican and Confessor to the Emperor Charles V went into the West-Indies to preach the Christian Religion amongst those people And did write anno 1542 a particular Treatise to shew the barbarous cruelty and abominable Inhumanity of his Countrymen against those poor naked and simple Americans The which bloudy Butcheriâ—s are scarce to be parallel'd in all Histories nudorum quot cecidere virum Exuit humanum crudeli ex pectore mentem Qui legit salsis temporat à lachrimis Qualiter innocuos affixit Celtiber Indos Sed penes Historicos sint ea Lecta suos Thus we see that by the foresaid Articles neither our Kings nor the Church never intended any Spiritual Power and yet I know no reason but that a King or Queen may enjoy as much as some Female Romanists viz. their Lady Abbesses but onely a Civil jurisdiction and a coercive Power for the better Regulating their Dominions against home-bred Traytors and Forraign Enemies as you have seen it here interpretated and not onely our a His Notes upon the 37 Article Thomas Rogers and b Certamen Religiosum p. 159. Chr. Cartwright will inform you farther of it but also some Romanists themselves as one lately in his c Cap 6. pag. 25 26 27 28 c. Reflections upon the Oaths of Supremcie and Allegiance Another more ancient designedly written in Latine against the Book call'd God and the King the Romanist book is also call'd d Edit Colon. 1619. pag. 48 49. Deus Rex And Father Caron a true son to the Papal Chair is unwilling to boggle at this e Nâ—s enim Regem solum nostrum Ecclesiae Britanniae Hâ—berniae caput esse Civile Supremumque Gubernatorem agnoscimus nec aliud Rex ipse praetendlâ— aut Protestantes reipsa volunt Redmund Caron Remonstrantia Hibernorum part V. pag. 64. § 4. Supreme â—itle as people have formerly done And it is not the Sex that spoils the business f 1 Mar. 2 Parl. Queens being capable of and do enjoy all jurisdictions and Qâ—alifications that Kings do But enough concerning this Oath of Supremacie which was one of the main things that vext the Pope supposing by this his own Authority and gain struck at and indeed the g Post Divortiom nisi quod Pontificiam Poâ—estatem execratos se Caput Ecclesiae constituit nihil in Religione mutavit Jac. Aug Thuan Hist lib 3. In which Religion i. e. the Roman the King dyed Tho. Baily ' s life of John Fisher Bishâ—p of Roâ—hester cap. 21. pag. 164. Haereses paeuè omnes praeter illam quae Romani Pontificis Primaâ—um Monâ—sticas Religiones oppugnabat cohibuit repressit Nic. Sander de Schism Angl. lib. 2. pag 228. Parsons conversions of Engl. part 1. p. 170 235 238 241 242 244 246. part 2. p. 541 part 3. vol. 2. p. 408. Romanists confess that Henry VIII retain'd all the Articles of the Roman Church but this one and dyed in their Religion But let the King think as well as he pleaseth of his own Authority the Pope will have as good opinion of his own and to let King Henry see how far his jurisdiction reacheth Paul III h 30 Aug. 1535. draws up a thundering Bull against his Majesty in which he deprives him of his Dominions this for some time he keeps by him but at last sent it roaring i It was publish'd Decemb. 17. 1538. abroad and what a notable thing it was Father Paul one of the most judicious Fryars that ever set Pen to Paper shall tell you k Hist Coâ—cil of Trent lib. 1. pag. 86. A terrible thundering Bull such as never was used by his Predecessors nor imitated by his Successors The thing it self being very long and as tedious as idle I shall refer you for it to their Bullaria but the substance of it take as followeth IT begins with a Canting or Quaking Preface as most other Bulls do odly misapplying of the Holy Scripture to fob up the Papal power Rants dapperly against the King and his Subjects that obey him Interdicts all Cities Churches Places which favour or adhere to him Declares Him his Friends and their Children deprived of all benefiâ—s and priviledges and uncapable to obtain any Absolves all his Subjects from their Oaths of Obedience or Allegiance to him their King Pronounceth that he and his adherents shall be held as infamous their Wills Testimonies Credits and Authorities not to be of any validity Prohibits under Papal punishment to Deal Trade or have any medling with such wicked people Injoynes all Ecclesiasticks forthwith to avoid the Kings Dominions nor to return thither but by a Papal License upon sure Certificate of the said Kings repentance and submission Commands the Nobility Gentry and others to make it their care and business to expel and depose the said Henry from his Dominions Declares all Leagues Treaties or Agreements made by the said King with other Christian Princes to be null which if the said Kings and Potentates do not forthwith submit to as void and of none effect that then their respective Territories to lye under Interdiction and so to remain till the said Princes shall renounce all Amity and Alliance with the said Henry Exhorts and commands all the said Princes and others by vertue of their obedience to invade spoil take Arms and fight against the said King and all those who are subject to him And as for the Goods Ships and whatsoever else they take from the said English He by his Infallible and Papal Authority giveth to the said takers all right and propriety Willeth all Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops and all other Ecclesiasticks under pain of the severest Censures publickly to declare by Bell Book and Candle the said Henry and all his Adherents Excommunicated Requireth that none under the guilt of the same Censures any way hinder the publication of this Bull against the King And if any do withstand contradict or gainsay by any means signes or tokens whatever this Bull that then he or they so opposing shall incur the wrath of Almighty God and the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul Dated at Rome at St. Marks anno 1535. III d Kal. Septemb. In the first year of our Popedom And that neither King Henry nor any else should plead ignorance of these things it was therein provided and commanded that the said Bull should be affixed to the doors of the Neighbouring to England or the Kings Dominions and should be publickly read in the said Churches especicially
Abbots Priors and Lady Abbesses and the whole number of these Roman-Nonconformists would not amount to 200. But waving her Religion I finde the greatest crime objected to her is her cruelty against others for their opinions in Religion and with this her Adversaries have made no little noise in the world To this I shall return some satisfaction with as much brevity as can be all this being but a digression and by the by As for several years of her Reign not one Priest had suffered death so when they did as afterwards I fear many of them are yet held for blessed Martyrs who justly dyed as wicked Traytors And in this I would have the unbyass'd Romanists but to consider That even long before the Reformation a 25 Edw. 3. cap. 2. IT was Treason to compass or imagine the death of the King the Queen or their eldest Son and Heir b Ib. It was â—reason to Leavie war against the King or to adhere to the Kings enemies or to give to the said Enemies aid or comfort c Cokes Institut part 3. chap. 36. 13 Rich. 2. Stat. 2. cap. 2. It was Felony to bring or send into the Kingdom any Summons Sentence or Excommunication against any person of what condition soever d 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5. He incur'd a Praemunire that got such Bulls or Excommunications from the Pope e Coke part 3. chap. 84. None was to go out of the Realm or beyond seas without the Kings leave or license f Of these things see more at large in Coke's Institut part 3. cap 36. and his Reports part 5. fol. 12 15 17 21 22 23 27 28. and Bishop Bramhals just vindication of the Church of England from Schism cap. 4. It was of old expresly against the Law of the Land to procure or bring in any Bull of Excommunication against any subject much more in all reason against the Soveraign in respect it gave way to Forreign Authority the Popes Excommunications according to our old Laws being of no force in England g Coke Institut part 3. cap. 67. It was not lawful for any Subject of England to take a Pension c. of any forreign King Prince or State without the Kings license although the said Princes or States be in Peace or League with England Let the honest Romanist farther consider that before any Priest did suffer death it was Enacted that a 28 Hen 8. cap. 10. and 5 Eliz. c. 1. THey should incur a Praemunire who did any ways assert or teach the Pope to have jurisdiction over or in this Kingdom b 26 Hen. 8. c. 13. It was Treason for any to write or affirm the King to be an Heretick Infidel Schismatick Tyrant or Vsurper c 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was Treason to bring procure or publish any Bull from Rome d 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was a Praemunire so to acknowledge the Popes jurisdiction as to bring or procure from him any Agnus Dei Crosses Beads or Pardons being trinkets and trifles of themselves not worth a Rush but as they are held privy Tokens of Papal Obedience or Allegiance Here we see a fair way of Caution and he is a madman and no Martyr who will needs hasten his own death when neither God nor man requires any such indiscreet Zeal at his hands Christianity and Salvation being not destroy'd by these Laws the substance of them being in force when the Romanists themselves confess England was of their side and the Law-givers declare as appears by the Prefaces to the Acts that these Regalities and Laws tended for the better Government Constitution Peace and happiness of the Kingdom of which we are to suppose them to be best Judges seeing no Article of Faith confirm'd either by the Holy Scriptures or the Primitive Church were null'd or made void by these Statutes Yet the better to expose the Queen and render her actions odious all the world over they were very careful to publish what lyes they could of her pretended cruelties amongst whom we may account John Gibbins Robert Parsons Jesuits and John Fen Priest who were the chief Authors of that Pamphlet call'd Concertatio Ecclesiae in Anglia Add to them the Book call'd Ecclesiâ—e Anglicanae Trophaea drawn in Pictures in the English Collâ—â—ge at Rome by Nicholao Circini ingraven by Jo. Bapt. de Cavalleriis and publish'd by Gregory XIII his Approbation anno 1584. where people are said to be worryed in Bears skins c. and printed by Bartolomeo Grasso To vindicate the English-Romanists from the false Aspersions and falsities against their Soveraign and Country mention'd in this Book I finde a e Over throw of the Protestants Pulpit-â—abels against Mr. â—â—â—shaâ— pag. 10. Romanist I. R. whether May the Priest I know not though I am f Tho. James corrupt â—â— Fathers in the Appendix to the Reader told that such an one wrote against Mr. Crashaw as this also diâ— to offer something by affirming that there was never any such Book printed in the English Colledge at Rome But nothing is got by this since it cannot be deny'd but that the foresaid Book was printed at Rome and publish'd by the Popes express Authority as appears by his Breve prefixt And farther the foresaid supposed cruelties were painted upon the Colledge-Walls by Nich. Circini by order and appointment of the English there Nor need we trouble our selves to shew the disaffection of the English of that Colledge to their Queen and Country seeing Histories do testifie their Actions and a A. Mundy the English Roman liâ—e Travelers their railing and bitter words To these we may add Richard Verstegan who put forth a Book call'd Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis where in his Pictures he offers to view the former lying Bear-skin Tales Of this man because he afterwards afforded some light to Antiquities and our Historians are silent of his life and extraction a word or two by the by His Grand-father was call'd Theodore Rowland Verstegan born in Gelder-landt came into England about the latter end of King Henry VII marryed here and presently after dyed leaving a Son nine months old who afterwards to get a livelihood took upon him the profession of a Cooper in London Nor is this any discredit Wolfangus Musculus his Father being of that Trade This Cooper was Father to our Richard Verstegan which Richard was born in the Parish of St. Catherines in London he gave himself to the study of good Letters and imployed himself in Painting which makes me think that he engraved the Cuts in his own Books as the Learned Hevelius doth now Being a Zealous Romanist he left England went into the Spanish Netherlands where he compos'd the foresaid Theatrum Crudelitatum the Verses were made by b Vid. Delic Poet. Belg. vol 1. pag. 760 761 762 c. Johannes Bochius born at Bruxels but if I mistake not Register to Antwerp Afterwards the Rebellious League
or other having Mem. de lâ—i Ligue vâ—l 3. p 557. drawn up a short Paper containing the reasons of taking up Arms against the King and it concluding XIII How one Bodille being no more then a Gentleman yet because Childeric See backwâ—rdâ— l. 3. c. 4. § 2. II. had caused him publickly to be whipped the said Bodille took thence occasion to kill that King for which he is commended by Historians and therefore may not the Injury done to a better then Bodille viz. to a brave Prince Guise be also revenged So zealous I say were the Doctors of Sorbonne that having red over this Tract they approved it affirming nothing was in it contrary to the Roman Church Jâ—lieâ— de Moranne 17 May 1589. Nor is this all for the people being obliged to pray for their King by the Canon of the Missale some of the City of Beauvois in la France about mid-way betwixt Paris and Amiens upon this made a scruple whether they were not thereby obliged to pray for Henry de Valois seeing they used to pray for Our King Henry Whereupon it was concluded by the Sorbonne that in any prayer 5 Apr. 1589. whatever the word Henry should not be express'd that he should not be pray'd for and that it should be dash'd out of all Prayers or Collects and further if any of their Faculty of Paris agree not to this they shall also be held culpable and guilty of Excommunication depriv'd of the Prayers and Privileges of the said Faculty And it was also concluded that instead of these words For our King some prayers shall be drawn up for the Catholick or Leaguing Princes which accordingly was done In the mean time many places joyning with the Leaguers amongst the rest those of Lyons drew up a long and tedeous Declaration wherein they say That Lyons hath formerly been one of the most Loyal Cities in 2 March 1589. France That Obedience may be wrong'd by being too much or too little That therefore for the future they will consider all the Kings commands whether they are for the better or worse and accordingly obey or oppose That Kings being appointed by God for two ends to preserve Religion and keep the people from oppression that therefore they will and ought to oppose all commands contrary to these two ends That seeing he hath violated the Edict of Union kill'd and imprison'd the good Romanists countenanced the Hereticks favoured Espernon and his creatures therefore they have entered into the Holy Union taken up Arms resolving to take the King from his bâ—d Council which if they had not done they had been worse then Jews That to say Kings ought not to be resisted upon any occasion is false Doctrine seeing they are onely to be obey'd conditionally viz. in that which is not prejudicial to Religion Gods Service and the good of the State Doubt not but God will bless their good Undertakings And so after the telling of some stories conclude This done they draw up a Form of an Oath whereby they swear to 12 March these Articles To continue in the Roman Religion To defend their City of Lyons To preserve the Forein Merchants in their Privileges To act in defence and behalf of those of Paris To obey no Command whatever that is prejudicial to their Union To observe exactly the Edict of Union To obey the Duke of Nemours their Governour To stick close one to another And desire all good people to joyn with them And for their further encouragement those of Paris send a Letter to these Hotspurs of Lyons wherein they mind them Of the Killing and Imprisonments at Bloys That the Assassinates had no other design in it but to ruine Religion bring in Heresie maintain their Tyrannies and to bring all good people into slavery So being Frenchmen and Catholiques we are bound to defend our Religion and Estate against any he who it will and by all Obligations of Religion Law Nature and Interest we must not leave the Kingdom to the mercy of this prodigal perjur'd cruel and murdering Prince That the two Henries are agreed Heresie allow'd of the Catholicks persecuted and all things seem to go as in England Therefore rowse up and take courage against these oppressions and send some of yours to consult with us and afford us your assistance SENAULT Paris 25 May. Nay so confident were they in their courses that they sent a Letter Mem. dâ— M. de Nevers vol. 2. p. 205. hors d'icelle il â—'y a point de salut soit au Ciel ou en la Terre to the Citizens of Nevers exhorting them to stick close to this Cause assuring them that without so doing There was no hopes for their salvation either in Heaven or Earth Whilest these things were doing the Swordmen and their Counsellours were not idle for the Duke of Mayenne no sooner hears of his brother Guise's death but he consults his own security secureth many strong places to his Interest and at last gets to Paris where he was received with all demonstrations of joy and honour and here he falleth to work how to carry on the war and such a vogue with the multitude had this Holy League that strong places and Cities daily submitted themselves to its Authority nay a Company of Bumkin Tatterdemallians in Normandy to the number of Sixteen thousand having rose on their own heads and for their own Interest resolving to defend themselves and goods against any whatsoeveâ— be he Royalist or Leaguer that should come into their Country were at last by the persuasion of some Priests and Jesuits wheel'd over to fide with the Covenanters but having no experience and but poorly armed were quickly routed by the Duke of Montpensier These Clubmen were afterwards call'd the Gautiers from the little Town la Chapelle Gautier in higher Normandy where they first began their Insurrections or Rendezvouz'd The King in the mean time had writ friendly Letters to the Duke of Mayenne giving him reasons for the death of his brother persuading him to live quietly but Madam de Montpensier his zealous sister and other thoughts would not let him hearken to the Kings desires so at Paris he is made Head of the Covenanters and declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France the Sixteen and others would have had him to take upon him the Title of * Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand King but this he refused however he had all the Power They broke the Kings Great Seal making another in its stead on one side of which was the Arms of France with this Inscription THE SEAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE On the other side was an empty Throne about which was this CHARLES DUKE OF MAYENNE Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of FRANCE Mayenne thus entered as it were into the Throne appointed a Council consisting of * Their Names may be seen in Jan de Serres l'Inventaire XL of the chiefest Covenanters and this was call'd The General
est mortale Permissum est etiam Catholicis Haereticae Reginae id genus obsequii praestare quod Catholicam Religionem non oppugnat Non fuit unquam nec potuit esse Pontificis mens ea Obsequia circa Reginam eis permittere quae aperte cum fine scopo ipsius Pont. de promovenda in Hibernia Catholica fide ac Religione pugnant Hanc autem ejus esse mentem scopum Literae ipsae apertissime declarant Ex quibus omnibus satis manifestum relinquitur illustrissimum Principem Hugonem O-Nellum alios Catholicos Hiberniae bellum gerentes adversus Reginam Haereticam Orthodoxam Fidem oppugnantem nullo modo Rebelles esse neque debitam Obedientiam negare aut Terras Reginae injuste usurpare quin potius illos justissimo bello se terramque suam ab iniqua impia Tyrannide vindicare sacramque Orthodoxam fidem ut Christianos Catholicos decet pro viribus tueri atque defendere Quae omnia singula nos infra-scripti ut certissima ac verissima judicamus approbamus Datum Salamantic VII die Martii An. D. 1602. Sic ego Johannez de Seguensa Professor Theologiae in Collegio Societatis Jesu hujus Almae Salmanticensis censeo Idem Censeo ego Emanuel de Royas Professor Theologiae in eodem Collegio Societatis Jesu Horum Patrum Sententiae tanquam omnino certae assentior et ego Gaspar de Mena Theologiae S. Scripturae in eodem Coll. Professor In eadem sum prorsum cum Praedidictis Pp. Sententia Petrus Osorio in eodem Coll. Societatis Jesu pro Sacris Canonibus In the Name of God Amen THE most Renowned Prince Hugh O Neil doth make warr for the defence of the Catholique Faith with the Queen of England and the English people viz. That it may be lawful for him and the Irish freely to profess the Catholique Religion which liberty the Queen of England doth endeavour to take from them by force and arms There are two matters now in question aâ—â—ut this Warr. I. The one is Whether it be lawful for the Irish Catholiques to favour the foresaid Prince Hugh with Arms and all other means in this Warr II. The other is Whether it be lawful for the same Catholiques to fight against the foresaid Prince without deadly sin and to favour the English in this Warr by Arms or by any other means whatsoever Especially when the case so stands that if they deny this kind of help unto the English they expose themselves to a manifest danger of their lives or the losing of their Temporal goods And furthermore since it is permitted by the Pope that they may obey the foresaid Queen of England and acknowledg her as their lawful Queen by paying Tribute unto her for it seemeth that that may be performed what belongeth unto Subjects to do viz. To fight against the Queen's Rebels who deny their due obedience to her and seem to usurp the Land which is subject to her dominion That both these Questions may be decided we must hold as for certain That the Pope hath power to bridle and suppress those who forsake the Faith and those who fight against the Catholick Faith when by no other means so great a mischief can be hindred And furthermore it must be positively concluded That the Queen of England doth oppugn the Catholique Religion and doth hinder the Irish from the publick enjoyment of the Catholique Faith And that for this cause the foresaid Prince O-Neal and others before him mentioned in the Apostolical Letters of Clement VIII undertook the Warr against her These things thus laid down the first Question is easily resolved For without doubt any Catholick whatsoever may favour the said Prince Hugh O-Neil in the foresaid warr and this with great merit and certain hopes of an Eternal Reward For seeing that the said Prince doth make Warr by the Pope's Authority for the defence of Catholique Religion and that the Pope doth exhort all the faithful by his Letters thereunto as is manifest by his Letters and that he will extend his graces upon the favourers of the Prince in that Warr in as ample manner as if they make warr against the Turks No man in justice can doubt but that the present Warr is lawful and also that to fight for the Catholique Religion which is the greatest good of all others is a matter of great merit And concerning the second question it is most certain that all those Catholiques do sin mortally that take part with the English against the foresaid Prince O-Neil Neither can they obtain Eternal Salvation nor be absolved from their sins by any Priest unless they first repent and forsake the English Army And the same is to be censured of those who in this War favour the English either by Arms or any other means or shall give them any thing of like Condition besides those accustomed Tributes which is lawful for them by virtue of the Pope's Indulgence and Permission to pay unto the Kings of England or their Officers the Catholick Religion flourishing and being amongst them This Assertion is confirm'd by this most manifest Reason Because it is sufficiently proved by the Pope's Letters That the Queen of England and her Forces make unjust Warr against the said Prince O-Neal and those who favour him For seeing that the Pope doth declare That the English do fight against the Catholique Religion and that therefore the said English should be resisted as much as if they were Turks and that he doth bestow the same Graces and Blessings upon those who resist the said English as he doth upon those who fight against the Turks Who doubteth but that the Warr waged by the English against the Catholique Army is altogether unjust But it is not lawful for any to favour an unjust Warr or to be present thereat under the pain of Eternal Damnation Those Catholiques do therefore most grievously offend who bear Arms with the Hereticks against the foresaid Prince in a Warr so apparently impious and unjust And so do all those who assist them in the said Warr with Arms Victuals or by any other means which of themselves do further the proceedings of the Warr and cannot give account of their indifferent obedience Neither doth it any thing avail them to scandal the Apostolical Letters of Surreption or of some underhand procuring For Surreption cannot happen where no Petition of them is declared in whose favour they were dispatched But the Pope doth plainly declare in those Letters that he and his Predecessors had voluntarily exhorted the Irish Princes and all others of the Faithful to undertake this Warr. And the better to incite them to it doth enrich them with great Favours Blessings and Indulgences How can it then be supposed that these Letters were surreptitious which only contain an Exhortation strengthned with many Favours for such as did fulfil them Neither therefore can the Catholiques who assist the English defend themselves by the Reasons alledged in the second
days by Pope Paul V. within the great Church St. Maria Maggiore and the Guadalupians will assure us That there is a great wooden Statue with a * Mart. Zâ—ilerus Itiner Hispan p. 198 black Face Hands c. with white Raiment Thus here is Miracle upon Miracle the very same thing at the same time both at Rome and Guadalupa and a curious painted Picture turn'd to a Wooden Statue dawb'd over with black and white which requireth no great skill And something like this is the Straw-Miracle of Father Garnet which at first was but a common Ear of Wheat with a few Lines drawn upon one of the Grains but is since wonderfully encreased by the Industry of the Jesuits for the honour of their Society and Trayterous Martyr And to this might be added another Miracle for though at first there was but one Straw and Face yet it seemeth that they had afterwards an ambition to multiply them and for ought that I know would make every Straw at his Execution bear his Picture for * Osborn's Mem. of K. James pag. 35 one tells us that he hath had several of them in his hands but could observe no great matter in them unless ruled by his Fancy and these they sold about for holy Reliques Thus they encrease and multiply as Falstaff did at Gads-hill in Shakespeer and Miracles which are made a Trade and Gain may well be suspected if not held palpable Cheats Thus this Straw amongst that Society got such a Fame that Homer's Frogs Passeratus his Asse Virgil's Flye Ovid's Flea Hiensius his Lowse were not able to stand in competition with it that methinks it was a great oversight in an Ingenious Romish Knight not to remember it in his late Song in the Commendation of Straw Of this Straw-Miracle Gualterus Paulus a German Jesuit would perswade the world to allow of this Anagram PATER HENRICVS GARNETVS Anagram Pingere cruentus arista Which for all his pains will not hold unless he will make an I stand for an H a liberty that must not be allowed of yet as if it were Authentick thus doth he gloss upon it Quid petit hic vultus sicca redivivus Arista Quid frons Quid sacris ora locuta notis Nominis augurio PINGERE CRVENTVS ARISTA Garnete agnosco vultum Opus Artificem Spica Tabella Deus Pictor Color unda Cruoris Spica Crucem vultum dat Deus astra cruâ—r But enough of this Straw which * Cornelius à Lapide thinks worthy Com. in Apocalyps cap. 7. ver 3. to illustrate and explain the Revelations But possibly he thought Garnet happy because he dyed on the Gallows such a great esteem did a Lapide seem to have for violent Deaths still pueling and lamenting that he could not dye a Martyr still sighing and wishing that he might burn at the Stake still grieved and troubled that he should dye in his Bed now begging of the Prophets then beseeching the Virgin Mary and anon desiring Christ that he might dye a Martyr and not in his Bed after the common way of Mankind But for all these fond and idle thoughts the little Jesuit would secure himself leaving it to the Hereticks or Pagans to fetch take and kill him as for his part he would neither go to them nor their Countreys whereby for all his seeming desire of Martyrdom he would make sure of one As for Father Garnet I should scorn to have been so unworthy or uncivil to have objected some of the former Crimes to him or upbraided him with them but that I perceive they will yet tax the King and Kingdom with Cruelty and Murther by enrolling Garnet in their Catalogue of Martyrs and proclaiming him the most Virtuous Holy and Innocent of men A Lapide as aforesaid must magnifie his miraculous Straw * Casaub Epist ad Front Duc. Martinus Delrio must compare him with Dionysius the Areopagit his Pictures must be hung up in Churches and at Lovain it was once publikely pray'd Sancte Henrice intercede pro nobis O Holy Henry intercede for us And * Opus Chronolog Tom. 2. An. 1606. Gordon the Jesuit having placed Garnet in Heaven desires him to intercede there for the Conversion of England But if such people may obtain a Beatitude we may have some cause to suspect many of their Old Saints * A Catalogue of Good Works Dr. Andrew Willet tells us thus To Baliol Colledg William Hammond gave Fifteen thousand pounds though the greatest part thereof the Colledg was defrauded by one Anthony Garnet a Popish Priest sometime Steward to the old Lord Montague which Garnet notwithstanding had been sometime Master of the Colledg and so stood by Oath perpetually bound unto it What this Anthony Garnet was related to our Henry I know not but by the by this Anthony was Fellow of Baliol Colledg 1550. was Master of it 1560. October 27 and 1563 Richard Hooper succeeded him in the Headship There was also of the same Colledg one Richard Garnet Fellow 1567 who was turn'd out by their Visitor 1570 October 8. But this only by the way CHAP. III. The Romanists threaten the Earl of Salisbury King James seeing them thus high thought it best to bind them strictly to him by the Oath of Allegiance The Pope sends forth two Breves Constitutes Mr. Birket to be Arch-Priest and orders the Oath shall not be taken Birket accordingly sending forth his Letters Newton's Miracle to prove the Oath of Allegiance not to be taken Pope Urban the Eighth his Breve against the Oath of Allegiance THE abominable Treachery and Villany of this Gun-powder Plot undertaken under the pretence of maintaining and restoring the Roman Religion engaged the Governours to consult the preservation of themselves and the Kingdom And considering the furious Zeal and wicked Principles of some men in affirming the lawfulness of deposing and killing Heretical Kings That the Pope had power to deprive Temporal Princes absolve Subjects from their obedience and such like Villanous Positions with the many wicked Practises yet fresh in memory against the Crown and Life of Queen Elizabeth and King James Upon these and such like Considerations after several serious Consultations to prevent the like mischiefs They thought fit to draw up a solemn Oath whereby every one should abjure such Treasonable Doctrines and swear for the future to behave themselves as became good Subjects The Romanists fancied Robert Cecyl Earl of Salisbury and Secretary of State to be their greatest Enemy and the chief promoter of this Oath against them Whereupon some of them thought if they could any way deterr him from prosecuting them as they call'd it the King and others would trouble their thoughts the less with them and so these Parliamentary Proposals would fall of themselves Upon this fancy this Threatning Letter was sent to the said Earl of Salisbury My Lord WHereas the late unapprovable and most wicked Design for destroying of his Majesty the Prince and Nobility with many other of
THE HISTORY OF POPISH TREASONS AND USURPATIONS THE HISTORY OF ROMISH Treasons Usurpations Together with A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT Of many gross CORRUPTIONS and IMPOSTURES In the CHURCH of ROME Highly dishonourable and injurious to Christian Religion To which is Prefixt A Large PREFACE to the ROMANISTS Carefully Collected out of a great number of their own approved Authors By HENRY FOVLIS B. D. Late Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford S. Joh. 18. 36. Jesus answered My Kingdom is not of this world S. Luke 12. 14. Who made me a Ruler over you LONDON Printed by J. C. for Richard Chiswell at the two Angels and Crown in Little-Britain 1671. THE PREFACE Gentlemen I Am apt to fancy that at the first sight of these Papers I shall be loaded with your severest Censures condemn'd as the worst of Hereticks nay and branded as the greatest of Lyers and Slanderers And all this because I onely tell you what the Pope and his boldest Champions would have you to believe because I tell you what grand Authority his Holiness hath what great power and jurisdiction lyeth in your selves what bloudy actions have been done to maintain these priviledges and as a Preparative to all have afforded you the Glories Commendations and Prerogatives of your Religion from Brutes and Blocks Fools and Devils themselves with suchlike odd Arguments as some of your Graver Wits have troubled themselves confirm'd their Religion and pleasured us with But My Masters I may assure my self of a mitigation of your Fury when you have seriously considered that here I say nothing but what is asserted and vindicated by your own Authors approved of by your own Authority and agreeable to the Sentiments and Doctrine of the Pope himself From whence will follow that with what ill will or names you prosecute me for these Collections you must do the same to his Holiness and the greatest Assertors of his Religion I being but the Compiler or Transcriber of their words and actions which used to be your Patterns and Examples to live by and now to turn tail to oppose and contradict the Pope and his Learned Doctors not to believe in his infallible Documents might renew a Dispute about your disagreements or that there might be two contradictory Truths this may be true at Rome and yet the quite contrary also true in England as Father Coton and other Jesuits affirm'd at Paris In short thus to withstand the Pope would shew your selves no good sons of his Church though it might good subjects to your King which is a great part of a good Christian But by way of Apology for my self I must add that your own Writers occasioned and provoked these Collections that their slanders ingaged me to a Vindication and this Retort and I think Duty and Truth obligeth me to justifie my Mother the Church of England as well as they theirs of Rome And to deny us this favour would be a Restraint beyond all Story for if yours take upon them the liberty to oppose and defame our Church it would be strange if you would not allow us in England to vindicate her And by the by it had been well if they had not so much troubled themselves in opposing our Oath of Allegiance and clamouring against the Magistrates for requiring it which yet is more talk'd of then done seeing these Papers will shew both from Principles and actions that some mens Doctrines are so dangerous and pernicious that the strictest Oaths are scarce strong enough for them and that this especially is favourable enough considering the occasion of its making and the seditious Principles of some people 'T is said that those of ill names are half hang'd and the poor woman that durst not kill her Landlords ill-lucky Dog got her designe by crying out he was Mad whereby the Neighbours presently knockt him on the head And thus it fares with our Religion Of all names nothing more odious then a Traytor and the Romanists will scarce have any to be such but those of the Reformed Church which Charge they lay so heavy upon us and with such often Repetitions that most of their Gentry who in this and other things are apt to be Priest rid now use it as the onely Argument to bespatter the Church of England and I fancie have got some Proselytes by the strength of these Reproaches But I would have them to remember once for all that every one in England is not of the Church of England and for other Churches at this time I shall not concern my self and for ought that I know our Presbyterian and Independant are as great enemies to our Church as the Romanist Certain I am the Papists ought to be cautious in their Accusations against these mischievous Non-Conformists also lest at the same time they do but condemn themselves and I a Utinam eorum nonnulli qui rectissime damnant non pessimè imitarentur Bp. Sanderson de jurament Prael 7. § 3. wish there were no reason for such a supposition yet it is too true that at the same time that the former were Rebels against the King in England the Romanist was as active in Ireland despising and vilifying his Majesty through his Viceroy then Marquess of Ormond as much as those did the King in England And though here the Presbyterians imprison'd the King renounced him by their Non-Address and by their other villanies set up the Scaffold and the Independants and other Phanaticks struck off the Head yet will the Irish-Romanists gain small honour by this Objection seeing they did as much as lay in their power to act the same to their Viceroy by fighting against him excommunicating him combining to take away his life or to deliver him up to the Independant Army by trayterously offering themselves and Kingdom to the command of Forreigners as Lorraine the French the Spaniard nay the Pope himself Not to insist here how grateful the Kings Murther was to several Romanists and how formerly they have gloryed in the Murther of other Princes Yet will their Writers take the confidence to declare their innocencie and loyalty to the face of the whole world and thereby not onely seem to quit and clear themselves but at the same time bespatter and asperse what in them lyeth us wicked Hereticks as they are apt to call us Pedro de Ribadeneyra a Jesuit of no small Sanctity and credit amongst them being a Disciple and acquaintance of their Founder Ignatius though as arrant a Railer as the best of them would gladly perswade the world that a Hoc i. e. Evangelium mentiri docet hoc pejurare hoc fingere hoc dissimulare hoc adulare hoc Hypocritas esse hoc Principes ovinam pellem induere nihilominus laniare occidere sanguinem prosundere more luporum gregem dominicum devotare Quantas Deus bone seditiones quantas turbas tumultus novum hoc vestrum Evangelium ab eo tempore quo primum eme◠sit in mundo excitavit Quot
so much to search out the truth as to expose another party Well the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us that h Id. pag. 93. If we mark well we shall find that in this last Century of years there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Religion by these Protestants of Integritie then have been in all others since Christ's time by the Popes Excommunication or the attempt and means of Roman Catholicks i Id. pag. 98. By all which it is plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie Popery For he would make you believe of the Romanists that they a Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Prayers Arms against Princes have no warrant Quis est Judex si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni solus Deus Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom onely God Navar. Cunerus and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen agree perfectly in this same sentence But who so bold as blinde Bayard And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines Opinions and Practices come he will tell you and hopeth you will as freely credit him b Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are quite contrarie and all that is said against that Church in this particular is meer Calumnie And so much for this shameless Libel which is since well Answer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin the Learned Son of a Learned Father T. C or be who it will that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions His words are c Preface Neither doth Mr. Fisher or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Relator viz. Archbishop Laud mentions that is they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance to depose and kill Kings to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus c. But I would know of the Author for what things they do allow them And in another place he thus undertakes to Apologize for the Popes d Labyrinth Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them Gregory VIII and Innocent III were indeed very prudent men and worthy Champions of the Church to assert her just Liberties but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters And Mr. Serjeant according to his usual way will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes e J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon When where what Crowns and Scepters Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon would gladly thus cleer the Romanists f The Primitive Rule before the Reformation in the Afternoons Exhortation pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects to which they are not bound civiliter but naturaliter onely for if once a Coactive power be allowed Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas summitatis divisio as the Civilian speaks and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects are no more Scripture-Kings Gods Kings Titular Popular Kings onely For Gods Kings saith Otho Frisigensis being above all Laws are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter they may not be punished by the secular Laws g Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks and their fidelitie to Kings none speak it more none advise or practice it more in all secular obediences then the Roman Pastours and the Catholicks in their Communion h Id. pag. 22 23. Yea so far is this Sea Apostolick from frequent practices of that nature upon Kings viz. to depose them of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion onely in this last Reformed age in a few Protestant Countries then have been rais'd by Catholicks for any cause whatever in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced as derogatorie from the Rights of Kings the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain and therefore tells us that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia to Censure and Deprive Kings I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers viz. Pope and King when occasion shall be for it And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time anno 1582. Lastly for in these assertions a man might be endless one in his Animadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty this a Elenchus Elenchi pag. 17 20 21. Animadvertor I say will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects But words are cheap and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make b Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church But what they cannot answer some make it prudence to pass by with silence and then the Gentile Romanist who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for himself faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day putting most of his confidence in the Title-page seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer Thus self-interest perswades and then assures him of the Conquest so that with him to write against the Church of England is the same to confute and confound Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand what peaceable men they are what good subjects they are and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion But as for us of the Church of England alas we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty And if we must believe Father Parsons we must thus know the difference of the two Religions for with the Romanists out of England c Three Convers of Engl. part 2. pag. 581 582. All Modestie
or restrain Apostata Princes The foresaid Coquaeus saith that otherwise Christ had not sufficiently provided for the safety either of the Common-wealth or of our Souls And Petrus Bertrandus positively declareth for the former Principle that if such a deposing Authority had not been that then Christ Jesus had not shewn himself wise or discreet or as Father Parsons saith Gods providence had been defectuous And when Johannes Mariana the so noted Spanish Jesuit had in one of his Books so expresly maintain'd the lawfulness of killing bad Kings upon which the said Book was censured I meet with an English Romanist thus to vindicate or justifie the said Book They are enemies to that holy Name i. e. of Jesus that condemn'd Mariana for any such Doctrine Nay so zealous are some for this King-deposing Doctrine that with a De Politia Immunitat Eccles part 4. cap. 50. Laurentius Ortiz de Iberrola they will assure it the onely safety and preservation for Princes But King James who thought himself not a little concern'd and therefore thus deliver'd his opinion to his Parliament b Speech in Parliament 1605. Vid. his works pag. 504. As on the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery may yet remain good and faithful Subjects so on the other part none of those that truely know and believe the whole grounds and School-conclusions of their Doctrines can either prove good Christians or good Subjects And yet if for all these grand Testimonies they should plead their Allegiance and their respect to Princes I could ask why all Books writ against this King-deposing Doctrine are censured and prohibited by their Indices Expurgatorii whilst on the contrary those who affirm it are publish'd with honour as true and authentick and if Agapetus above a thousand years ago speak honourably of the Imperial Authority the c V. Bibliotheca Patrum Expurgatorian Index must stifle it with some worshipful gloss or other And if any should deny this to be the Doctrine of the Roman Church I should gladly know where is the judge whether the Popes themselves the Cardinals their greatest and most famous Writers as Bellarmine Baronius ' Perron c. do not understand what are the Tenents and the meaning of the Roman Church as well as some private Englishman here and whether we are not to believe the Popes Cardinals and their learned Doctors before the said private person Thus are the Romanists as stout and zealous for this King-deposing Doctrine as the d Mart. Martin de bello Tartar pag. 45 107 121 157. Chineses were for their Beards and do adore and worship this destructive Tenet as the old Cainites did Cain because he was the first man-killer or the Ophitae who worshipt the Serpent because he was the first deceiver and as they say the Author of good and evil Thus the Romanist may perceive what danger he runneth himself into if he dare but offer to oppose this Treasonable Principle seeing to deny it is madness flat Heresie nay Paganism contrary to the judgements of Popes Councils and the whole Church nay the Gospel of Christ a more intolerable Heresie then to erre concerning some of the Sacraments nay so gross an one that it doth destroy the very Church and Gospel it self wherefore they perswade us that all good and sound Catholicks must believe that Kings may be deposed seeing all who are truely Romanists and Sons of that Church do and must believe so Thus these men are like Polychronius who would rather erre with Macarius then be in the right with others and this Doctrine must be the Shibboleth to distinguish them from other Christians There is a Sect in Spain call'd a Anton. de Torquâ—meaa Diaâ—og 3 Saludadores who are known by a knack of curing many Diseases as a gift peculiarly belonging to them those of the House of b Luis Du-May Estate of the Empire p. 73. Austria are known by their long chins and thick lips and as they say are particularly blest with other Graces as to cure Wens by giving onely a Glass of Water and to unloose the Tongue of him that cannot speak plain onely by kissing Thus the Monarchs of England do the Kings-Evil and in Brecknockshire within two Miles of Brecknock there is a Lake call'd Lhyn Savathan or Linsavethan or Brecknock mere of which c Itiner Cambr. lib. 1. cap. 2. Giraldus Cambrensis tells us that the birds there will sing at the desire of the Prince of Wales but no man else so that it is the best Rule to know the true Prince of which matter d Polychron lib. 1. Ranulph Higden Monk of Chester thus Poetizeth Si Terrae Princeps venerit Aves cantare jusserit Statim deproment modulos Nil concinunt ad caeteros Which I finde thus translated to my hand by John Trevisa the old Vicar of Barkley almost three hundred years ago Yf the Prynce of the Londe hoote Briddes singe well mery noot As merily as they can And singe for none other man And so this King-deposing Principle they will have to be the Characteristical note whereby a through-paced or true Romanist maâ— be known who must answer to none but their Prince at Rome and whose commands they must not disobey And should any one now begin to teach them Allegiance and the pernicious consequences of this Doctrine which by length of time hath had such a sway with them probably it might be as great a novelty and strange to them as the e people who after a long Interdiction d Sextus de Seâ—tent Excotâ—â—c Alma Mater Gloss v. Insurgunt were so unused to Devotion that they laugh'd at the Priests when they came again to say Mass and pray with them for some will not leave an old Mumpsimus for a new though better Sumpsimus As for the Romanist's distinctions the better to maintain these Treasonable Assertions of Directe Indirecte Propriè Improprie simpliciter secundum Quid Absolute in Ordine ad Spiritualia and suchlike whimsical Save-alls they have not onely been derided by those of the a Pet. Molin de Monarch Temporal Pont. pag. 87. Jo. Buckeridge Episc Roffens lib. 2. cap. 5. Reformed Church but also by several Romanists themselves especially of the b Caron Remonst Hybern p. 236 237. latter stamp and of such cheats as these thus saith Father c More ample accompt pag. 28. Welsh In Ordine ad Spiritualia and the cheat of a verbal distinction the trick of abusing two other words Direct and Indirect and these two very new altogether unheard-of in this matter till some Caprichious heads brought them unfortunately to the Schools of meer designe to make people loose themselves in words by confounding right and wrong together and the fignification of both And so nothing need be said against such childish inventions being nothing to the true and real designe of the positive Doctrine of King-deposing which is the thing we treat of without any
be bankrupt for rather then fail she will pardon them for ever and ever as may appear in what followeth In the Church of St. John the Lateran is a Chappel call'd Sancta Sanctorum in which there is every day pardon and remission for all sins both from the punishment and the sin also In St. Peters Church in the Vatican by the Font is every day remission of all sins to be had Also in the same Church upon St. Martins day there is to be had full remission of all sins In St. Pauls Church in the Vatican upon the XXIX of January being the day when the Church was consecrated there is then to be had remission of all sins In the Church of St. Croce is a Chappel call'd Hierusalem where is to be granted full remission of all sins both à poena à culpa In the Church St. Maria Maggiore upon All-Saints day there is granted full remission of all sins In the Church St. Maria Rotonda upon the third of May and All-Saints day are pardons for all sins to be had In the Church St. Maria del Popolo on the day of Assumption of the Virgin Mary are granted remission of all sins In the Church of St. Peters ad Vincula are remission of all sins to be had In the Church call'd Ara Coeli or St. Maria Ara Coeli where they say is the first Altar that ever was made in the world at which Altar there is every Sunday and upon the Assumption of the B. Virgin granted full pardon and Remission of all sins These and such other like Indulgences were formerly a Fiscus Papalis sive Caralog is Indulgentiarum c. publish'd in England by Mr. Crashaw from an old Manuscript which he had and I have also seen an old b MS. 196. K Digby in Bibl. Bodl. â—xon Mâ—nuscript to the same purpose But what need we trouble our selves with Manuscripts seeing the same things may be seen in feveral c Indulgentiae Ecclâ—siarum urbis Romane Impressum Romae 1509. Le Cose maravigliose dell ' Alma citta di Roma 1625. Onuphrius de urbis Romae Ecclesiis Le Steâ—r de Villamont ses voyages Vid. Weaveâ—s Funeral-Monuments pag. 160 161 162 c. Books made printed by them and publish'd by their Authority to procure the greater credit and belief for suchlike pardons as these This occasion'd so many Pilgrimages to Rome to the great inriching of that City and the wonder of Johannes or Janus Pannonius the Hungarian Poet and Bishop of Funfkirken or Eutegyhazae in Latine Quinque Ecclesiae who though of the Roman Religion yet could thus jest at the gadding of People from other Countries to Rome for Pardons at their Jubilees Hispani Galli Solavi Teutones Hunni Delit. Poet. Hungar. p. 274. Clavigeri petitis limina Sancta Petri Quo ruitis stulti Latios ditare penates Salvari in patria siccine nemo potest The Spaniard French Pole German and the Hun Vnto St. Peters Chair for Heaven doth run Whither O fools to inrich the Popes do you gad As if salvation can't at home be had Yet Indulgences were also granted to particular places in other Countries amongst the rest England being then free-handed to Rome did not want such pretty Indearments whereby the people were made as free from sin as d Jo. Fox vol. 3. pag 223. Nightingal the Priest in Queen Mary's days and of them might be said as was thus in an old e Thâ— Becon's Relicks of Rome fol. 193. b. printed Pardon John or Joan as free I make thee As heart may think or eye may see And their Power and Prerogative is so great forsooth that they cannot onely pardon past sins but sins to come or what you will commit afterwards of which King f Meditation on the Lords Prayer p. 58. James doth protest that he hath seen two Authentical Bulls with his own eyes And of this the g Gravam Germ. § 3. Princes of Germany at Nurnberg 1523 did publickly complain and that your friends soul should skip out of Purgatory when the cash ratled in the Bason And how liberal they used to be with their Pardons h De Schism lib. 1. cap. 68. Theodorick à Niem who was Secretary to three Popes hath of old hinted and Dr. i Manuduction to Divinity pag. 64 65 c. Thomas James will refer you to some more abuses And though they are willing to be no loosers by these favours yet their prices are cheap enough which probably may the sooner ingage or oblige some trusty son to act any Villany the rates of their Absolutions being so cheap of which take this following Taste as I finde them set down in their Taxa S. Cancellariae Apostolicae Sect. III. Tit. 2. ABsolution for him who lyeth with a Woman in the Church and committed other crimes is rated at 6 a The common value of a grosso is about 4 penny sarthing of English money but some in this occasion will make it about 1 s. 6 d. grossos He that keeps a Concubine if a Priest must pay for his Absolution 7 gros If he be a Lay-man he must pay 8 gros If a Lay-man commit Sacriledge by taking holy things out of holy places he is well used seeing he payeth no more for his Absolution then 7 gros If a man carnally lye with his Mother Sister or other Kinswoman or God-mother he shall have his Absolution paying 5 gros Absolution for him that deflowers a Virgin is dog-cheap at 6 gros If a Priest commit Simony he shall have his Absolution for paying 7 gros Absolution for Perjury is but 6 gros Ib. Tit. 6. If a Lay-man kill an Abbot a Monk a Clerk or other Priest less then a Bishop he shall onely pay for his Absolution according to the Quality 7 8 or 9 gros But if a Lay-man onely kill a Lay-man he shall then onely pay 5 gros If a Woman be with Childe and she willingly and on purpose destroy the said Infant within her she shall have an Absolution for 5 gros And if one kill his Father Mother Brother or Wife he must pay for his Absolution 1 Ducat and 5 b This is sometimes valued at the same with a Grosso Carlins This Book was publish'd by their own Authority it may be the better to let the Romanists see what a kinde loving and indulgent Mother they have But how oft it hath been publish'd I cannot tell It was c W. Crafâ—â—aw's Mittimâ—s to the Jubilee of Rome Epist to the Reader first made and printed at Rome in the time of Pope Leo X and was after printed at Paris 1522 the d Pet. Molin de Monarch Temp. Pont. pag. 355. Kings Priviledge and the Popes Bull being joyned to it 'T was the next year 1523 printed at e Laur. Banck Taxa Epist Colen and afterwards in that Noble Collection call'd Tractatus Illustrium virorum printed by the King of France his Priviledge
from Rome when this point cometh to a pinch and a serious debate then we shall see some of them like Coton and the other French Jesuits to have two Consciences one at Rome and another at home As when any mischief is done the Childe cryeth Nobody did it thereby thinking to secure it self so now when some Kings and Princes have look'd upon this King-deposing Doctrine as wicked and dangerous we have some of the secular Priests and some French of a freer humour will throw all the fault upon the Jesuit and would gladly make the world believe that all other Roman Catholicks are innocent as to these accusations being true Subjects to their Prince and Enemies to Treason or Sedition and that the contrary Principles are onely taught by the Jesuits to which Order many other Catholicks having no good will make it their business to expose them as much as they can and this Quarrel is now grown to such an height that there appears no signes of a Reconciliation which every day weakens the Papal Authority and may in time squeez that jurisdiction within its own narrow limits The truth is some other Orders think the Jesuits carry too high an hand and others suppose them too busie and active in State-affairs and have been the Fomenters of many troubles and Wars in Europe to which purpose I meet with this biting Character Martem norunt animare Et Tumultus suscitare Inter Reges sedare Tanquam sancti adorantur Tanquam Reges dominantur Tanquam Fures depraedantur Dominantur temporale Dominantur spirituale Dominantur omnia male Hos igitur Jesuitas Nebulones Hypocritas Fuge si Coelica quaeras Vita namque Christianv Abhorret ab hoc doctrina Tanquam ficta Insana Another will offer these Anagrams upon the word JESUITA ES VITIA and SEVITIA I non es vita at VITIA ES mortis Imago Et Saevitia dans vim tibi nomen erit But this following for its brevity and pithiness may carry away the Bell Seductor Sueco Gallo Sicarius Anglo Proditor Imperio Explorator Davus Ibero Italo adulator dixi teres ore Suitam Nay the very Spaniards though great admirers of the Papal Prerogative and might have some respect for this Order their Founder Ignatius being their Countryman yet have some pique against them as appears by this Libel found in the Spanish Court by way of the Jesuits Ten Commandments Los Mandamientes de los Teatinos Mas humanos son que Divinos 1. Adquirir mucho dinero 2. Sugetar todo el mundo 3. Buen Capon y buen Carnero 4. Comprar Barato y vender caro 5. Con el blanco aguar el tinto 6. Tener siempre el lomo en siesto 7. Guardarse bien del sereno 8. Obrar lo suyo y lo ageno 9. Hazar del Penetente esclavo 10. Mesclarse en casas d'estado Estos diez Mandamientes se encierran en dos Todo para mi y nada para vos The Ten Commandments the Jesuits signe Are far more Humane then they are Divine 1. Great Riches see you do procure 2. Bring the whole world to your lure 3. Eat fat Capons and the best cheer 4. Buy but cheap yet sell full dear 5. Water your red wine with white 6. Lye with ease and warmth at night 7. Keep you from th' ill evening ayres 8. Do your own and others affairs 9. Make slaves of your Penitents 10. Plot in State-deeds and Events These Ten Commandments are thus made two All for my self nothing at all for you But too much of this Learned Order whose exact or Blinde Obedience as their Founder words it is maligned by some others Caeca Obedientia who have faults enough of their own and make a clamour against these Fathers not that the other are of sounder principles but thereby to turn people eyes upon another Object that their own faults might not be take notice of But though Clark and Watson the two secular Priests ranted dapperly against the Jesuits as the onely Teachers and Instructors of Sedition and Treason yet scarce was a year turn'd round but these pretended good Subjects were taken napping in Rebellion and accordingly had their reward And as for the Tenents of the Jesuits I finde the Fathers Reply to that Objection that a On dira tousiours que Bellarmine Gretserus les Peâ—es Jesuites en corps en particulier ne croyent ne croyront n' enseignent n' enseigneront autre chose que ce qu' en croit l'Eglise Responce Apologetique à l'Anticoron pag. 90. neither Bellarmine Gretserus nor any other particular Jesuit whatsoever do teach any thing but what is held for a truth and believed by the Church it self What they mean by the Church of Rome we have told you from themselves formerly and 't is certain that according to History the Pope hath been so active in maintaining this King-deposing Doctrine and so furious and active with his Sword that even honest Pasquin thought himself obliged to keep to the Proverb Whilst thou art at Rome do as they do And thus to Apologize Hâ—nr Estten â—pol pour Hered p. 382. for the Pope and answer all Objections Quum tibi non aetas habilis sit Caeraphe bello Et castris habeas cognita claustra magis Quum desit miles bellique pecunia uervus Quis te praecipitem cogit ad arma furor Infirmis humeris damnata quid induis arma Quae tibi cum libeat ponere non liceat Cur respirantem curantem vulnera mundum Concutis Martem solus ad arma cies Da miseris requiem spatium concede malorum Si nobis Pater es si tua cura sumus Conde senex gladium Christi reminiscere berbi Quod dixit Petro dixit ille tibi To this Pasquino one would think a doughty Romanist thus returns an answer in behalf of his Holiness Quod dixit Petro Christus nolim esse putetis Dictum Pontificum pace Petrique mihi Nam neque sum Petri successor nec quoque talem Agnoscit bona pars Christicolorum hodie Pauli ego successu coeptis meliore deinceps Dii faveant sumpsi nomen arma simul Et Christi verbi memor intrepidusque minister NON VENI PACEM MITTERE SED GLADIVM And now Gentlemen though at the beginning I gave you I hope good Reasons for this my undertaking yet because the other discourses intervening might possibly dash them out of your memories give me leave to reminde you of them with this previso that I think my Mother the Church of England a good Church and the King our Soveraign a true and lawful Kâ—ng And therefore in short when I finde a compact amongst your b Jesuits never to give over their attempts till they have â—tâ—er ruin'd themselves or reduced England to their Romish obedence When I finde a S. W. Schism disarmed pag. 181. you declare that our Kings have forfeited the claim to the Title of the
at Rome And many such-like monstrous instances might be shewn enough to cool my Zeal and Fancy though apt superstitiously to admire Antiquity What might I say of the Milk of the Blessed Virgin now so plentifully brag'd of in many places that the famous b Colloq Peregrinat Religionis ergo pag. 260. Erasmus is of opinion that it is impossible for one teeming Woman though the Childe had suck'd nothing to afford so much And for the Cross there is scarce a Romanist in the world but brags that he hath a piece of it which made the former judicious person declare that if the pieces of the Cross now brag'd of and shew'd about were gathered together they would fill or load a great Ship as St. c Tho. Fullers Ch. Hist l. 6. Sect. 5. Sect. 11 Apollonias Teeth being gathered together were so many that they fill'd a Tun. All which makes me subscribe to the Learned d Exercit. contra Baron 16. Sect. 104. Isaac Casaubon that most of our modern Reliques are either doubtful or palpably counterfeit Though the forementioned comparisons might sufficiently testifie that SECT II. Childish Fopperies to the reproach of Jesus Christ they had none of the greatest Values of our Saviour yet let us add something to shew what a little helpless youngling they would yet make him and yet forsooth would perswade us all these petty pranks to be for his commendation Though I am not apt to fancy the contrary when I finde them telling such ridiculous and impertinent Trifles as these that the Blessed Virgin brought him dandling in her Arms like a little Childe out of Heaven willing him to be a Gonon pag. 44 45. married to Catherine of Sienna but he said she was not handsome enough but at last he accepted her and so they were married together with a Ring Another time how she brought him down and placed him in the arms of one b Id. pag. 169. Fastredus Another time she descended with him to a company of Fryars to whom he spake in c Id. pag. 310. French bidding them magnifie his Mother and at last I know not how the little d Infantulus Infant Christ slipt out of his Mothers Arms and gave a sweet Rose to one of them Another time she gave him to e D Alcoran l. 1. p. 3. St. Francis who kept him and kiss'd him all night long and the same favour he obtain'd f Id. pag. 254. another time Benevent also had him in his hands but which was more they say he play'd the g Id. l. 2. p. 366. Cook-boy and looked to dress the Fryars Victuals whilst Benevent through forgetfulness had neglected them and his duty They go on and tell us how the Virgin Mary once placed him on a h Caesarius l. 7. c. 20. p. 406. Corporale then drying on a Womans knee the Woman not knowing what little Childe it was would have thrust him off but he desired her to let him sit there That another time he shew'd i Gonon p. 233. Arnulphus all the Patriarchs Prophets Apostles Martyrs Confessors Virgins and Angels that the Virgin gave him to be embraced by the said Monk who not able to indure the pleasure bid her take her Son again Thus they tell us that k Id. p. 274. Hostradus being at meat in the Hall or Refectory with the other Fryars she brought Christ from Heaven and carried him in amongst them Hostradus seeing him a pretty boy offer'd him some Victuals saying Eat eat pretty Childe To whom Jesus smiling said He needed none of his meat but he should eat some with him in Heaven What shall I say more they assure us that he came to l Bzovius Annal an 1236. Sect. 4. Arnoldus and shew'd him his name writ in the Book of Life That not many years since viz. Anno 1505 one m Gononus p. 418. Osanna of Mantoa a Nun was wedded to Christ by a Ring the Virgin Mary and the Prophet David assisting and that Jesus taught her to Write and Read That n Specul Exemp dist 7. Sect 37. Conradus de Offida had Christ brought him from Heaven by the Blessed Virgin whom he took in his Arms and placing mouth to mouth and lips to lips he was overcome as it were with kisses and embracements That o Art à Monast Martyrol Franc. VII April Sect. 3. Sebastianus à S. Maria about an hundred years ago he dyed 1580 saw the Virgin at the Altar to dandle Christ up and down in her Arms and kiss him Nor is this all for they would make us believe that our Saviour Christ p Art à Monast VI April Sect ◠spake intelligibly several times out of the Wafer to a Spanish Franciscan call'd Joannes ab Occania That he appear'd to q Dauroult c. 5. Tit. 2. Sect. 15. Lyduvina imprinted upon her as St. Francis had his five Wounds and turn'd himself several times now into the fashion of a Wafer then into a Childe and suchlike tricks That one time upon the Altar he turn'd himself from the form of the consecrated Wafer into a little Childe which Childe after r Ib. Tit. 2. Sect 7. Plegilus the Priest had taken into his Arms and wearied himself with kissing clipping and embracing by pressing brest to brest and lips to lips and then laid on the Altar was again converted into Wafer as formerly Nay which is more that in the likeness of a little Childe he appeared upon the Altar and was there really ſ Ib Tit. ◠Sect. 2. Sacrificed and cut to pieces by an Angel from Heaven his blood poured into the Chalice and all this ado to make a poor simple old man believe Transubstantiation But to shew you that the world was come to that pass that the people had a greater love and respect for the Virgin Mary than Christ himself nay and at last their very common Saints got the esteem and affection from both of them one Instance shall serve for all and this of one declared by the a Fox Tom. 2. pag. 440. Injunctions of King Henry the Eighth and that before he had fully thrown off the Pope to have been a Rebel and Traytor to his Prince and by reviling words and violent hands to have provoked Tracy and the rest to kill him And this shall be Thomas a Becket whose life we shall declare in the following History The Church of Canterbury before the dissolution of Abbies had three several Shrines or Altars One dedicated to Christ Another to the Virgin Mary The third to St. Thomas Becket The yearly Offerings to these will shew the peoples affection an instance or two of which take as followeth out of the old Leger-Book of that Church This Year  l. s. d. The Oblations offered to the Virgin 063 05 6 0 Item To the Shrine of St. Thomas Becket 832 12 3 ob Item To Christ's Shrine 003 02 2 0 The next Year To the Blessed
may give you an hint what little credit may justly be given to such Tales and when men have trapt any as Impostures so oft in lying and cheating they have small reason to believe them in their other Stories or Actions And besides these Forgeries when we consider what compact jugling and delusions there may be and that the Devil also may have a hand in the imployment as also some may have their Natural causes we should not so easily believe all to be gold that glistereth nor every thing we see or hear to be a Miracle wrought by God since b 2 Thessal 2. â— Antichrist himself must deceive by signs and lying Wonders Though as I have no power to hinder Almighty God from working Wonders so have I no Authority to deny that he doth do any by his faithful Instruments and I am apt to believe upon good Reason that the Church of Great Britain since the Reformation may glory and triumph in this blessing as well as their fellow-Christians beyond Sea CHAP. IV. Their Idle Extravagant and Prophane Titles and Prerogatives appropriated to the Pope HAving hitherto seen how lavish they are in the commendations of their inferiour Christians those but as it were fellow-Subjects or of the same rank in obedience with themselves what lofty strains and towring Encomiums may we expect when they advance to magnifie their Lord and Master their Infallible Judge and what not If in any thing they observe Sir Philip Sidneys Rule If the man such praises have What must he that keeps the knave And if when several of their Wits have strain'd themselves to compare the great Cardinal a Many of which you may finde collected together in a Quartâ— Book call'd Scriptorum Galliae Maledicentiae Adulationes Impiae Anno 1635. Richelieu to God Almighty for Power and Wisdom though he hath not hitherto been held one of the greatest Saints we may not hope for less Blasphemies to be produced to the honour of their Roman Bishop whom they fancy to command Heaven and Hell and so at his pleasure to dispose of their souls to either of those places But that good Emperour b Volaterran lib. 23. fol. 266. Alexander Severus rejected all such cogging Claw-backs As c Ant. Panormita de rebus gestis Alphonsi Alonso that wise King of Aragon did not onely hate but several times punish his flattering creenging Courtiers whom he justly call'd the Plague of Princes it being a truth not easily denyed that next to such a Treason as Presbytery the dissembling fawning Favorite is the discredit of his King and the ruine of his Country What the Popes have done by way of command to others to proclaim to the World the Commendations Strength Power Vertue and Authority of his Holy-Chair would be a task too tedious and difficult to search exactly and throughly into Yet that such endeavours have been somewhat Ancient appears by Augustinus de Ancona now better known by the name of Triumphus who above three hundred years ago was commanded by Pope John XXI or XXII to write a Treatise to this purpose which he did where he boldly maintains that no d De Potestate Ecclesiasticâ— Quest 44. Art 1. law can be made to binde Christians but by the Popes Authority as of old the Israelites received none but by the Intercession of Moses Nor is this all but he makes all the world to be so much the Popes Right and Inheritance that he expresly gives us this Caution of Interpretation of some Facts in History viz. That if we meet with any Emperours to have given any e Id. Part. 1. Quest 1. Art 1. Temporal Priviledges or Lands to any Popes as they say Constantine did to Sylvester we must here understand that they did not at all give that which was their own to give but onely forsooth restore that which had formerly been taken away from them by Tyranny and Injustice Or if on the contrary we read of any Popes to have given off any such Temporal Benefit we must then suppose that it was done more for peace-sake then really to give to others a true Title to them Fine Rules if they were true to keep all Jurisdiction and Territories in their own clutches But alas they are too simple and childish to be imbraced by any but fools and suchlike Papal Scriblers Not long after him we have a trusty Spaniard Alvarus Pelagius Confessor to Balthassor Cossa call'd John XXII or XXIII who writ a large Book in part to vindicate his Master by many then held an Antipope This Alvarus amongst other things affirms that no Emperour must be held to rule a De planctu Ecclesiae lib. 1. cap. 13. justly who received not his Power and Authority from the Roman Church especially after Christ had granted all Rule and Government to St. Peter which seems a pretty Paradox as if the Church at Rome by right ruled all the world before ever St. Peter was ever there or held as Supream there or for ought that I know before any other Christian in that City had any abode Nor will that which followeth any whit mend the matter viz. that every Pope hath all the same or as much power upon Earth as Jesus Christ himself had and that the Pope is as a God to the Emperour Some years before this Vrban the Sixth and Clement the Seventh bandying for the Popedom the Christians not agreeing which of them was the true one insomuch that the Kings themselves were also divided from which troubles it may be he might expect some disadvantage However it was he had one Johannes de Therano his Chamberlain who upon his command writ a Book to lessen all Temporal Authority in Princes in which he very finely evades these words Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars and to God the things that are Gods by affirming that these words of Christ have place onely for a time viz. until his Ascention and that after his Ascention they are of no force or value proving it from this Verse b Joh 12. 32. When I shall be lifted up from the Earth I will draw all men unto me which he interprets by all Kings and Kingdoms to be under the Popes jurisdiction a bundle of such strange Assertions that c Tom. 2. pag. 232. Coquaeus himself seems almost ashamed of them But to go on long before any of these above five hundred years d Anno 1131. ago in a Council at Rheimes some one or other for his certain name I finde not made a learned and wise Sermon as he thought in commendation of the Pope telling his Auditors that he was greater than Moses greater than any Angel greater than Solomon nay except God there is none like unto him either in Heaven or Earth And that this might carry the more credit with it they have foisted this into the Works of e Sermo ad Synod Rhemens beginning Grave est quod mihi injungitur St.
Bernard though f Anno 1131. Sect. 4. Baronius himself cannot believe that he was the Author of it Yet good Bernard knew not all things nor in some things could he see any farther than that blinde Age in which he lived would allow him nor will I take upon me to censure him of flattery for his thus complementing with his Holiness g Beâ—nard de Considerat ad Eugenium sib 2. cap. 8. Thou art the Prime of all Bishops the Heir of the Apostles an Abel for Primacy a Noah for Government an Abraham by Patriarchship a Melchisedech by Order Aaron by Dignity Moses by Authority Samuel by Judicature Peter by Power Christ by Vnction c. And this piece of canting Courtship was taken up by the Arch-bishop h Vid Abrah Bzov. Rom. Pent. c. 6. p. 56. Stephanus Tigliatius and bestowed upon Innocent the Eighth with some Additions But we might go higher yet and see what goodly Priviledges Gregory the Seventh got an Assembly at Rome to bestow upon him as that i Bâ—oâ— Anno 1076. Sect 31 3â— 33. onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops That he onely according to the Times may make Laws That he onely may use the Imperial Ensigns That all the Princes are to kiss his feet That he can depose Emperours and Translate Bishops That no Synod can be held without his command nor any Book is Canonical without his Authority That he is undoubtedly made k Vid. Dist 40. â— Noa nos Holy by the Merits of St. Peter That there is but one name in the World i. e. the Pope Nor can such Extravagances as these seem strange to any who is acquainted with their writings and stories the Popes themselves not a little delighting in these Flatteries and accordingly they never want such complying Pick-thanks Thus Fernando de Velasco in behalf of his Master John the Second King of Vid. Bzov. de Rom. Pont. c. 6. p. 56 57 58 66. Portugal applyed that to Innocent the Eighth which the Apostle speaks of Christ viz. That he is a Ephes 1. 21. far above all Principality and Power and every name that is named not onely in this world but also in that which is to come and that he is the Sun and Light of the World Thus Scala the Florentine Ambassador told the same Pope That his Dignity was so great that a more Excellent could not be invented or fancyed on Earth Nay that to dispute or doubt of his Power is no less than Sacriledge as Cheurer flattered him from the Duke of Savoy Julius the Second was told by Diego Pacettus Envoy from Emanuel King of Portugal That he was the Door-keeper of Heaven and held the Keys of eternal Life And Bernardus Justinianus Agent from the Venetians assured Pope Paul the Second that b Cui claudere Coelos aperire detrudere ad Inferos eruere quoscunque velit concessum he could damn and save whom he pleased Which was also affirm'd to Julius the Second by Michael Risius from Lewis the Twelfth of France with this Addition that the Necks of all Kings and Princes must submit to him Narius Bandinaeus Ambassador from Sienna fob'd up Pope Paul the Third with the Epithites of The Father of Godliness Day-star of Justice Prince of Faith Chiestain of Religion Arbitrator of all things Saviour of Christians and Image of Divinity And as if the Princes of Italy strove in the magnifying of his Holiness the Ambassadors of Genoa Sienna Lucca Venice Florence Parma Milan and Ferrara humbly told Leo the Tenth That he excell'd all Kings as much as the Sun doth the Moon And well might these petit Potentates thus tumble themselves before their Infallible Chair when the great French Monarch Francis the Second by his Deputy Johannes Babo à Burdaesia did creenge to Pius the Fourth in the acknowledgement that all Laws depended upon his pleasure that Kings threw themselves down at his feet and Heaven opens at his will and that his pleasure did stand for a Law as his voice for an Oracle Pope Pius the Fifth was once told that the whole world lay at his Feet And Sixtus the Fifth that Princes Kings and Emperours were so much subject to him that they should not onely attend upon him but worship and adore him Which if true then Aquinas was not amiss when as they say he told the world That * Vid. Bzov. pag. 53 55. our Kings ought to be as much subject to him as to Christ himself Nor those others who with the German have declared that all must be obedient to him upon pain of Salvation according to the Decree of d Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Uâ—am sanctam Boniface the Eighth Their Canon-Law tells us that Christ received St. Peter into the e Sext. de Electione cap. Fundamenta Fellowship of his undivided Vnity Informs us that as f Dist 12. c. Non decet Christ did the Will of his Father so we should do the will of the Church of Rome That g Dist 19. c. Sic omnes all the Orders of that Church ought to be held as if St. Peter himself had proposed them to us And therefore are h Ib. c. Enimvero perpetually and inviolably to be observed And so are the Papal decretal Letters which they say are to be i Ib. c. In Canonicis numbred amongst the Canonical Scriptures Nor is any man k Caus 17. Q. 4. Dist 81. c. Si qui sunt c. Nemini est to judge or revoke the Popes sentence For the l Paul Lancelottus Institut juris Can. l. 1. Tit. 3. c. Decreta Decrees of the Popes are of equal force and authority with the Canons of Councils And good Reason since they Decree that every one is to be m Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Unam sanctam obedient to the Pope upon pain of damnation and so must we believe that n Extra Com. Tit. 1. c. Super Gentes all Nations and Kingdoms are under the Popes jurisdiction And that o Extra Joh. XXII Tit. 5. Dist 22. c. Omnes Gloss God hath delivered over to him the Power and Rule of Heaven and Earth And well may he thus triumph over Principalities Powers since the Glossaries have the confidence to assure us that he a Naturam rerum immutat substantialia unius rei applicando aliis de nihilo aliquid facere potâ—st sententiam quae nulla est facit aliquam In his quae vult ei est pro ratione voluntas Nec est qui ei dicat Cur ita facis Ipse enim potest supra jus dispensare de injustitia potest facerc justitiam corrigendo jura mutando Decret Greg. lib. 1. Tit. 7. c. Quanto perjonam Gloss Sect. Veri Dei vicâ—m can change the Nature of Things make or rather create something out of nothing since his will must stand for a Law nor must any man
distance and according to his skill in Astronomy he makes the Pope to be about forty seven times better than a King But this seeming too little for his Holiness it fairly concludes him to be above 7744 times greater than any King And though this seems brave and sound high yet e Chimaera fol. 97. a. Stanislaius Orichorius of a later cut makes it his business to out-vapour the Gloss by affirming that a common Priest is as much better than a King as a Man is better than a Beast Nay farther that as much as God Almighty doth excel a Priest so much doth a Priest excel a King And this may somewhat agree with Gaspar Scioppius a great man amongst them though of more words and passion than Charity or Discretion who in the swindge of his Zeal alloweth all Lay-men to be no better than Horses Mules or Asses and that with such small distinction that the Romanist Ecclesiasticus cap. 147. himself hath but the honour to be a tame Ass whilst the Heretick is a wilde one Nor do the Kings of the Popish perswasion get any more addition of esteem from him then that they are the foremost or leading Asses with fine jangling Bells about their necks And that favorite of their Church Reges Catholici sunt Asini cum Tintinnabulâ— c. Charles the Great is honour'd enough as Schoppius thinks by calling him a wiser and greater Ass than our King James because he was obedient to the Pope And the truth is many of our chief Princes by their too much debasing themselves to that Chair have rendred themselves little better than Scioppius his comparisons or his Holiness must have thought them to be so in respect of his Almighty Greatness Witness the great Kings and Emperours who have held the Popes Stirrops have kiss'd his Toe have like Foot-boys led their Horses along witness Alexander the Third for presuming to Vid. Tho. Bozium de Italiae statu l. 3. c. 4. pag. 298. tread upon the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa's neck witness Gregory the Seventh for making the Emperour Henry the Fourth to wait upon him three several days in the midst of Winter bare-foot bare-headed and fasting and several suchlike impudent stories which may be seen more at large in the prosecution of this History And for more confirmation of this Papal Pride and Greatness let us take a short view of somewhat to this purpose which they have left upon Record with a strict injunction to be performed by all Kings and Emperours whatsoever The Pope in the Book of their holy Ceremonies doth command as a Law Sacrarum Ceremoniaâ—um Edit Rom. 1560. lib. â— That when an Emperour goeth to be Crown'd by a Pope a Fol. 22. he is as soon as he espyeth his Holiness to kneel and worship him bare-headed then to approach nearer and kiss his feet and the same is to be done by the b Fâ—l 2â— Empress when she is Crowned When the Emperour is Crowned at the publick Procession before a world of people he is to c Fol. â—6 go to the Popes Horse and there to hold the Stirrop till his Holiness mounts on Horse-back and then like a Lackey must he lead the Popes Rosonante some way by the Reins And this piece of service or slavery must the d Fol. 17. Emperour King or chief Potentate perform when the Pope is chosen in his Procession to the Lateran Church But if there be two Kings present then hath the Pope expresly commanded that e Ibid. one of them on his Right-side the other on his Left must lead his Palfrey along by the Bridle And this Office of the Yeoman of the Stirrop they are confidently pleas'd to tell us that Constantine the Great did it to Pope Sylvester But the f 〈◊〉 Dâ—nâ—â—io vâ—l Privilâ—gi â—â— Constantant Copy whence they produce this I shall prove to be a whilking lye and forgery in the following History The Pope goeth on in his proud Laws by decreeing that the best Lay-man though he be Emperour or King must g Sacâ—aâ— Ceâ—em lib. 1. fol. 20. carry water for the Pope to wash his hands in nor must his trouble and slavery cease here but he must also carry up the first dish of meat to his Table And as if all this were not enough to debase the Temporal Princes the same Authority goeth on commanding that if the Pope will not ride on horse-back but be carryed in his Chair that then the four of the greatest Princes yea although the Emperour be one of them shall put their h Fol. 1â— shoulders to the said Chair and so carry him some space yet this being a tyranny beyond all expression therefore somewhat to mitigate it they provide that four lusty fellows shall so far assist as to ease those Royal Shoulders from the great weight The truth is the Pope is wont to call himself the servant of servants of God But 't is none of the least signs of great Pride to affect a seeming Title of humility when in the mean time they make it their design to Domineer over the whole world and something to this purpose their Gloss upon Gratian affords us this Distich * 1 q. 7. c. Quoties Cordis Gloss Et per te Servierant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum Servorum servi nunc tibi sunt Domini The greatest Kings once serv'd thee Rome but now To th'least of Servants thou thy neck must bow And such another like cheat as this doth his Holiness afford the Romans or rather the holy Scripture when he is elected and carryed to the Lateran where he takes up as much a Sacrar Cerem lib. 1. fol. 17. money as he can in his hand and throws it amongst the people saying * Acts 3. 6. Silver and gold have I none but such as I have give I thee A most ridiculous Ceremony for his Infallible Holiness thus to abuse the words of St. Peter And though Pope Julius the Third was content to call himself no more than Gods Vicar yet the extravagancy of the expression spoil'd the Complement For as the story goeth having once commanded a Peacock to H. Estiâ—ne Apol pour Herod p. 291. be set by that he might eat it cold and being missing when he desired it forced him into a great rage and being desired by a Cardinal not to be angry for such a Trifle thus replyed If God was so angry for an Apple as to drive Adam out of Paradise why might not he that was Gods Vicar be angry for a Peacock of more worth And like this was another reply of the said Pope who wanting his Dish of Pork and being told that his Physitian had forbad it as not then good for him thus unholily commanded Bring me my Pork in spight of God Porta mi quel mio piatto al dispetto di Dio. Methinks Johannes Andraeas Bishop of Aleria in Corsica thought himself no
small Wit when his fancy reached so high as to call Pope Leo the Great b Epist ad Paulum II. praefix Opuscul Leonis Fran. Sweert pag. 115. The Tully of Church-Oratory The Homer of Divinity and the Aristotle of Faith and this mode of School-boy-allusion is used also by some others as amongst other Monuments of the Great Duke of Bourbon who took Rome this following is at Gaieta Consiliis Calchas animo Hector robora Achilles Eloquio Nestor jacet hic Borbonius Heros And thus the other day a c Philanax Anglicus or a Christian Caveat against Protestants of Integrity pag. 57 58. Romanist thought he had commended our blessed Martyr King Charles the First beyond all comparison when he call'd him a Prince wise as Apollo Valiant as Achilles Vertuous as Socrates Pious as Aeneas and Beautiful as an Amazon So that it seems to make a noise any thing that sounds great be it devilish or wicked must be brought in like the people of Sofala in the East-Indies who appropriate to their King by way of commendation all things that are great be it good or bad insomuch that they call him not onely d Purchas Pilgr Vol. 2. pag. 1539. Great Lyon but great Thief great Witch and suchlike But for such allusions of Bishop Andraeas I shall let them alone as impertinent to my purpose and of as little harm as they are of discretion I only medling with those of a higher pitch such as attribute a Deity or little less to his Holiness of which formerly and to them I might add this Distich set Da. Magerus Transenna Theologica pag. 61. upon a Triumphal Arch at Rome relating to Pope Sixtus Oraculo vocis mundi moderaris habenas Et merito in Terris crederis esse Deus And therefore they command us a Paris Crassus de Ceremoniis Cardinalium Epist lib. 1. cap 22. to bow at the name of the Virgin Mary and the Pope as well as at the name of Christ And if these and suchlike Extravagances not to say Blasphemies have not been asserted yea and by those who think themselves the wisest concerning the Pope I shall desire the same censure that the famous Parisian Chancellor Gerson by themselves stiled the most Christian Doctor did in the same case viz. to be held a b Mentior si non inveniantur haec scripta ab illis etiam qui sapientes sunt in Oculis suis Jo. Gerson de potest Eccles Consid 12. lyar But to end all with a story or two the famous Stephanus assures us that a Priest at Tours told his Auditors that if * Apol. pour Herod p. 291. Christ and the Pope were by him and one commanded him one thing and the other another that he would obey the Pope rather than Jesus Christ And this Doctrine agrees somewhat with the Cardinal who told his Confessor That he had rather adore the Pope than God because one was visible and the other not And these Extravagances and the Popes taking upon him to domineer over all mankinde made the Greek Church send this short Complement to his Holiness John XXIII We do really acknowledge thy high Jo. Bale Acta Pontif. Rom. l. 6. p. 253. Authority over thine own Subjects but we cannot indure thy great pride nor are we able to satisfie thy avarice So the Divel be with thee and the Lord with us Thus when we finde their Grandees and those who think themselves the wisest of their Religion to ascribe sâ—c 〈…〉 sâ—ve Power and Prerogatives to his Holiness we may the less wonder 〈…〉 simplicity of the poor people Da. Magerus Transenna Theologica pag. â—5 of Limosin who according to the 〈…〉 â—â—aring and so believing that the Pope was not onely Gods Vicar bu◠〈…〉 and so had such great power in Heaven and Earth c. and 〈…〉 wing that the then Pope was their Country-man and so near them 〈…〉 in France at Avignon and so full in hope for Relation-â—a 〈…〉 some comfort and help from him sent to him laying open 〈…〉 of his and their Country scarce any thing growing in it bu◠〈…〉 and a little Corn to serve them on Sundays and th◠〈…〉 â—eg'd that his Holiness would be pleas'd to make their poo 〈…〉 unâ—â—y so fruitful that they might have two Harvests in a year The Pope after long consultat 〈…〉 with his Grave Council about this weighty matter was pleas'd very 〈…〉 sly to grant their request but upon this condition that for the future 〈…〉 sâ—ould not reckon twelve but twenty four Months for the year 〈…〉 engers glad at heart of this unspeakable favour and benefit return 〈…〉 rrily into their Country with this good news to the great rejoycing and â—riumpâ—â— no doubt of their Neigbours However those people with those of Munding in Schwaben who knew not the difference between a c â—â—bel Facet l. â— p. 18â— Crab Pigeon and Stag and contended in voice with a d Id. lâ—â— p. 56. Cuckow and those Inhabitants of e Mâ—rt Zâ—â—â—â—e Hâ—span lâ—iner pag. 1â—9 El Campo in Estramadura who knew not three Miles beyond their own homes and our Virtuosi of Gotham may be for ought that I know as honest though they are not the wisest of their four respective Nations But though the Pope may think himself above all Power in this World and so not liable to any censure whatsoever yet against this I remember a droling story A Fryar Minorite having proved that the Pope might be Excommunicated by this as he thought invincible Dilemma Either the Pope is a Brother or not if he be a Brother he may be Excommunicated by a Brother if he be not a Brother why doth he say Our Father The Pope not knowing how to answer this a merry Courtier undertook the solution and so to ease him of his troubled minde by this advice Let your Holiness never say the Lords Prayer and the Argument is void and of no force against you And so I leave his Holiness in deep consultation with his Cardinals in the Consistory what to do in this case not troubling my self a Rush what advice he shall follow THE TREASONABLE AND Rebellious Principles Of the ROMANISTS BOOK II. CHAP. I. Their fancying that the Pope hath Power and true Authority to depose Emperours and Kings and dispose of their Dominions HAving hitherto taken a short view of the Glories as they fancie of the Romish Church let us now see some of their Destructive and Treasonable Principles whereby we shall perceive that Heathens in some things have better Tenets than those who call themselves the truest Christians For though Attabalipa King of Peru told that Cacafuoco Dominican Vincent Valverde That the Pope who would thus Pontificem insigniter satuum Impudentem esse eo sacile prodi quod aliena tam liberaliter largiatur Hier. Benzo Hist Novae Orbis lib. 3. c. 3. dispose of Kingdoms was not onely Impudent but a great Fool to give
lived to the age of his great Grand-father or great Grand-Mother the first living one hundred and ten and the other one hundred and five years what spirit he was of may in part be seen by his violent perswading to the ruining of all Protestants in his Classicum Belli Sacri and his ranting and calling of it b Ecclesiast c. 74. p. 242. Dathanismus and Abironismus in King James because he would not believe that the Pope had power to depose Kings But enough of Schoppius let us now see the Judgement of one greater than he Martinus Becanus a man of great Parts and Learning yet is pleas'd to compare Kings and Princes to Per Canes partim Reges Imperatores qui morsu externa vi defendunt Ecclesiam ab Incursione Haereticorum Infidelium Mart. Becan Controvers Angl. p. 131 132. Dogs That by their bitings and force do defend the Church from the Assaults and Incursions of Hereticks And these he saith upon some occasions may not onely be c Bec. de Republ. Ecclesiast l. 3. c. 4. Sect. 48 49. Excommunicated of which he endeavoureth to give some Instances but also d Reges Principes quando negligentes sunt in arcendis vel expellendis Haereticis excommunicandos a Pontifice deponendos Controvers Angl. Ib. Id. Tom. 3. Part. 2. Theologiae Scholasticae cap. 15. q. 5. pag. 421. Id. Refutatio Tort. Torti p. 23. deposed by the Pope And therefore a little after he affirms that none can with a safe Conscience take our English Oath of Allegiance because amongst other things it declares that the Pope upon any account cannot depose a King which Assertion he saith all Catholicks hold to be e Catholici judicant hanc propositionem apertè falsam esse Id. pag. 139. false and against the Lateran Council Gabriel Vasquez one of the most famous School-men of Spain is also of opinion that it is in the Popes power to f Com. in 1. 2. Thom. Tom. 2. Dist 152. Sect. 8. punish Princes and that the crime of Heresie against him is of such force that none of such Conditions are capable of Rule so that the Si omnes de stirpe Regia Haeretici sintt unc devolvitur ad Regnum nova Regis electio nam justè à Pontifice omnes illi successores Regno privari possunt Id. disp 169. Sect. 42 43. Kingdom must chuse some body else But if it so chance that the whole Kingdom be not of the Romish perswasion then the * Qâ—od si Regnum infectum esset Pontifex assignaâ—e posset Catholicum Regem ipsum vi armorum si opus esset introducere Ib. Pope can assign them one whom the people must not deny for if they do his Holiness forsooth may bring him in by force of Arms. Nor can we expect any better Doctrine from Franciscus Feu-ardentius Reges Regnis suis abdicare omni potestate dignitaâ—eque privare potest Com. in Esther p. 82. his very name somewhat shewing the fury of his Zeal this Franciscan is resolved for the Popes pulling down of Kings and yet he could wish that in these things his Holiness would consult with the holy Consistory of Cardinals Julius Ferrettus though not so hot-headed as the former and one that could indure cold as well as any Italian yet though he seldom used a Fire his Doctrine waâ— Zealous enough in behalf of the Pope affirming that he could a Papa dat Imperium Regna iis de causis rite deponuntur ab co Jul. Ferrettus de re disciplina Militari p. 156. Sect. 113. give Empire and Kingdoms nay and depose the Possessors because he is judge of all and instead of a God on Earth And in another b Id. pag. 354. Sect. 26. place he concludes with the same Doctrine against the Emperour And yet this Doctrine he intended for Charles the Fifth and assured it to his Son Philip the Second And for all this bad Doctrine this Lawyer was in great Repute as appears both by his great Preferments and Imployments and the latter end of his Epitath may serve for a hint Jura Poli atque fori belliterraeque marisque Descripsit tandem conditur hoc Tumulo And Celsus Mancinus Friend Towns-man born viz. Ravenna and of the same Profession with the former is just of the same Opinion c Conspicuum fit omnibus à summo Pontifice deponi privarique Imperatores è contra eligi Mancin de jurib Princip l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Nor need this be any such wonder to us when a greater than either of them doth not onely affirm that this d Reges nostri in multis casibus possunt deponi sive per Papam sive ipsis Regnâ—câ—lis Tostat Com. in III Reg. c. 11. q. 35. King-deposing Authority is not onely in the Pope but in the very people too and of this Opinion is no less man than the voluminous Tostatus so that the word Treason will become null'd Although his Country-man e De potestate coactiva cap. 12. Sect. 17. Josephus Stephanus doth not speak any thing of this Power in the people yet he is as forward as any to give it to the Pope especially if the Kings be not of his Romish Religion and in another of his f De adorat pedum Pont. cap. 7. Books gives you a Catalogue of some Emperours and Kings unthroned by the Pope For those Opinions and other his Writings in honour of the Porphyry-Chair he was made Bishop of Orihuela in Valentia and his learning might deserve some preferment being well studyed in Church-Antiquities Another Spaniard viz. g In 2. 2 Tho. q. 12. art 2. col 478. Dominicus Bannez allows the same power to the Pope of King-deposing but had this Guipuscoian in his old age studyed Loyalty more than Hebrew he might have alter'd his judgement and it might have been more for his credit And with this noted son of Mondragon doth another Spaniard h Tom. 3. disp 1. q 12. â—unct 2. col 439. 443. Gregorius de Valentia agree And though their Orders be Enemies yet like Herod and Pilate they can shake hands to propagate Rebellion But we have a Country-man of our own as famous as either of the other two both for his Learning and his stedfastness in this wicked Opinion and this is Thomas Stapleton who boldly declares that for Heresie the i Rom. Pont. punire quosvis Principes potest si rei necessitas exigat Regno private Tom 1. pag. 710. Contr. 3. q. 5. Art 2. Nâ—mpe per populâ—m ipsum cujuâ— est eligere saâ—â—n Principem aut Ordines Regni vel Senatâ—m Civitatis At vero si istud non succedat potest per se immediatè procedâ—â—e dando illud Regnâ—m alteâ—i Oâ—thodoxo Principi vel prâ—mo Victori Oâ—thodoxo illud assignando Ib Sect. 4. p â—â— Pope may not onely punish but also deprive Kings of their
same purpose was best known to the Court of Rome and is not two pence matter to our design But yet for all his Saintship his great admirer and Glossographer Johannes de Friburgo will not agree with him about the Popes direct Authority though he allows him an indirect one to depose Kings and it is not a farthing matter whether he kill a man with his right or left-hand With the former Saint doth another but of a far older date viz. St. Bonaventure in the main agree affirming with the rest that a Possunt Sacerdotes Pontifices ex causa amovere Reges deponere Imperatores S. Bonavent de Ecclesiast Hierarcha part 2. cap. 1. Priests and Popes for some Reason or other may put down Kings and depose Emperours But though our Learned Country-man Alexander of Hales used to say by this famous and pious Cardinal his Scholar That it seemed to him that Adam had not sin'd in Bonaventure yet for all his Title of Invincible he shall not perswade me but that our Seraphical Doctor was wide from Truth in this his King-deposing Assertion Much about the same time with the former lived another famous Cardinal Henricus de Segusio but now better known by the name of Hostiensis who is as resolute as any for the b Domini Temporales non solum propter suam Haeresim sed etiam aliorum quos dum possunt admoniti exterminare negligunt Excommunicari possunt Terrae ipsorum exponi Catholicis occupandae idem si Princeps negligens inveniatur circa Regni Regimen justitiam saciendam Hostiens Summa lib. 5. Tit. de Haereticis Sect. Quae poena seriatur Sect. 11. deposing of Kings by this Power if they be either negligent in the administration of their Government or do not extirpate all Hereticks out of their Dominions then comes a clap of Excommunication and the Land lyeth gaping for him that can first take it To this Cardinal we shall add another of as great esteem as any and one that had formerly been Master del sacro Palazzo and this is Johannes de Turrecremata who affirms that the Pope cannot onely use his Ecclesiastical Censures against Kings but also c Verum etiam cos notabiliter negligentes à dignitate deponere Jo. de Tur. Suâ—ma de Eccles cap. 14. propos 44. depose them And with this Spaniard doth a Sicilian one of their most famous Canonists d In V lib. Decretal de Haereticis cap. 13. Abbas Panormitanus agree And e Super Canone Missae lect 23. fol. 41. pag. 1. col 1. Gabriel Biel an old German Divine upon the same foundation raiseth the same destructive Principles To these subscribe the Sicilian Lawyer f De Potestate Regia Q. 76. Antonius Corsetus the Italian g Tract de officio legati de latere lib. 2. Tit. de variis ordinarium nominib Sect. 220. Petrus Andraeas de Gambara and his Country-man h De censuris Ecclesiasticis Tab. 2. cap. 23. Sect. 9. num 8. Bartholomaeus Vgolius who also some years * De justitia validitate Monitorii Pauli V in Venetos pag. 16. after affirm the same Power to lye in Paul the Fifth nor doth the Pavian Lawyer i Repet Rubr. de Constitut Sect. 76. Boschus Codecha differ from the rest Thus do they madly seem to dote upon this Papal jurisdiction as the Mantuan Galeatius did upon a young Woman of this City who upon her jeasting command drown'd himself Nor is multitude of their Lawyers wanting to confirm this their Seditious Doctrine for here might we bring k Repet in C. Canonum Statut. de Constitut Sect. 32. Johannes Baptista Ferretus l Repet in Clem. ut Clericorum de offic ord Sect. 40 43. Stephanus Aufrerius m De Magistratibus lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 5 7 8. Garsias Mastrillius yet for all this Principle imploy'd by the Catholick King about Sicily n Repet in Rubr. de Haeret. Quaest 9. Sect. 5. Rep. in C. quoniam de Haeret. Quaest 15. Sect. 34 36. Arnaldus Albertinus Inquisitor General of Valentia and Bishop of Patti in the former Island and Lancellotus Conradus amongst other Priviledges and Prerogatives attributed to the Pope for the Twentieth saith that he o XX. Deponit Imperatorem propter ipsius iniquitates etiam Reges Lanc. Conrad Templum Omnium judicium pag. 613. deposeth both Emperours and Kings Franciscus Vargas being desired by Pope Pius the Fourth with whom he was very gratious to inform him of the jurisdiction and authority of himself and other inferiour Bishops then somewhat discours'd of in the Council of Trent tells his Holiness plainly That it belongs to a Haec â—tem ea Potestas est qua idem summus Pont. non alius Imperatores Principes nonnunquam privat aliosque in eorum locum sufficit Fr. Varg. de Episcoporum jurisdictione autorit Pontis Confirm 10. Numb 7 8. him alone to depose Kings and Emperours and put others in their places and then for more confirmation of it names some so used And whether Fernandus Rebellus the famous Portugal Jesuit be not of the same opinion let indifferent parties judge and they will soon conclude that his Name did not much differ from his Principles telling us That the Portugal had one title of right to the Indies by the gift of Alexander the Sixth and the b Quibus jus competit super omnes Principes Christianos concedendi auferendi ordinandi retendi ea quae opus suerint ad finem supernaturalem salutis genrium tam fidelium quam Infidelium Fer. Rebel de Obligationib justitiae Part. 2. l. 18. Q. 23. Numb 26. Bishops of Rome have a great power in giving and taking away from Princes And this he dedicates to Claudius Aquaviva then General of the Jesuits nor could he scarce hit upon a better Patron for such Doctrines seeing by his License he had formerly Priviledg'd several such principles of Sedition But now we have one that speaks to the purpose viz. Ludovicus à Paramo a great Lawyer of Sicily and Divine of Leon who maintains in several places of his writings the c Potest summus Pont. antiquos Reges Imperatores deponere novos instituere Lud. à Param de Origini progress S. Inquisit l. 1. Quest 1. Opin 4. Numb 55. Id. Numb 49. Posse mutare Regna uni auserre atque alteri conferre Id. Numb 58. Potest non solum omnia quae Princeps seculares possunt sed facere novos Principes tollere alios Imperia dividere c. Id. Numb 94. Si Princeps aliquis aut haereticus aut Schismaticus electione fieret tum etiam possit Papa uti gladio temporali adversus eum procedere usque ad depositionem expulsionem illius à Regno Popes power in deposing Kings and setting up new ones and proceeding against all heretical or schismatical Princes with the same Authority and
fault he quite looseth his Right and Authority over his Subjects Of the same humour is g De Catholicis Institut Tit. 46. Numb 74 75. Tit. 23. Numb 11. Jacobus Simancas and with this Doctrine as the former claw'd Paul the Fifth so doth this Spaniard fob up Gregory the Thirteenth Nor will he have the Father onely to loose his Kingdom Propter Haeresim Regis non solum Rex Regno privatur sed ejus filii à Regni successione pelluntur Salman Tit. 9. Numb 259. but he also agrees with these who throw out the Children too Though this Author would once dispute whether a Divine or Lawyer would make the best Bishop yet here we need make no Controversie which of the Faculties amongst them is the best assertor of this seditious Doctrine since we see by experience that both Parties do their utmost to uphold it 'T is said that the fields adjoying to Badaioz of which this Simancas was Prelate are so pestered with the multitude of Locusts that the King is forced to provide many men for the burning of them And it would do well if he and others by punishment would restrain the publishing and maintaining of such mischievous Principles within their Dominions Another Spaniard and a famous Jesuite h De justitia Tom. 1. Tract 2. disp 29. col 213 214. Ludovicus Molina though at first he seems a little modest in respect of the Pope but would have the Subjects take upon them to chastise their Kings yet that a little advice from his Holiness would do no harm However the farther he goeth the more he imbraceth this jurisdiction of Rome and then at last in several places boldly affirms the a Potest summus Pontifex depone Reges eosque Regnis suis privare Molin de just Tom. 1. col 217. Id. Col. 225. Imperatoris depositionem ex justa causa pertinere ad summum Pontificem Id. Col. 220. posse summum Pont. deponere Reges eaque ratione merito transtulisse Imperium à Graecis ad Germanos deposuisseque Hildericum privasse Regni administratione quendam Lusitanice Regem Id. Col. 221. si Princeps aliquis Haereticus aut Schismaticus fieret posset summus Pont. uti adversus eum gladio Temporali procedereque usque ad depositionem expulsionem illius à Regno Popes power in deposing Kings A Doctrine which I dare say he never learned from that pious Manuel of his darling and daily companion Thomas à Kempis and yet this durst he offer to the King of Spain Another Spaniard but a Dominican Petrus de Ledesma tells the people pretty stories how to get rid of their Kings for if the Prince as he saith be an Heretick and that crime by his cunning cannot be sufficiently proved against him then let him publickly be excommunicated and all is as sure as a gun for Post sententiam declarativum de crimines haeresis aut Apostasiae Princeps injuste possidet Principatum inique dominatur in Subditos qui si viribus polleant tenentur se eximere ab ejus obedientia bellum ipsi inferre Petr. de Ledesm Theologia Moralis Tract 1. cap. 7. conclus 6 7. Id. Conclus 5. Quam primum quis declaratur excommunicatus propter Apostasiam à fide aut haeresim privatur dominio jurisdictione in subditos si quos habet subditi absolvuntur à juramento fidelitatis quo antea tenebantur by this means he is absolutely deprived of all Rule whatever and his Subjects are obliged if they be able to raise war against him and root him out for as he saith by the aforesaid Excommunication they are all absolved from their Obedience and Oath of Allegiance which they formerly owed to him And this he tells us is the judgement of Thomas Aquinas and all his followers And I think in this he doth not at all wrong this famous School-man who was so great a Champion for the Romish See that at last he was Canonized Quam cito aliqui per sententiam denuntiatur excommunicatus propter Apostasiam à fide ipso facto ejus subdito sunt absoluti à dominio ejus juramento fidelitatis quo eitenebantur Tho. Aquin. 2. 2. q. 12. art 2. by John XXII yet for all his title of Angelical Doctor he could maintain the black position that Subjects were not to obey nor acknowledge Excommunicated Princes And some of the Thomists to make the Authority of Temporal Monarchs less valid make use of his Book de Regimine Principis but to what purpose I know not However b Desceptat Calvin pag. 152. Franciscus Panicarola the preaching and worded Bishop of Asti is no enemy to the Popes coercive Authority over Princes That the Italian Dominican c De literali ac Mystica Regularum juris Canon interpretat Quest 2. art 4. punct 2. Numb 25 26 27. Quest 3. art 9. Numb 101. pag. 270. Paulus Carraria is a great magnifier of the Popes power in Temporals need not be long in proving if we do but consider what Laws and Examples he makes use of to shew that Kings may be deposed and Kingdoms given away by him And to him we may joyn another of the same Order d Summa de Exemplis lib. 8. cap. 60. Johannes à S. Geminiano since they both go the same way and upon the same errand Gregotius Nunnius Coronel though but a Portugal Augustan Mendicant Fryar yet is as furious and proud as the best of them against Temporal Government and it may be for this fault Clement the Eighth and Paul the Fifth were so kinde to him and got him to Rome to be neer them He declares that if they a â—â—â—g Nâ—n. Cor. dâ— veâ—a Christi Eccles lib. 9. pag. â—45 Tâ—â—◠〈…〉 quan â—egiâ— poâ—â—taâ—e privaâ—◠〈◊〉 â—s sui vi authoritate câ—â—litus sibi â—radit◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will not be obedient to his Church then may the Pope by his great power from Heaven very justly turn them from all their Royalties and Government Nay that sometimes the b Id. Pag. â—69 In illos aâ—ma capiant tanquam Regio dâ—demate 〈◊〉 a sede 〈◊〉 agnoscaâ—t Subjects themselves if the Pope bid them must take up arms against them and dethrone them And in another of his Books he saith that an c De optimo Relpub 〈◊〉 lib. 3. c. 13. pag. 508 â—â—9 p. 511. Râ—x â—â—pâ—s â—aeâ—â—icorum dogmaticus â—â—â—â—mato animo 〈◊〉 à Regâ—◠〈◊〉 aâ— administratione Imperâ—â— quod in Christianos habet amo 〈…〉 Heretical King must not be permitted to rule but turned from his Kingdom anâ— this not onely for Heresie but also if d Id. Cap. 14 pag. 521. Si Reges Principes gravissiâ—â— â—int dediâ—â—â—eleâ—bus efficâ—tor proculdubio uâ—â—x his dâ—abus caâ—sis justissime Rom. Pont. possit acriâ—er in Reges animadâ— ertere cos a Regalâ— solio muneâ—is â—â— poâ—â—staâ—â— dâ—â—rbare he be given to to any great
deposed That he was absolutely perswaded so in the latter the first we shall treat of in its proper place you may judge by his declaring these following Propositions to be Heretical I Qu'un Heretique relaps nommement Fran. de Verone Apologie pour Jâ—han Chastel Part 2. cap. 15. pag. 95. excommunie du S. Siege ne perd le droit de la Couronne II. Que tel est Roy legitime donne Ordonne de Dieu III. Que l'eglise ne le peut priver de ce droit ny les Estats ny generallement les Princes de leurs dignitez ou Royaumes pour crime ou Heresie quelcunque IV. Ny absoudre les subjects de l'Obeissance fidelite a eux deue V. Qu'il fault resister a tels jugemens qu'ils n'obligent en conscience VI. Qu'il ne se fault enquirer des actions ny de la Conscience de son Prince VII Qu'il n'est loysible de resister a un Prince Heretique VIII Qu'un Roy Catholique peut permittre deux Religions en son Royaume I. That a relaps'd Heretick and by name excommunicated by the Pope doth not loose the right of his Crown II. That such an one is a lawful King given and ordained of God III. That neither Church nor Parliament Estates can deprive them of that right nor that Princes for any Crime or Heresie whatever can be deprived of their dignities IV. Nor that subjects can be absolved from their obedience and fidelity they owe to their Kings V. That such sentences as these are not to be obeyed being not obligatory in Conscience VI. That the Actions and Consciences of Kings are not to be pry'd into VII That it is not lawful to resist an Heretical Prince VIII That a Catholick King may permit two Religions in his Kingdom What this Verone was I know not onely we may observe that about Id. Apol. pag. 29. the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name who afterwards writ some Books And that the same year viz. 1595. that this Book was Printed one Le Bell was punished for endeavouring to convey one Franzois Veron a Student at Poictiers out of France This same Verone also in the same Book vindicates Jacques Clement for murthering Henry the Third The which horrid murder was also publickly maintain'd as an act most lawful and glorious by another French-man call'd Bouchier and he that will thus boldly affirm the greater you may justly suppose he will not deny the less viz. the deposing of them And this he tells us the Pope can do if there be need of it and the Prince Cum ille Christi vicarius sit ut videat ne quid Christo ne quid ejus Ecclesiae ac Religioni injuria fiet ne quid vel populi vel Regni vel Regum ipsorum salutem impediat cujusmodi sunt Haeresis schisma perjurium apostasia similia quae sine gravi Ecclesiae detrimento in Regibus esse nequeunt id ei licâ—re ut cum nihil leniter admo nuisse profuerit cum censuras contemni audierit cum periculum grave Ecclesiae è tali regimine imminere deponi denique utile commodum esse agnoverit tum populos Obedientiae vinculo eximat decque operam ut alteri commodiori grex à Christo redemptus commiâ—tatur De justa Henric III. abdicatione lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 13. contemn his inferiour censures Nay probable that a greater Authority than this Boucher can more than Countenance the deposing of Kings For anno 1589 a little before the said King Henry the Third was murdered the Colledge of Sorbone in Paris being then present about seventy Doctors declared Id. P. 398 399 370 373. Jan. de Serres that all the Kings Subjects were freed from their obedience to him of which Pope Sixtus the Fifth was informed and desired to compleat by his Authority One tells us with confidence that the Pope can create and depose Vid. Phil. Horn. Thesaur Polit. p. 318 319 323 361 362. Kings Another wonders that some German Divines should deny him to have power to translate Empires And a third tells Cardinal Mont ' alto Nephew to the foresaid Sixtus the Fifth that amongst other Priviledges which belong to the Pope is to give Titles to Emperours and Kings to translate Empires from one Nation to another and to judge Princes And our Country-man Thomas Harding when he sees Childerick of France deposed by the Pope cannot refrain from telling us a Confutation of the Apology fol. 181. b. What a strength of Authority is in that See which is able with a word to place and displace the mightiest King in Europe And this is also approved of by his good friend and great admirer b A brief shew of the false wares in the Apology fol. 93. John Rastell And the Portugal c Quaestiones Regulares Tom. 2. Quest 40. art 1. Quest 63. art 7. Tom. 4. Tit. 4. c. 3. Emanuel Rodericus in several places of his Works fob'd up by the Canon-law tells how the Pope can alter Kingdoms and depose Kings What force either Loyalty or Obedience is with some Roman Catholicks may in part be seen by their cavilling at our Oath of Allegiance as where it saith that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King or discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty upon any cause or occasion whatsoever They answer to the first A strange prevention to stir up humourâ— Answer to the Penal Statutes against Catholicks pag. 81 82. and to alter them with DANGEROUS Physick without necessity And to the second they thus retort Although the King should force them to be Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels To that part of it which calls the opinion of the Popes power to excommunicate or deprive Kings Impious and Heretical They onely say How came the English Parliament by Authority to censure Doctrine who delivered them this power who made them assurance of Gods infallible Spirit To that part which saith That they do believe that the Pope nor any other hath power to absolve them of this Oath They deny the Article by their thus reasoning If they do not believe it NOR INDEED CAN BELIEVE IT WITHOUT GROSS IGNORANCE why should they inforce them to swear False or what get they by this And to the last part of it where 't is said that They do acknowledge this Oath to be administred unto them lawfully and by good and full Authority and that they do renounce all dispensations and pardons to the contrary They quite null the Proposition by this their answer He that sweareth false had need of absolution from the sin but needeth no dispensation because the Oath hath no force to bind as in this case By which means they declare their approbation of these following Propositions I. To affirm that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King is dangerous II. That in
in this cause he is as fierce as any of them and his great Animosity against there formed Religion his Native Country and his legal Soveraign might prompt him to it and much more and with these do consent o De sacro Eccles principatu lib. 2. c. 12. fol. 63. Johannes Blasius p Theolog. Moral Tom. 1. v. Dominium pag. 393. v. Apostasia p. 5. Franciscus Ghetius and that ancient Jesuite q Tom. 4. Part. 3. Tract 4. § Tertiam potestatem pag. 410. Alphonsus Salmeron r Potest eum excommunicare subditosque illius à juramento fidelitatis absolvere ab illius obedientia eximere atque ea non est Tyrannica vel usurpata authoritas sed legitima à Christo instituta illi concessa ad Regimen optimum Christianae Reipublicae Len. Coq Exam. Praefat. Monit Jacobi pag. 55. pag. 103. Leonardus Coquaeus indeavouring to confute King James is very earnest not onely for this Papal Authority in absolving subjects from their obedience to their respective Princes but also would gladly perswade him and others to think that this is neither a tyrannical nor an Usurpt Authority but a lawful one granted to him by Christ But King James would not be caught with such Chaff and a King that knoweth himself to be absolute must have a strong demonstration to the contrary before he 'll throw himself upon another mans mercy When a man 's nurst up in an error he will commonly swear to it and though of all Authorities or Decrees the Canon-law hath the least reason in it yet where men must think as they are bid we need not wonder when we see the chiefest of the Romanists with r Disquisit Clerical Part. 1. pag. 282. § 109. Johannes Maria Bellettus ſ In decretal de Haereticis c. 13. Panormitan t Summa de Eccles c 14. Propos 5. Cardinal de Turrecremata u De jure Personarum extra Eccles lib. 4. cap. 52. § 1. Antonius Ricciullus x Repet in clem ut clericorum de Offic. Ordi § 40. Stephanus Aufrerius and y De Cathol Constitut Tit. 46. § 73. Jacobus Simanca with may others to affirm to the world this absolving power to lye in the Pope since besides other reasons 't is one of the best Cards in the Pack that Rome hath to keep up her greatness Whether Albertus Pighius read with these Spectacles or no I know not but 't is very probable that something else besides true reason did a little sway him in this case And though considering his time he had more judgement and learning than an hundred of your dull Canonists yet we see him run with the rest to embrace an error though for his so doing he saith he hath the consent of the Church for about Necesse est ut Impia heretica sit illa ejus sententia qua affirmat esse haereticum ut possint subditi absolvi à juramento fidelitatis quo ante adstricti fuerant suis superioribus fidelibus Alb. Pigh Hierarch Eccles lib. 5. cap. 15. fol. 266. eight hundred years and so concludes that to think that the Pope cannot quit Subjects from their Obedience and Allegiance due to their Kings is both Impious and Heretical Nor is this strange since a greater than he and no less than z Quam cito aliquis per sententiam denuntiatur Excommunicatus propter Apostasiam à fide ipso facto ejus subditi sunt absoluti à dominio ejus juramento fidelitatis quo ei tenebantur D. Tho. Aquin 2. 2. Quest 12. Art 2. Thomas Aquinas doth allow that Subjects may be sometimes quit from their Allegiance and Oaths to their Kings and to him consents a Theolog. moralis Tract 1. cap. 7. conclus 5. Petrus de Ledesma and the Commentators upon him such as b Com. in 2. 2. D. Tho. Quest 12. Art 2. Hieronymus de Medicis c Com. in D. Tho. 2. 2. Quest 1. Art 10. disp 8. Johannes Malderius and others so that we need not doubt its validity amongst them Nor is it any wonder to see d De libertate Christ lib. 1. c. 14. Johannes Driedo e Rosella Casuum verbo Haereticus § 11. Baptista Trovomala f Apologie pour Jehan Chastel Franzois de Verone g De justa Hen. III. ablicat lib. 1. cap. 5. Dr. Boucher h Discussio decreti Concil Later pag. 46. Leonardus Lessius under the false name of Gulielmus Singletonus i Le Relationi Universali part 2. lib. 4. pag. 124. Giovanni Botero yet the more wonder in him because a great and understanding States-man and several others to be so much for the Pope as to allow him Authority to absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance when they have no less than the famous Cardinal Perron to be their Champion and with him the Nobility and Clergy in France and this cause of the See of Rome to be by him boldly maintained publickly in a long Speech to the third Estate the occasion of which we have spoken more at large in the former Chapter In this Harangue the Cardinal endeavours Harangue faite de la parte de la Chambre Ecclesiastique en celle du tiers Estat sur l'Article de serment 'T is printed amongst several of his other Works les diverses Oeuvres and in Recueil General des Affaires du Clergé de France Imprim à Paris 1636. Tom. 1. pag. 295. to prove at large that subjects might be quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and Obedience due to their Kings nay that Kings might sometimes be deposed of which formerly As for the first viz. That Subjects might be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance made to their Kings he saith That a Les diverses Oeuvres p. 599. Toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise Catholique voir mesme toute l'Eglise Gallicane depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont esté instituées jusques à la venué de Calvin tiennent l'Affirmative ascavoir que quand un Prince vient a violer le serment qu'il a fait à Dieu a ses subjets Les Prince-la peu estre declare dechen des ses droits comme coulpable de Felonie envers celuy a qui il a fait le serment de son Royaume c'est a dire envers Jesus Christ Et ses subjets absous en Conscience au tribunal Spirituel Ecclesiastique du serment de fidelite qu'ils luy ont preste que ce cas-la arrivant c'est a l'authorite de l'Eglise residente ou en chef qui est le Pape ou en son Corps qui est le Concile de faire ceste Declaration Et non seulement toutes les autres Parties de l'Eglise Catholique mais mesme tous les Docteurs qui ont este en France depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees ont tenu l'affirmative Ascavoir qu'en
cas de Prince Heretiques ou Infidelles persecutans le Christionisme ou la Religion Catholique les subjets pouvoint estre absous du serment de fidelite Id. Pag. 602. Non sâ—ulement toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise qui sont aujourd ' huy au Monde tiennent l'Affirmative ascavoir qu'en cas de Princes Heretiques ou Apostates persecutans la foy les subjects peuvent estre absous du serment fait a euâ— ou a leurs Predecesseurs And que depuis onze cent ans il n'y a eu Siecle au equel en diverses Nations ceste doctrine n'ayt este crue practiquee all Parties of the Catholick Church did hold it and so did the French Church ever since Divinity was taught in Schools amongst them till the coming of Calvin and this hath been b Id. Pag. 602. Elle a este constamment tenuë en France ou nos Roys particulierement ceux de la derniere race l'ont protegee par leur Autorite par leurs armes ou nos Conciles l'ont appuyee et maintencë ou tous nos Evelques et docteurs scholastiques depuis que l'E'chole de la Theologie est instituee jusques a nos jours l'ont e critte preschee et seignee et ou finalement tous nos Magistrats Officiers et Jurisconsultes l'ont suâ—vie et favorisee voir souvent pour de Religion plus legers que l'heresie 〈◊〉 l'Apostasie Mais desquels neantmoins je ne me pretende aider si non entant qu'ils peuvent server a defendre ou la These generale ascavoir qu'en quelque cas les subjets peuvent estre absous du serment fait par eux a leurs Princes Ou ceste hypothese particuliere qu'en cas de Princes heretiques ou Apostats et persecutans la foy les subjets peuvent estre dispenser de leurs obâ—ir maintain'd by all the French Kings themselves Councils Bishops and Doctors as also all their Magistrates Officers and Lawyers Nor is this all for he publickly declares that c Id. Pag. 621. N'ont jamais peu trouver en toute la France depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees jusques a nos jours un seul Docteur ny Theologien ny Jurisconsulte un seul Decret un seul Concile un seul Arrest de Parlement un seul Magistrate ny Ecclesiastique ny Politique qui alt dit qu'en cas d'heresie ou d'Infidelitâ—e les subjets ne puissent estre ablous du Serment de Fidelite qu'ils doivent a leurs Princes there could never be found in France since Schools of Divinity were there setled till his time so much as one Doctor one Divine one Lawyer one Decree one Council one Order of Parliament one Magistrate neither Ecclesiastick nor Politique to have said that in case of Heresie or Infidelity subjects might not be absolved from their Oath of Allegiance due to their Kings And should they believe the contrary d Id. Pag. 635. Et non seulement cet Article i. e. To believe that subjects cannot be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance to their King nous jette en un Schisme inevitable mais mesme nous precipite en un heresie evidenâ—e nous obligeant necessairement de Confesser que l'Eglise Catholique est perie depuis plusieurs Siecles en la Terre Car si ceux qui embrassent la doctrine opposite tiennent une Opinion contraire a la parole de Dieu impie et detestable le Pape donc depuis tant de Siecles n'a point este chef de l'Eglise et vicaire de Christ mais heretique et Antichrist Et toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise n'ont point este vrayes parties de l'Eglise mais membres de l'Antichrist Or cela estant ou estoit demeure l'Eglise Catholique en la France seule Mais comment sera t'elle de meuree en France si cet Article est vray puisque tous les Docteurs Franzois ont denu depuis â—ant de Siecles le Contraite es casd ' Heresie et d' Apostasie de la Religione Christienne they should be plain Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have failed and the Pope to have been so far from being Christs Vicar that he had been an Heretick and Antichrist But enough of this the former Chapter being long enough and able to serve for both seeing those who grant that the Pope can lawfully depose Kings will not deny but that he can also absolve their subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obedience CHAP. III. That Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings and Governours IF we allow that the people themselves may lawfully Rebel against their Princes and at the same time be Judges of the justness of the Reason to be in Authority will be a slavery the word Monarchy absolute non-sence the King obliged to obey every mans passion and folly nor peace nor justice can be expected the Nation bâ—ing in a perpetual hurlyburly every other day as of late times new Magistrates starting up by strength or Policy and he that 's still uppermost of this Leap-frog-Government will extort Obedience confirmed by Oaths from his supposed subjects which will ruine the honest and damn the rest with Perjury Change as a Novelty at first is rather a pleasure than gain to the People and at last a burden and ruine and what a factious people once resolve on they will never want pretence of Reason themselves being judges When the Sacrilegious Prsbyterians prompted by their Master the Devil were resolved to Murder that famous Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Laud for fashion-sake they would have something to say though if we go according to the Narrative of his a Pryn's Canterbury's doom Enemy we shall finde that the Lords Commons and Prynne himself had but the same Reason and Consequence for so doing as according to the Proverb Tenterton Steeple is the cause of Goodwin-Sands I warrant you the ancient b Jo. Magnus Hist Goth. Sueciumque lib. Id. Hist Metropol Upsal l 1. p. 11. Swedes thought themselves as pretty Religious blades as any when they slew their good King Evic Stenchil because he intended to bring in Christianity amongst them Our late Puritans made it one of their main pleas in Print and Pulpit for their fighting against the King because forsooth he intended to bring in Popery And the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and others thought to pull down and destroy Queen Elizabeth and some did also King James because they setled the Protestant Religion and I do not know which were the arranest knaves of the three parties certain I am that Christian Religion doth nowhere allow Rebellion and if a Heathen and a Christian do the same fault it is not the unbelief of the former that makes him more wicked in the act than the Religion of the latter and he that bauls out the liberty of Conscience and loss of Religion to vindicate
his Rebellion hath too much of Atheism in him to be a true Christian Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slender thred His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot For let him be of whatsoever Religion yet we see he shall not please and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears must be made a pretence to prove the Devil a Saint and Treason an Article of Faith We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely contend in behalf of their a Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. â— c. 1. Unam Sanctam Canon-law that the Pope is b Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down But as if this were not enough to overcloud the Authority of Kings they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes by deposing them and this in few words is acknowledged by c Jus deponendi abdicandi e solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis ostenditur Rut. Benz. Comment in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto Leonardus Coquaeus endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison that if d Examen Praefat. monit p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings why may not the Pope much more do it And in another place speaks more plain That e Imo judicarem quod non expectata sententia Summi Pontificis posset talem Principem a subditis deponi Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones But I warrant you that King James against whom he wrote would never be converted by this French-man Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite Martinus Becanus keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument of a mutual compact between King and People and so he would conclude that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects then the Controvers Angl. p. 133 134 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller and throw by their King and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But this in this case is a false rule with us being no compact nor the parties equals so that do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand and we shall see the consequence to be false Don breaks his Troth burns my poor house what then May I his slave go and burn his agen This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss-troopers but we see ours if held affirmatively cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People affirming that when a King is deposed though there Plus dicam in haec re voluit concensus populi ut etiamsi superesset legitimus haeres cui Regnum deberetur hoc palam omnibus constaret tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede alium delegisset ille alius fuisset verus Rex Mart. Becan Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong and this too apparently known to all yet if the people do chuse another and throw this Heir aside the other so chosen is the true King Almost an hundred years ago an English-man who calls himself John Rastell Master of Arts and Student of Divinity then living at Lovan a A brief shew of the false wares packâ— together in the named Apologie of the Church of England fol. 9â— wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding or rather as himself saith gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book and if so about this cause take both their Opinions For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it and may depose the same upon lawful cause and whereas Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do as making the Prince unable to govern it well it followeth consequently that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick and erected Pipine there was NO FAULT committed in so doing Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant or that his wickedness must be so great that 't was no fault to take the Crown from him and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it nor is this all but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another But we shall finde his enormities not to deserve such punishment that he wanted discretion I believe but then they might have given him an assistant and as for his inclination b Hist de' personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. Essenda di natura piâ— Egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful and when he was put into a Monastery that he led an Angelical life Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell I know not because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such and doth tell us besides that c Pag. 764. William Rastell amongst other things wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel whosoever be the man 't is not much to our purpose though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause though for so doing would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder those who are so much addicted to our Common-law not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks or the niceties of the Schools And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine d Recognit lib. de laicis cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us that Martinus ab Azpilcueta the famous Spanish Lawyer was of Opinion that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon and into the Prince but that in some cases they might resume it again from him And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place that if e Videmus in â—ebus publicis temporalibus si Rex degeneret in Tyranâ—um â—icet sit Caput Regni tamen a populo deponi eligi alium Bellar. de Concil l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant the people may depose him and chuse another And again that f Pendet a consensâ— multitudinis constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus ut patet si causa legitima adsit potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam e contrariâ— Bellarm. de laicis lib. 3. cap. 6. 't is the consent of the people that constitutes Kings or other Governments over them and so if cause be given they may turn â—he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy or the contrary g Defens fid
depose him and declare him an Enemy nay and act against his very Person too he then ceasing to be a Prince Franciscus Fenardentius one of the most furious of all the Franciscan Orders doth somewhat agree with the former as you will easily judge when you hear him speak b Conventus legitimus Ordinum tâ—â—us Regni qui ex Eccleâ—asticis Nobilibus populi selectis viris coalescit cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem faciem referat sicut Concilium Generale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam Regem Religioni populo perniciosum Tyrannum infestum potest exauthorare alium ejus loco substituere Franc. Fenard Com. in Esther pag. 87. The Parliament composed of the Clergy Nobility and Commons representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church may depose their King being a Tyrant and hurtful to Religion and the People and then may chuse another into his place To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia who tells us that to whom the Government of the Kingdom is given to the same person is also committed all things that belong to the Government whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority c Non remansit apud Populum qui non potest revocare nisi Rex male se gereret tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem sicut Tarquinium Romani Andr. de Isern Comment in usus Feudorum Tit. Quae sint Regalia V. Monetae pag. 743. Vnless the King do not govern well for then forsooth they may expel him the Nation as the Romans of old did Tarquinius Adamus Tannerus a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country both with the Emperour and other Princes yet for all the many favours received from them he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands because forsooth d Ratio est tum quia Respub uti in Principem suam potestatem contulit ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre Tum quia quaeque Respub habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo Câ—pite quale non est hic quâ— ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit Ad. Tanner Theolog. Scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Quest 8. dub 3. Num. 32 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King so upon just account they can take it from him again and also because every Common-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head and he who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf is no lawful Governour But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man and that held one of the learnedst of his time his Divinity he got from Sorbonne but where he got his Politicks I know not unless from the practice of his Church of Rome however take it as it is a Totus populus est supra Regem in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt sed non potest de jure sine maxima evidentissima causa Jo. Major in quartum sententiarum Dist 11. Quaest 10. The people are above their King and in some cases may depose him as the Romans did Tarquin yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles as appears by his ungrateful b De jure Regni apud Scotos Dialogue presented to King James But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him though Major deserved better Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major G. Buchan Epigram lib. 1. pag. 337. Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet Since as he saith he 's onely Great in name And with false trifles doth his story frame No wonder that he calls himself so right Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succession of the Crown of England Imprinted at N. with License 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves let 's hear an English-man speak to this case and this shall be the noted Jesuit Robert Parsons under the Visard of R. Doleman Yea not onely in this point saith he hath the Commonwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their dignity was given them And again So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority not onely to restrain the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact though I would gladly know when where by whom and how in England for that 's his drift this Agreement was and made conditional and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak Yea with such plain Exceptions Promises and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation as if the same be not kept but wilfully broken on either part then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither though never so solemnly made or sworn for that in all Bargains Agreements and Contracts where one Party is bound mutually and reciprocally to the other by Oath Vow or Condition there if one side go from his promise the other standeth not obliged to perform his In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation affirming that the people not onely may but that they ought depose their Kings thus Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77 78. her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist chasten and remove such evil heads if she be able And then again to weaken the succession by blood and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office he thus in his fury gives you his Infallible Decree I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions where he holdeth that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation which maketh a King and that
murther of the King When Parry read in Cardinal Allans Book that Queen Elizabeth had no right to the Crown being an Heretick it incouraged him to endeavour her Murther And the two Henry's the Thâ—rd and Fourth of France upon the same zealous account got their deaths by the assassinating hands of Clement and Ravallaiâ— 'T is but a poor plea that Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes makes in behalf Confutat Anticoâ— cap. 1. pag. 12. of the Jesuits when to quit them from Anticotons accusation viz. that they allow that Kings may be killed replyeth that Jesuits never writ that a private man might murther a King since those who onely except against the actions of private men do thereby allow the same wickedness to be done by the Magistrates or those in Authority And he 's as much a Villain and as far from Christianity who allows that a Rump or Parliament may judge and kill their Soveraign as he that commends the same fact in a private person be it a Jacobin or any other Many we have and some I dare say who speak cordially and with grief who rant bravely against the wickedness of the late Murder of King Charles the First and do lay it as a guilt too upon our Church and yet a Jury might be call'd of some of the chief Doctors of Rome who would have eas'd the Rump of their labour and iniquity and would themselves have brought in the innocent King guilty What shall we think of Leonardus Lessius a Belgick Jesuit of as great repute as most of that Order However take his judgement in short if a King do not Rule but for the harm of his People what must be done with him He tells you That a Secundo potest quis esse Tyrannus ratione duntaxat â—dministrationis ut si is qui est verus Princeâ—s Regni administrationem flectat non ad bonum publicum sed ad sua privata compendia onerando illud injustis exactionibus vendendo Ossâ—cio judicum câ—ndendo leges sibi commodas â—ubâ—ico parum utiles Talis non potest à Privatis interunis 〈…〉 Leon. Lâ—ss de justitia lib. 2. cap. 9. dub 4. § 10. such a King cannot be slain by private men as long as he remains a Prince Yet let us see this a little explained by the same Pen. b Ib. § 1â— Adde si tanâ—uâ— exerescat Tyrannis ut non videatur amâ—lius toletabilis nec ullum aliud remâ—â—â—m supâ—rsit primum à Râ—pub vel Comitus Regni vel alâ—o habenâ—e authorâ—tatem esse deponendum 〈…〉 siem declarandum ut iâ— IPSâ—US PERSONAM LICEAT QUICQUID ATTENTARE TUM â—â—IM DESINIT ESSE PRINCEPS But if saith he his Tyranny grow to such an height that he seems intolerable and no other remedy remaining then the People Parliament or any other having Authority may depose him and declare him an Enemy whereby ANY THING MAY BE ATTEMPTED AGAINST HIS PERSON because HE THEN ceaseth to be a KING Here we have enough to ease Lessius of some Loyalty and honesty viz. that Kings may be deposed and then are not Kings so that they may be kill'd as private persons But had he weigh'd his Doctrine as he did his meat in this he would either have been silent or appear'd in another Opinion or had he been as temperate in one as the other his Politicks would not have thus much out-swell'd his meager Carkas As he had no Tutor for his Greek it had been well if he had had no Church or Example to have instructed him in such pernicious Principles If in his other writings he affordeth no honester Doctrines than such as these for ought that I know he might have been more advantagious to Christendom had he followed the first advice of his Parents and imploy'd himself in a Trade And he who publickly repented for the breaking of a foolish glass might in true reason be more troubled for his divulging such wicked Principles but this it may be he thought would have made him an Heretick though 't would have proved him more honest and a better subject Another Jesuit Gregorius de Valentia speaks somewhat to the former purpose though a little mincingly yet plain enough to understand his meaning For though he saith that a private Person may Nulli particulari licet eum occidere Nam id pertinet ad Rempub. quae posset jure oppugnare illum vocare in subsidium cives Valent. Tom. 3. disp 5. q. 8. punct 3. not kill a King yet observe his Reason Because saith he that belongs to the Common-wealth which may oppose him and call the people in to their assistance But Ludovicus Molina another Spanish Jesuite and of as great repute as any speaks a little more plainly first he saith that any body may kill a King in his own defence Upon which account a man may frame what silly pretences he will 't is true he affirms that otherwise it is not lawful for a private man to kill him but then let us observe what comes after The people saith he may depose their King and punish him when he is deposed But because he names not Posset ita Respub ipsa quo ad Capita convenire eique resistere lataque sententia deponereillum ab administratione atque illum depositum PUNIRE Ante latam tamen sententiam nefas privatis esset eum interficere Molina de justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. exactly the way of his Punishment let us take it by a consequence in these words 'T is not lawful for private men to kill the King before he be declared deposed which plainly intimates that after his deposition it may be done And a little plainer than him doth another Spanish Jesuit speak viz. Franciscus Toletus a Cardinal and the first that was of his Order and held to be the most famous of his time for Piety and Judgement But let them be never so wise or vertuous something or other is in the wind that over-perswades them to maintain such abominable Principles as these Tolets Rule is this that a wicked King a Tyrannum administratione qui habet verum titulum sed Tyrannice tractat subdiditos hunc non licet absque publica auctoritate occidere Tolet Instruct Sacerdot lib. 5. c. 6. § 10. cannot be slain without publick Authority For which good Doctrine the Rump may rejoyce to see their actions vindicated if they supposed Virtue to be Vice and themselves a Parliament by a man of such declared prudence and honesty one of great repute with several Popes and Henry the Fourth of France who tasted to the purpose of the mischief of these Doctrines and one so hugely valued for his learning and discretion that Gregory the Thirteenth thought it not fit that his writings should lye under the censure of any man but might be Printed without license But here I dare say the Cardinal hath been wide from Truth yet hath this Opinion of Tolet been several times
printed in several Nations And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet we shall shew you another Jesuit but of another Country viz. Brabant yet under the subjection of Spain And this is Martinus Becanus of great esteem amongst the learned honoured by the Emperour Matthias and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second but let us hear him speak and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar since he attributes too much power to one who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour Sometimes Aliquando factum est ut etiam Reges essent leprosi ergâ— poterat pontifex mandaâ—e ut feorsim habitarent si nollent obedire ut VITA PRIVARENTUR NIHIL CERTIUS Hâ—nc colligimus Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Reges privare suo Regno primo quia poterat eos si â—ONTUMAâ—ES esâ—ent PRIVARE VITA Ergo Regno de hoc nemo DUBITAT Becan Controvers Angl. pag. 115. saith he it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks then the Pope may command that they be removed which if they disobey they may be kill'd and then this nothing is MORE CERTAIN And again The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account for if they be CONTUMACIOUS he may have them Kill'd and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom and that this may be done no man doth doubt But yet if you think that this is not plain enough we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard â—â—z Franciscus Suarez a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by thâ— multitude of his writings and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order Pope Paul the Fifth himself having honoured him with several Letters That Kings may be kill'd Suarez affirms no less than three times in one a Defens fid lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph but a little before this he speaks more plain by endeavouring to prove it by reason after this manner b Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex legâ—time depositus est jam non est Rex neque Princeps legitimus consequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio quae de legitimo Rege loquitur Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legitimam in sua pertinacia perseverans Regnum per vim retineat incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo quia non est legitimus Rex nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico nam statim per haeresim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio proprietate sui Regni Post sentenâ—am latam omnino privatur Regno ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyrannus tractari Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI When a King is deposed then he is neither lawful King nor Prince And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength then he is an Vsurper because he is no lawful King having no true title to the Crown For that after the Decree of deposition gone out against him he is altogether deprived of his Kingdom so that he cannot with a just title possess it and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Vsurper and by consequence MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN And this he saith if he be an Heretick And is not this as clear as the noon-day and as plain as a Pike-staff is not this down-right to call a spade a spade and to say that Kings may be deprived and then kill'd by any body Nor was this Principle set down without great consideration and firmly believed to be true not onely by Suarez but the chief of Portugal and others As for himself so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss but agreeable to the Church of Rome that the Jesuits tell us that when he was told how his book had been burnt in England he declared his consent so freely to his Principles contain'd Phil. Alegambe p. 138. therein that he said that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes who were Roman Catholicks That it was held in great veneration with others cannot be denyed for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of approbation Alphonso à Castello Branco Bishop of Coimbria and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain Philip the Third declares that he hath read it exactly over and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures Apostolical Traditions General Councils and Papal Decrees Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus Bishop of Sylvis saith that he hath also read it over and findes nothing in it but what is Orthodox And Martiner Alonso à Mello another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over and thinks it worthy to be publisht for the publick good of Christendom And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges and so doth the Inquisition Nor is this all but the University of Alcala de Henarez after a serious view and consideration of it declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Catholick faith nor any thing in it but what ought to be approved of and commended every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements All this put together is enough to blot out the bad reception it received by the Senators of Paris the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives As for the Sorbone an Association really to be honour'd in many things its Doctors as most of other Convocations are oft so carryed on with interest and faction that many times in the most considerable things we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with another 'T is true this ancient Colledge of Sorbone built about 1250 by Robert de Sorbone hath for several ages kept up a great reputation and splendour but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits with whom I may say they and the University have had a continual bickering for this hundred years and of late have something lost ground especially at Rome where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors both in repute authority and preferments which are such considerable Arguments that of late times viz. since 1650 the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists and if the secular Authority do not intervene they will all in
Id. Anno 1116. § 5. Lateran and also by another Council at f Id. Anno 1119. § 11. Rhemes under Pope Callistus And after this manner was the Emperour Frederick the Second declared deprived and his Subjects quit from their Oaths of Allegiance by Pope Innocent the Fourth in the Council of Lyons the form it self being large I shall refer you to g Anno 1245. § 4. Bzovius and the h Tom. 28. pag. 431. Council it self and the i Sext. de sentent re jud C. ad Apostolicae Decretals But let us step from practice to some of their Decrees they confirm'd in their General Councils to shackle Princes in future times In the Laterane Council under Innocent the Third amongst other things 't was thus order'd by them If a Temporal Lord neglect to purge his land from Heresie being Abr. Bzovius anno 1215. § 3. Binnius c. 3. Crabbe Ib. Greg. de Haeret. C. Excommunicamus desired and admonished by the Church let him be by the Metropolitan and the other Bishops Excommunicated and if within a year he refuse to satisfie let the Pope be informed of it that he may declare his Vassals free from that obedience they formerly ought him and that Roman Catholicks may seize upon his Lands which the Hereticks being thrust out they may possess without any contradiction and keep it in the true Faith Yet let not this be prejudicial to the Principal Lord so that he do no way hinder this proceeding NEVERTHELESS LET THE SAME LAW BE OBSERVED AGAINST THOSE WHO HAVE NOT PRINCIPAL LORDS If any do dispute concerning this Council or the meaning of any word in this Canon I shall not finde my self concerned in it having our Country-man a Vindic. Concil Lateran Dr. Thomas Vane b Controvers Angl. p. 139 140. Martinus Becanus Leonardus Lessius under the name of a Discuss decreti Magni Concil â—a Singleton Cardinal b Adversus Gâ—â—l Barclaium in Praefat. Bellarmine and many others great vindicators of this great Council as they call it whom I shall leave to the consideration of the Romanists Yet I could whisper c Vindic. Concil p. 69. Dr. Vane in the ear that he is not honest enough in his answer by taking no notice of the last clause in the Canon which doth not a little enlighten the whole design And as I do not trouble my self to interpret any thing in the Lateran Canon seeing the chief of the Roman Champions Lessius Becanus Bellarmine and others declare expresly that it is meant of the Popes Authority over Kings and for their deposing so shall I not wrangle with any concerning that of Trent a Council of such Authority that they make it the standard of their Faith In the last Session of this Trent political Convention Duels were Sess 25. c. 19. censured as unlawful and indeed no honest true and faithful subject can fight one he taking to himself power of his own life and that of his fellow-subjects against Law Religion and Prerogative and declares those Princes to be held as deprived of those places where they permit them What was the meaning of the words of this Decree I shall say nothing my self but tell you that the French Church took it to deprive Kings for which they bogled at it and they had more reason to understand the meaning of it than any now yet if these grave Divines mistook the sence of that Chapter 't is no fault of mine let the Romanists bandy it out amongst themselves and either tell us the reason why that Council is not exactly received in France and so whether they be Hereticks or no in not complying with a General Council as they call it or that every part of it is in force there and how it came to be so These at this time may satisfie to shew in what a tottering condition their Councils makes Kings to stand in And if the Roman Catholicks desire any more instances I shall refer them to their famous d Discuss Decreti Mag. Concil Lat. pag. 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 c. Lessius whom in this case let them either agree to or confute fight Dog fight Bear and so I quit my self neither troubling my self whether they or Dr. e Remonstr Hibernorum part 5. cap. 10. Caron is in the right As for the Opinions of Popes themselves I shall jumble them with their Canon-law the latter being in a manner the result of the others brain and authority and Pope Agatho order'd that the Popes Sanctions should be received with the same authority Omnes Apostolicae sedes sanctiones acciptendae sunt tanquam ipsius Divini Petri voce firmatae sint Dist 19. c. 2. as if they had been commanded by St. Peter himself Nor according to Pope f Q. 17. c. 4. Nemini est Nicolas must any contradict or question the Orders of that See for according to g Possit jur Can. lib. 1. Tit. 3. Decreta Lancelottus the Popes Decrees are of equal authority with the Canons of Councils and those of h Sess 4. Decret 1. Trent determine that some Traditions are to be of equal force with the holy Scriptures I shall not here spend time in discoursing about the Priviledges said to be given to some Monasteries by several Popes Franc. Bozzius de Temporal Eccles Monarch lib. 1. cap. 21 pag. 225. with a tye by the way of the Kings good behaviour though some make use of such Records for Arguments it being plain by the practice of the Popes and their a Greg. de Elect. C. Venerabileâ—â— de Haeret. C. Excommunicamus Sext. de re jud c. ad Apostol Laws that they declare they have such Authority to depose Kings and quit their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance of which several Popes are so plain in their b Q. 15. C. 6. auctoritatem C. alias C. nos sanctorum Greg. de Haeret. C. Excommunicamus C. Absolutos Canon-law that nothing can be more evident whither I refer you for more satisfaction And that Popes declare that Kings may be deposed appears by their many thundrings of Deprivation against former Princes and of later times against the King of Navarre our King Henry the Eighth and Queen Elizabeth Read in c Annal. Boiar lib. 6. pag. 506. Aventin what Hadrian the Fourth saith concerning this case in his furious Letter and in d Pag. 872. Nonne Rex Anglorum noster est vassallus ut plus dicam mancipium qui potest eum nutu nostro incarcerare Ignominiae mancipare Matthew Paris how Pope Innocent the Fourth thus ranted concerning our Henry the Third Is not the King of England our Vassal nay more our Slave whom with anod I can imprison and commit to a slavish reproach And Father Parsons assured our Country-men that Pope Pius the Fifth affirm'd to him e Rog. Widdrinton's Theolog. Disput cap. 10. §
56. that he would rather loose his head than not acknowledge this Authority to lye in the Roman Chair And Pope Sixtus the Fifth could make a f See Will. Warmingtons moderate defence of the Oath of Allegiance pag. 127 128 c. Speech in a full Consistory of Cardinals in commendation of the horrid murther of Henry the Third King of France CHAP. VI. For how many causes according to the Romanists a King may be deposed THey say 't is good to have many strings for a bow if one fail another may hold and others think they can do any thing by a distinction though it signifie nothing he that divided himself between the Arch-bishop of Colen and the Prince Elector was well retorted upon by the Boor If the Prince go to the Devil what will become of the Bishop And the Scotch Presbyterian g Hist Reformat of Scotland p. 392 393. John Knox used this art when he would not have the King but the Offender suffer Our English Covenanters thought they clear'd themselves of Rebellion by declaring that they fought not against the King but his evil Council and that h Ex. coll p. 727. Treason is not against the Kings person as he is a man but in relation to his Office And the Independant when the Presbyterian had i Declar. for Non-address 1647. declared that they could not repose any more trust in the King and made it Treason for any to address to him and so had laid him by as useless supposed they vindicated themselves sufficiently by affirming that they onely beheaded a private man the Presbyterians having formerly kill'd the King And these quirks to further Rebellion and to make the murthering of Kings more plausible are used by a De justitia lib. 2. c 9. dub 4. § 10 12. Lessius b Tom. 3. disp 5. Q. 8. punct 3. Valentia c Institut Sacerdot lib. 5. cap. 6. § 10. Tolet d Defens sid Cathol lib 6. cap. 4. § 14 18. Suarez e De justa abdicat Hen. III. Boucher Father f Qu'et and sober reckâ—ning pag. 321. Parsons g De justitia lib. 5. Q. 1. Art 3. Soto h Refutat Aphorism pag. 158. § 94. Heissius i De justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. Molina k Controveâ—s Anglic. pag. 115. Becanus and several others of the chief writers amongst the Romanists so that these and our Covenanters need not be so earnest in upbraiding one another with Treason When people are resolved for mischief 't is not difficult to pretend reasons and sinde out means to carry on the design plausible enough to blinde the giddy multitude To ruine the innocent many and strange Articles and accusations shall be framed against him and though not one of them can make him an Offender rather than their malice should fail of its purpose they will jumble them all together to make him a Traytor as the wicked-long-Parliament did with the Earl of Strafford and l Prynns Canterbâ—ry's doom pag. 51. Maynard used the same plea and means to hasten the murther of Arch bishop Land O the strength of a Covenanâ—ing Reason as if though one Elders Maid alone could not make a Dog an hundred of them could make a Mastiff could number thus aâ—â—er its being Prâ—teus would be out-vapour'd by this Argument and irrational and poysonous Creatures might once again ascend to be Classical Assembly-men for thus forty or fifty Asses together would be a Presbyterian though one by it self could not be a man But it may be they will thus prove their Assertion though one Assembly mans m Especially the first Edition notes will not make a Diodate or a Dutch Comment all the Assembly together will because it may be they will say that they stole all their Annotations out of them if this be their Argument I shall neither trouble my self to see whether they confess truth or no nor give them any reply to it What various Arts and devices with impertinent and poor pretences have been used by some Popes and their Part-takers not onely to lessen the authority but ruine the being of some Kings History can best inform us And some of their several causes and reasons they bring to prove the legality of proceeding against Kings shall be briesly hinted at in this place I. n Com. in Esther pag. 95. Feuardentius the Franciscan affirms that a King may be deposed if he be too prodigal in lavishing away the publick Revenues either by scattering them amongst his cringing Courtiers or some other spend-thrift-way That this is a fault no man can deny but how either to judge of it or hinder it belongs not to us and 't is too obscure either for our eyes or brains But we might retort upon the Chair of Rome the excessive extortion that some of them make to enrich their Kindred And the extravagancy of Sixtus the Fourth cannot be excused bestowing such excessive sums amongst his Whores II. Others say that a King may be deposed if he be a breaker of his Mart. Becanus Controv Angl. pag. 135. R. Parsons conference about succession pag. 32 36 73 77. Feuardent com in Esther pag. 94. promise to his Subjects or a violator of his publick Faith And if so why may not Popes run the same Exit who think it not lawful to keep Faith with Hereticks and are as apt as any to break them upon every advantage III. Another way to have a King deposed is this if he either study Feuard pag. 91. make use or approve of the Art of Magick or acquaint himself with those who do so This accusation would serve the Vulgar and the better because they are not competent Judges In former time 't was almost dangerous to have above a common stile in the Mathematicks so that our Roger Bacon Albertus Magnus and other famous Scholars can at this day scarce quit themselves from being thought Conjurers by the multitude and some have been too bold in throwing such wicked opinions upon Joseph Salomon and some others for whom Monsieur Naudé hath composed an Apology As for the Popes their own Platina affirms Sylvester the Second to have dealt with the Devil Card. Benno and some others think that Benedict the Ninth and Gregory the Seventh were too familiar that way though the former a Naudé Apol cap. 19. French-man endeavours to clear them of that crime and so I leave every man to his own judgement IV. If a King be guilty of b Jo. Azorius Instit Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. Jo. Bapt. Boiardus Addit ad Julii Clari practic criminalem Qu. 35. § 6. Feuard 91. Perjury some of them say he may be deposed for that fault If they think Perjury to be such an horrid sin as who can deny its heinousness they should not encourage Subjects to run so easily into this crime by making them break their Oaths of Allegiance to their respective Princes by
which wicked means their Popes make themselves also guilty and other ways they have been sufficiently infamous for this Gregory the Twelfth is in this case noted in story for having taken a solemn Oath that if he were chosen Pope he would lay down the Title and Authority again if Pedro de Luna an Anti-pope would do so too the better to quell the Schism but having thus obtained the Papacy I shall refer you to c De schismate lib. 3. Theodore à Niem to see how he cheated and jugled against his former Oath not onely in this but also in creating Cardinals and the Perjury of Paschal the Morney pag. 287. Second against the Emperour Henry the Fourth is as notorious V. Feuardentius saith that if a King be guilty of Murther he may Com in Est pag. 92. justly be deposed though he do nothing with his own hands but consent to other Instruments Though the crime be great yet Interest will oft judge amiss Boucher and Verone look upon those as Murtherers who caus'd the deaths of Clement and Chastel though the first stab'd Henry the Third and the other indeavoured to kill Henry the Fourth of France And the Jesuite Garnet hath been several times publish'd a Martyr though he worthily suffer'd for high Treason in not discovering the Powder-treason though he knew of the design But if these may go for Martyrs I know no reason but Pope Paul the Third may pass for a Saint for poysoning his Mother and Nephew that the Palâ—us lib. 5. whole Inheritance of the Fernese of which Family he was might come to him and for destroying by the same means his own Sister because she was as kinde to others imbraces as his own And upon the same account might Alexander the Sixth be canoniz'd for poysoning a Gâ—â—ccâ—ardin lib. 2. Gemes brother to the great Turk for filthy Avarice as he also did several b Id. lâ—b 6. Cardinals upon the same account VI. The same Franciscan assures the world that if a King be guilty Com. in Fâ—â—h pag. 96 of Simony by selling Ecclesiastical Benefits he may be deposed This fault I suppose to be below Monarchs who have several lawful means to fill their Coffers but I wish it were not practised so much as it is by those who are but fellow-subjects with the buyers And the worldly gallant who useth it may probably have his purchasing Parson a roaring Chaplain to his wicked Patronship in a world fitted for the covetous but we shall not at this time follow Truth too neer the heels But were not this Vice beneficial Pope Paul Platina the Second would not have been so given to it who basely sold all the Benefits both Civil and Ecclesiastical And Alexander the Sixth Gâ—â—ccâ—ardin lib. 1. got the Popedom more by Simony than any desert in himself VII c Bannes in 2. 2. q. 12. art 3. col 478. Valent. Tom. 3. disp 1. quaest 12. punct 2. Pâ—tr de Aragon in 2. 2. D. Tho. pag. 229. Hieron de Medicis in 2. 2. q. 12. art 2. conclus 2. Baleus Act. Pont. Estienne Apol pour Herodot pag. 292. Others of them say that a King may be deposed for Apostacie And I warrant you they will make the interpretation of the word submit to their pleasures Yet in the mean time we are told how true I know not that Pope Leo the Tenth should call the History of Christ a fable and that Paul the Third in anger once said that he would renounce Christ if the Procession went not faster on VIII If a King be guilty of d Jo. Bapt. Plotus Consilium § 64. Jo. Bapt. Bolard addit ad Julii Clari pract Crim. q. 35. § 6. Feuard pag. 93. Sacriledge they say he may justly be deprived and yet who hath been more criminal in this than some of their Popes Alexander the Sixth was so noted for it that this Distick was made of him Vendit Alexander Cruces Altaria Christum Emerit ipse prius vendere jure potest Alexander sold his Altars Christ and Crosses He bought so sold them men live not by losses And upon Leo the Tenth Sannazarius the famous Neapolitan Poet made this smart Sarcasm Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere vendiderat Leo could have the Sacrament no more Though dying ' cause he 'd sold it long before And e Ann. 1229. pag. 362. Matthew Paris assures us that Pope Gregory the Ninth was such a gaper after Church-moneys that the Bishops in England were forced to sell and pawn all their Plate and Furniture belonging to the Altar to satisfie him And whether Authority doth commit Sacriledge in commanding Images to be taken out of Churches let the busie Bigots determine yet History will tell us that Pope Gregory the Third proceeded against the Emperour Leo for the same account IX If a King be a a Azorius Institut lib. 10. cap. 8. lib. 11. cap. 6. Suarez defens fid lib. 6. c. 4. § 22. Feuard p. 91. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit Clericalis pag. 282. § 209 210. Alph. Alvarez Speculum cap. 16. § 8. Petr. de Palude Art 4. Lud. a Paramo de origine S. Inquisit lib. 1. cap. 1. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub statu pag. 545. Jo. Anton. Delphinus de potestate Eccles pag. 154. Schismatick or a favourer of Schismaticks they say he may then be deposed And yet no Church hath been so much rent with Schisms as that of Rome having sometimes at the same time several men declaring themselves to be the true Popes and justly elected and every one of them having some Prince or other to stand by them and at last 't was sometimes carried by strong hand And that which began in Pope Vrban the Sixth's time was so long and violent that it lasted fifty years X. We are told that for violence done to Cardinals the King guilty Feuardent pag. 94. of that crime may be deposed A people at first but of common repute being but Priests or Deacons belonging to this or that Church and so far inferiour to Bishops though since that the Popes have rais'd them to be next to themselves and equal to Kings and Princes and now carry such a sway in that all-ruling Court at Rome that happy is that Monarch that can get a friend by much begging and greazing to be honour'd with that title and sometimes a red Hat covers both youth and ignorance Many of these have imploy'd themselves in secular affairs and if L'Homme d'estat pag. 257 c. either in this or the other they become faulty there is no reason but that they are lyable to punishment as well as their Neighbours if Queen Elizabeth had got Cardinal Allen into her custody she might with more reason have punish'd him for his many Treasons against her and his Country by declaring her to be no true Queen and in assisting the Spaniards against
della potesta Eccles pag 68 76. Paris de Puter de syndicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Jul. Ferrettus de re milit p. 156. § 113. p. 354. § 26. Giov. Filoteo Nuova Resposta contra Venetia p 16 59. Celsus Mancinus de juribus Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Dionys Carthus de authoritate Papae lib. 1. aâ—t 6. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit Clerical part 1. p. 282. § 110. Hostiens Summa lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret. § qua poena ferratur § 11. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub. Statu p. 545 547. Jo. Turrecremata Summa de Eccles c. 14. propos 4. Dom. Soto in sentent disp 25. qu. 2. art 1. § Tertio Petr. de Palude de causa Immediate Eccles potest art 4. Jo. de Seloa de Beneficio part 4. qu. 8. § 25. Jo. à S. Geminiano Summa de Exemplis lib. 8. cap. 60. Gabr. Berart spectacul visitat c. 22. § 46. Paul Carraria de literali ac Mystico Regularum jâ—ris interpretatione qu. 2. art 4. punct 2. § 25 26 27. by his indiscretion not fit for Rule they say he may then be deposed Thus they say Childerick was deprived from being King of France because he was a little easie natured not given to action nor so wise as his Neighbours whereby he was unfit for Rule This may make the being of Government most unstable the giddy multitude and the factious being apt to interpret this Rule at any time to their pleasures when before these late Wars Sir Henry Ludlow Father to the notorious Edmund Ludlow had the boldness publickly Ex. Coll. p. 552. before the Parliament to affirm that King Charles I. was not worthy to be King of England and no way punish'd for such abominable speeches whereby it appear'd how pleasing they were to the rest of the Commons what might be expected when they were more heightned in wickedness by their entring and continuing in open Rebellion If this one so vertuous religious learned and knowing a King be censured as unworthy what may other Princes think of themselves and their condition And yet 't is better to be thus soft-natured than so abominable wicked and cruel as Sixtus IV Alexander VI and some other Popes were amongst whom we may justly place John XIII or XII who I warrant you at this time waving his wickedness was every inch of him fit to be Pope being but a Baronius anno 955. § 3 4. XVIII years old if so much when he rul'd the Church as a Successor of St. Peter And if you think that this Youth was not young enough to be Christs Vicar what will you object against b Baron an 1033. § 6. Papyr Massonius de Episcopis Urbis lib. 4. fol. 174. Benedict IX a boy of XII years old and yet at that age was his litttle Holiness Pope of Rome and as infallible too as the best of them It hath formerly been a custom in c P. Messia Selva Rinovata part 4. c. 67. Franconia at our d Jo. Gregory's Posthuma p. 95 133 c. Salsbury at Cambray in Hanault and many other Cities for the young Boys upon St. Nicholas his day to chuse amongst themselves a Bishop who with his Myter and other little Episcopal Ornaments used to govern them till Iunocents day but it may be the Council of e Sess 21. Basil made a Decree against the Custom The former John and Benedict would have been pretty Popes for these Bishops and if we add a Baron anno 925. Hugo à Veromandia who was made Arch-bishop of Rheims at V years old and approved of by Pope John X or XI they would make up a dapper Council to govern the Universal Church and sufficient and vigilant and careful enough XV. For what other reasons they may depose Kings I cannot justly Dâ—m Paul Lopiz flase Clericorum part 2. § 77. Guil. de Monser rat de successione Regum dub 1. § 30. Sylv. de Priero Summa v. Papa § 10 11. Alex. Carerius de potest Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 3. § 18. Cels Mancinus de jurib Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Tho. Stapleton Tom. 1. Controv. 3. Qu. 5. Art 2. p. 710. Fran. Bozzâ—us de Temporall Eccles Monarch l. 2. c. 16. p. 553. Arnald Albertin Repet in C. quoniam de Haeret. Qu. 15. § 34. S. Bonaventur de Eccles Hierarch part 2. cap. 1 Aâ—ast Germinus de sacrorum Immunitat lib. 3. Proem § 9 10. Jo à Capistrino de Papae Authorit fol. 65. à Jul. Caes Madim de sacris Ordinib 9. cap. 9. § 17. determine because many of their Writers will not particularize but by shooting at random and excepting none may give occasion for more than here set down and for ought that I know may tacitely allow of any for when they say That a King may justly be deposed cause being given without naming any they leave the people to judge them themselves And that they pretend more causes for deposing of Kings than we here charge them with is somewhat plain from b In 2. 2. p. 224. Petrus de Aragon who saith That a King may be deposed for any fault to which Excommunication is joyned And if we look upon c Summa aurea Armilla v. Excommunicat Bartholomaeus Fumus and some others we shall finde God knows how many causes laid down by them for Excommunication XVI But why need we search for Vices or make such a clutter to prove a King to be criminal As if iniquity wickedness stupidity or suchlike failings were the onely causes for which a Prince might be removed since we are informed that all these signifie nothing to the purpose it being not so much the defect of the King as the pleasure or rather will forsooth of his Holiness at Rome For thus are we told by no less man than Thomas Bozzius whose Authority is neither slighted by the Pope nor his Romish Favourites Although that a King be lawful and understanding in Government Sitque aliquis jure solers industrius potens Catholicus pius Tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approbante jure naturaâ—i Divino in Divini Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterâ—que nullum jâ—s alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaverint id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Boz de jure Status lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 287 288. Industrious Potent a good Roman Catholick and godly yet the Pope and the Bishops by the Approbation of the Pope by Divine Law delivered to the Church by Christ and his Apostles have power to take away his Dominion and Kingdoms from him and give them all to a third person who had no right unto them if so be that they think that so doing to be not onely necessary but expedient Most miserable must thus the State of Kings be if they thus lye at the Mercie of one which
Pope being known 't is the custom of the King of Spain c. to send instructions to his Ambassadour or some other Confident at Rome how to carry on the Conclave that a friend of his might be chosen and also nominates five or six any of which he is willing to be Pope and at the same time sends the names of some others whom by no means he will not allow to be elected by which means Cardinal Baronius lost the Title of Holiness the Spaniard wholly excluding him for a An. 1097. This Tract is left out in some Edition of his Annals the King of Spain having made an Edict against it See D'Avily les Estats p. 235. scratching a little upon the Spanish Territories of Sicily The instructions being come the Cardinals of his Faction act accordingly And he though he deserve the Chair never so much as for Example Baronius who is thus excepted against by a King 't is an hundred to one he shall never change his red Hat for a Triple Crown 'T is true sometimes a few Cardinals in the Conclave when they see they cannot bring their own ends about exclaim pittifully against this mode of submitting their suffrages and consciences to the pleasure of this or that King and now and then Pen and Paper are imploy'd in making little Tracts of Oppositions and Justifications of such Actions but this scribling and crying out of a few Cardinals never hinders the rest from prosecuting their intended designs And thus we see that yet the Temporal Authority hath a main stroke if not all in the election of Popes And here I cannot but smile at Thomas Bozius who makes a great deal of noise and blustering in behalf of the Popes jurisdiction and De Italiae statu lib. 4. c. 3. p. 388. 390. what an horrid danger and judgement 't will be to cross the Bishops of Rome For saith he the Emperours Honorius and Valentinian the Third restrained the Popes of some Temporal Power and then the Goths Vandals and Heruli wasted Italy Again that the Emperour Justinian made a Law that the Popes should not be consecrated without first consulting the Emperour and paying a certain Id. p. 395. sum of money for it and so the Plague or Pestilence seis'd upon Italy and Totila the Goth took Rome Again long after this another Law was made that the Pope should not be consecrated but in the presence of the Emperours or their Deputies and therefore besides Pag. 403. Plagues great Earth-quakes troubled Italy and the Saracens and Huns lorded it there also And suchlike consequences as these he hath store of and all as true as the Star fell down and therefore the Astronomer shot it with his Jacobs-staff And truely the rest is much after the same fashion the sum of his whole Book being onely this Italy is more fruitful hath more and greater Cities and Towns brave Monasteries and Churches better Houses and Colledges and more knowing men and women for these last twelve hundred years than it was or had before Ergo the Pope and his Authority is the greatest happiness that can happen to Italy And is not this a notable wonder that building should increase in so many hundred years If this way of Argumentizing be authentick 't is coming time not Scripture or Antiquity that must prove any Religion the which upon this account must grow better and better and so as they say Modern Protestantism must be held a greater blessing and benefit than that which they call ancient Popery in those Nations where the reformed Religion bears the sway Sect. 3. An Essay upon this Quere Whether for some years past there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders really any true Pope HAving thus hastily discours'd something concerning the Election of Popes it will not be amiss to add these few following Observations which may add some light to the business and by a farther prosecution may be of greater consideration than at this time I shall trouble my self withal but leave it to the censure of every man In the time of Paul the Fifth who began his Popedom in 1605 there lived in Italy a great Scholar and a severe Roman Catholick who being troubled at the odd carriage of the Popes and their Election thought it convenient to have a General Council to rectifie all but knowing the Bishops of Rome to have a natural aversness from this look'd upon himself obliged as a true son of the Roman Church to endeavour as much as lay in his power the promotion of such a publick benefit to his Religion And therefore knowing the Popes against it he drew up a a Supplicatio ad Imperatorem Reges Principes super causis Generalis Concilii convocandi Petition to the Emperour and other Christian Kings to bring this noble and charitable design about And possibly fearing that if this his supplication should onely come into the hands of the Potentates of the Roman Catholick perswasion it might there be stifled by the over-perswasion of their interested Favourites and Councellors To prevent this seeing our King James of a publick spirit for the benefit of the Church he directs it onely to him that by his means his necessitating reasons might be discover'd to the Emperour and the other Christian Princes Upon this the Author a An. 1611. dyeth at Rome leaves this Petition with a dear Friend of his who delivers it to an English Gentleman then there who accordingly convey'd it to King James who presently dispers'd it all Europe over As for the Author I shall positively say nothing but that he appears one to have been very well versed in the Roman affairs the common opinion is that it was the famous Neapolitan Civilian Dr. Marta of whom we have formerly hinted and indeed his very subscribing himself to the Supplication NOVVS HOMO doth intimate that he had now in something changed his Opinion and we cannot but observe that this Supplication carryeth all along a grand respect and veneration to Temporal Authority over Rome it self in some things whereas Dr. Marta in his other Volumes is so resolute a Champion for the Popes very Temporal Prerogative that he screws up the power and jurisdiction of the Romish Bishops even to trample upon all other Potentates in this world If Marta be the man it must be the discovery of some grand iniquities that could thus alienate his affection from Pope Paul the Fifth In this his discourse is indeavoured to prove a failing in the succession of Popes raising the Foundation from the Simoniacal entrance of Sixtus the Fifth But probably one might fetch a farther rise than this even by viewing over their own schisms where sometimes we shall finde such odd chopping and changing of Popes that the wisest then living could not tell which or where was the Head of the Church and yet every party creating Cardinals and declaring himself Christ's Vicar Now this is certain since the time they have acknowledged
far off and the Bishops of Rome suppose Councils especially the latter do rather take away then give them any jurisdiction whereby such conventions are both chargeable and troublesome to them in the carrying on of their interest and therefore they use all their cunning and reason to draw such power and thoughts from Temporal Princes and with a thousand slights will prolong the time To which purpose the Italians say not amiss of them Coll ' arte el ' Inganno Lui passa Mezzo anno Coll ' Inganno è coll ' arte Se vive l' altra parte With art and with guile O' th' year they past one while With guile and with art They live the other part And for confirmation of this we need go no farther than their Council of Trent it being a long time before the Popes would be perswaded to call it and when 't was held 't was carryed on with so much cunning and jugling even to the trouble and grief of many Eminent Roman Catholick Divines there that the Legates would permit nothing to be concluded upon but according as they received directions and orders by Letters from the Pope which occasioned the unlucky Proverb That the Council of Trent was guided by the Holy Ghost sent to them from Rome in a Cloak-bag Insomuch that several of the Divines there did divers times publickly complain that it was not a a Paolo pag. 507 508 530 551 623 635 644 659 661 683 566 569. free one and both the b Id. p. 279. Emperour and the King of c Id. p. 818. France call'd it a Convention As for the Testimonies in the Italians supplication I have no reason to suspect them it having been above these fifty years dispersed all Europe over and not that I know of in the least contradicted besides several of their own Historians do almost confess as much CHAP. III. The Murther of the Emperour Mauritius with his Empress Children c. by wicked Phocas with Pope Gregory the First sirnamed the Great his judgement and opinion of that barbarous action and his Authority pretended over Kings HAving hitherto briefly seen the forgery of Constantine's Donation year 600 the low condition of the Bishops of Rome for some hundreds of years the power and practice of Temporal Princes over them in their Nominations or Approbations with some short Observations concerning their Elections We shall now proceed to what we first designed Their great Lawyer a De Repub. lib. 2 6. cap. 7. § 10. Gregorius Tolosanus tells us that though the Christians indured grievous oppressions and cruel torments yet for the first three hundred years they never rebell'd against their Kings or Temporal Governours And had not the Pope incouraged and fomented it this sin of witch-craft had never been I am certain so much practised by those who call themselves Christians But here Cardinal b â—e Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. Bellarmine the Jesuit joyns hand in hand with c De jure Reg. Buchanan the Puritan to free the Primitive Christians from this scandal of Obedience and would have the fault to lye not in Religion but the want of strength though the former d Loco citato Gregorius will dash this Argument in pieces by telling you that they had force and number enough to perpetrate such wickedness if their wills and piety would allow of it As for the Popes Temporal Authorities Guicciardine will tell you that they had none long after these Nel qual tempo i Pontefici Romani privaâ—i in tutto di potentia Temporale Guâ—cciard Hist d'Ital lib. 4. times 'T is true this Section is knavishly left out in some Italian Editions and others who followed them but you have it at large in the e French 1612. Paris f Engl. 1618. London and some others and it hath been several times printed by it self as at g 1561. Basil in three Langues viz. Italian French and Latin and at h 1595. London in four the English being added to the sormer of which the Italian according to Guicciardines own Manuscript in Florence As for the Popes spiritual Power as Bishop of his own See I They are also lately with amendments of Thuanus printed at Amsterdam 1663. have nothing to do with nor shall I trouble my self with the Excommunication of the Emperour Anastatius by the Popes h Platina Gelasins h Anaestatius the Second or by i Baron an 502. Symmachus because it may be all will not agree of what was the meaning and authority of such censures in those times We are also told that Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople threatned to depose this Anastasius if so then it seems others besides Rome can unthrone Princes but I wonder why a An. 491. Baronius brags so much of this it being quite contrary to the Roman greatness and prerogative But let us come to realities Tiberius the Second being dead there succeeded him in the Empire Mauritius famous in War but he was tainted with covetousness In this time John Patriarch of Constantinople made the means to have himself call'd Vniversal Bishop at this Title Gregory the First sirnamed the Great Bishop of Rome taketh great offence and hoping to get this null'd by his acquaintance with the Emperour Maurice having formerly been at Constantinople with Tiberius and him to prove a confirmation for Pelagius the Second in his Popedom having also been God-father to one of Mauritius his Sons as also himself confirmed in the Papal Chair by the same Emperour Upon these and suchlike good turns and acquaintance he questioned not but to have this Title taken from John of Constantinople to which purpose he sends to Mauritius his Empress and others Letters after Letters affirming it to be a b Lib. 4. Epist 32. New name against Gospel and Canon a title of vanity profaness and blasphemy a c Id. Epist 38 39. horrible and wicked word d Epist 36. that none of his Predecessors had ever used such a profane title to be abhor'd by a Christian minde and suchlike to be read in his Epistles But the Emperour did not care to trouble himself with these paper-squablings onely wish'd that they would not bring a scandal to the Church by this railing This troubles Gregory yet he giveth the Emperour all the noble Titles that could be calling of himself onely e Lib. 6. Ep. 62 63 64. Dust and very Worm of the Earth his most unworthy man or servant c. And indeed he as well as f Duarenus de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 5. and see more of this in Andr. Rivet Jesuita Vapul cap. 28. § 37 38 39 40 41 42. pag. 539 540 541 54â— c. other Bishops of Rome in those times were exactly obedient to the Emperours however the case is alter'd now of which one instance at this time may satisfie This Emperour perceiving that every one in those zealous times thought
munificentia largus erga indigentes Iâ—opes misericordia satis premptus ita ut non solum Princeps Populotum sed etiam Pater Pauperum vocari sit dignus lâ—â—dori Chron. magnified for a brave Souldier and King for one vertuous faithful prudent industrious just munificent and liberal that he ought to be call'd the Prince of his people and Father of the poor He had done well if his Subscription had been true to have corrected his History that they might not stand thus at defiance against each other to deceive Posterity we cannot plead â—sidores ignorance seeing he lived in the same time and Country and why may not this good Character in his Chronologie be more true and authentick than that other testified by his and the others subscription since the first was writ freely and privately without any obligation to flatter onely to inform Posterity whilst the other as is very a Marian. de rebus Hispan lib. 6. cap. 5. probable was onely subscribed to gratifie and pleasure Sisenandus a dissembling and powerful Usurper But 't is all one to my purpose were he good or bad And here we have another rancounter amongst Historians for the aforenamed Rodericus Ximenius Archbishop of Toledo and Alphonsus de Carthagena Bishop of Burgos with b De Reg. Hispan lib. 2. Michael Ritius c Arbori delle famiglie Regall di Spagna pag. 34. Cesare Campana and several others give not the least hint of any opposition that Suinthila had in his Government but that he dyed at Toledo and the learned Belgick Jesuit d Bibl. Hisp Tom. 1. p. 163. Andraeas Schottus agreeth to the last whilst other Writers are confident of his deposition the story of which is rather hinted at than told but in sum thus One Sisenandus or Sisnandus but of what relation Pens will not agree great in Wars and Authority having a desire to make himself King plotted Treason with some others of the Nobility and the better to carry on this Rebellion he sent to Dagobert King of France to desire his assistance the which he obtain'd by his great promises and treasure which he sent to this Dagobert who sent the Wealth to St. Denis where he had built the great Church since that the burying-place of the French Kings A strange piece of Policy commonly in practice for Kings not onely to assist but if beaten to protect Rebels against their Soveraigns when two to one it may a little after be their own case And as this is a strengthing so 't is an incouragement by the certainty if overcome of a refuge to Rebellion Dagobert accordingly sends Abondant and Venerand or e Jo. de Bussiers Hist Fran. Tom. 1. pag. 183. Venerabandus with an Army of Burgundians who enter Spain and march straight-way to Saragoza Upon this the Gothick Rebels revolt joyn to Sisenand by which he grew so powerful and strong that Suinthila with his Queen and Children were forced to flee and so Sisenandus by his treason obtain'd the f An. 631. Crown The Laity having thus proved themselves bold Rebels let us see if their Church be cleer from this vice Sisenand having thus usurp'd the Throne cunningly courted peace with all people and in the third year of his Reign pretending forsooth a great care for Religion and the Church though his g Jo. Mariana lib. 6. cap. 5. design was to get himself fully setled and the through extirpation of Suintila and his Relations call'd a Council at Toledo where met some LXX Spanish and French i. e. that part of it then under Spain Bishops The Bishops being met at Toledo in the Church de Santa Leocadia a h An. 305. 9. Decemb. Virgin-Martyr Sisenand like an Hypocrite humbles himself before the Council and with many tears and sobbings upon his knees desires their blessings and prayers and to mend the faults they found in the Church and suchlike good words After some Consultation and the making of some Canons they gratifie Sisenando to the purpose not onely by declaring of him true and lawful King and confirming of him in the Throne but by dashing in pieces all the hopes of Suintila whom they call Suinthilanis against whom they raunt very dapperly calling of him Fugitive and Runaway from his Authority A pretty jest that Titius should be call'd coward Qui propria scelera metuens se ipsum Regno privavit potestatis facibus exuit and worthy to loose his Lands when being over-power'd by a company of Robbers he is forced to flee to save his life And thus they deprive Suinthila his Queen and Children of all benefit there Having thus confirm'd Sisenando they go on and make strange curses and threats against any that shall indeavour to disturb him in his Throne or who shall intend by sinister ends to aspire to the Crown A pretty Type of Oliver Cromwel and his Parliament who having beat out the true Heir to the Crown and so made himself Lord Paramount they vote it high-Treason for any to oppose that Government or deny the Authority and Rule of his Highness forsooth as if it were vertue and godliness in him to depose a lawful Prince but Treachery and Villany in others to withstand an Usurper And Mariana the Jesuit himself though a great Patron to a De Institut Reg. c. 6. Treason doth confess that Sisnandus obtain'd the Kingdom either by Treachery or Rebellion though to me in the conclusion there is no difference Another of the same Society Sisenandi proditione an rebellione Suinthila sublatus est Jo. Marian. de reb Hispan lib. 6. cap. 4. viz. Andraeas Schottus doth confess that Sisenando obtain'd the Kingdom by force or b Sisenandus rex creatur qui per Tyrannidem Regnum fuit adeptus A. S. Bibl. Hispan Tom. 1. pag. 163. Tyranny and so to conclude this story we see not onely an action but also a Vindication of Treason and Rebellion and that by one of their Councils Nor is this any such wonder for they say that the twelfth Council of Toledo did the same courtesie to Flavius Ervigius or Ervingius Erigius or Hermigius after he had Trayterously endeavour'd the poysoning of the renouned King Bamba or Wamba and so got the Crown to which he had no c Hist of Spain pag. 150. Rob. Tolet. l. 3. c. 12. Alphons de Carthag cap. 1940. Andr. Schott pag. 170. Jo. Marian l. 6. c. 17. right And so much at this time for Spain Sect. 2. The Murther of Childerick the Second King of France with his Queen great with Childe ANd now let us walk over the Pyrenean Mountains and take a turn in France where we shall finde Childerick the Second King but in short time most barbarously murdered the story thus in short This Childerick but for what fault Authors will not tell us had caus'd on Bodilo or d Gaguin fol. 22. Bolidus to be bound and whipt with Rods Upon this he and some others of
Haillan fol. 316. lib. 4. Majordom Maire du Palais being the principal Officer in the Kingdom one Landregesile being the first that was chosen these by little and little rais'd their Authority so high that they disposed of all things For though at first they were onely Stewards to the Kings Houshold and could stretch their jurisdiction no farther yet after the death of Clotaire the Second they began to increase their power and at last taking opportunity by the negligenâ—e and weakness of some Kings they began to rule all things The first that advanced the Majordoms was Ebroin in the time of Theodorick or Thierry the First a very meek and patient King In this Kings raign was also Pepin the Gross Major of the Palace Son to this Pepin was Charles sirnamed Martel who had himself call'd Prince and Duke of the French and in his Tomb at S. Denis he is stiled a Carolus Martellus Rex King and the truth is he ruled both King and People Son to this Charles was Pepin sirnamed the short who deposed his Soveraign and made himself King the story thus Pepin agitated by an ambitious humour resolves to make himself King of France and to facilitate his Treachery he had several of his Creatures prompted to sound nothing but his commendation and having thus got a good esteem amongst the Vulgar who love nothing more than novelty and having also gain'd over to his Faction and interest what by former favours future promises and some awe many of the great ones he procures an Assembly or Parliament to be held at Soissons by the Prelates and Nobility for as then the third Estate or Commons had no authority in voting onely the liberty of preferring their complaints The Assembly presently agreeth to the preferment of Pepin nor was there any thing which lay in the way but one scruple viz. the Oath of Allegiance they had formerly sworn to Childerick And if they could be but disingaged from this they were then resolved to pull down their King and set up the little Candidate To cut in pieces this Gordion-knot 't is concluded to send to the Pope Zachary whom to gratifie themselves they would fancie to have the power to absolve Subjects from Allegiance and Oaths And so two are pitch'd upon to go as Ambassadors to his Infallible Holiness about the pretty loyal and honest Errand The first was call'd Burchard but now by a French a Jo. de Bussieres Hist Fran. Tom. 1. pag. 244. Jesuit erroniously call'd Richardus acknowledged by all men to be a Britain by birth but of what Kingdom is the Question since both b Jo. Pâ—ts de Scriptor Angl. pag. 164. English and c Dav. Camerar de Scot. foâ—titud p. 100. Tho. Demsâ—â—r Apparatâ—s ad Hist Scot. Scotch declare him to be theirs some will also have him to have been Bishop of d Jan. de Serres pag. 184. Bourges in France but I see little reason for that opinion neither Claudius Robertus nor Chenu making any such name or man in their Histories of that Archbishoprick And therefore we shall with the common opinion conclude him to have been the first Bishop of Wirtzburg in Franconia However he is well enough being Sainted in the Roman Calendar The other imploy'd in this Ambassie was Tulrad chief Chaplain to Pepin and made Abbot of S. Denis These being got to Rome and brought to the Popes presence Burchard as the better man told his tale at large stuft with the commendations of Pepin and his Father Charles Marteâ— what great maintainers they had and would be to the Romish See And as for King Childerick they render'd him the worst of all Creatures but what was worth all the rest they promis'd him that if he would do Pepin this favour that he when he was King would assist the Pope against his Enemies the Lombards and by reducing of whom the Pope would in a manner Rule all Italy This was that which Zachary look'd for and so the bargain being thus struck the Pope by some pretty knack or other declares the French disingaged from the Oath of Allegiance they formerly sware to Childerick and with this good news the two Ambassadors return joyfully to their Associates at Soissons the Pope having delegated S. Bonifacius to annoynt Pepin King This Boniface was then the first Archbishop of Mentz which before him had onely Bishops he was first call'd Wenefrid but when Nâ—c Seâ—ar Hist Mâ—gunt p. 341. Gregory the Second consecrated him Bishop he changed it to Bonifacius from his good deeds he was born in Britain but both Scoth and English strive for him and it may be that e Hist Mogunt p. 438. Serarius mistakes the Italian Bonifacius for f Spotswood pag. 20. this who is call'd the Father and Apostle of the Germans he being the chief means of their Conversion to Christianity and he was in all things a true man of the Popes by whom he is declared a Saint and Martyr Bonifacius being accordingly come to Soissons anoynts Pepin King and then according to their ancient Custom being lifted up by some of the Nobility upon a Shield to be seen of all is by the acclamation of the people shouted out King of France And thus was Childerick deposed whose Heir they rounded or shortned as a badge of infamy and degrading and the better to understand the ignominy of this we must know that Clodion or Cloion the Second King of the Francks or France and Son to Pharamond Jan. de Serres made a Law that none but the King his Sons or Princes of the Bloud-royal should wear long Hair it being as with the Romans a sign of Rule and Authority which occasioned their cropping of Slaves or Servants and this Custom confirm'd by this Law of Clodioâ— continued a long time in France insomuch that Clodamire Son to Clouis being slain in Battail by the Burgundians was found and known from the rest of the dead men by his long Hair And which is more this badge they observed with such Reverence and Devotion that their Histories tell us that Queen Clotilde would rather allow her Sons heads to be cut off than their hair as if she exprest by that an honourable death before an ignoble life This King Clodion for his establishing this Custom amongst his people was sirnamed the a Le Chevelu Hairy But the dishonourable cropping was not all they did to their King Childerick but as if to make him ever after incapable to sit in the Throne again they had his Pole shorne or shaven his Robes pull'd off and a Religious Habit put on and so forcing of him to be a Monk thrust him into a Monastery and they served his Queen Gâ—selee after the same way making of her be vail'd and so thrust into a Nunnery And thus ended the Royal Family of the Merâ—uingiens so call'd from King Merouce the first that brought them out of Germany after they had raigned over the
French CCC years As for Childerick I believe he was easie-natured-enough apt to be cheated by every knave being none of the wisest but yet it will not follow that he should therefore be deposed but on the contrary upheld by good assistants and councsels himself being tainted with no vice or wickedness but on the contrary as b Chilperico non si mosse punto dell ' ingiuria fattagli per haverlo privato del Regno anzi essendo di natura pia è pacifica si arreccò à gloria l'esse fatto Monaco Perche tutto il tempo che visse nel Monasterio egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi Hist de Personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. pag. 138. Paolo Morigi will assure us very religious good-natured and peaceful and all the time to his dying day in the Monastery led a very heavenly life Here some raise an objection concerning the anoynting of Pepin sirnamed the c Le bref short for his littleness for some will have him onely anoynted by S. Boniface Archbishop of Mentz others onely by Pope Stephanus the Third But d Hist Mogunt lib. 3. not 38. pag. 522 523 524. Serarius thinks it no great wonder to have them both true it being not the first time as he sheweth that a King hath been twice anoynted as amongst the Israelites and that Pepin was also Crowned by Pope Stephanus the Third they with joy confess and thus tell the story The Lombards being rampant in Italy the Pope for his security and to beg assistance fled to Pepin at his coming into France P. Mexia vite di gl' Imperadori vit Constantin V. fol. 306. b. Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 1. pag. 249 250. Grimston's Imp. Hist pag. 371. Fulrad the Abbot and Duke Rotaldus were sent to congratulate him in the Kings name and moving forward in his journey Charles his Eldest Son waited upon him and three miles off Paris Pepin himself met him alighted off his Horse prostrated himself before him kiss'd his feet and the more to curry-favour with that See whence he had his Crown and was now to desire another courtesie very humbly play'd the part of a Lackey himself refusing to ride but on foot very dapperly leading by the Bridle the Horse on which Pope Stephanus rode Whilst this Pope stay'd in France he anoynted at S. Denis Pepin for King Bertrad his Wife for Queen and his two Sons Charles afterwards Emperour and call'd Charlemaign and Caroloman as Princes to succeed their Father whom he publickly declared to be the true and lawful King and that it should be unlawful hereafter for the French to have any King but of the Race of Pepin The Pope having done this good turn to Pepin he in requital beats the Lombards and the Towns taken from them bestows upon St. Peter for the good of his soul and having thus resetled the Bishop of Rome returneth to France And this Pepin as a Hist de France Tom. 1. Scipion Dupleix saith was the first Christian King that ever was anoynted I shall not trouble my self with the dispute of this b Id. pag. 338. § 4. Dupleix against dâ— Haillan and Hotoman whether the Kingdom of France be Hereditary or Elective for if these great French Lawyers and Historians cannot agree they will never grant a stranger to be Umpire though I shall willingly grant that Monarchy absolute and Hereditary And again though some will have this deposition done onely by the Authority remaining in the French yet I finde most of the c Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 17. l. 5. c. 8. Gasp Sciop Ecclesiast pag. 511 512. Diâ—nys Carthus de Author Pap. l. 1. art 6. Celsmancinus de jur Principat l. 3. c. 3. Fran. Duarenus de Benefic l. 1. c. 4. Fran. Ghetius Theol. Moral v. Papa § 10. S. Raymond Sum. l. 1. tit de Haeret. § 7. pag. 41. Jo. de Turrecrem Sum. de Eccles c. 14 propos 4. Lud. â— Param l. 1. Q. 1. Opin 4. § 55. Sylvest de Priero Sum. v. Papa § 11. Dom. â— Soto dist 25. Q. 2. Art 1. Alphoâ—s d Castro de Haeret. punit lib. 2. c. 7. Guil. de Monserrat de success Regum dub 1. § 30. Jo. Quintinus Repet in C. Novit de judic § 127. Jo. de Selva de Benefic part 4. Q. 8. § 25. Fran. Duarenus de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 4. Romanists affirm it acted onely by the Popes authority and so vapour with this story as an example of the Popes power to depose Kings And so I leave it as I found it CHAP. V. 1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth Emperour of Constantinople by his Mother Irene 2. The miserable and troublesome Raign of the Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire by the many Rebellions against him 3. The Murther of Michael Emperour of Constantinople with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Murtherer 4. Several Insolencies and Murders committed by the Venetians against some of their Dukes about this time Sect. 1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth Emperour of Constantinople by his Mother Irene WE have formerly seen a quarrel between the Emperour and Pope about the worshipping of Images and now we shall perceive a giddy zeal make a Mother monstrously unnatural Leo the Fourth Emperor of Constantinople being dead his Son Constantine the Fifth succeeded but being then young his Mother Irene governed all she was very earnest for the worshipping of Images and which hugely gratified the Pope of Rome she had the use of them confirm'd by a Council at Nice and though she was a woman and the handsomest of her time yet she wanted neither policie nor courage to sway the Imperial Scepter and for that time she governed she was esteemed by most But Constantine being now come to years takes the Government upon himself hath his Mother Irene to live by her self shews himself as his Father and Grand-father had done before zealous against Images and willing that Priests should marry and commands Stauratius an Infant of his Mothers not to meddle any more with State-Affairs though at last he let Irene have a great hand in the Empire But she not content unless she had all conspires against her Son and with the assistance of Stauratius won the Army over to their Faction and so violently seised upon the Emperour who endeavoured an escape but could not whose eyes she unnaturally ordered to be pluck'd out which was acted with such violence upon him that he dyed presently after And some Historians tell us which must be left to every mans belief that the a Christ Besold Synopsis Hist Univers p. 307. Sun as disdaining to shine upon those who had wickedly pluck'd out the eyes of their Soveraign vail'd himself up in blackness and mourning that for seventeen days together there was no light upon the Earth As for Irene there were some Overtures of a Marriage between her and Charles the Great so to unite the Empires But
who was the true Pope and yet the Succession of their Popes is infallible CHAP. VII 1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple King of France 2. The Murder of Edmund and Edward the Martyr Kings of England 3. The Murders of Malcolme of Duffe of Culene of Kenneth the Third Kings of Scotland Sect. 1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple King of France BUt now leaving off the quarrels and seditions amongst the Popes themselves at Rome let us move a little Northwards and see what Loyalty and Obedience we can finde towards Temporal Princes and France in the first place offers it self where passing by some troubles we behold b An. 892. Charles le simple in the Throne a well meaning King and Religious But against him Robert brother to Eudes and Major-domo and Grand-father to Hugh Capet gets a party and hath himself Crown'd King of Rheims by Merivee Archbishop of that City Charles informed of this marcheth against him both the Armies meet neer Soissons fight in which Robert is slain some say by Charles himself Dâ— Bussâ—eres tom 1. pag. 477. who ran his Lance into his mouth and through his tongue However though Charles here remain'd victorious yet by negligence or too much fear or confidence he lost all for instead of prosecuting his Victory he desired peace and assistance of a Oâ— Heribert Hebert Earl of â—ermandois or St. Quentin his enemy and Cousin to Robert b An. 923. Heribert glad of this desires Charles to come to St. Quentin that they might the better consult about his safety Charles thinking all promises to be true consents and freely goeth thither Herbert perceiving him now in his power seiseth upon him and tells him that France must now consult for a wiser King so he is carryed to the Castle of Thierry thence to Soissons where the Parliament being Chaâ—â—eau-Thierry a Town in â—a Haâ—te Campagne call'd according to Heberts humour the innocent King is deposed and Rodulph by the Frencb call'd Raoul Duke of Burgondy of whom we have formerly heard as King of Italy is declared and Crown'd King of France by Seulfus Archbishop of Rheims which Prelate was c Jo. Chenu Hist Archiepisc Gall. pag. 270. poysoned after by Hebert As for poor Charles sometimes he was favour'd by a little liberty but at last he was clapt up close prisoner in Perone Castle in Picardy where having thus for the space of five years been hurried from prison to prison he d An. 928. dyed being overwhelm'd with grief and the nastiness of his Goal But before I end this story it may be the Reader will not take it amiss if we tell him what device and policie was used by Lewes Son to Charles the simple to make Hebert suffer by his own judgement for his Treason against his Soveraign Eguina the Third Daughter to Edward sirnamed the Elder King of England and Sister to Ethelstan or Adelstan King also of England was married to this Charles the Third sirnamed the simple by whom she had Lewes the Fourth She perceiving the misery of her Husband and King to escape the same danger with her Son Lewes she takes her opportunity and slips into England where they stay with her Brother Athelstan till the people weary of Rebellion and other opportunities settle him in the Throne of France and from his thus living beyond Seas here in England his Country-men call'd him e Ultramarinus or Transmarmus D'oultremer Lewes sirnamed D'oultremer being thus restored was resolved to be revenged on Heribert Count of St. Quentin for the deposing and imprisonment of his Father Charles le simple and having as he thought sufficiently secured himself with his Nobility and People he held a Parliament at Laon composed of his sure Friends and thither as to advise about the good of the Nation Hebert came also amongst the rest In the mean time King Lewes had provided a trusty fellow to whom he gave a Letter written by himself with express Orders to the fellow to put himself into an English Habit and when the Assembly met to come in and bring the Letter as if from the King of England Accordingly the fellow cometh in delivers the Letter which was read whisperingly to the King and whilst the Secretary was thus reading it the King smiled the Nobles at this thinking it to be some jesting business desired of his Majesty the reason Well quoth the King now I perceive the English are not so wise as I took them to be for my Cousin the King of England writes to me that in his Country a labouring man inviting his Landlord or Master to dinner at his house caused him to be slain and now my lords he desires your advice what punishment this fellow deserves and what he should undergo Upon which they with Hebert unanimously declared their Opinions that he should be hang'd that death being most ignominious Whereupon the King turning to Heribert said And thou O Hebert art this false servant who by imprisonment murder'd in the Castle of Perone thy Lord and Master King Charles my father and so receive thy reward according to thine own judgement At this the Kings Officers provided on purpose come in seise upon Hebert carry him out to a Mountain close by where he was hang'd or strangled from which action they say the Hill is to this day call'd Mont-Hebert a Tom. 1. p. 693. § 9 10. Dupleix will have Heribert to dye a natural death and is very angry with de Serres for asserting this story though I can assure him that Serres was neither the first nor onely Author of this Passage for before him b De l'estar de France l. 1. fol. 56. du Haillan hath it and long before him again we have it told at large by c De gestis Franc. l. 5. fol. 40. Robertus Gaguinus but however it be there is no stress of any business lyeth upon it Sect. 2. The Murder of Edmund and Edward the Martyr Kings of England BUt now let us look a little neerer home where we finde Edmund Brother to Ethelstan raigning in England and commended for his good Government and Laws yet was he murder'd but Hollinshead lib. c. 21. Speed l. 7. c. 39. Jo. Trevisa l. 6. fol. 290. how Authors will not agree some say that being at his Mannor of Puclekirks in Glocestershire seeing one of his Servants in danger at a quarrel stepping in to save his Servant was himself d An. 946. slain Others will have it that at the same place keeping a Feast upon St. Augustine Archbishop of Canterbury his day and seeing one Leof whom for his misdemeanors he had formerly banished the land and now return'd without license sitting at Table neer him was so inraged to see such an Outlaw in his presence that he suddenly rose from the Table fell upon Leof took him by the hair and threw him to the ground but the Villan having fast
hold on the King pull'd him down also and then with his Knife ript up the Kings belly that his bowels fell out and there he dyed As for the Outlaw the Servants there fell upon him but before they could dispatch him he slew and wounded divers of them John Harding who flourished above two hundred years ago saith it was done at Canterbury And thus relates the story according to the Poetry of those times This Kyng Edmond was slain by a Felon Fol. 115. Whiche of Malice and his false Treason That forfet had and dampned was to dye For his forfet and for his felony At Caunterbury as the Kyng him saw on a day For yre on him he ranne and sore him wound For whiche he stroke the Kyng for ay So they both two there in that stound Eche of them of his mortal wounde Which to a Prince accorded in no wise To put himself in drede where law may chastise After this Murther we have another more execrable Edgar sirnamed the Peaceable being dead his Eldest Son Edward sirnamed the Martyr was a An 975. Crown'd King at Kingston upon Thames by St. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury of whom they tell so many pretty Miracles to the great content and strengthning of Children and old Women Of this Kings vertues there need not much be said because all Historians do sound forth his commendations and so passing by the grand Controversie about this time viz. whether Priests might have Wives and the Monkish story how this dispute was decided by the speaking of a Crucifix in the Rood at Winchester and the falling down of the Floor of the Chamber at Calne in Wiltshire onely St. Dunstan forsooth remain'd dapperly perking up We will come to the sad story of his Murther King Edgar had two Wives 1. Elthelfled her Son was Edward 2. Elfrida her Son Ethelred Edward as Eldest and of the first Wife though some here make a b But Harpsfield is for him pag. 188. doubt is King Elfrida his Mother-in-law at this is troubled wishing that the Crown were set on her son Ethelred's head but this she kept cunningly to her self nor had good King Edward any suspition of her designs It chanced that King Edward hunting in the Island Purbeck in Dorsetshire either by chance or design was separated from his company and perceiving himself neer Corfe-Castle where his Mother-in-law Elfrida and her son Ethelred then lived to both which persons he bare a great affection he resolved to go see them and accordingly rides up to the Gate His Stepdame comes to him with a cheerful countenance seeming very glad of his visit and kindness and desired him to alight but this he excused pleading haste and that he onely slipt from his company at that time and then to his company again just to see her and his Brother and so desired a cup of Wine to drink to them who might be troubled by a long missing of him they not knowing the occasion She perceiving that she could not bring her designs about within doors resolves to do it without so she appointed one of her servants to stab him there To be short Wine is brought given him and he no sooner had the cup at his mouth but the fellow struck him with a knife into the back The King perceiving himself sore wounded set spurs to his Horse thinking to gallop away for his preservation to his more faithful Friends but the wounds being great and he fainting through loss of blood fell from his horse one of his feet being intangled in the Stirrop by reason whereof his Horse drag'd him up and down through Woods and Lands And thus was that good King Edward a An. 979. murder'd and was sirnamed the Martyr though b Hist Eccles p. 188. in the Margin Harpsfield or somebody else for him will not stand upon it that he ought in strictness to be call'd so being not murther'd for his Religion but his Kingdom After this murther they go on and tell a great many stories of him as how his Step-mother Elfritha for so some call her had his body drag'd into a little house hard by and there cover'd over with straw for the present necessity that it might not be found L. Surius March 18. Zach. Lipell Guil. Garet but a poor woman who was born blind living there by miracle had that night her sight given her Elfrida troubled at this fearing that by this discovery the body might be found had it taken thence and thrown into the Marishes but this would not do neither for a year after God reveal'd to some men that the body was in those Waters but the certain place could not be found out till a fiery Pillar was pleas'd to point them to it whence it was carryed and buryed at Warham and having laid there some years uncorrupted 't was thence with great solemnity translated to Shaftsbury neer the borders of Wiltshire And here might I tell the strange Miracles wrought by the vertue of this holy Edward of blind receiving sight deaf hearing the lame and sick their limbs and health but that I cannot oblige the Readers belief As for the murthering Elfrida although they say that at first she was punished by Miracles as desiring to see the Tomb of her Son-in-law the Horse on which he rode would by no means carry her thither and though she tryed several yet we finde all commanded by the same stubbornness which making her more keen she resolved to go on foot yet though her will was never so strong they say she could not possibly do it However at last we need not question Elfrida's Religion and pardon since to quit and expiate her from the guilt of this horrid murther she built two Nunneries c Ambresbury Almesbury in Wiltshire and Warwell in Hampshire An easie way of recompence for rich people to ease themselves of the most crying sins And though I am not obliged either to censure one or vindicate the other yet some may justly fancie that several of those ancient buildings being thus founded upon blood and rapine might as by a judgement call a destroying hand upon them But far be it from me to oppose Monuments of Charity which without question may hugely advance the glory of God upon Earth and smooth the Founders way to Heaven And I could wish that those ancient Monuments of Piety for without doubt many of them were really so nobly spread about by our Fore-fathers liberality had either continued as good Examples or been better imploy'd at their Dissolutions But this by the way Sect. 3. The Murders of Malcolme of Duffe of Culene of Kenneth the Third Kings of Scotland ANd now let us cross the Tweed and take notice of what obedience we finde there and here we meet with Constantine the Third King of Scotland who being troubled at the great a An. 937. Victory the English had over him where most of his Nobility were slain withdrew himself from the rule
made Archbishop Nay more when we see the Popes Legates and the Archbishops and Bishops of France earnestly perswade him to humble himself to his King And again the Legates to accuse him even to the Pope of his o An. 1168. § 33. provoking the King of France and Earl of Flanders against his own Soveraign of writing lyes to his Holiness against his own King and that his words neither tended to judgement nor peace And lastly when he hears the Nobility and others of his own Nation pronounce him a p Speed § 23. Bar. anno 1164. § 3â— 31. Traytor to his face And John Harding a zealous Romanist and one that bestow'd most of his time in search into our English History above two hundred years ago could boldly thus pronounce him a Rebel He exiled then Thomas of Canterbury Chron. Chap. 1â—1 Out of England and a Feel of his liance so a Manuscript many of his aliaunce b For cause of the Churches governaunce So have I read it in an old Manuscript Arch. Seld. in Bodleâ—an Oxon. But one may perceive that the Manuscript hath herein been abused by some bodies scraping out the first copy For cause of his rebellious governaunce And as he came fro Rome by Fraunce away With language fel he prayed the Kyng that day We might suspect that he was not so good and true a Subject as some would have him however not to deserve to be c Bar. anno 1173. § 2. yoak'd with St. Thomas the Apostle or to d Ib. § 7. exceed all other Saints or to be honoured with more Devotion and e Will. Somners Antiq. of Cant. p. 248. Offerings than Christ himself When again we consider that 't is the Cause that makes a Martyr and yet all the English Bishops declared to the Pope himself that this Controversie was meerly about f Ex levi minus utili occasione Bar. anno 1164. § 47. Trifles when also we know how strangely the word Martyrdom hath been mistaken by hasty Zealots as the g Pratâ—ol l. 4. § 14. Donatists who would seek their own deaths when others desired it not and would kill others unless they would h Parsons three convers part 3. pag. 168. kill them to make them forsooth Martyrs as if they were all of i Prateol l. 14. § 16. Petilians opinion who affirm'd him a Martyr that kill'd himself for his own sins or like the k Id. l. 3. § 19. Circum cellions who would kill themselves if others would not do it for them Why should Thomas Becket be a Martyr when he might have saved his own life as is very probable either by l Guil. Gazet. Hist des Saints pag. 999. tom 2. withdrawing himself as his Monks perswaded him or by making resistance which he forbad insomuch that he would not have the doors shut or defended against them But farther yet since m Vid. Andr. Rivet Jesuita vapul p. 127 2â—8 they tell us that the people did for a long time n Bellarm. de Purgat l. 1. c. 7. worship one for a Martyr who took the pains afterwards to tell them that he was damn'd And the o An. Dâ—urâ—â—â—t â—a 8. Tâ— 14. § 4. Parisian Doctor was held a vertuous and holy man till being dead he told them he was damned and Hyrcanus whom Albertus Magnus put into his Letany is declared by p Tâ—hâ—res lib. 2. cap. 28. Serarius to be an Heretick Why should we be so confident that Thomas Becket is in Heaven as to make him the q Wâ—ll Somner p. 250. Titular Saint of Canterbury or to flock in Pilgrimage to him to have the benefit of his merits in such numbers as at one time there was about an r Id. pag. 249. hundred thousand worshippers of him in Canterbury from several places And when they tell us that presently after his death they began to Å¿ Caesarius Hist Mem. liâ— 8. c. 70. counterfeit the Reliques and experience tells us that the t Jo. Polyand disput p. 4â— c. Teeth of Moles the Bones of Mice and Cats the Tails of Beasts and suchlike have been worshipt for Reliques of great Saints Why should they be so confident of having truely his body as to bestow so much good and precious Stones upon it as u Stow pag. 576. twelve or fourteen men could scarce carry And that the world was cheated with false ware will thus appear His x Bar. anno 1172. § 17. brains were sent to be kept in St. Maria Maggiore aâ— Rome His y Erasm Colloq perigrinat Relig. pag. 270. face was set in gold and shew'd in a little Chappel behind the high-Altar at Canterbury his z Ib. p. 269. Skull in another place of the Church a Foot of his in the Vestry and a great deal of his bloud and a piece of his Crown was convey'd to a Will. Somner p. 167. St. Augustins Abbey in the same City for which the Abbey gave to the Cathedral Church several houses and a piece of ground And yet when in Henry VIII's time the Shrine was defaced there was found in it b Will. Lambard's Peramb of Kent 337. a whole intire body head and all as of one but lately dead And much of the same truth was that c Erasm ib. p. 273. upper-leather of his old Shooe which they offer'd to Travellers to London to kiss but really to beg by And lastly if that be true which they tell us viz. d In Barth Fumus Summa Aurea verb. de Canonizat § 2. that those Reliques must not be worshipt if there be any doubt that they are not really of Saints then hath the world been cheated by the supposed Reliques of Thomas Becket And I know no reason by the same rule why they should so venerate Thomas since they cannot positively swear his being in Heaven unless they will subscribe to that fond Rule in e De Purgat l. 1. cap. 9. Bellarmine that the Pope is also infallible in Canonization so that whom he declares a Saint must of consequence be in Heaven though he were in Hell before As for my self I am superstitious and curious enough in things of Antiquity but seeing of Reliques there is scarce one true amongst five thousand I am less credulous and careful To conclude with Thomas as I have no power or authority to determine of his Saintship so I shall suspect his Martyrdom and Allegiance but freely grant that he was murthered The most memorable actions fell to him upon f Matt. Paris an 1169. pag. 116. Tuesdays as some observe Thursdays have been the worst days to the Kings of England CHAP. IV. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the
Emperour Henry VI. by Pope Caelestine II's feet Sect. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes HAving wearied our selves in England though I might have inlarged how King Henry II was also troubled by the rebellions of his own sons Let us take a short turn or two beyond Seas And here I shall not tell all the circumstances how King Suercherus year 1150 II of Swedland was murdered by his ignoble groom how St. Ericus IX Monarch of the same Dominions was made away by the Treachery of his own Nobility lying open to the corruption year 1160 of the Dane nor of the untimely death of Suercherus III as a Prologue to which the Swedish Historians will tell you an odd story Jo. Loccen p. 44. of a devilish Horse flying through the Air possibly wanting Shooes the hard ground might hurt his feet and the story in part confirms this conjecture Nor shall I here inlarge how Pope Callistus II had William the great Duke of Apulia as his foot-boy and Yeoman of his a Baron an 1120. § 12. Stirrop nor how the inconstant Neapolitans imprisoned their King William I and promoted his Son Ruggieri or Roger whom they also altering their humours presently besieged in his Palace and which was more shot to death and then restored his Father William Neither will I trouble my self to unriddle the doubt in the Polish Historians concerning the death of their good King Casimire year 1194 II though the general Opinions that he was poysoned at a Feast and these verses of their Chronologer testified as much Mista dedit domino scelerati aconita ministri Inter solennes perfida dextra dapes Alex. Guagnin Rerum Polon tom 1. p. 90. A wicked Varlet void of grace or fear Mixt deadly poyson ' mongst his Royal cheer And here I might also tell you how the furious Venetian murdered their innocent Duke Vitalis Michele II because the well-meaning man was not as successful against his deceitful enemies year 1194 as they would have had him as if ill Fortune were onely the companions of knavery Sect. 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery BUt waving these let us see how the Popes lord it over the Emperours as if they had been their Vassals or Slaves but the others by I know not what whim the Infallible disposers of the world And so I warrant you they are not a little proud of Cardinal Gratianus his answer to King Henry II of England when he seemed somewhat angry at the Popes actions against him a Domine noli minari nos enim nullas minas timemus quia de talis curia sumus quae consuevit Imperare Imperatoribus Regibus Baron an 1169. § 12. Sir Threaten not we fear no menaces because we belong to that Court which useth to command both Emperours and Kings And the truth is by degrees they intended to sweep up all the Imperial Priviledges to themselves and as formerly they had made a good progress so they now continue for here we finde Pope Helvic Chron. an 1107. Paschal II to alter the date of the Papal writings for whereas formerly they used to be dated with the year of the Emperours Raign he rejects that form and subscribes the year of his own Popedom which custom hath been since continued by his successors But the chief of all was the pretty conceited custom of their Crowning the Emperours which as they had hitherto several times carryed on under pretty pretences and a specious awe of their Papercensures so would they not willingly leave off that design making thereby an Argument that none can be Emperour but of their Coronation or Approbation and from their making drawing out another of their power in nulling or disposing And thus had they awed or gull'd the greatest Monarchs to their Lure Thus the Emperour Lotharius II who succeeded Henry V meeting Pope Innocent II at Liege in Germany became the b Yeoman a Baron an 1131. § 9. to his Stirrop in one hand carrying a Switch as if it were to keep off the throng and with the other leading his Holyness his white Palfrey And thus did the Pope permit the Emperour to wait upon him in this servile posture on foot And two years after he guarding the said Pope into Italy was by him Crown'd in the Lateran upon whose walls he caused to be painted himself sitting in his Pontificial Chair and Lotharius on his knees receiving Sigon de Reg. Ital. Krantz Metrop l. 6. c. 35. the Crown of the Empire from his hands with these wise Verses Rex venit ante fores jurans prius urbis honores Post homo fit Papae sumit quo dante Coronam The King doth come before the Gates Swears th' Customs of the Town Then him the Pope his Liege-men makes And after doth him Crown Sect. 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted LEaving Germany I might step into France and tell you a story how Alberic the Archbishop of Bourges dying this Pope Innocent II taking upon him to be Lord of all Nations consecrated one Peter his dear friend as Prelate of that City against the Kings will which so inraged his Majesty viz. Lewes VII that he publickly Maâ—t Paris an 1146. and solemnly sware that the said Peter should never enter into that City Upon which as my Author saith the Pope Interdicted the King insomuch that into whatsoever City Town or place the King enter'd there was no Divine Service said And this Interdiction continued for three years time and then the King was forced to submit and not onely admit of the said Peter to be Archbishop but for a farther Pennance was to visit the Holy-Land Thus the Thief would steal Rushes to keep his hand in ure and the Pope will take any occasion to trample upon Temporal Princes so that the Vicar takes more upon him than either Christ or St. Peter would do And thus thanks to his Holyness for making the King infallibly forsworn the Oath though hasty being lawful he having for ought that I know as much power then in his Dominions as the French King hath at this time who will not let the Pope thrust Bishops into his Cities Sect. 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the Emperour Henry VI by Pope Caelestine II's feet BUt well may the Kings of France indure this when they see far greater Ignominies done to the Emperour of whom passing Conrade III let us see what was done to Frederick I sirnamed from his red beard by the Italians Barbarossa Being chosen in Germany he must trudge to Rome too to be Crown'd or else all the fat was in the fire And now was Pope Adrian or Hadrian IV born at Abbots-Langley neer Kings-Langley in Hartfordshire and was first call'd Nicholas Break-spear the onely Englishman that ever was Pope though a Apparat. ad Hist Scot. p. 48. Dempster would willingly hook him in to be
formerly chose and sworn King of the Romans at which Innocent greatly rejoyced though he Pet. Mexia fol. 423. could not but know that this reason was as valid when he was formerly so zealous for Otho and resolute against all others whatsoever Frederick comes into Germany is Crowned at Aix Otho makes what opposition he can but is overthrown and so forced to withdraw and neglect the Empire And thus being deposed again Frederick remain'd as Supreme and so had himself with the Popes consent the second time d Spon anno 1215. § 4. Crown'd at Aix In the mean time was held a Great Council at the Lateran whereby Transubstantiation got a good footing and Temporal Princes were to be by the Pope deposed and their Subjects absolved from their Allegiance if they neglected to extirpate out of their Dominions that which the Pope call'd Heresie Otho having been three years turned out dyed but they say so penitently that he made the a Bzov. an 128. § 19. Spondâ—n § 7 8. Skullions of his Kitchen tread upon his neck and though he remained a while in Purgatory yet at last he was help'd into Heaven Nor need we question his sanctity seeing as they tell us being sick and weak his side opened to let the Eucharist fly in and then closed again and I believe it was as true in him as it was in Bonaventure Sect. 3. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Frederick the Second FRederick II being thus Emperour goeth to Rome where he â—220 was Crowned by Honorius III but this peace lasted not long Frederick having been abused by several in Italy pretended that the Pope took their parts On the other side Honorius would have the Emperour to go and reduce the Holy-land Frederick pretended to retreeve and regain the Territories that formerly had belonged to the Empire Honorius affirm'd they now belong'd to the Church and St. Peter And thus bandying to and fro some say that Honorius threw about his Excommucations Honorius dying Gregory IX succeeds and threatens Frederick year 1227 with Excommunication if he set not sail for the Holy-land by such a time The Emperour neglecting is Excommunicated and so seeing no remedy sails to Syria where he makes peace 122â— with the Sultan having Hierusalem and other places deliver'd to him And yet is Gregory b Pap Greg. â—â—nus moloâ—re ferens quod Rom. Imp. Excommunicatus Rebellis ad terram Sanctam transierat Mat. Paris anno 1229. angry that he went thither being Excommunicated and a Rebel against him and so intends to dethrone him sends into Asia to the c Nanâ—â—er pag. 818. Hospitallers and Templers that they should no way assist Frederick but look upon him as a publick Enemy who accordingly endeavour'd to d Matt. Pariâ— p 35â— betray him to the Saracen but the Souldan out of a Noble Spirit scorned Treachery and discovered it to the Emperour The Pope in the mean time having as he thought â—ut him out work enough to do in the Holy-land resolves to take opportunity in his absence so he sends into England e Mat. Paris p. 361. accusing of him of horrible-terrible Piccadiglio's that he being f Pag. 368. Excommunicated should enter the Church at Hierusalem and be Crowned and then go to his Palace before his Souldiers with his Crown on and then inviting several of the Noble Saracens to a Feast did for recreation-sake let some Christian women dance before them And to aggravate these how he had taken some Church-monies probably to pay his Army c. but the burden of the lamentation was that he might have some English moneys to help him in his Wars against the Emperour whom he thinks it g Justum esse fidei Christianae necessarium â—t tam valiâ—ius Ecclesiae persecutor a faâ—â—u Imporii depelleâ—etur Mat. Paris Ib. just and necessary to have deposed from the Empire And what vast sums these canting stories obtain'd is easily guess'd when in England Wales and Ireland the very Church-Ornaments and Plate were sold or pawn'd to satisfie the a Matt. Paris anno 1229. pag. 361. 362. anno 1234. p. 400 401 40â— 554 566 613. 622 623 641 645 655 658 659 660. 667 691 699 700 716 722 728 818 875 956. Nic. Harpsfield Hist Eccles pag. 477. Fox Tom. 1. pag. 369 370. avarice of Rome for if they gave not presently the Nuntio threatned Excommunications and Interdictions such a childish fear had the Papal Censures then possess'd men with and to such an height of tyranny and impudence to say no worse had the Bishops of Rome stuffed out and swell'd themselves to as if they had a Divine right over all the Moneys and Riches in the World and thus is the case alter'd Christ and St. Peter rather then not pay their dues and tribute to their Temporal Prince would be at the expence of a Miracle but now the Kings and Princes must beggar and ruine themselves and Subjects to satisfie the avarice of the Bishop of Rome who pretends to be but a Vicar to the former for if you deny this he hath an hobgobling in his Budget to boggle you to your ruine here or damnation hereafter though wise Kings should not regard such Censures upon such unjust grounds and from those who have no Authority over them Gregory having thus got Money enough falls upon those Lands which the Emperour pretended to in Italy making the people b Naucler pag 818. rebel and withdraw themselves from their b Allegiance whereby he took many places Frederick hearing of this Papal dealing having made peace with the Souldan resolves to return The Pope informed of this c Matt. Paris anno 1229. pag 364. way-lays him hoping to seize upon him when he little thought of it but Frederick having notice escaped all his snares and landed safely in Sicily and having strengthned himself regain'd some places again At last a d 1230. peace is made between him and the Pope Not not longer after the Pope and the Romans fell out insomuch that Gregory was glad to leave the City but here the Emperour e Matt. Paris anno 1â—34 pag. 408. 409. helps him at a dead lift joyning his Forces to the Pope's whereby the Romans were bang'd to the purpose But let us see how the Pope requites this good turn The Milanois a little after rebelling against the Emperour he resolves as it became him to reduce those Traitors to obedience Gregory perswades him from that design and would have him again forsooth to turn his Army into the Holy-land But Frederick wisely thought Matt. Par. an 1236. pag. 433. it was fitting to pacifie all at home first and did not a little marvail that the Pope should interest himself for such perfidious people But for all his wondering Gregory assists the Milanois sends them a great deal of money and for further incouragement promiseth them more the Milanois take courage but whilst the Emperour is engaged against them
English Clergy and that almost all his Nobility would fall from him having contrary to their Allegiance ingaged so to do And therefore perswaded him to submit himself to the Pope to hinder those inconveniences and thereby to keep himself a King The King mâ—inly troubled at these treacherous dealings of his own Subjects not knowing where to turn himself was I know not how terrified and overperswaded into an Ignominious condescention to the Pope by admitting of Stephen Langton to be Aâ—chbishop and the rest of his Rebellious Subjects to their former conditions and then unkingly to resign up the Kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope by taking off his Crown kneeling giving it to Pandolphus and laying the Royal Scepter Robe Sword and Ring at the Legates feet which Pandolf kept five days and then allow'd the King to have them again A thousand Marks â—â— Silver he also paid there for the Pope which the Legate as in a triumph trad upon for we must not think that he despi 〈…〉 â—nd left it behind him 〈…〉 so having thus gotten all that heart could wish takes off the 〈…〉 ict and lets England turn Christian once again Though 〈…〉 us that King John's submissions were of no force to 〈…〉 erity no King having power to give away his King 〈…〉 ake it tributary to a Forreigner no way akin to the 〈…〉 Nor could a Christian Bishop by following our Saviou 〈…〉 s whose Foundation lay onely on Spirituals thus make it hâ—â— business and wicked haughty design to make all Kings and Kingdoms Tributary or subject to his deposing and disposing of But for a farther nullity of King John's grant and concession I shall refer you to Mr. a Hist of Popes Usurp p. â—0â— â—91 2â—2 â—0 pag. â—20 Prynne And as for this Innocent III who thus domineer'd over Temporal Princes though these actions were enough to tell you what he was yet Matthew Paris in plain words will inform you that he was b Super omâ—es mortaâ—es 〈…〉 osus 〈…〉 suâ—â—â—bus pe 〈…〉 que sititor insatiaâ—ilis ad â—â—nia scelera pro praemüs datis vâ—l pâ—oâ—â—sis cerâ—um 〈…〉 Mâ—â— Paris pag. 245. the proudest and ambitious man in the world most greedy and covetous of Silver for which he was apt to do all manner of wickedness When the Pope had thus as he thought obtain'd King John to be his Vassal and so the Kingdom his he took his part after against his Enemies thereby the better to preserve what he had at last got in England And so passing by the several Rebellions against the King by his own Subjects their renouncing their Allegiance to him and declaring themselves subject to Lewes of France and suchlike King John dyed but the cause of his death is not agreed upon some saying a surfeit others grief and others that he was poysoned by the Monks of Swinsted-Abby in Lincolnshire who were of the Cistercian Order who thought themselves opprest by King John Father c Wâ—r◠〈…〉 pag. 〈…〉 â—20 Parsons is very furious against any that shall say this King was poysoned nor will he grant any Authority for it before Caxton and Trevisa though by his favour besides those ancient Authors mentioned by Speed and a Fox â—ryn pag. 366. others I my self have seen several old b Fol. F. â—2 fol. R. 67. Qâ—arto l. 35. Arch. Cant. in Bâ—bl Bodleian Oxon. Chron. Antique in English Verse Manuscript lib. Digb numb 196. Manuscript Digb numb 186. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Manuscript-Histories of England writ before Caxton who expresly declare the manner of his poysoning But be it as it will 't is certain that it is no Protestant invention but first recorded by Romanists themselves Sect. 2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth and Erick the Seventh Kings of Denmark HAving entertain'd you somewhat long in England we shall be the shorter abroad and first looking Northward into Denmark Ericus VI Henry was murdered by the contrivance of his Brother Abel The story in short thus Abel longing for year 1250 the Crown took an occasion when the King once went to visit year 1251 him to entertain him with all manner of love and respect but while he was playing at Chess or Tables with a Nobleman Krantz Dan. lib. 7. some Souldiers appointed rush into the Chamber take out the King carry him on Ship-board cut off his head tye some weight to his body and throw it into the Sea not far from Sleswick And not long after this was King Erick VII of the same Kingdom year 1286 murdered in bed by his own Subjects receiving upon his body about LVI wounds Sect. 3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second Emperour of Constantinople I Have not troubled you a long while with the Eastern Empi e because they would object it not to be of the Fellowship with Rome but now a word or two will not be amiss Baldwin II being Emperour of Constantinople and a c Tho. Bozius de jure status pag. 287 288. lawful one too as they confess was by force without any pretence or right thrust out of it by Michael Palaeologus who to add wickedness to wickedness contrary to his Oath put out the eyes of John the young Heir yet because there is no villany without some sign and pretence of sanctity d An. 1259. § 6. Bzovius flyeth out in commendation of his Piety and Holiness because when he was about this Rebellion he had the Image of the Virgin Mary carryed before him into Constantinople Baldwin complains to other Princes and he is like to have assistance Pope e Spond an 1261. § 10. Vrban IV being for him too against Michael Upon this Palaeologus is in a peck of troubles fearing to have more Enemies upon him than he can cope with and in this sad condition he findes no remedy like making the Pope his friend A strange attempt to fancie that the Infallible holy Father would have any friendship with such a Rebel but on he goeth cunningly pulls out his bait and sends to the Pope that a b Sâ—ond an 1263. § 6 7. Union might be made between the Graecian and Roman Churches and which must not but be brag'd of he gave him all the finest good morrows and glorious Titles of c Bzev an 1203. § 13. Holiness Father of Fathers Prince of all Priests Vniversal Doctor of the Church c. Pope Vrban at the receipt of this Letter is almost mad for joy d Id. anno 1264. § 2. writes back to Palaeologus adorning him with all the glorious Titles he can think of not a little proud that now there was hopes for inlargement of the Popes Dominions by his e Sub unus pasioris regimine sole governing the Eastern as well as the Western Churches a Sway and Authority which for many Ages the Popes had earnestly gaped after In the mean time Vrban IV dying Clement IV succeeds with whom the same League was driven
on but some might have thought that all would have been spoil'd when the Pope perceived Michael to play the jugler and underhand to f Id. anno 1266. § 9. plot with Romes Enemies and that all his fair pretences were onely to get the ruine of his Lord Baldwin But no such matters for if the Pope got but his design he would wink at the others petty contrivances But this Pope ruled not long and after him the See being void for above two years by reason of the wrangling of the then few Cardinals no great matter was done onely Michael to look to himself At last Gregory X is set in the Roman Chair In the mean time Baldwin to strengthen himself marrieth his Son to the Daughter of Charles King of Sicily or Naples Charles seeing himself so neer related to an Empire resolves to gain it to which purpose he rais'd many Forces This puts Michael to his wits-ends in this distress scarce knowing whither to turn himself at last he knew the Pope used to be good Friends to such as he at a dead lift and therefore he sends to Gregory X newly made Pope to have the Union between the two Churches setled provided he would g Modo Caâ—olâ— expeditionem averteret Bzov. anno 1271. § 5. hinder Charles from his attempts against him And so the story of the Union goeth on not belonging to my purpose In short Michael Palaeologus must be true Emperour of Constantinople and Baldwin rejected nor must we think any injury done in this onely because it pleas'd this Gregory X so to order it and of this Example and Jurisdiction h De jure status l. 3. c. 4. p. 287 288. Thomas Bozius is not a little proud and how should the Pope who is infallible and hath power over all Kingdoms do injustice or wrong Sect. 4. The beheading of Conrado the young King of Naples HEre I might inlarge in relating the Popes Usurpations over the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily But I shall only instance in the misfortune of young Conradino who without any shew of Reason or Justice was basely deprived by the plots and contrivance of Pope Clement IV who putting his Oar in another mans Boat and year 1266 medling with that with which he had nothing to do very impudently gives these Kingdoms to the French Charles of Anjou and accordingly Crowns him King though I wonder how either he or St. Peter came to have any right to dispose of those Territories But thus is Theft Robbery and Treason sanctified and made legal by the Popes fiat Young Conradinus marcheth out of Germany to redeem his right Inheritance knowing none but Fools or Knaves would value such an Antichristian Donation Clement seeing Conradino not willing to loose his Kingdom sends to him to desist or else he will curse him with Bell book and Candle and prohibits all people to assist him Conradine knowing such Censures not to have been year 1268 justified to maintain wickedness marcheth on then the Pope falls to his Dog-tricks Excommunicates and deprives him and all those who take his part and qâ—its their Subjects from their Allegiance And because Conradine would not desist from his lawful engagement Bzovius in a fury shoots his Bolt and calls him an a Insolens juveâ—â—s an 1268. § 2. Insolent youth The young Prince thus put to it makes his lamentable case known to the World in which his Secretary or the Historian doth sometimes play the quibler He complain'd how Pope Innocent Naucler gener 43. p. 839. had abus'd him an b Sibi innocenti nocuerit Innocent for Conradus his Father King of Scicily by will left him a young thing in the care of the Church and then that Pope Innocent under the pretence of a Tutor seiz'd upon the whole Kingdom then endeavour'd to extinguish his name distributing his Lands amongst his own Kinsfolks â—hat Manfredo pretending to be his friend had cheated him too That Innocent dying Pope Alexander succeeded who also abused him inviting others to take possession of his Kingdom That Pope Urban dealt very c Sibi â—â—erat â—â—urbanus inurbanely perswading Manfredo to take the Kingdom to him but this bargain failing he would have Charles to undertake the business That this Pope dying the next viz. Clement had used all d Conâ—â—a â—um inclementer egerit inclemencie againct him setting up a e Antiregem false King Excommunicating him and depriving him of his lawful Title But see the misfortune of War the Armies of Conradinus and Charles meet Conradinus is overcome he and Frederick Duke of Austria are taken carryed to Naples and there imprisoned Then a f Convocatis ex toto Regno Syndicis Civitatum Spond anno 1269. § 7. Parliament or bloudy Rump call'd where King Conradinus and the Duke are condemn'd to dye a Scaffold is set up publickly in the City and for more pomp cover'd with Silk-Tapistry the two innocent Princes are had thither Frederick of Anstria is first beheaded whose head Conradinus kisseth then the young King having declared the injustice vindicated his own innocencie and pronounced a Some say Peter of Arragon Frederick some say Henry of Castile his Aunts Son to be the Heir to the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily as a token of which Investiture he threw his Glove amongst the people kneel'd down and had his head cut off Thus dyed Conradinus and Frederick neither of them being eighteen years old and to add more ignominy their Corps were not permitted to be buried in Consecrated ground because not absolved from the Popes Excommunication yet they tell us that Frederick of Austria's b Bzov. an 1268. § 11. head call'd upon the Virgin Mary after it was cut off and that a wonderful Mark remains in the place where this execution was done That the Pope perswaded to this cruelty I cannot say positively though c Page 841. Nauclerus hints as much and others affirm d Page 841. that his advice being asked about it he return'd this answer that d Vita Conradini mors Caroli mors Conradini vita Caroli Conradines life is Charles his death and Conradines death is Charles his life However it was no sooner was this wicked act done but the Heads-man was also slain that he might not boast of his spilling such Royal Bloud A poor come off as if those who pronounced judgement by this act could clear themselves from the guilt And some make it the worse and with reason because Charles himself was a spectator all the while to this bloudy Execution Though certainly the Pope might have saved all this bloudshed by permitting young and innocent Conradine to possess that which was left him by his Father and how unjustly his life was taken away d Page 841 853. Nauclerus will inform you CHAP. III. The troubles of Philip the Fourth sirnamed Le bel King of France with the pride of Pope Boniface the Eighth THe first thing
that to be of no force and do revoke them as null And we think all to be z z Some copâ—es read fatuos others Haereticos Fools or Hereticks who think otherwise Dated at the Lateran c. To which was returned this following answer Philip by the Grace of God King of the French to Boniface bearing himself a Pope little health or none at all Let your great a a Sciat tua maxima fatuitas Foolship understand that in Temporal affairs we are subject to no man That the Collation of Churches and Prebendaries belong to us by Royal Prerogative and the fruits thereof during their vacancy That the Collations already made or hereafter to be made are of good force and validity and that we will defend the possessors thereof against all men reputing all to be fools and madmen who think otherwise Given at Paris c. The Pope seeing the King resolute for the priviledges of his Kingdom goeth another way to work b Jo de Bussieres Tom. 2. p. 220 221. Jo â—uâ—â—us p. 211. Spondan an â—â—03 §. 11 stirs the people of Flanders to rebell against him desires the King of England to fall upon him curses excommunicates interdicts and by his fond censures deposeth the King absolves his subjects from their Allegiance perswades them to rise against their Soveraign intreats Albert Emperour of Germany to invade and seise upon his Dominions which he giveth to the said Albert for winning and keeping And because the Vniversity at Paris stood for their King he declared them to be no University nulling all their priviledges prohibiting all exercises c. The King seeing the Pope thus madly to run on against him summons a Parliament where the King is vindicated and the Pope accused of Heresie Nigromancy Simony Sodomy Murther Vsury Vncleanness c. all which Articles being too long for this place I shall refer you to a Acts and Mon tom 1. p. 448 449 450 451 452 453. Fox and the two late Volumes of the b Traites des droit libertes de l'eglise Gallicane Tom. 2. pag. 140 141 14â— liberties of the Gallican Church collected and set forth by the learned Frenchman Mons de Pais Puteanus But for all this the next Pope but one clears him and makes him a good man In this Parliament the King appeals from the Pope to the next Council But this trouble ended by the suddain death of the Pope though after what manner Authors will not agree some say by a Feaver others grief and many affirm by despair if not madness yet c Fuâ—enti similis Spond an 130◠§ 13. Marian hist Hispan l. 15. c. 6. next door to it However it was considering with what subtlety he attain'd the Popedome with what pride and arrogancy he domineer'd and his talked-of strange death he procured this Proverb to be fastned upon him d Intra vit ut vulpes regnavit ut leo mortuâ—s est ut canis He entred like a Fox ruled like a Lyon and dyed like a Dog Lucretius describes the Poetical Monster thus Prima leo postrema draco media ipsa Chimaera And of this Pope thus another alludes Ingreditur vulpes leo pontificat canis exit Jo. Rubeus p. 258. Et sic revera nova dicitur illa Chimaera I have formerly given you the Character of this Pope according to the Romanists themselves and for farther proof you shall hear Platina himself speak Pope Boniface e Qui imperatoribus â—egibus principibus nationibus populis terrorem potius quam Religionem injicere conabatur quique dare regna â—â—auferre pellerehomines reducere pro arbit â—â— animi conabatur aurum undique conquisitum plus quam dici potest sitiens Platina vit Bonifacii VIII rather endeavour'd and studied how to terrifie Emperours Kings Princes Nations and People then to promote Religion he strived and endeavoured to give and take away Kingdoms to trample upon all men according to his pleasure being covetous of wealth beyond all report This judgement of Platina is also confirm'd by f Gener. 44. p. 870. Nauclerus and his own actions will testifie as much for having appointed a Jubilee the first day he appears in his Pontificalibus but the next day he shews himself in an g Krantz Saxon. l. 8. c. 36. Cusâ— nian vit Albert Imperial habit with a Crown on having a naked sword carried before him crying out h Luke 22 3â— Behold two swords childishly alluding to his own blockish i Extra Commun de major obed c. unam sanctam comment upon the Apostles and our Saviours words as if the two Swords there mentioned implyed the Pope of Rome to have spiritual and temporal authority over all men Another story they tell of him Jacobus de Voragine Arch-bishop of Genoa that great writer of pretty miracles dying Porchetto Spinola succeeded and being at Rome on an Ash-Wednesday he amongst others fell down at the Popes Feet to be signed on the Fore-head with a Cross of holy Ashes Boniface thinking him to be his Enemy alters the Platina Nauclerus Coquaeus Tom. 2. pag. 178. Spond anno 1296. § 11. Scripture telling him thus Remember that thou art a Gibellin and with the Gibellins thou shalt return to Ashes and so cast the Ashes in his eyes and deprived him of his Archbishoprick but gave it him again when he heard that he was mistaken in the man At this action a Pag. 1005. Coeffeteau is a little troubled and doth confess that if it be true as there is no reason to doubt of it that it was a kinde of Sacriledge that cannot be excused Of this Boniface who before his Popedom was call'd Benedict one made these Verses Nomina bina bona tibi sunt praeclarus amictus Eberhardi Annal. an 1303. apud Hen. Caâ—â—s Anâ—â—que lecâ—â—on Tom. 1. Papa Bonifacius modo sed quondam Benedictus Ex re nomen habe Benefac Benedic Benedicte Aut cito perverte Malefac Maledic Maledicte But for diversion sake you may here peruse the Rimes of John Lydgate the old Monk of St. Edmondsbury Among these wofull Princys thre The fall of Pâ—â—nces lib. 9 Which shewyd theym so uggly of their chere Pope Boniface by great adversite The VIII of that name gan to approach nere A thousand IIIC accompted was the yere Fro Cryst's birth by computation Whan that he made his lamentacion This same Pope caught occasion Which undre Petre kept governaunce To Interdict all the Region Time of King Philip regnynge tho in France Direct Bulls down into Constaunce To a Nicholaus Benefractus Archdeacon of Constance in lower Normandy being sent by the Pope to carry the Orders to Interdict the King was seized up on at Tryers and imprisonâ—d Nicolas made by Boneface Archdeacon of the same place Of holy Church the Prelates nygh ech on Busshoppys of Fraunce felly have declared Prevynge by b Of these Articles against him I spake before
of Hungary what dissentions Bzov. 1327. Spond 1330 and broyls that Kingdom was troubled withal by the Popes intermedling with their affairs betwixt whom and the Natives there was no small strife whether they or he should nominate the King What great danger their King Charles I. was in by the treason of one Felicianus who entred the Presence-Chamber draweth his Sword wounds the King cuts off four of the Queens fingers and if he had not been slain by Johannes Palochus had designed to have murdred the King Queen and their Children And from him might I go to Charles II who Lewes I. dying and leaving his Eldest Daughter Mary for Queen by the instigation of some Nobles cometh from Naples and thrust her from the Throne Nor did his injoy this honour long for Elizabeth the Widow of Lewes and Mother to Mary takes her opportunity and invites him to a private meeting where he was slain or poysoned in revenge of which Johannes Banus de Horvath hath the Heads of the Assassinates cut off and Elizabeth drowned in the next River and had proceeded against Mary too but that he was terrified by the approach of Sigismond Marquess of Brandeberg her Husband with a great Army to her relief Which Sigismund was then made King of Hungary and was after that Emperour of Germany CHAP. V. 1. The deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the largeness of their Capuchin or Hood and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat Sect. 1. The Deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England BUt leaving these mischiefs abroad if we look at home we shall not finde England better or more Christian yet as much Roman Catholick as their Neighbours Here now ruleth Edward II sirnamed of Carnarvan in Wales the place of his birth and son to Edward I. A Prince too apt to be abused by his self-ended Courtiers and as the Nation thought too much complying to the Dictates of the Spencers by which means he obtain'd the displeasure of some of the people and which was more several of the Bishops turn'd his Enemies but which was most of all his own Queen Isabel Daughter to Philip le Bel King of France was his greatest Enemy and made it her whole business to procure his deposition and ruine And to make the way more easie for this their wicked design they had spread abroad that Pope John XXII had a Bzov. an 1326. § 10. Spond § 3. absolved all the English of their Allegiance to their King Edward A brave World and Faith that people should be so Antichristian as to think the Pope had really any such power but when the Bishops of Rome had the Impudence to affirm as much well might the simple people be gull'd and cheated by such Popes and such a faith to any Villany or Rebellion The Nation thus abused the King was not able to defend himself whereupon the Queen and the rest march boldly to Oxford where Adam de Orlton Bishop of Hereford preacheth to them a Comfortable but wicked Sermon taking this for his Text My head grieveth me From which words he declared to them that a bad King ought to be removed though by the same rule his head ought to be cut off for aking From thence they marched to London where they were joyfully received and a Parliament being held King Edward II is judged unfit for the rule and so declared deposed and his Eldest Son Edward III the Father being at last forced to consent made King the Archbishop of Canterbury making a Sermon as bad as the former from these words Vox Populi vox Dei When the King had thus been forced to resign being a close Prisoner some Lords and others being sent down to him at Kenilworth Castle to procure his resignation S. William Trussel Knight and Speaker to the Parliament thus bespake the King I William Trussel in name of all men of the Lond of Englond Trevâ—sa 17. cap. 43. and of alle the Parlement Procuratour I resigne to the Edwarde the homage that was made to the somtyme And from this time forthward I dyffye the and a Deprive pryve the of all Royal Power and I shall never be tendaunt to the as for Kynge ofter this time And then Sir Thomas Blunt Steward of the Kings Houshold brake his white Rod resigned his Office and thereby signified that the Kings Houshold had free liberty to depart and serve Edward no more King Edward II being thus deprived of his Dominions Isabel Tho. de la Moore Hist de vita Morâ—e Eaw II. Jo Stow's Chron. Galfrid le Bakâ—r de Swynabroke câ—er de vâ— a morte Regum Edwardorum I. II. fol. 107. Manuscript Cod. XL super A. B. Aâ—t in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. his Queen who is thought to hate him mortally thinks he is too well used at Kenilworth Castle by Henry Earl of Leicester his Kinsman and therefore with the advice of the Bishop of Hereford he is thence removed and delivered to the custody of Sir Thomas Gurney and Sir John Maltravers his mortal Enemies who convey him to Corf-Castle thence to Bristol and so to Barkly Castle In which private journeys the King indured all manner of ignominy and scorn by these two villanous Knights as they made him ride bare-headed would scarce allow him any sleep or victuals and contradicted and cross'd him in every thing One time Gurney made him a Crown of Hay and put it on his Head and crying with the rest Tprut avant Syr King and Fare forth Syr King i e. go on Another time they would shave as well the hair of his head as his Beard for which purpose they made him light from his jaded Horse set him on a Mole-hill took water out of a Ditch close by saying that should serve for that time which so overwhelmed the King with grief that he told them That would they nould they he would have warm water for his head and so at their inhumanity began to weep and shed tears plentifully And when he was a Prisoner in Barkly Castle they used him much after the same way though Thomas Barkley then Lord of the place greatly pittyed his sad condition wishing it in his power to redress it At last Queen Isabel and her sure friend in mischief Adam de Orlton upon advice thought it best to have him taken out of the world whereupon they chid his keepers for keeping him so delicately and gave hints enough to discover their meaning but the most cunning of all was the direction which the crafty Bishop of Hereford sent down to them in these words Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est To kill Edward will not to fear it is good Or thus rendred into verse by Stow To seek to shed King
Edwards bloud Refuse to fear I think it good All which being written without any Point or Comma carries a double sence like the Pagan Oracles either to kill or save Edward by which means the knavish Bishop could interpret it for his own vindication if he were questioned for it Gurney and Maltravers receive the direction and interpret it according as it was desired and so they bend their studies to procure his Murther Once they indeavoured to stifle him by the stench of Carkasses and suchlike Carrion smell but that failing they went a sure way to work for one night they assisted with some fifteen other villains rush'd into his chamber he being in bed and with many Feather-beds and Tables laid upon him they smothered him and for more sure work and torment they thâ—ust an hot piece of Iron into his bowels through a certain instrument like a Glyster-pipe in at his fundament and that instrument they used that no wound might be found upon him As for the Murtherers they found contrary to their expectations Isabel and the Bishop of Hereford their mortall enemies construing their directions for the preservation of the King by which means they indeavoured to vindicate themselves to the people but Gurney and Maltravers being thus overpower'd by their own Patrons fled for it Such another like double-meaning sentence as this are we told of concerning Gertrude Queen of Hungary and Mother to S. Elizabeth Jo. Fox Mon. Tom. 1 pag. 348. so famous amongst the Germans Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego contradico To kill the Queen will ye not to fear it is good and if all men consent thereunto yet not I I my self doe stand against it And these devillish knaveries and double dealings possibly took their first thoughts from suchlike delusions as these of the Pagan Oracles let Satan or Man be the inventor and speaker Ibis redibis nunquam per bella peribis Thus Croesus that wealthy King of the Lydians was ruined by trusting to this Oracle Croesus Halyn penetrans magnam pervertit opum vim as Iyrrhus King of Epire was by this of Apollo Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse But to leave Heathen Fables let us return to Romanish Rebellions Sect. 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second ANd here passing by King Edward III so famous in Wars and that impudent Rebellion of Wat Tylor Jack Straw and such-like beggerly Villains in King Richard II's time a Prince unfortunate to be left to rule very young and under bad counsel which brought him into some inconveniencies in his after-Reign which procured him the ill will of many whereby he was made more capable of loosing not onely his Kingdom but his life For having Reigned some twenty two years and whilst he was in Ireland in quelling the Rebellion there Henry Bullenbrook Duke of Hereford and Lancaster landed in York-shire whither most of the Nobility and Bishops flockt to him raiterously owning him as their Lord and to make his way more easie Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury preached to the people against King Richard and which Rebellion never can want shew'd a Bull procured Stow p. 3â—0 from Rome promising remission of sins to all those who should aid the said Henry against King Richard for which treason year 1339 they should be placed in Paradise Brave Papal Doctrine from the Infallible Tripos of the Romish Bishop who is priviledged with an unerring spirit By suchlike irreligious tricks as these the Duke increased to an hundred thousand strong seizeth upon the King who upon this news was return'd out of Ireland hath him up to London where a Parliament being call'd he is overperswaded to resign his Crown which the Duke claimeth and hath it The Archbishop J. Haywardes Hist Hen. IV. pag. 96. 1 Sam. 9. 17. Behold the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall reign over my people of Canterbury making a Sermon upon this Text Henry being Crown'd King Richard was removed to Pontfract in York-shire where he dyed some hint as if for grief he pined away others that every day he had good cheer set before him but not permitted taste of it but the common Opinion is that and by the desire and hints too of Henry he was murdered violently by b Spond an 1â—99 § 8. Wâ—ll â—â—xâ—on coâ—â—â—uat of Polycion lib. ult cap 9. Weapons the wicked Author of which they say to be Sir Pierâ— of Exton a Knight and favourite of Henries However it was for diversion sake take it thus from the Poems of Samuel Daniel one held to be very knowing in our English Histories and Antiquities c The Wars of York and Lancâ—â—ter Book II. § 99. And now the whilst d King Râ—chard II and his Queen Isabel meeting together and lameâ—ting their conditions these Princes sorrowed Forward ambition came so near her end Sleeps not nor slips th' occasion offered T' accomplish what he did before intend A Parliament is forthwith summoned In Richards name whereby they might pretend A form to grace disorders and to show Of holy right the right to overthrow 100. And could not Majesty be ruined But with the fearful power of her own name And must abus'd obedience thus be led With powerful Titles to consent to shame Could not Confusion be established But Form and Order must confirm the same Must they who his Authority did hate Yet use his stile to take away his State 101. Order how much predominant art thou That if but onely thou pretended art How soon deceiv'd mortality doth bow To follow thine as still the better part 'T is thought that reverent Form will not allow Iniquity or Sacred Right pervert Within our souls since then thou dwel'st so strong How ill do they that use thee to do wrong 102. So ill did they that in this formal course Sought to establish a deformed right Who might as well effected it by force But that men hold it wrong what 's wrought by might Offences urg'd in publick are made worse The shew of Justice aggravates despight The Multitude that look not to the Cause Rest satisfi'd so it be done by Laws 103. And now doth Envy Articles object Of Rigor Malice private favourings Exaction Riot Falshood and neglect Crimes done but not to b' answered by Kings Which Subjects may complain but not correct And all these faults which Lancaster now brings Against a King must be his own when he By urging others sins a King shall be 104. For all that was most odious was devis'd And publish'd in these a 32. or 38. Articles abroad All th' errors of his youth were here compriz'd Calamity with Obloquie to load And more to make him publickly despiz'd Libels Invectives Rayling Rimes were sow'd Among the Vulgar to prepare his fall With more applause and good consent of all § § § 107. Vpon these Articles in Parliament So heinous made inforc'd and urg'd so
Pazzi wounded him in other places and by chance himself also in the Leg. Giuliano thus slain Bandini slew Francesco Noxi a great friend to the Medici In the mean time Antonio Volterra and Steffano the Priest assault Lorenzo and wound him a little in the Throat and thus hurt he escapes from them into the Vestry And the Cardinal retires himself to the high Altar In the mean time the Archbishop Salviata with James Pazzi and a number of their gang went to the Palace he and some others going up leaving the rest below and found the Senate sat down to dinner Cesare Petrucei that year Gonfaloniere di Guistitia perceiving some mischief by the Archbishops carriage and amazed countenance for now when he should be desperate he began to be fearful boldly thrust Salviati out of the Châ—mber and seiz'd upon Giacopo de Pazzi by the hair of his head and delivered him to the Serjeants The rest of the Senators at this taking alarm with what weapons they had fall upon those who went up with Salviati and plyed themselves so well that they presently overcame those Conspirators killing some throwing others alive out of the Palace-Windows and the Archbishop had the reward of hanging Whilst this was doing the Citizens incouraged with the news of the preservation of Lorenzo de Medici hurry in Arms to the Church conduct him from the Vestry to his own House and recover the Palace from the Conspirators who had possest the door and the lower Rooms of it killing all of the plot they could meet with And having thus redeem'd themselves and City nothing was cryed about but Medici Medici every one striving who should shew their hatred most upon the Traytors insomuch that the parts of their dead bodies were carryed about the streets some stuck upon Lances others upon Swords others drag'd along and not any of them escaping that could be laid hands on And so the people having thus for some time satisfied themselves upon their Enemies the Corps of Giuliano di Medici were buryed with a great deal of state and lamentations of the Citizens The Popes Forces who had lurked upon the Florentine Borders to have taken advantage of their surprizal to have fallen into their Territories and so to have made a perfect Conquest hearing of the miscarriage retreated But Pope Xistus seeing this murther and hidden treason would not bring his designs about pulls off his Vizard and shews himself an open enemy draws out his Pontifical Weapon and first falls a Cursing and Excommunicating them and then with the assistance of Ferdinando of Naples resolves to over-run them by War Against these the Florentines oppose themselves as for the Interdict they neglect and despise it and commanded their Priests to continue their Celebration of Divine-Service and for the other they strengthen themselves by Arms But the story of the War I shall wave as too tedious for this place This being sufficient to shew what year 1300 wickedness their Holinesses will perpetrate to bring their abominable designs about Sect. 3. The murther of James the First and James the Third Kings of Scotland BUt now let us look a little neerer home and we shall behold the murther of a Prince in Scotland famous by their Writers for his Vertues Learning sweet disposition Valour and what not And this is King James I. The chief of this Conspiracie Will. Drummonds Hist of Scotland Georg. Buchanan lib. 10. was the Earl of Athole assisted with his Nephew Robert Stuart and Graham The first inckling that the King had of this Treason was whilst he was besieging Roxbourgh in Teveot-dale then defended by Sir Ralph Gray and his English for when he had brought the Castle to that extremity that they were consulting of yeilding his Queen in all haste possible speeds to him and gives him some hints of the Treason and that it was such that if not quickly prevented would indanger him and his Upon this he raiseth the Siege through jealousie disbands most of his Army and with those whom he thought he might trust much troubled in minde with this villany he goeth to Perth now call'd St. Johnstons where he remains in the Black Fryars a Covent neer the Town-Walls belonging to the Dominicans Here the King bends all his wits to finde out the bottom of the Treason which design of his being known to the Traytors they resolve for a speedy execution lest delay might bring a farther discovery and a stop to their wickedness Accordingly assisted by the darkness of a night they got undiscovered to the Black-Fryars one John belonging to the Court being their guide and had also procured them entrance into the Gallery before the Kings Chamber-door where they attended some of their Confederates who should have let them in farther in by taking out the Bar on the in-side of the door and Robert Stuart being a favourite with the King and so familiar at Court took off all jealousie and was a main assistant to their approach and entrance Whilst they were thus in expectation Fortune was favourable to their Treason for Walter Stratoun one of the Kings Cup-bearers having not long before carryed in some Wine came forth of the Chamber and finding some armed men rudely rushing to force their entry with a loud voice cryed out Treason upon which they fall upon him whom whilst they were killing a young Maid of Honour named Douglass others say Lovel claps to the Door but not finding the Bar and seeing no other remedy for their preservations thrust her Arm in the hole or staple thereby to keep the Door fast But this tender Bolt being soon broke the Traytors rush into the Chamber killing all such as they found to make any assistance amongst which was Patrick Dumbar Brother to George sometimes Earl of year 1400 March At last they strike down the King whom they there left dead 14â—6 with XXVIII wounds Nor did it go well with the Queen who thinking to save her Husband interposed her own body whereby she received two wounds but not Mortal As for the Traytors the common sort of them were hanged Robert Stuart was hang'd and quarter'd Walter Earl of Athole was thus punished for three days together The first day he was stript naked to his Shirt and by a Crane sixt to a Cart after hoysted aloft his joynts put out and thus hanging shew'd to the people and thus dragged along the high Street of Edinbourgh The second day he was mounted on a Pillar in the Market-place and Crown'd with a Diadem of hot Iron with this Inscription THE KING OF ALL TRAYTORS And this they say was done to him to make his words good he confessing one motive to this design was because he had been told by some South sayers or Witches that he should once be Crown'd King The third day he was laid naked along upon a Scaffold his Belly was ript up his Bowels taken out and thrown into a fire he looking upon them then was his heart taken
away the Sword III. That he was unfit to govern the Kingdom then the Earl of Benevent took the Scepter out of its hand IV. That therefore he was deprived justly of his Royal Throne then was the Statue thrown down from the Seat with many unworthy and outragious speeches by Diego Lopez brother to the Earl of Placencia This done the other Lords with Henries young brother Alphonso who had stood a little off as spectators mounted the Scaffold took and lifted Alphonso upon their Shoulders crying out Castile Castile for the King Don Alphonso so the Trumpets sounded and they all went to kiss his hand as their true King Poor King Henry received this news patiently saying with the Prophet Esay I have nourished and brought up children and they have despised me But although these treacherous and disloyal servants have so wrong'd and scorned me by the Statue which they have degraded and thrown away all respect and duty which they owe unto me yet they cannot keep me who am the true King from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them For I hope in our Lord Jesus Christ who is the just Judge of Kings that their wickedness shall be destroyed and mine innocencie made known to the whole World And then considering how many Places and Nobles revolted from him and the powerfulness of his enemies he would oftentimes say Naked I came out of my Mothers Womb and the earth must receive me naked no man can become so poor as he was born And if God doth now chastise me for my sins he will comfort and preserve me hereafter for his infinite power killeth and giveth life hurteth and healeth giveth kingdoms and taketh them away lifteth up Kings and throweth them down again even as he pleaseth Yet did not the disconsolate King absolutely despair but sent to all places he had any hopes in to assist him against the Rebels and amongst the rest Don Garcia Alvares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes was very active for his service In the mean time the Conâ—ederates lay siege to Simancas upon the River Duero in Leon which was valiantly defended by Don Juan Fernandes Galindo and other Royalists And here the very boyes and Lackeys shew'd their zeal against Rebellion for understanding that the Archbishop of Toledo was the chief of the Faction in deâ—ision of him and the League they made an Image representing him which they named the New Don Opas the Apostate The Reader may here understand by the by that about the years 712 713 714 Julian Governour of Ceuta in the Streights on the African shore falling out with his Lord Roderigo the last King of the Goths in Spain in revenge joyns himself with the Moores with them enters Spain routs his Prince and by this treachery the Moores became Masters of all that Continent excepting the mountanous parts in las Asturias Biscay and Navar and so retain'd it for many hundred years till by degrees they were beaten out And thus was the name and rule of the Gothick Government lost In this wicked treachery against their own Country and Christian Religion was as a principal Actor Opas or Oppa Archbishop of Toledo who joyned himself with unbelieving Moores to the shame of himself and the loss of Christianity in those parts And this is that Don Opas to whom these boys alluded The Image of the Archbishop being in all sort prepared one of the boys sat down as Judge and the Treason being palpable commanded the Image to be imprisoned and at last pronounced sentence against it thus Whereas Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo following the steps of the ancient Bishop Opas the ruine of Spain for that he had betray'd the King his Natural Lord rebelling against him and detaining his Money Towns and Fortresses which he had committed to him is therefore condemned to be drawn up and down the streets and publike places of Simancas a Trumpet to go before proclaiming that the King did command this justice to be done to the Traytor Opas as a recompence due for his Treacheries and Treasons and that then it should be burn'd This sentence pronounced aloud we need not question but the young Judge was obey'd in every thing Then was the Image carryed out of the Town attended on with above three hundred boyes and burned with a great deal of triumph in the very sight of the Confederates Army which at last despairing of taking the Place rais'd the siege King Henry we may well suppose was not idle having in a little time got an Army of near upon an hundred thousand men This vast strength terrified the Leaguers so they fell to private plots and instigated one Juan Carillo to kill the King but this Carillo being taken prisoner in a skirmish and perceiving he could not live long by reason of his wounds was sorry for what he had undertaken desired to speak with the King ask'd pardon of him had it confess'd how his life was sought after and revealed to him other wicked practices against him and the next day Carillo dyed of his wounds The King with his potent Army might have quel'd all before him but through his love to peace and carelesness he lost all opportunities allowed of a Conference where it was concluded that every man should lay down his Arms and return home a Truce to continue for five Months and that in the mean time Commissioners should treat of a Peace Thus the King lost his cause his Army by his negligence wasting and slipping away Nor did the Confederates disband according to promise De Villena watching all occasions to see if he could get the credulous King into his clutches In the mean time Don Alphonso led a miserable life with the Leaguers and suspecting either their bad intentions or the success of his cause would willingly have agreed with King Henry and go to him but they kept him strictly threatning to a Petiturum veneno nisi râ—â—aret Jo. â—arian l. â—3 cap. 9. poyson him if he receded from his Government Both parties now seem'd weary so another peace is clapt up but very dishonourable to the King considering what an Army he lately had But this quiet lasted but a while they flee to Arms both Armies meet by Olmedo in Old Castile where the Archbishop of Toledo appears in his Arms upon which he wore his white Stole poudred with red Crosses The Battel is fought and both parties year 1467 cry victory but the Kings party daily wasted insomuch that most forsook him and like a private Gentleman hew as content to skulk up and down accompanyed with some b Mariana cap. 11. ten horsemen At last after some trouble Alphonso dyeth about XVI years old upon this the Confederates consult about a new Head they generally year 1468 agree upon Donna Isabella his Sister send to her to accept of the Government and they would proclame and Crown her Queen She upon good advice refuseth all such profers declaring her obedience to
of them whom they murdred and had acted the same Tragedy on the other but that he was rescued by one Diego Pisador which prevention at last so enraged the people that they fell upon Pisador pursued him to his house assaulted it so that he thinking to take sanctuary in St. Nicholas Church they seis'd upon him and kill'd him with their daggers Having thus ran into mischief they proceed and rescue a fellow from execution though justly condemn'd for very heinous crimes They despised all Justice and Magistrates scorned and flouted at all Noble and Gentlemen whom like our Levellers they intended to root out and destroy all the Kingdom over which occasioned a Hat-makers wife in St. Catherines street seeing some Gentlemen go by bid her Children look at them the boys desiring a reason she replyed d Porque quando se ais gâ—andes podais dezir que vistes los Cavalleâ—os Pru. Sandoval l. 6. § 20. Part 1. â— Because when you come to manhood you may say that you have seen Gentlemen The confederate Rabble chose one Sorolla a Cloth-worker for their Captain an impudent base fellow and then the better to carry on their mischief they framed this Plot Sorolla was to hide himself in his house and they were to report about that Don Diego de Mendosa the Viceroy either had or was going to hang him This report being cunningly spread through the City the people grew mad flew to their Arms and so march'd with Drums and Colours to Mendosa's house crying out Let the Viceroy dye if he deliver us not Sorolla Mendosa defended himself all day long and by chance was thus preserved from their fury A good woman by hap espying Sorolla in his house went and told it to the Bishop of Segorbe who hastes to Sorolla's house which he caused to be broke open and the villain found had him set on a Mule himself riding by on another and so they rode to the Viceroy's house to undeceive the people who seeing him thus alive rais'd their Siege and Battery which had continued all day and most of the night This plot not fadging against the Viceroy they gave out that he was raising men to punish their insolencies upon which the people besiege his house again which forced him to send his Lady out of the City and steal out himself all the Nobles and Gentry doing the like with their Families for their own security whose houses the villains pull'd down or burn'd and plunder'd all they could lay their hands on went to the Kings Custom house broke the Records took away the Books defied the Emperour appointed XIII to govern them and for the General of their Armies chose Juan Caro a Sugar-baker The City Xativa the Marquisate of Helche Alacante and Orihucla run into the same Rebellion the latter chusing for their Lord and Governour one Palomares a poor Serving-man And now the Kingdom of Valencia seem'd to be over-run by a gang of Rebels but they had a notable shock at a place to this day call'd The Field of slaughter where they left above 5000 of their frateraity dead on the â—â—or After this they chose for their Captain one Vincent Perez a Fellow whose trade was to gather up Acorns but their chief General of all was ore a Or John of Bilbo Juan de Vilvao who made them believe that he was Doâ— Juan the onely Son to Fernando and Isabella King and Queen of Castile and Arragon and so the true heir to their Crowns though that Prince dyed young at Salamanca However the giddy people put so much credit to him that they sware Allegiance to him as their King magnifying him as their Redeemer calling of him the b El Encubicito Disguised man and one sent from God to their relief But what this Impostor was take thus He was the Son of a Jew and was carryed by his Father into Barbary the same year that the Jews were driven out of Castile A Biscan Merchant call'd Juan de Bilbao met with him on ship board 1512 as he was trading to Oran on the Coasts of Barbary and finding him to write and read well and speak several Languages as Spanish Arabick and Hebrew took him for his Factor The fellow calling himself from his Masters name Juan de Bilbao with him he lived four years till 1516 he turn'd him away for being too familiar with his Wife The Corregidor or Mayor of Oran not knowing the sault entertain'd him for his Steward This Mayor of Oran being a young man kept privately a little wanton in his house to whom this Fellow shew'd much affection and Courtship but she being trusty to her Master tells him all and that he also perswaded her to witchcraft Upon this the Corregidor hath him imprisoned and upon a Market-day set upon an Ass and so whipt through all the principal streets of the City to the amazement of the people who had a good opinion of him so cunningly did he carry himself Being thus banish'd Oran he returns for Spain lands upon the Coasts of Valencia just in these distractions under the name of Don Henrique Manrique de Ribera and here he behaved himself so cunningly taking hold of the opportunity that at last he made the people believe that he was their true King and for such they acknowledged him He carryed his business politickly kept correspondence with divers Cities in Arragon and Catalonia and might have given a main stroak for the whole Kingdom had not the valiant and loyal Marquiss of Cenete and Don Pedro Faxardo the Governour or Lord-lieutenant Adelantado Mayor of the Kingdom of Murcia with other noble Cavaliers by their valour and industry put a stop to his carreer The chiefest loss to the Rebels was in Valencia it self where Vicente Periz had almost carryed the whole City but the Marquiss here carryed himself so cunningly that he out-braved the Rebel making most of his followers disband and retire to their own dwellings This day and plot was so happy to that City that to this time 't is call'd the Thursday of Vicente Periz yet Periz received fresh supplies from Juan de Bilvao with which he grew so hardy that he fought de Cenete in the very streets of the City though to his own ruine being beaten himself taken and his head presently struck off After which the Impostor Kingling John of Bilbao was also taken by the Marquess the nineteenth of May 1522. who according to his desert was drawn hang'd and quarter'd and his head stuck upon a Lance. After which Valencia began to be more quiet and wholly submitted themselves upon the return of the Emperour Charles And thus much in brief for the Rebellion of the Kingdom of Valencia not to tell of all their Church-robbings Plunderings Burnings Devastations and Factions even in the very Cloisters and Monasteries themselves insomuch that one party in the same Covent would pray to God for the King whilst the other pray'd as heartily for the Rebels But now
â—â—giunte aâ—le 〈…〉 p. 〈…〉 â—7â— 15â—8 some hâ—ld an honest man whilst others accuse him of no less thâ—n or underâ—â—and-dealings with the Turks into whose power they sâ—y â—e designed to deliver up the Kingdom And passing by also the troubles the said Ferdinand I received at hâ—s Election into the Empire by the Resignation of his Brother Charles V Pope Paul IV rejecting him and his Title alledging none to have power to resigne but into his hands and â—o be and not the Electors is to nominate nor would he at any time acknowledge him for Emperour though upon his death his Succâ—ssor Pius IV willingly admitted him for a lawful Emperor and what need Ferdinand or any other care whether the Roman Bishâ—p â—â—nsented or no it being no way necessary and the outside but a Complement But leaving these and suchlike beyond-Sea â—â—â—â—res let us come a little neerer home And first if we look upon Scotland we shall finde it a Kingdom miserably rent between two Factions the Puritan and Popish Of the insoleâ—eies of the first I have elsewhere treated nor can the latter excuse themselves from the same crimes if not worse by endeavouring to betray their King and Country to a forraign power and usurpation as may appear by these following Observations Here we finde Reigning King James VI a Prince made wise and wary by the several troubles he had run through The Spanâ—aâ—â—â— preparing his great Armado to invade England several 158â— Pâ—â—â—â—tâ— and Jesuites went into Scotland to get those people to assiâ— the designe And amongst the rest the Lord Maxwell was 〈◊〉 aâ—â—ive coming out of Spain and landing at Kirkudbright year 1588 in Galloâ—ay gather'd together some men but they were presently â—â—ppâ—â—st and himself taken and imprisoned The Lord Bothwell who troubled himself not much with this or that Religion having no ends but interest the Admiral of that Kingdom had also secretly listed many Souldiers giving out they were for the safety of the Nation Amongst others also Colonel a He afterwards lived a Pensiâ—â—â—r in Spain where he began the Foundation of a Scotch Semenarie intending to make his bastard Hugh Sempill whom he train'd up with the Jeâ—uites the Rectâ—â— oâ— it He was living there about the beginning of King Charles I his Reign and was very mallepert in the designes of his Spanish match James Wadsworth his English-Spanish Pilgrime cap. 7. pag. 61. Edit 2. Sempil who for some time had resided with the Duke of Parma having betray'd the Town of Lire to the Spaniards landed at Lieth with an intent to farther the plots but he by the mistrust of some papers was seiz'd on by Sir John Carmichael Captain of the Kings Guard but being rescued by the Earl of Huntley escaped the law But the hopes of the Romanists were quite blown away by the overthrow of the Spanish Fleet yet the Duke of Parma chears them up again by telling them of another Army and Fleet to be set out next Spring This good news he sends by Robert Bruce to the Earl of Huntly to be communicated to the rest of that Faction the chief of which was the Earl of Arrol the Lord Maxwell who call'd himself Morton the Earl of Crawford the Lord Claude Hamilton and suchlike And a little after Parma sent over ten thousand Crowns by John Chesholme Thus incouraged and also thrust on by Father Hay Father year 1589 Creighton and other Jesuites they resolved to undertake some noble act the better to credit themselves with Spain and Parma And nothing is thought better then to seize on the Kings person In this plot there was Montross Bothwell Crawford Arrol Huntley the Lairds of Kinfawns of Fintrie and others The design was laid to meet all at the Quarry-holes between Lieth and Edenbrough thence to go to a T is sometimes also call'd the Abbey 'T is the Kings Court at the East-end of Cannygate at Edinborough Halyrood house to seize on the King to kill the Chancellor and Treasurer and then they need not fear to carry all as they pleas'd But Huntley coming before the rest and suspected is imprison'd upon which the rest retire Montross and Crawford submit and ask pardon whilst Bothwell and Arrol are declared Traytors for refusing to come in upon summons Huntley is by the Kings favour set at liberty upon promise to be quiet for the future but in his going home in the North he meets with Crawford who joyn together again and fall upon the Treasurer then having joyn'd themselves with the Earl of Arrol they raise what forces they can and enter Aberdeen The King upon notice marcheth against them upon which the Lords are discouraged retreated and divided one from another at the b This day and action is call'd The Raid of the Brig of Dee Bridge of Dee The King thus victorious the Confederate Lords seeing no other safety submit themselves to the Kings Mercy and Tryal They are accused For practising with Jesuites and Seminary Priests and the receiving of Spanish Gold to hire Souldiers to disturb the Kingdom For entring into Bond and Covenant with the Earls of Arrol and Montross and others and treasonably to have surprised b Perth â— Now better known by the name of St. Johnstons with intent to keep it against the King For conspiring to take the King prisoner at Halyrud-house and to kill his Servants and Counsellors For besieging the house of Kirkhill firing it and forcing the Treasurer the Master of Glammis to yeild himself For summoning the Subjects by Proclamation falsly in the Kings name falsely giving out that he was a prisoner and desired them to set him at liberty For marching to the Bridge of Dee to fight and invade the King For taking the Kings Herald at Arms in Aberdeen spoiling him of his Coat and Letters when he was to proclaim them And that Bothwell for his part had hired Souldiers as well strangers as others with an intent to seise on Lieth in the Kings absence Upon tryal they are found guilty but the sentence by the Kings favour and warrant was suspended in the mean time they were imprisoned Bothwell in Tantallon Crawford in Blackness and Huntley in Edinborough Castle Now for the better and clearer discovery of their plots and designes for the King of Spain against their own King and Country take these following Letters Mr. Robert Brâ—ce the chief Agent his Letter to the Duke of Parma Governour in the Netherlands for the King of Spain My LORD MR. Châ—sholme arrived in this Country five days after his departure from you and with requisite diligence came to the Earl of Huntley in his own house at Dunfermeâ—â—ng where having presented to him your Highness Letters of the 13 of October he declared amply unto him the credit given him in Charge conformable to the tenour of the Letters from your Highness wherein they perceived your Highness great humanity and affection to the advancement of the glory of God in this Country
gets hastily a company of men and makes towards the Isle Most of Barklays men were otherwise imploy'd dreaming of no such thing and himself not thinking that his plot was known did not take Knox his men though he saw them coming for enemies thus careless Knox lands and encounters him on the very shore upon which Barklay resolved not to be taken runs into the Sea and drowns himself and so there is an end of him and the Popish troubles in Scotland for this time CHAP. IV. The troubles in Ireland against Queen Elizabeth TO run through all the Rebellions of Ireland would be troublesome both to my self and Reader their whole stories and life being but an heap or chain of Troubles Riots Misdemeanors Murthers Treasons and suchlike enormities whereby they have not onely vext and molested their Governours but in the end brought ruine to the disturbers and such undertakers of disobedience Nor could any thing else be expected from the ancient Irish to whom civility and discretion were strangers but the Robbery of Cambden Britan pag. 790 791 792. others held a piece of Devotion insomuch that they never undertook such mischief without first sending up their prayers and after to give God thanks for such a good booty Though they profest themselves good Catholicks yet they supposed no small holiness to remain in Horses Hoofes and that the Lords prayer mumbled into the right ear of a sick beast was cure enough for its distemper and any man was held past living in this world if he desired to receive the Sacrament Nor need we look for many cures amongst them when to a Ric. Stanihuâ—st de â—ebus Hibeâ—n lib. 1. pag. 44. beat Eggs together to squeeze out with ones fingers the juyce of shred herbs to probe and finde out a wound were signes of an able Physitian and thus qualified he may go for an Hippocrates And no doubt but others of them were much of the discreet hardiness of b Id pag. 42. him who having received four desperate wounds and seeing his sword not hurâ— gave thanks to God that these wounds were given to his body and not to his sword And what else might be expected from those of former times when even within these few years they c Sir John Temples Hist of Iâ—ish Rebeâ—lion the Prefaâ—e ld pag. 84 threatned to burn and ruine Dublin to destroy all Records and Monuments of English Government make Laws against speaking English and have all English names changed Nay to put their thoughts into practice they endeavour'd to destroy all the goodly breed of English Cattle by killing many thousand Sheep and Cows meerly because they were of English breed and so to leave them lye stinking in the Fields and as others testifie to destroy the very Corn ' cause sown by English men And yet 't is known they had not only Government Civility and what else is praise worthy spred amongst them by the English but stately Buildings and other Ornaments of the Country whereas Dublin it self could not afford a place sit for King Henry II to lye in so that he was there forced to set up a long house composed of d Id pag. 4. Wattles after the manner of the Country therein to keep his f Riâ—h Stanibuâ—st lib 3. pag. 129. splendid Christmas But these glories and advantages some of them may think a discredit if not a ruine to their Nation and may fancie it as good to have their Kings as a Speeds Theater of Great Britain in Ireland in Vlster § 6. formerly to lap up their Coronation-sustenance without the assistance of Spoons or Hands and to sit in state naked within the bottom of a â—aldron at his Inauguration as to have Decencie and Manners Thrones or Magnificence amongst them However that which they supposed to ruine all you may guess at by this their complaint as old at least as King Edward the Thirds time as b Discovery of Ireland pag. 184. Sir John Davies supposeth c M S. F. 99 Laud p. 332. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. ex albo libro scaccarii Dublin By granting Charters of peace To falce Englishe withouten lesse This land shall be much undoe But d Gossipred a custom amongst them of trusting too much to God-fathers as they thought their Nurces and Forster-Children akin to them as Mother and Sister Gosipride and alterage And leesing of our Language Have mickley holpe thereto The truth is above all people they hated the English being willing that French Spaniard or any body else should rule them but those who do But of their Combinations and Overtures I shall go no higher then Queen Elizabeth though this following note by the way will not be amiss a M S. F. 99. fol. 185. Land in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Jehan du Tillet Recuil des Guerres Traitez d'entâ—e les Roys de France d' Angleterre fol. 157. Articles agreed upon between Francis I. King of France and James Fitzjohn Earl of Desmond Extracted by Tillet out of the Records in Paris Anno 1523. Francis I. King of France in a Treaty with James Fitzjohn Earl of b The French Copy calls him Jaques Conte de Cymonie Prince â—n Hybernie Desmond wherein he is stiled a Prince in Ireland It was accorded That as soon as the Kings Ships should land in Ireland the said Earl in person and at his own charge should take Armes against his Soveraign King Henry VIII not onely to conquer that part of the Kingdom wherein he lived which should be to the proper use and benefit of the said Earl except onely one Port which should be reserved for the French King for ever for to harbour his Ships in and that Port to be left at the Election of the King out of one of these three viz. d The French Copy reads thus Quinquesalle Core ou Drudal Kinsale Cork or Yoghal but also for to e As if he ever had it but no such matter restore the Duke of Suffolk to the Crown of England from whence he was banished and at the present living in France The Earl of Desmond for this War was to raise 400 Horse and 10000 Foot and if need required to increase them into 15000 or more The King Covenanted to entertain them at the rate of two Angels â—e peece for every man armed with Corsselets and Mayle for three months and for every man furnished onely with Swords and Halberts at one Angel le peece for the like time That for the draught of the Artillery which should be sent into that land by the King and the Duke of Suffolk the Earl should provide horses sufficient That after the War was begun the French King should not at any time make Truce or peace with the King of England without comprehending therein the said Earl and Turloghe O Brian with his Nephews That if King Henry VIII should after a Truce or Peace accorded make War upon the said Earl the French King
at Tornay Bruges and Dunkirk from which place it was boldly taken down by one William Locke a Mercer of London They were also posted up at Bolloigne and Diepe in France and St. Andrews in Scotland And so liberal was his Holyness that by a Breve he freely offers England to James V King of the Scots promising to assist him in the gaining of it and for a further incouragement by his Legat Giovanni-Antonio Compeggio presented him with many Ceremonies and Apostolical Benediction a Cap and a Sword newly before Consecrated on Christmas night But for all this sturdy King Harry who above all things hated a bassle kept his Crown Kingdom and Authority the Paper not putting him to the tenth part of trouble if it were any at all to him as some Northern Rebels did who being fob'd up that year 1537 Christ and his Religion were now a throwing down sell to Arm themselves with what Weapons they could get In Lincolnshire their number was supposed to be about twenty thousand who at last growing jealous one of another dispers'd themselves some being after taken and executed amongst whom was their Ring-reader being a stuâ—die Monk call'd Doctor Makerel though in this expedition he nominated himself Captain Cobler Yet no sooner is this stisled when another and that more terrible began in York shire and the other Northern Counties their strength supposed to be about forty thousand formed into a complâ—at Army not wanting a Train of Artillery They call'd their March The holy and blessed Pilgrimage and the Pilgrimage of Grace On the one side of their Bannerâ— was painted Christ hanging on the Cross On the other a Chalice with the Wafer in it The Souldiers upon their sleeves had represented the five Wounds of Christ and in the midst the name of Jesus And thus are they thought to be brave Roman Blades by a De Schiâ—m lib 1. pag. 155. Nicholas Sanders who would thus take up Arms for their Religion But for all this their designes came to nothing being perswaded upon better advice to creep home again which troubled Sanders so much that he cannot think on this opportunity without accusâ—â—g the King of Perjury and Knavery As for King Henry VIII it fareth with him as with other Princes most speaking of him as their interest lay being honour'd by some with as great Commendations as Fancie or Flattery could reach whilst by others he was look'd upon as the worst of Tyrants and loaded with all the Reproaches and Infamies that Satyr or Malice could invent for as the worst of Kings and Actions will never want Flatterers and admirers so the best will never escape the slanders of the envious The truth is though he was Learned above the custom of Princes yet if ever any man had his faults our Henry had his share to the purpose his Will being both Law and Reason as far as his Dominions reacht and to contradict his humour was little less then to be next door to another world and which might make him worse was that amongst all his Favourites and Courtiers there was scarce any but either Knave or Flatterer if not both since 't is hard to separate them So that in many things where that King did amiss whether he acted them by his own inclinations and judgement or by the suggestions and instigations of his griping and base-soul'd Courtiers and Minions shall be left to every ones opinion nor is it much material where the fault should be laid being both so guilty Yet this is certain that when he followed his own proper Genius viz. Martial exploits none came off with greater glory then himself for his personal Acts and Valour And the whole Kingdom is beholden unto him for the great Fame and Renown she gain'd abroad by her Victories and Warlike Atchievements under his conduct And what cannot Englishmen do under an Active and Martial Prince But in brief I shall not undertake to quit him from that short but comprehensive Character given him of old viz. That he never spared man in his Anger nor woman in his Lust As Henry VIII was no sooner set in the Throne but a In his English Traâ—slation of Dr. Sebastian Brant's Stultiferâ— Navis fol 205 206. Alexander Barklay endeavoured to declare his Renown and Vertues so no sooner was he dead but one William Thomas undertook his Apology This Thomas as himself words it being constrain'd by misfortune to abandon the place of his Nativity meets after the said Kings death several Gentlemen at Bologna in Italy against whom he enters into discourse in the Month of b 1546 7. February in which Month the King was buryed at Windsore in Defence of that Noble Prince whose honour had been wrongfully toucht as he expresseth it which he draweth up into a Treatise by way of a Dialogue which he directed to Pietro Aretino the well known Tuscan Poet as famous for his Satyrical Wit as infamous for his life and death This he did he saith the better to inform the said Aretine of the Kings worth telling him also that the King Hath remembred thee with an honourable Legacie by his Testament the which his Enemies pretend proceeded of the fear that he had lest thou shouldst after his death defame him But certain I am that the King in his Will and Testament maketh no mention of this Poet so in this Mr. Thomas was misinformed a thing of no great wonder And that the King stood in any fear of Aretines writing against him or that Aretine intended to write of him I cannot say but true it is that though this Florentine was no great Clerk yet in his Mothers Tongue he laid so about him and with that rage and fury that he was stil'd the Scourge of Princes and his Epitaph in St. Lukes Church in Venice will further tell the Temper of the Fellow in Italian I meet with it thus Qui giace l' Aretin Pâ—eta Tosco Chi disse mal d'Ognun fuor chedi Dio Scusandosi dicendo n'il conobbi But I think it is more true and Authentick thus in Latiue Condit Aretini cineres lapis iste sepultos Phil. Labbe Thesaurus Eâ—â—â—aph Fran. Sweetâ— select delit pag. 156. Mortales atro qui sale perfricuit Intactus Deus est illi causamque rogatus Hanc dedit ille inquit non mihi notus erat Here th' Poet Aretine Intomb'd doth lye Who ' gainst all let his spiteful Pasquins fly But God escap'd him and why being ask'd fro' him Thus clear'd himself 'T was cause I did not know him But d Orat. contra Aretinum Joachimus Perionius will assure us that he neither spared the Apostles Christ or God himself As some call'd him the Scourge of Princes so others intitled him the Divine both which a Venetia descritta Sansovino tells us Ariosto thus mentioneth in his Orlando Furioso Ecco il Flagello De Principi il Divin Pietro Aretino But as for the Title of Divine or Penitent I see little reason
he should have them although there be some Meditations on the Penitential Psalms carryed about under his name yet a wicked man may make a good Book as the greatest Rebels pretend the most Religion but that he did ever really repent I am not convinced because then they would have given him a better Epitaph besides the story of his death maketh him then as bad as ever But enough if not too much of this As concerning the foresaid William Thomas take as followeth 1544. He got into Italy 1547. He wrote the foresaid Dialogue at Bologna la Grossa 't is call'd b M S. B. 2. 7. in Bible Bâ—dl Oxon. le Pelegrine and never printed that I know of 1543. He finish'd his Italian Dictionary and Grammar at Padoa undertook at the desire and for the instruction of Mr. John Tamworth then living at Venice and was afterwards viz. 1567 printed by the appointment of Sir William Mildmay 1549. I meet with him return'd to London when and where he Printed his short but methodical History of Italy which was Reprinted 1561. He was made Clerk of the Council to King Edward VI. 1553. He designed the Murther of Queen Mary or c Jo. Bal. de Scriptoribus Appendix p. 100. Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester 155â— â— February 20. He was sent to the Tower of London February 26. He had almost kill'd himself by thrusting a Knife under his Paps 1554. May 9. He was arraigned and condemn'd at Guild-hall May 18. He was drawn from the Tower to Tyborn and there hang'd headed and quarter'd 'T is said that he was an intimate with d Parsons thâ—ee Câ—nversious of Engl. paâ—t 3. pag. 220 221. Christopher Goodman that enemy to the Rule of Women and a fiery Puritan and no doubt that Thomas was too much warp'd that way and one of more misguided zeal then true Religion or Wisdom He translated some Books out of Italian and besides those Printed wrote a Tract call'd The Common Place of State for the use of King Edward VI discoursing whether it be expedient to vary with the time which with several other of his Writings may be seen in Sir Robert Cotton's e Sub Effigie Vespasianâ— D. 18. Library And so much of King Henry and his Champion William Thomas To this King succeeded Edward VI a most vertuous and hopeful Pâ—ince but too young to correct the villanies of the Grandees about him who loved the Churches better then they loved God yet a Reformation of Religion was carryed on which so vext some in the North that they took up Arms to restore Popery though to no purpose But those in the West were more stubborn especially the Devonshire and Cornish men who form'd themselves into an Army besieged Exeter which bravely defended it self against all their power and spight Nor would their Holy Zeal render them victorious though as a means to be so they march'd into the Field with a Crucifix under a Canopy which instead of an Altar was set in a Cart accompanied with Crosses and Candlesticks Banners Holy-Bread and Holy-Water to drive away the Devils and dull their Enemies Swords as Speed wordeth it And though they fought fiercely against the King his Commission and good Subjects yet they could conclude their demands or rather commands with an Item We pray God save King Edward for we be his both body and goods And this way of canting is always used by all other Traytors who the higher they run into Rebellion declare themselves the better Subjects In short though these peoples cause was bad enough and were soon quell'd yet a De Schism lib. 2. pag. 260. Sanders will not let them pass without some Papal holy Water being true Romanists and Father b Three conversions of Engl. part 2. pag. 594 619. Parsons will not allow them to be faulty because forsooth they fought for the Roman Religion as if to take up Arms for any Religion against their true and lawful Soveraign were warrantable for if so every Opinion and Phanatick will be its own judge and carver so that there will be no end of Wars and Bloudshed yet every man in the right at least the strongest can do no wrong however not commit Treason according to the too-much-practis'd Rule thus wittily condemn'd by Sir John Harrington Treason doth never prosper what 's the reason Epigram § 5. For if it prosper none dare call it Treason CHAP. II. A Vindication of Queen Elizabeth ANd now we come to the prosperous Reign of the so much famed Elizabeth in whose time England was in the heighth of its Glory and Repute being as an Umpire to the whole World flourishing at home and victorious abroad but prudent Cecils and vigilant Walsinghams are not always to be had and so we must be content with our decaying Lawrels And here by the by because a De Schism Aâ—gl lib. 3. pag. 319. Sanders and other Romanists are pleas'd to render her as the worst of all women-kinde I shall take the boldness to say something in her Vindication the better to confute her former Revilers and to satisfie the more ignorant somewhat in her behalf Her Piety and Religion have been celebrated by many Pens her Learning and skill in variety of Languages was admired by her greatest Enemies Besides her English b Arghâ—â—ium Praeâ—a § Elizabetha Christopher Ocklande whose Books were once order'd to be read in all Grammar-Schools will tell you of six other Languages she was perfect in Elizabetha piis primos imbuta per annos Moribus sophiae studiis instruct a sacrata Doctrina linguae Latiae Graiaeque perita Linguas Europae celebres intelliget omnes Quid Teuto Hispanus Gallusve Italusve loquatur Mr. c His nine Worthies pag. 282. Thomas Heywood one who loved to write concerning Women concludes thus of our Elizabeth Chaste Virgin Royal Queen belov'd and fear'd Much on the Earth admir'd to Heaven indear'd Single and singular without another A Nurse to Belgia and to France a Mother Potent by Land sole Soveraign of the Main Antagonist to Rome the scourge of Spain Though she was excellently skill'd in all manner of Needle-work was admired for her neat Dancing was very skilful and knowing in Musick playing well upon divers sorts of Instruments yet these and suchlike little pleasures could never call her thoughts from her Subjects good and the care of Government d La. Epist â—â—urmiâ— Roger Ascham speaks wonders of her ingenuity and knowledge and he had as much reason to know her as any but these you may say were English-men and so bribed by their birth-right though this with some of her Enemies is no Rule But should we run to all her Commendations beyond Seas we might be endless a Poet. Ital. vol. 1. pag 79. Cornelius Amaltheus a zealous Italian Romanist cannot withhold his Muse from her Encomiums b Poet. Germ. vol 5 pag. 827. Laurentius Rhodomanus is as earnest in his Anagrammatical mode
Royal Dignity Titles Rights and Pretences to England and Ireland declares her Illegitimate and an Vsurper of the Kingdoms and absolves all her Subjects from their Obedience and Oaths of Allegiance due to her So he expresly commandeth all under pain and penaltie of Gods wrath to yeild her no Obedience Aid or Favour whatsoever but to imploy all their power against her and to joyn themselves with the Spanish Forces who will not hurt the Nation nor alter their Laws or Priviledges onely punish the wicked Hereticks Therefore by these presents We Declare that it is not onely lawful but commendable to lay hands on the said Usurper and other her adherents and for so doing they shall be well Rewarded And lastly to all these Roman assistants is liberally granted a Plenary Indulgence and remission of all their sins Here we have the sum of this Treasonable Libel with which Allen thought to do great matters against his Queen and Country and these were prepared to be spread abroad the Kingdom upon the Spaniards landing yet no sooner is the news known of their defeat but Allen calls in the Impression burning all he could lay his hands on onely some few escaped his Fingers both he and the Printer having before given some Copies to their Friends The Romanists for the most part priz'd it dearly though some more sober disliked it as too severe yet some others we need not Question might be of the Jesuit Currey's opinion viz. That it was a work of thaâ— worth as it would yet bite in time to Quodlibets pag. 240. come This Invasion was very much assisted by the English Romanists though not by all for the Lord Montague and some others were against it In Flanders lay Charles Nevil Earl of Westmerland the Lord Pagit Sir William Stanley with about seven hundred more English ingaged and ready to joyn with the Prince of Parma against their own Country What Company in England would have taken their parts I know not This is certain that Philip Earl of Arundel the unfortunate Eldest Son of Norfolk was unhappily too much Priest ridden which procured his imprisonment and a tryal the cause of all which might be laid to Allen who had such a sway and power over the said Earl that he could make him do any thing And the Earl was over-perswaded to set his affection on the Spanish Fleet rejoycing at its coming praying heartily for its success and grieved beyond measure at its overthrow But he is not the first Nobleman who confided too much in bad counsel and whose Zeal for Religion hurryed him on to inconveniences As for Cardinal Allen he was born in Lancashire of good Parentage was bred up at Oxford in Orial-Colledge where he was Proctor was preferr'd to a Canonship in York in Queen Elizabeth's days quits England becometh Pensioner to the Spaniard to carry on whose designes against his Queen and County he was very industrious for which service Sixtus V. created him a Cardinal 1587. August 7 and he dyed at Rome 1594. October 16. We have formerly shown his seditious and King deposing Principles of which his foresaid Admonition will give a farther Quodlibets pag 240 241 247. proof and who were the Promoters of this Invasion his own words will best tell you The King of Spain at length as well by his Holiness Authoritie and Exhortation as by his own unspeakable Zeal and Piety moved also not a little by My humble and continual suit together with the afflicted and banished Catholicks of our Nation of all and every Degree who have been by his special compassion and Regal Munificencie principallie supported in this our long Exile hath condescended at last to take upon him this so Holy and Glorious an Act c. And then proceeds to incourage nay and threaten too the English to take up Arms against their Queen and to joyn with the Spaniards and the other Invaders If you will avoid the Popes the Kings and other Princes high indignation let no man of what degree soever Obey Abet Aid Defend or Acknowledge her c. Adding That otherwise they should incur the Angels Curse and Malediction and be as deeply Excommunicated as any because that in taking her part they should fight against God against their a How cometh Philip to be lawful King of England Vid. Tho. Bels Anatomy pag. 98 124. lawful King against their Country and notwithstanding all they should do they should but defend her bootless to their own present destruction and eternal shame As for the Secular Priests you shall hear Watson and Bluet the chief of them thus Confess We had some of us greatly approved the said Rebellion highly extol'd the Rebels and pitifully bewail'd their ruine and overthrow Many of our affections were knit to the Spaniards and for our obedience to the Pope we all do profess it The attempt both of Pope and Spaniard failing in England his Holiness as a Temporal Prince displayed his Banner in Ireland the Plot was to deprive her Highness first from that Kingdom if they could and then by degrees to depose her from this In all these Plots none more forward then many of us that were Priests These are the words set down in the Book call'd b Pag. 15. Important Considerations composed by Bluet and Watson two Priests As for the Jesuits but of Parsons I shall treat more particularly hereafter you shall hear what c C. W. A Reply to Father Paâ—sons Libel fol. 64 65. Clark the Priest saith who with Watson suffer'd afterwards for Treason against King James First it is most certain that all the world had very admirable expectance of that Army and the Jesuits more then any Secondly it is plain by the Cardinals Book d They would hint to us as if Parsons were the Compiler of the Admonition but 't is certain that Allen was the Author of it his name being to it and Pitseus with the other Romanists confessing Allen to be the Author if it were his written as a preparative to that action that he was made Cardinal of purpose for that Exploit and to have been sent hither presently upon the Spaniards Conquest But Father Parsons saith that he labour'd to set forward at that time the Cardinals preferment if you will believe him which maketh it evident a primo ad ultimum that Father Parsons was a dealer in that action Thirdly it is certain that the Jesuits in Rome were great with the Spanish Ambassador-Leger there and had great recourse unto him when the matter was on foot doth not this then argue them to be concurrers thereunto Fourthly it is likewise most true that the English Jesuits in Rome appropriated certain Palaces in London to themselves to fall unto their lots when this matter was in handling to wit Burghley-house Bridewel and another which I have forgot making themselves cock-sure of their already-devoured Prey This all the Students that lived in the e Viz. The English Colledge at Rome
vilifie and discourage her Priests thereby to make her contemptible to very Pagans yet for all this as all other Rebels do they make a grand shew of Zeal and Religion appointing such Prayers daily to be said for good success viz. The Pater Noster and Ave Maria and these five times a day and as a word of Cognizance they had the Virgin Mary and St. John the Evangelist And thus constituted they were resolved to give no quarter but kill all their Opposers as Enemies and Traitors to God But by the assistance of the Emperour Maximilian I. and Lodowick the good Bishop of Spire this intended Rebellion was crushed in the very bud by a timely discovery being quell'd which occasioned the deserved punishment of several of the chief Undertakers But from this we shall proceed to another sort of Leaguers or Covenanters who carried on their Rebellions with more success and vigour which had like to have ruin'd the whole Kingdom of France In this League there were three Families chiefly concern'd of whom for the better understanding of the History we shall with all haste speak a word or two not that we design to set down all their Children leaving that to the Heralds but onely those who may afford some light to the more common Readers of this short Essay of the French League The Families are those of I. VALOIS ending by the death of Henry III. II. BOURBON next Heir to the Crown beginning with Henry IV. King of France and Navarre III. GUISE assisted by their Chief LORRAIN FRANCOIS I. de VALOIS Henry II. de Valois King of France wounded in the eye at Tilt by Count * Beheaded at Paris as a Rebel 1574 and the sentence of Treason revoked 1576. Montgomery of which he died 1559. François II. King of France died 1560. Charles IX King of France died 1574. Hen. III. King of France murdered by a Monk 1589. François Duke of Alençon Anjou Brabant c. died 1584. Catherine de Medicis daughter to Lorenzo Duke of Urbin Cousin to Alexander Duke of Florence She died at Bloys 1589. By the death of King Henry III. the Line of Valois so called from a little Territory North-East of Paris betwixt Picardy and Champaigne fail'd and that of Bourbon as next Heir succeeded to the Throne in the Person of Henry IV. ALENCON a Town in lower Normandy it was formerly an Earldom but King Charles VI. raised it up to a Dukedom 1414. though †Le â—ray ostat de la France pag. 65. du Verdier by a mistake would make us believe that it was made a Dutchy by King Lewis IX surnamed the Saint BOURBON This Family is so named from a Town in Aquitaine call'd Bourbon with a differâ—nce of l'Archambault to distinguish it from another in Burgondy call'd Bourbon l'Ancien but by corruption of speech Bourbon Lancy It was erected from a Barony into a Dukedom by Charles IV. surnamed le Bel 1327. It would be endless to speak of the Antiquity of this Family according to some men and for its Commendations * Les Antiquitez pâ—g 628. du Chesne hath said enough by affirming that the Women of it were born to people Christendom and the Men to defend it They draw their relation to the French Crown from Robert Son to S. Lewis IX Charles de Bourbon the first Duke of Vendosme died 1536. Antoine de Bourbon married to Jane daughter and heiress to Henry d'Albret second King of Navarre and so by his Wife became King of Navarre He was wounded at the siege of Rouen of which he died 1562. Henry III. King of Navarre and the IV. of France was murdered 1610. Charles the old Cardinal de Bourbon by the Leaguers called King Charles X. He died in prison 1590. Lewis de Bourbon Prince of Condé slain at the battel of Jarnac 1569. Henry Prince of Condé died 1588. Henry born 1588. died 1646. Charles the Younger Cardinal of Vendosme after the death of his Uncle called of Bourbon died 1594. He was Head of the Thirdlings or third party Françoise Daughter to René Duke of Alençon died 1550. VENDOSME a Town in Beausse was from an Earldom erected to a Dukedom by King Francis I. 1514. CONDE ' a Town in Hainault or Henegow whence these Princes of the House of Bourbon took their Title GUISE This Family is a branch of the House of LORRAIN the Antiquity of which hath been undertaken by François de Rosieres born at Bar-le-Duc and Archdeacon of Thoul and so being born a Vassal to that Family we may allow him to ramble as far as he pleaseth for Originals and though he Preface his History with Adam and his Children yet his modesty alloweth him to fetch this Family no higher then the story of Troy as it was the fashion of old Monkish Tale-tellers to draw the beginning of most Kingdoms from the Legendaries of that scatter'd People Lotharius Emperour of Germany and the rebellious son of Lewis le' Debonnaire made his younger son Lotharius or Lothaire King of those Territories which from him were called Lorrain as if it were Lotair-Riick and Lot-Reyck the Dominion Possession Jurisdiction or Kingdom of Lotaire or Lotharius which was then in a far larger extent then that which is now the Dukedom to which now the name only belongs René Duke of Lorrain who also call'd himself King of Sicily and Hierusasem and his eldest Son Duke of Calabria Philippe Sister to the Duke of Guelderlandt and after his death her Husband René took upon him that Title also Antoine Duke of Lorrain Bar Counte de Vaudemont Marquess de Pont died 1544. Renee daughter to Guilbert de Bourbon Count of Mont-pensier died 1439. François Duke of Lorrain died 1545. Charles III. married to Claude daughter to Henry II. King of France He died 1608. François Count de Vaudemont Charles de Lorrain a Cardinal chosen to be Bishop of Strasburg which occasioned great troubles He died 1607. Henry II. Duke of Lorrain Nicolas Conte de Vaudemont and Duke of Mercoeur died 1576. Charles de Lorrain Cardinal de Vaudemont Bishop of Toul He died 1587. Philippe-Emanuel Duke of Mercoeur died 1602. Louyse de Lorrain Wife to K. Henry III. of France Claude Duke of GUISE Baron de Joinville came to the Court of France and obtain'd the Government of Champaigne and Burgondy He married Antoinette daugher to François Counte de Vendosme she died 1583. This Claude de Guise was the first and top of that House which by his children divided it self into these following branches François Duke of Guise kill'd by Poltrot at Orleance 1653. Anne d'Este Sister to the Duke of Ferrara and Widow to this Francis Duke of Guise was afterwards married to the Duke of Nemours Henry Duke of Guise kill'd at Bloys 1588. Charles Prince of Joinville after his Fathers death call'd Duke of Guise Charles Duke of Mayenne died 1611 Catherine wife to the Duke of Nevers Henry slain before Montauban 1621. Lewis Card. de
Guise kill'd at Bloys 1588. Catherine second Wife to the Duke of Montpensier She died 1596. Charles Cardinal of Lorrain a Legat in the Council of Trent Of him François d'Isle makes his Legend He died 1573. Lewis de Guise made Card. by Julius III. He died 1578 Claude Duke of Aumale slain at the siege of Rochel 1573. Charles René Marquess of Elboeuf died 1566. Charles Duke of Elboeuf Charles Duke of Elboeuf and Count de Harcourt François call'd the Grand Prior died 1562. Jean Cardinal of Lorrain lived in the French Court a great Favorite with King François I. He died 1550. GUISE a little strong Town in Picardy which King Francis I. raised to a Dukedom and honoured Claude one of the sons of Rene Duke of Lorrain with thit Title BAR a little Dukedom in Lorrain the chiefest Town of it is now call'd Bar-le-Duc so call'd to distinguish it from other Bars upon the Seine the Aube c. it was erected into a Dukedom by Philippes de Valois VI. 1329. The eldest son of Lorrain if married hath this Title PONT now better known by the name of PONT-A-MOUSSON a Marquesset and Title of the eldest son if unmarried of the Duke of Lorrain VAUDEMONT or Vauldemont a Town in Lorrain being the Title of an Earldom JOINVILLE a little Town on the borders of Champaigne towards Lorrain a Principality of the Guises MERCOEUR a Town in Languedoc raised to a Dukedom by Charles IX 1569. for Nicolas Nephew to the Duke of Guise MAYENNE in Beausse in the little Territory Le Maine Coenomanensis Ager erected to a Dukedom by Charles IX 1573. for Charles brother to Guise ELBOEUF in higher Normandy from a Marquesset raised to a Dutchy by Henry II. 1581. and given to Charles Granchild to Claude Duke of Guise AUMALLE Aubmalle Aumarle Albemarle in Latin Alba Mala Arturus du Monstier Neustria Pia p. 731 732 c. for thus and more variously hath it formerly been writ a Town in higher Normandy anciently an Earldom with which Titles the Kings of England as Dukes of Normandy used to honour some of their Subjects and the French Kings having the possession of it have used the same liberty Charles VII made it a Peerdom of France 1458. and Henry II. raised it to a Dukedom for one of Guises sons 1547. but it is now honoured by George Monck Duke of Albemarle By this the common sort of Readers may the better distinguish and understand the variety of Cardinals to be met withall in the Histories of the French Troubles and may also see to what Greatness and Honours the Guisian Family hath in a short time been raised to in France but whether they were answerably grateful to that Crown let others judge Some are apt to tell us that Claude de Vaudemont afterwards the first Ant. Colynet p. 1 and le Contre-Guiâ—e Duke of Guise came into France in the Reign of Lewis XII Predecessor to Francis I. in no splendent condition but by wheedling himself into the Favour of King François I. obtained to be the Kings Falconer whence by degrees he rais'd himself and his Posterity above the Princes of the Bloud Royal. And they also tell us that Francis I. was so sensible of the Aspiring humour of that Family that upon his death-bed he advised his son Henry to have a care of them otherwise * Mon fils j'ay bien apperçeu cognois pur vray que la Race n'en vaut rien que si vous faites le contraire ils vous mettront en pourpoint vostre peuple en chemise François de l'Isle fol. 6. b. They will turn you into your doublet and your subjects into their shirts Some may look upon Lewis XI of France as a cunning King being Jean Bodin de la Râ—publâ—que l. 6. c. 2 p 952 953. Master of Hypocrisie others may conclude him rich when they see his Account run so thriftily if not beggarly as * 20 Sols Two shillings for two new sleeves for the Kings old doublet †15 Deniers One peny half-peny for a box of grease to grease his boots But certainly he was none of the wisest for turning away his Fathers old Faithful Counsellers and Servants for neglecting and despising the old Nobility and pleasing and sorting himself with the Plebeans and those of the meanest rank insomuch that his Taylor was his Herald and his Barber his Embassadour This way of meanness and negligence is seldom without a mischief attending it and this Family of Valois now growing towards its end wanted the vigour and prudence of her former Kings now were they Sardanapalus like more apt and fit to accompany the worst of Women and hold a Distaff then to manage a Sceptre or protect a People Pleasures were all their study and to neglect business all their care they were only the picture of Kings having neither life nor action to Government or Majesty leaving affairs to be managed by any that could thrust themselves uppermost By which easiness they had the honour to be commended by some hated by others pitied by most as good-natur'd Kings born to enrich a few Favourites but ruine the whole Kingdom besides Though some cunning Minister of State can throw all their own Extortions Cheats and Villanies upon the King thereby making a double Cheat abusing both the King and People And thus it happened with these of France to whose very Name and Family I find some to have such a spite and hatred that I meet with a Cordelier called Melchier publickly in the Pulpit to have told the People 1559. that As long as any of the Line of Valois reigned the people could Guil. Ribier Leâ—tres Memoires d'Estat tom 2. p. 799 800. not be free from oppression all that Family being so highly addicted to tyranny And another time he affirmed to his Auditors that It was very convenient that four of the greatest in the Kingdom ought to be rooted out for the easment and comfort of the people That this Gray Frier meant the King then in being viz. Henry II. I cannot say but for number sake it is not unworth the observation that besides the King there were but Four men viz. his Four sons living then in the whole world of that Family after whose deaths it ended and the Crown fell to that of Bourbon Nor is it unworth the notice that the people were then so apt to Sedition that Antoine King of Navarre who under his own hand gave the King notice of these expressions was pussled or at a stand how to behave himself in this affair fearing the rage of the people should he forthwith call the Frier to an account But it is not only the House of Valois that is aimed at but that of Bourbon too as being next Heirs to the Crown of France And this design is heavily laid in the dish of the House of Guise who as they say had for many years consulted
also 1563. Spondâ—n §. 48. 49 50 51. Davila p. 191. sollicited to use his Authority against the Queen of Navarre which would give a greater color and encouragement for others to attaque her accordingly because she was of the Reformed Religion He falleth to work publisheth a Citation or Monitory against her concluding that if she did not turn a Romanist within six moneths he would deprive her of her Dominions and give them to any that would conquer them At this the French King is not a little troubled looking upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence as the common cases of all other Kings nor did he like that any third party should have any pretence to seize upon those Territories which lay so near to and convenient for Spain whom possibly he might suspect though it is said that Philip complemented Queen Jane with an assurance that he would protect her and her Dominions against any that should assault them Besides this another thing happened which did not a little perplex the King the Council of Trent as they call it being now ended Cardinal de Lorrain desired the Pope to use his Interest with the French King that it should be receiv'd and approv'd of in his Dominions that he would root out the Huguenots that he would break the late Peace made with year 1564 them that he would punish the Accessors to the death of Guise c. And that these Petitions might carry the greater awe an Embassadour is sent as from the Pope the Emperour the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy to demand them from Charles who is not a little puzled how to behave himself in this case For to refuse the Council of Trent would render him suspect to the Pope to receive it would be against the Liberties of the Gallican Church to make war against the Huguenots would not advantage him as he had found by experience and he did not much care for Forein assistance to extirpate them quite was not probable to be done and if he should he must destroy many of his nearest Relations however so weaken and impoverish the Kingdom that at last it might bâ—come a prey to a third party As for the death of the Duke of Guise Poltrot who shot him was executed for it and though he had accused Admiral Coligny Beza and some others as Instigators of him to it yet they had publickly disown'd it both by Oath and Declarations besides Poltrot did vary in his Accusations and so his Credit not possitively to be stood to However the King by his cunning doubtful Answers and Delays wheedled all these things off to the no small trouble of the Guisians who hoped for a war and troubles that being the only way to raise themselves and carry on their designs Yet was not the House of Navarre free from danger for Pius V. advised 1568 Spoâ—d § 26. the Queen-mother to seise upon their Dominions seeing Queen Jane was an Heretick or if she approv'd not of this that he might by his Papal Authority appoint one of the Family of Valois to be King of those Territories that for his part if neither of these liked her he was resolved to give to the King of Spain that part of the Kingdom which Jane possessed I suppose he did not mean all those Territories in France which for her Son she governed as Queen of Navarre but only that little spot of ground which lieth North of the Pyrenean Mountains in Gascogne which the French do call the lower Navarre having St. Jean-Pied-de-Port St. Pelage and a few other little Towns in it But which of them the Pope meant is no great matter for both of them if gain'd must be won by the Sword which it seems at this time Philip had no mind to whereupon this went no further then a vapour and so I leave it But nothing can more clearly demonstrate the intent and design of the year 1572 Guisards then the Massacre of Paris a slaughter so much the worse because of its long contrivance before the action viz. almost * Davila p. 346 350 355 356 357. two years for so long was it concluded on before where the †Id. p. 370. Duke of Guise was very urgent and earnest that the young King of Navarre and his young Cousin the Prince of Condé the next Heir to the Crown after Navarre should be both slain with the rest but others though cruel enough oppos'd this as not willing to imbrue their hands in the Bloud Royal which would seem so abominable all the world over But whether at this time the Guisards had any design to secure themselves of the French Crown I shall not say any thing though that they had afterwards is apparent and confest by all Historians And thus much by the way though one might enlarge himself on this bloudy story by observing how the King endeavouring a vindication of himself did make the thing worse by his many Contradictions as appears by his * Vid. Ernest Varamund de Furoribus Gallicis Letters and Declarations Sometimes declaring how sorry he was for the death of his Cousin the year 1572 Admiral how the Massacre was acted without his knowledge how it was contriv'd and done only by those of the House of Guise upon some quarrel between them and the Admiral that it was not in his power to hinder it he having enough to do to secure and guard himself his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. in his Palace the Louvre that he is for peace and desires all to keep the Edict of Pacification c. Othertimes he declareth that the Massacre was done by his express will and commandment that it was acted for the security of himself and Friends that the Admiral and Huguenots had plotted and determined to destroy him his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. Now orders all of the Reformed Religion to be turn'd out of their Imployments Places and Estates and then that they shall be * Davila p. 735. massacred after the same manner all France over c. And as a forerunner to all these slaughters happened the sudden death 12 June of Jane the stout Queen of Navarre who being come to Paris upon earnest Invitations about her sons Marriage was as is commonly believed poisoned by order of the King and Queen-mothers private cabal Certain it is though all the rest of her body was dissected and open'd to view yet the King would * Thuan. l. 49. not by any means let her Head be touched he knowing as †p. 364. Davilla saith that the poison of the Perfum'd Gloves prepar'd for her had only wrought upon her Brain But for all this the Marriage went on and was solemniz'd between 18 August the young King of Navarre for now Henry after the death of his Mother took upon him the Title of King being before only call'd Prince and Margaret Daughter to Henry II. of
France and Sister to Charles IX a Lady of excellent parts as appears by her writing though it may be truly said of her Memoires that she wrote them more to justifie her self and wipe off some stains then to inform posterity of what was true for all is not currant that she attests However it be having been married many years without either Children or Affection to her Husband she was at last divorced from him 1599 as being married against her will and to one that was then an Heretick and too near a kin to her besides the Spiritual Relation her Father Henry II. having been Godfather to her Husband and all these Nullities confirm'd and to the Divorse ratified by Clement VIII though Pope Gregory XIII had formerly dispens'd with them and approved of the Marriage But for all these pretences the truth of it was that this King naturally gave himself up to the pleasure of variety to which he wanted not many flattering promoters insomuch that some of his Dames of pleasure wanted but a litâ—â—e to fit in the Throne and Margaret having been thus for 27 years fruitless the people desired succession by some other means which afterwards happened from Maria de Medicis daughter to Francisco Grand Duke of Tuscamy married upon the Divorce to this Henry Margaret who yet kept the Title of Queen died 1615 who doth * Men oâ—râ—s p. 31. confess that the Contrivers of this Massacre did design it not only against the Huguenots but also against the Princes of the Bloud Royal and that they were not a little angry when they understood that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were preserved from the slaughter And what vertue or goodness could then be expected in the French Court of which a late excellent Author doth give this Character Hard. de Perefixe Hist Hen. le 〈…〉 That then it never was there any more vicious or more corrupted where then Atheism Sorcery Impiety Ingratitude Perfidiousness Poisonings Murderings and such like horrible wickednesses did sway in the highest degree To which we might adde the designs of Catherine de Medicis the Queen-mother one that hath left a very bad and black Character behind her some making her the Authoress of the many miseries of that Kingdom and amongst many others I find one thus very biting against her Tres Erebi Furias ne posthac credite vates Tho. Lanâ— Consult Germ. p. 272 Addita nam quarta est nunc Catherina tribus Quod si tres Furias à se dimitteret Orcus Haec Catherina foret pro tribus una satis That th' Furies are but three now speak no more Since Catherine doth make the number four And yet should Hell cashier those three this Kate Alone would serve to plague grim Pluto's State And we might also suppose that the ill-will these Brothers of Valois bare one to another might be some advantage to these troubles and one tells us that they endeavour'd to ravish the French Crown one from Hist Hen. le Grand another on which he remarks as it were by a judgment that they all died unhappily And possibly these Garboils and miseries might be somwhat promoted by the natural humour of that Nation which is said to be very * Phil. Brist Geogr. vol. 1. p. 78. Fickle and Quarrelsom the Sieur Montaigne himself confessing and asserting That †Mettez 3 Francois au deserts de Libye ils ne seront pâ—s un mois ensemble sans se harceler esgrat ner Lâ—s Essais de Moâ—taigne l. 2. c. 27. p. 666. if three Frenchmen were put together in the wilde desarts of Libya where self-preservation might oblige them to assist and befriend one another before a months end they would be provoking scratching and falling out one with another As for the Brother Kings * Fuseb Philod lp Cosmopolit Dialog 1. p. 75 76 77 79. some think that the famous French Poet Pierre de Ronsard though a zealous Romanist did design their Characters and vices under counterfeit names in the end of his La Trançiade but whether so or not let others judge However though these accidents might make the way more easie for the following mischiefs yet we shall find that horrid League more highly carried on by those of the house of Lorrain of which pretended holy Covenant we proceed now to speak more particularly passing by in the mean time those worse then Civil Wars between the King and Huguenots where all things went to wrack and the Kingdome was almost ruined of which thus an †Tho. Daneâ—t Hist of France in Epist Dedic Dr. Pet. du Mâ—ulin's Vindication of the sincerity of the Protâ—stants Religion c. 2. p. 29 30 c. eye-witness doth testifie 1577. We found such a Wilderness in all the Countrey between Bayonne and Bourdeaux that whole Forrests and Woods were turn'd up and consumed the Towns utterly desolated the people dispersed the Churches quite subverted and the Children a lamentable thing to be recorded remaining unchristned by the space of ten years And wherever the fault lay I shall not Apologize here for the Huguenot who was too zealous in his way and too much byass'd by fury and indiscretion as it commonly hapneth to those holy people who cry up Religion with the sword in their hands as if it were lawful for subjects to rebel upon the account of any Religion or such pretence in the world But nothing here is intended against the Huguenot since 't is said in their Vindication that these troubles were neither upon the account of Religion nor between the King and them but rather a begun Quarrel 'twixt the Princes of the Blood and the Guises with their Minions the first taking it ill that the latter should sway all by excluding them from the management of publick affairs to whom as Princes of the Blood-Royal by the Custom of France it did belong especially in the Minority or indisposition of their Kings and so one time were willing to gain that which they thought their right and another time thought it best to defend themselves but of these things I shall not judge being at this time nothing to any purpose CHAP. II. The Articles of the Holy League and the Guisards Under plotting against the King SIgismundus II. surnamed Augustus King of Poland and much commended 1572 1573 for his Prudence Valour and Learning dying the people choose for their King Henry Duke of Anjou Brother to Charles IX King of France who accordingly goeth into Poland and is there * Feb. crown'd But here he stay'd not long for the same year his Brother †30 May. Charles dying year 1574 the Crown of France belong'd to him as next and so upon notice of his death he * June steals out of Poland to the no small trouble of the Natives and posts to his Hereditary Throne which he thought more worth then the other Elective yet in France he always kept the Title of King
of Poland though that people seeing Henry would not return to them again had chosen for their Sovereign Stephanus Battorius an Hungarian year 1575 and Prince of Transilvania Henry III. being thus Crown'd or Consecrated the French King at Rbeimes was the next day married to Louyse de Vaudemont Neece to the Duke of Lorrain and as a shew that nothing should be wanting to the prosperity of that Nation a firm peace was struck up and concluded whereby a free Exercise of Religion is granted to the Huguenots Liberty to erect Schools or Colledges of calling Synods to 14 May 1576 Edict de Mâ—y enjoy Offices and Dignities c. But none of these Conditions were observed to the no small discontent of the Huguenot Nor were the Romanists pleas'd that any such Articles should be granted though they were wink'd at to break them according to their humours And whoever was the Instigator of the said Agreement some laid their designs by it For now was it spred abroad how prejudicial the said Peace was to the Roman Religion how dangerous to the French Nation that the King shewed himself none of the wisest in concluding it nay it was whisper'd as if the King might have a twang of Calvinism by this shewing a favour to the Hereticks though 't is supposed that the Guisians were the main Promoters of this Peace thereby to have an occasion to raise these Discourses the better to get the King disliked so neglected by his people Though they need not have taken so much pains to obtain that which the King himself by his negligence facile humour wanton tricks hypocrisie and his odd carriage * Vid. Journâ—l du Roy Hen. III. Aoâ—st 1576. Fevrier 1577. in his Momeries and such like disguises was naturally apt to procure and accordingly was slighted and despised as appears in part by the many Lampons and such like Raileries against him and the Honourary Titles the Wags were then pleas'd to bestow on him The House of Guise in spight of the Interest Priority and Favour year 1576 which the Law and Custom of France grants to the Princes of the Bloud Royal had used of late times to rule all and dispose of the King and Kingdom as they pleas'd and having now the Queen of their Family question'd not but to rule and sway all as formerly nay and to drive a little higher And because Peace was an enemy to their designs 't is plotted how to break that and the Kings Reputation together as aforesaid By the late Edict of Agreement the Prince of Condé was made Governour of Picardy and in it the strong Town of Peronne assigned to him At this many Reports are thrown out disadvantageous to the King and at last the People are secretly cheated to an opposition so they resolve Condé shall not enter into Peronne nor have any thing to do over them for security of which and their Religion a Manifesto of their humours and designs is drawn up by their Leaders and they are all secretly oblig'd to submit and subscribe to it the Paper it self being long and much of it of no great matter I shall refer you to other * d'Aubigne Hist â—re Vnâ—neâ—selle tom 2. l. 2. c. 3. Andr. Favyn Hist de Navarre l. 15. p. 927 928 c. Writers But the summe of it was After many fine specious Cantings and Good morrows of their Loyalty Religion and Obedience to Enter into an Holy Union or Covenant To honour follow and obey him that shall be chosen the * They do not name their Chief but all conclude it was the Duke of Guise Chieftain of their League and to assist him in all things against any be who it will that shall attempt any thing against him To defend and keep the people from oppression better then hath been done heretofore To spend their very lives for defence of the Towns and Castles which shall associate with them and their Chief To keep secret the Counsels of their Covenanters and to discover any thing that may be prejudicial to their League To be faithful loving and assistant one to another and that all the private Quarrels amongst them shall be ended by the Council which shall be chosen of their Confederation to whose determination they will submit themselves And the better to strengthen their League it shall ba remonstrated at their next meeting the necessity of appointing some amongst them in several places to inform the Gentlemen of their parts or neighbourhoods what is necessary to be propos'd to receive their Answers and to determine what is fitting to be set on feot To give secret notice to their adjoyning Cities of their designs and to get them to joyn with them in the same League aâ—d Covenant That some should be dispatch'd to the * No question but Spain in the first place neighbouring Nations with Credential Letters to persuade them to joyn and run the same fortune with their League That in the Cantons Divisions or Wapentakes of the said Province of Picardy there shall be one appointed to inform the Associats or Covenanters about him of whom there shall be a Roll or List made and that every one shall procure as many Proselytes as he can That every man shall have his Arms in readiness That a Rendezvouz shall be pitch'd upon when time shall require and that the Places Towns and Castles of the King and of those belonging to their Associats shall be endeavour'd to be in confiding hands That they must have some trusty friend at Court to give them Intelligence That they must promise and swear all fidelity and service as far as their lives and estates go to their Chief and Head And so zealous were they for this Association that they protest in their Manifesto to spend their bloud as freely for it as Christ did his for the Redemption of Mankind This their Manifesto they spread abroad with a great deal of care and cunning persuading and getting multitudes to subscribe it and amongst other places they were very busie at Paris but it is said thus Christopher de Thou the chief President and Father to the Famous Jacobus Augustus Thuan. l. 63 Thuanus gave some stop to it in that City by shewing his dislike of it They had also a great mind to inveigle Ludovico Gonzago the Duke Gomberville les Memoires de Nevers vâ—l 1. p. 437 458. of Nevers into something like it and its Subscription but he very cunningly refused it as if not willing to enter into any League or Association without his Kings knowledge and desire but though he would not subscribe yet either Opinion or Interest engaged him more then was fitting to the Leaguers for some time Yet the Guisians perceiving their number to increase drew their designs into a closer compass and after the following Form framed their HOLY LEAGUE AND COVENANT which was to be signed and sworn by all their Confederates THE LEAGUE Au nom de la saincte Trinité
the Covenant and declare himself the Head of it Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cunning as themselves and so he desires since they seem willing for war to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on At this they demur for though they loved mischief yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discretion The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means First they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons and a great part of the Interested Clergy as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church for though they love the Religion yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them This not fadging they consult how to restrain the Kings power for which purpose they propound that his Council might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom but this was also rejected many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest a little to clip their wings by publick * Spond an 1576. §. 11. Order confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours but were very sedulous in their private Consultations by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Government scattering abroad Libels bewitching many * Jo. de Bassieres tom 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction And several other Plots and Contrivances they had to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion as Processions Prayers c. the Guisians under this †Davila 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison by their seditious discourses amongst the people The King also did not want his ways of Devotion assisting often in their Processions undergoing Penances wear Hair shirts had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle would observe Canonical hours and by such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond anno 1583. § 11. But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite contrary judgment looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet a Benedictine at Paris preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists And indeed it cannot be deny'd that this King hath sometimes carried on his * Vid. d'Aubigne tom 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion being too much addicted to ease and pleasures as appear'd by his other Carnival actions for which he was †Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose afterwards Bishop of Senlis and others Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League whose power must now be all his study to diminish To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently and whom he could confide in and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lorrain The Guisards not ignorant of this design and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot to which purpose a Pâ—erefixe Hist Hen. le Grand thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre the Prince of Condé and their Adherents But passing by these things the number of Male contents was increas'd for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert and others were discontented to see themselves slighted these Male contents the Guisards attaque and more easily won to joyn with them and enter into their League And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all To which purpose François de Rosieres Archdeacon of Toul putteth pen to paper and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Relations making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd into several things were taken notice of which gave some great offence For besides the unseasonable timing of it considering the designs of the Guises and his declaring * Fran. Ros Stâ—mmatum Lothar fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line but besides he had several odd Reflections on the †Id. fo 369 1583 King himself of Idleness Luxury and bad Government In short Rosieres is cast in prison the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults craving pardon on his knees by the intercession of the Queen-mother is released and the book torn before his face Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great related to Hugh Capet and had Title good enough to the Crown But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard afterwards Bishop of Chalon Cabilonum writ but for fear of the Faction conceal'd his name and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task And the same year also I mean 1583 came out a little French * Discourse sur â—e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France Tract of about two sheets of paper in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers but for all this the people will believe as they please CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou the onely Brother to the King dying the Guisards rejoyce not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon with the several Declarations and Proposals between them and the King THE Leaguers who for some time that the King might not be too suspicious of them had proceeded but leisurely had now an encouragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs For Francis Duke of Anjou of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour year 1584 the only Brother to the King died not without suspicion and
a Phil. Briet Annâ—l Spond § 1. signs of poison which some b Andr. Favyn p. 926 935. think was administred by the Covenanting Faction yet at his Funeral the Duke of Guise could c Journal du Hen. III. Mart. 25. shew as troubled and melancholy a Visage as any His death reviveth the hopes of the Guisians for perceiving the King having been about nine years married without any probability of having Children for all the assistance of * Journal 23 Jan. 1579. Spond anno 1583. § 11. hallowed Shirts and Smocks and so the Line of Valois to end with him and though the next related to the Crown was the House of Bourbon yet here they had rais'd a doubt whether the Uncle or the Nephew was to succeed whether Cardinal Bourbon or the King of Navarre were next Heirs and the Guisards made it their business to raise up the Cardinals right by his Interest thinking to secure their own designs for it was his main plot to get Navarre excluded And this might the better be perform'd seeing he as also his Cousin the Prince of Condé the next Heir after Navarre was a Protestant and so it would be an easie matter to get him declar'd incapable of the Crown as an Heretick And as for Charles Cardinal of Bourbon being crasie infirm and none of the wisest and one that was rul'd in all things by Guise was the more fit to make a Property of and if he should come to the Throne Guise did not doubt but to manage his Affairs so well that being already very popular with the Romanists he might secure the Succession to himself having got many to vaunt much of his Pedegree and Relations However things went it was good at the beginning to act under the feeble Cardinal as the first Prince of the Bloud as they call'd him And that the Cardinal look'd upon himself as so is confirm'd by this story which they tell us That a little after the ' foresaid death of the Duke of Anjou King Henry III. asked the Cardinal Journal Sâ—â—t 158â— that supposing himself should die whether he would take upon him the Government and precede the King of Navarre To which the Cardinal reply'd That upon his death the Crown did belong to him and that he was resolv'd not to lose his right At which 't is said the King laught and jeer'd him Yet Guise carry'd on his business so well that he gain'd a multitude of Followers some being Male-contents others that loved trouble and mischief as their Lawyers some led by Interest as their Priests and Jesuits and others persuaded by an holy Zele thinking Religion was now at the last gaâ—p and no way to recover her but by entring into this Holy League and Covenant Yet the designs of the Guisards were not carried so closely but the King had some hints of them which did not a little trouble him However to prevent all danger he had some thoughts of joyning with Navarre yet with a desire that he should turn Romanist for which purpose he sends the Duke of Espernon to him to persuade his Conversion but in this Navarre desired to be excus'd however offers him the Assistance and Forces of the Protestants to be when he pleas'd at his service either to secure him from or to quell the Covenanters The Leaguers inform'd of these Consultations take opportunity thence to bespatter the King calling him Heretick giving out that he design'd the ruine of the Roman Religion that for that end he was joyning himself to the Huguenots and in proof of this they made no small noise of his receiving the Order of Garter from the English Queen Elizabeth by the Earl of * Thes urnâ—l by a mistake saith Warwick Derby whom they calumniated as the worst of all Hereticks And the better to possess the peoples heads with mischief and Sedition they kept in pay divers Priests who daily taught their Flock That Princes ought to be depos'd who do not sufficiently perform their Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand duty That no Power but what is well order'd is of God That that which passeth its due bounds is not Authority but Usurpation That it is absurd to say any should be King who knoweth not how to govern And we need not question but from these Heads they framed what Interpretations pleas'd them best and of all they themselves must be Judges And so I meet with a Batchelour in Divinity of the Sorbonne who at that time publickly maintain'd in Disputation publish'd and dedicated to the Abbot of Cluny this Position That It was lawful for any man private or otherwise to depose or kill any Ant Colynâ—â— p. 23. King or Prince which were wicked evil men or Hereticks But the mischief fell upon the Disputants head for the King offended at this strange kind of pretended Divinity intended to call him to an account but was prevented by another accident for the Sorbonnist was found shot to death in the Court of the College but by whom I know not yet the story supposeth by some of his friends the Leaguers thereby to prevent his Trial and some further discovery it may be of those who set him on work In these Divisions and divers Interests we may suppose France to be but in a bad condition every Faction pretending and striving to be greatest and amongst the many Lampons that then flew abroad this following was held not amiss wherein as in a Play each party speaketh his own desires and aims LE ROY Je desire la paix la guerre je jure LE DUC DE GUISE Mais si la paix se faict mon Espoir n' est plus rien LE DUC DE MAYENNE Par la guerre nous vient le credit le bien LE CARDINAL DE GUISE Le temps s'offre pour nous avec la couverture LE ROY DE NAVARRE C ' il qui compte sans moy pensant que je l'endure Comptera par deux fois je m' en assure bien LE CARDINAL DE BOURBON Chacun peut bien compter ce qu' il pense estre sien LA ROYNE MERE La dispute ne vaut pendant que mon fils dure LE DUC DE LORRAIN Poursuivons neantmoins la LIGUE ses projects LE DUC DE SAVOYE Le Roy donques perdera la FRANCE ses Subjects LE ROY D' ESPAGNE Si la FRANCE se pert je l'aura tost trouve LA FRANCE Tout beau il ne faut pas tant de chiens pour un os Et ceux la ont bien mal ma puissance esprouvee Qui pour l'Ambition me troublent le repos THE KING Peace I desire all war I ' d have repell'd DUKE OF GUISE But by a peace my hopes and plots are quell'd DUKE OF MAYENNE We 'll make our selves by war gain glory thence CARDINAL OF GUISE And we 've occasion cloak'd with fair pretence KING OF NAVARRE Who plots without me thinking I 'll remain So unconcern'd
Nevers he posts to Rome though contrary to the Popes desire and growing daily more jealous of the Leaguers intentions is very sollicitous for a perfect Agreement and Accommodation writing several times to Cardinal de Bourbon not to press too much upon the Kings patience and at last being fully convinced that the Guises had more a private Interest then a publick good in their thoughts quite forsook them and their Cause and joyn'd with the King The King in the mean time somewhat inform'd of the troublesome and warlike designs of the Covenanters was persuaded to consult his own security and therefore by a publick Decree forbids all raising or gathering 28 March together of Souldiers unless by his express Command and Authority commanding all his good Subjects at the ringing of the Toquesaint the Alarm bell to fall upon the said Souldiers as declar'd enemies But the Leaguers proceed cunningly and vigorously having strengthned themselves as they thought pretty well were resolved to make an open Rupture according to their former determinations To which purpose they overpersuade Cardinal de Bourbon to quit the Court under colour of keeping Lent at his Archbishoprick of Rouen so he went to Gailon a Palace belonging to that See in higher Normandy where a great company of the Covenanters of Picardy waited upon him and for his more pretended security conducted him to Peronne where the League was first framed as aforesaid and here he was met by the Dukes of Guise Mayenne Aumale Elboeuf and other Covenanting Nobles where a large Declaration is drawn up in his Name whom they call the First Prince of the Ploud and subscribed by him the substance of it is as followeth In the Name of God Almighty King of Kings be it known unto all c. That a design to subvert Religion hath been the cause of the late troubles That it is fear'd the King dying childless the Church and Kingdom may be ruin'd over which they are resolved never to let an Heretick sway the people being bound neither to admit or obey any Prince but of the Roman Religion That to hinder all mischiefs some remedy is to be applied That the great preparations of the Huguenots are sufficiently understood That it is also not unknown but * * Chiefly â—â—ming at the Duke of Espernon some people have so possest themselves of the Kings affection that they have as it were seiz'd upon his Authority and excluded those who ought to be more near him That these Favourites or Minions have got the chief Governments and Places of Trust whereby they may command all by Land or Sea That they have imbezell'd the Kings Revenues thereby making themselves more powerful and obey'd to the great oppression of the people which daily increaseth That though the Amendment of Abuses was hoped for at the meeting of the Estats at Bloys yet Private Interests spoil'd all That these Abuses are now grown so great that the Kingdom is almost ruin'd by them the Clergy surcharged and despised the Nobles debas'd abus'd and ruin'd and all the people in a manner beggar'd and impoverish'd by strange Taxations c. Therefore We CHARLES de BOURBON first Prince of the Bloud assisted with the Princes Cardinals Peers Bishops c. being the best and soundest part of the Kingdom DECLARE that we have sworn and faithfully promis'd to continue in Arms till the Church and Roman Religion be establish'd in her former Dignity the Nobles enjoy their Privileges the people eas'd the new Taxes abolished the Parlements left to their wonted freedom and liberty c. These and such others are the causes of our Arming which by these necessities is made justifiable though otherwise we should disclame such courses and so believing we cannot have a more honourable Funeral then to die in so holy and just a cause Yet protesting that we do not intend any thing against the King but on the contrary in defence of his Person Life and Estate being willing to lay down our Arms when he shall remedy these evils in doing of which he shall be more honoured and obeyed by us That seeing the Laws and their good Intentions are clear enough therefore they will not force the King to declare a Successour though in so doing the Nation might hereafter be eas'd of Troubles and Factions about it That as they have all a grand Veneration for the Queen-mother so they hope she will have a good opinion of them Humbly desire all people to assist them in this their good design and to have a favourable construction of their actions Protesting never to lay down Arms till we have accomplish'd all these our desires and so desire all good Romanists to assist them in their Prayers and Devotions CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon At Peronne 31 March 1585. But this Declaration was drawn up and confirm'd by the Cardinal some time before and also Copies of it sent abroad by the Leaguers the better to confirm their Party for I meet with a Letter sent by the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne to the Parlement of Province meaning Aix the chief City of that County where that Parlement sits in which they tell Memoiâ—es de Nevers vol. 1. them That they have sent the copy of the said Cardinal de Bourbons Declaration to them by which they might perceive how unwilling they were to take up arms yet that in the quarrel they were resolved to venture life goods friends too exhorting and adjuring that Parlement to assist them telling them that as they shall aid those who joyn with them so they will endeavour the ruine of those who oppose their League Your most Affectionate Servants HENRY de LORRAIN CHARLES de LORRAIN Joinville 19 March 1585. As for the Declaration it self it was rejoyned to by the King in another well and cunningly worded endeavouring to answer all their Objections desiring them to lay down their arms and admonishing all his Subjects not to believe their idle pretences but to confide in and joyn themselves to him But it was not words that were to befriend the Covenanters so they draw their Forces together rendezvouz at Chalons in Champaigne whither the Cardinal Bourbon is conducted to them by the Duke of Guise with as great demonstrations of Honour and Joy as could be the better to insnare and bewitch the old man whose Name and Interest they wero to make so much use of And now Guise tampers again with Nevers assuring him that all things go better and better desireth his speedy assistance and is much troubled that Rochette one of his cunning Agitators is taken and carried prisoner to Paris fearing thereby some of their Plots may be discover'd Yet they look upon themselves strong enough to defie any opposition having muster'd about 12000 men expecting daily Recruits of German and Spanish Forces hir'd to joyn with them and thus fortifi'd they seize upon several strong places As for the King he is at a stand what to do not having strength
enough to oppose his Enemies nor certain where to secure himself fearing if he left Paris it would rise against him and if he stay'd there he might be seiz'd on so zealously bent was that City for the Covenant However he gets a strong Guard about him and sends the Queen-mother to treat with the Confederates And what a grand conceit they had of their enterprise may in part be Gomberville vol 1. p. 648. seen by their Cardinals Letter to the Dutchess of Nevers wherein he tells her How pleas'd he is with the good will which she and her Duke bears to their designs which is onely for the honour of God though others traduce them as Ambitious That they shall shortly have the bravest Army that hath been in France these five hundred years That though the Queen-mother now talk to them of peace yet their demands are so many for Religion that she will not grant them c. Your most humble Uncle to serve you CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon Chalons 23 May 1585. But in short the Treaty is carried on very cunningly on both sides and at last both Parties growing jealous of their own Force and Guise doubting the Cardinals constancy by reason of his easie nature a Peace was clapt up advantageous enough to the Covenanters for by Agreement 7 July the Huguenots were to be prosecuted several Cities and strong places given to the Guisards strong Horse-guards appointed and paid by the King to wait upon their Chieftains Guise himself is to have one hundred thousand Crowns his Forces paid and all things forgiven c. And for better satisfaction upon this Re-union of his Subjects as they call'd it the King in Parlement must publish an Edict which Perefixe calls a Bloudy one The summe of it was thus HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Poland c. 18 July Edict de Juillet How God and Man knoweth his care and endeavours to have all his Subjects of one Religion i. e. the Roman the want of which hath been the occasions of so many troubles Wherefore with the advice of his Mother and Council he doth ordain and command this unalterable Decree and Edict That in his Dominions there shall be but one viz. the Roman Religion under pain of confiscation of Body and Goods all former Edicts to the contrary notwithstanding That all Huguenot Ministers or Preachers do avoid and depart the Kingdom within one moneth That all his other Subjects who will not change their Religion shall depart within six moneths yet shall have liberty to sell and dispose of their goods That all Huguenots or Hereticks shall be incapable of any Office or Dignity That all * * Courts 〈…〉 in severâ—l plâ—â—ces by former Edicts 1576 1577. wherein half were to be Romanists and half Huguenâ—ts These were restored agâ—in by the Edict of Nantâ—s 1589. with maâ—y other favours to the Hugâ—enots mâ—ny or which have been since null'd and taken away Chambre mi-parties and tri-parties shall be taken away That all those Towns and Places formerly given to the Huguenots for their security shall by them be deliver'd up That what hath hitherto or formerly been done shall be pardon'd on both sides And that for the better preservation of this Edict all Princes Officers Governours Justices Mayors c. shall swear to keep it and their said Oaths to be registred HENRY By the King in his Council Broulart Read and publish'd in Parlement the King present De-Hevez The King of Navarre seeing himself thus aim'd at not only challengeth Guise to single Combat which the Duke answer'd only by Libels but also vindicated himself by an Apologetical Declaration drawn up by Philippe Morney Sieur du Plessis whose Pen and Learning that King used to make much use of as appears by his Memoirs and whose Life was afterwards writ by one of his Amanuenses and in whose commendations you may read a large Ode in Monsieur * Le Paâ—nasse des Poetes Francoises tom 2. fol 69 70 c. D'Espinelle's Collections King Henry III. perceiving that the Leaguers made great noise against him for not prosecuting the war against the Huguenots or rather against the King of Navarre told them his willingness to such a war and therefore desir'd them to put him in a way to have Moneys for the raising and paying the Armies but this they car'd not for being unwilling that he should be either strong or rich yet to stop their clamours he gave order for the levelling of three Armies to fight Navarre and his Associates Thus were their three several Interests in France at the same time I. The King and his Royalists II. The King of Navarre with his Huguenots in their own defence as a * Andr. Favyn Hist de Navarre p. 936. Davila p. 579. Romanist confesseth III. The Guisians or Covenanters designing the ruine of the two former and to advance themselves And now Pope Gregory XIII dying there succeeded in the Chair Sixtus V. who upon sollicitation of the Guisards thunders out a Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé which being too long for this place I shall refer you to the reading of it in other * Pet. Math. Sâ—â—mma Constitut Rom. Pont. p. 901 902 903. Fran. Hoâ—oman â—ulmen Brutum Goldest Monarch Rom. tom 2 3 p. 124 125 126. Authors But because it is in none of the Editions of Cherubinus his Bullarium possibly since that time thinking it not convenient to exaspeâ—â—te that Kingdom as they have either fraudulently or politickly left out some other Bulls take the summe of it as followeth First it telleth us what a fine thing a Pope is that by his right and power can throw down and depose the greatest of Kings Then what favours and kindnesses this Henry hath received from the Pope for Gregory XIII abolished and pardoned his former sins and Heresies and gave him a Dispensation to marry his Queen Margaret and the like done to the Prince of Condé Yet for all this they have adhered to Calvinism opposed the Roman Religion and endeavoured to carry on that which they call A Refâ—rmation for which they have by Arms and Council withstood the Romanists Wherefore according to our duty we draw the sword of vengeance against these two Sons of wrath Henry sometimes King of Navarre and Henry Prince of Condé And therefore declare them and all their posterity deprived of all their Dominions Principalities Titles Places Jurisdictions Offices Goods Rights c. And that both they and their posterity are and shall hereafter be uncapable to succeed in or possess any of the premisses And we also absolve all Nobles Feudatories Vassals Subjects and all other people from their Oaths of Allegeance Fidelity and Duties they owe or promis'd to them And do hereby command and forbid all and every one that they in no wise obey the aforesaid Henries or any of their Laws or Commandments and those that do otherwise we excommunicate with the
same sentence And we exhort and admonish Henry III. King of France to imploy all his Authority Power and Courage to see this sentence executed And command all Archbishops and Bishops in France Navarre and Bearne in virtue of Holy Obedience that they cause this our Bull. to be publsh'd and effected And if any presume to oppose or infringe this sentence he shall incur the Indignation of Almighty God and his blessed Apostles Peter and Paul A. de Alexiis Subscribed by XXV Cardinals At Rome 9 Septemb. 1585. The Guisards now thought their Game half done not doubting but that this Bull would take so much effect as for ever to exclude these two Bourbons and their Posterity from the French Throne which then would be the more easie for them to ascend But the Paris Parlement most of which saw no further into the League then the specious outside look'd upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence that the next heirs to the Crown should thus so slightly be Excluded without advice either of the King or them to the violation as they thought of the Priviledges of the Gallican Church And therefore in a full body waited upon the King desiring to have the Bull torn in pieces and the Procurers of it to be enquired after and severely punish'd and affirming to the King that it ought publickly to be burnt But the King though he disliked the manner of the Bull yet at this time thinking it best neither to offend Pope Parlement or Guisards said he would consider of it and thus the business was past over though the Covenanters spred their Copies abroad with Triumph But the King of Navarre would not brook his Reputation thus to be blasted and therefore gallantly as Perefiue saith opposed himself against the Papal Bull his Answer being short brisk in an unusual stile and not yet as I know of clad in English take as followeth HENRY par le Grace de Dieu Roy de Navarre Prince Souverain de Bearn Premier Pair and Prince de France s' oppose à la Declaration Excommunication de Sixte cinquiesme soy disant Pape de Rome la maintient faux en appella come d'abus en la Cour des Pairs de France desquels il a cest honneur d'estre le Premier Et en ce que touche le crime d'Heresie de laquelle il est faussement accusé par le Declaration dict soustient que Monsieur Sixte soy disant Pape sauve sa Sanctete en a faussement menti que luy mesme est Heretique ce qu' il fera prouver en plein Concile libre legitiment assemblé Auquel s' il ne consent ne s' y soubmit comme il est obligé par ses droicts Canons mesmes il le tient declare pour un ANTICHRIST HERETIQUE en ceste qualité veut avoir guerre perpetuelle irreconciliable contre luy Proteste cependent de nullité le recouvir contre luy ses Successeurs pour reparation d'honneur de l'injure qui luy est faicte a toute la Maison de France comme le faict la necessité presente le requient Que si par le passé les Princes Roys ses Predecesseurs ont bien sçeu chastier la temerité de tels Gallans comme est ce pretendu Pape Sixte lors qu' ils se sent oubliez de leur devoir passé les bornes de leur Vocation confondant le Temporal avec le Spirituel Le dit Roy de Navarre qui n' est en rien enferieur a eux espere que Dieu luy fera la grace de venger l'injure faicte a son Roy a la Maison a son sang a toutes les Cours de Parlement de France sur luy sur ses Successeurs Implorant à cest effect l'aide secours de tous les Princes Roys Villes Communantez vrayement Christiennes auquel ce faict touche Aussi prie tous Allies Confederez de ceste Couronne de France de s'opposer avec luy contre le Tyrannie Usurpation du Pape des Ligues Conjurateurs en France ennemis de Dieu de l'Estat de leur Roy du repos General de toute la Christianite Autant en proteste Henry de Bourbon Prince de Condé HENRY by the Grace of God King of Navarre Sovereign Prince of Bearn first Peer and Prince of France doth Protest against the Declaration and Excommunication of Sixtus V. calling himself Pope of Rome doth affirm it to be false and doth Appeal from it as an Imposture to the Court of Peerage in France of which he hath the honour to be the Chief or First And as for that which concerneth the crime of Heresie and of which he is falsly accus'd by the said Declaration he doth affirm and maintain that Master Sixtus calling himself Pope with reverence to his Holiness hath lied in his throat and that he himself is the Heretick as he will prove in a General and Free Council legally assembled To which if he will not consent and submit himself as he is oblig'd by the very Canons themselves he will then hold and dclare him for an ANTICHRIST and HERETICK and so will have a pâ—rpetual and irreconcilable war against him Nevertheless protesting his sentences of no force which Nullity he will recover against him and his Successours for a reparation of the injury which is done to him and all the Bloud Royal of France as the present necessity requireth And if formerly the Princes and Kings his Predecessours knew well enough how to chastise the hair-braindness or foolhardiness of such dapper Gallants as this pretended Pope Sixtus is when they forgot their duty and pass'd the bounds of their callings by hand-over-head blending or jumbling the Temporal power with the Spiritual The said King of Navarre who is no way inferiour to them hopeth that God will assist him to revenge upon the said Sixtus and his Successors the injury done to his King the Royal Family and Bloud and all the Courts of Parlement of France And to this purpose he imploreth the help and assistance of all the truly Christian Princes Kings Cities Corporations or Associations which are herein concern'd And he also desires all the Allies and Confederates of this Crown of France to joyn themselves with him to withstand the Tyranny and Usurpation of the Pope and the Covenanting Conspiratours in France enemies to God their Country and King and the Common peace of all Christendom The same is also protested and testified by Henry de Bourbon Prince of Condé And this Protestation was fixed upon the corners of the Streets of Rome the 6th of Novembeâ— 1585. And there were several Scholars who undertook the defence of the King of Navarre amongst which were the two famous Civilians Francis Hotman and Pierre de Belloy the last of which suffer'd a tedeous imprisonment As for the Pope being of
Cardinal de Guise and some others were great sticklers for the League countenanced there by Cardinal Pellevé◠The actions of which Cardinal being a Subject of France did so vex King Henry III. that we are * Journal De 1586. 1587 told that he order'd his Revenues to be seiz'd on and distributed to the poor The King being gone from Paris with an Army to oppose the Germans then marching into France to assist the Huguenots the Covenanters had some thoughts of seizing on the City in his absence according to Guise his Instructions who phansied that he might secure the Kings Person in the Country To this purpose they sent Lauchart to Guise for further information who upon maturer advice would not allow of the plot sâ—eing the King then to have such a Force about the City and a good Army under his command However they assure the Duke of their strength and willingness to attempt any thing that he shall command And the better to incite the Rabble to Rebellion the Pulpit the worst Instrument in Seditious design is made use of several turbulent Priests or Ministers being set on work to bespatter the King and his actions one of the chief of these Firebrands was Jean Boucher Preacher of St. Benoist a zealous wall-ey'd Fellow of whose wicked Doctrines we have told you formerly out of his book De justa abdicatione Henrici III. The King sent for him and publickly told him of his lies and slanders as how he had told the people in the Pulpit that the King caused one Burlart of Orleans to be put into a Sack and thrown into the River although the said Burlart was yet alive and daily kept company with the said Boucher by which the King told him he had committed two grand faults first so basely to bely his lawful Sovereign and then after telling such a lie in the Pulpit to go forthwith to the Altar and Sacrament without acknowledging his foresaid falsities although all confess that every one ought to confess his faults before he receive the Eucharist yet the King told him that at this time he would forgive all though he might revenge himself as Pope Sixtus V. did who year 1587 sent several Franciscans to the Gallies for traducing him in their Sermons Another call'd Prevost being Preacher of St. Severin amongst his many other Seditious prattlements had from the Pulpit told his Parishioners that The King was a Tyrant and an Enemy to the Church and People Upon which the King as became him sent for him which so netled the Covenanters that they forthwith spread abroad that the King was resolved to punish and imprison all the good and godly Preachers A thing very offensive to all manner of Zealots of what pretended Opinion soever Rebellious Experience making it a certain rule that none clamour up Preaching more then those who pretend to know Religion better then their Teachers the more ignorant the people be the more apt they are to think they comprehend the deepest mysteries and though they are bid to obey for Conscience-sake yet for all their crying up of the Bible they make a contrary fundamental-Rule viz. Rebell for Conscience-sake yet let these Toleration comprehensive or in sum Rebellious Villains for their actions hitherto in History hath not separated them be worse then can be imagined they shall never want some rascally upstart Nobles who raised themselves by fighting the King and cheating the Church to be their Treasonable and Sacrilegious Patrons especially where their Twatling Dames have more zeal then honesty and from such Vagabonds in Religion good Lord deliver all Kings Kingdoms and Churches but when Kings are subjects people will be Kings but a brave and daring Prince durst never yet be opposed to the ruine of the Undertakers but such can never be whose Favorites are more for pleasure then true honesty and a National interest as it hapned now in France Prevost inform'd that he was sent for was secur'd in an house of one of his Neighbors call'd Hatte a Notarie and for his farther protection Jean le Clerc Sieur or Landlord de Bussy one of the chief of the Covenanting Sixteen with several other Armed men put themselves into the foresaid house oppos'd and fought against those whom the King sent to enquire for the same Delinquents and made such an Hubbub and Riot that the Kings Messengers though headed by Seguier the Lieutenant-Civil or one of the Judges were forced to withdraw themselves and shift for their own security These and such like seditious actions so incouraged the Leaguers that the Town sounded nothing now but the misdeeds of the King and the Glories of Guise that if it had not been for him the Ark would have fallen into the hands of the Philistins and Heresie would have triumphed over the true Religion Nay the Sorbonists were so bold as to make as we are told a secret Decree That Princes might be depos'd from their Government Journal if they did not what became them as the charge taken away from a negligent Guardian And towards the latter end of this year 't is said that the King was Id. inform'd that the Duke of Guise had posted disguised to Rome where he stayed only three days with Cardinal Pellevé and that the Pope sent him a rich sword Another tells us that one Viliers was sent to Rome to desire the Popes assistance and that a Letter was found about him said to be writ by the Dutchess of Lorraine Mother to the Duke containing thus much I am very glad to understand the state of your Affairs and I advise you to Ant. Colynet p. 173 174. go forward for never a fairer Occasion was offered you to put the Scepter in your hand and the Crown upon your head The two last years we could not expect much matter from the Leaguers though we see their designs bad enough seeing most of the Souldiery in France were imployed against Navarre and his Huguenots many of the Covenanting Nobles being engag'd in those wars which diverted them from their attempts upon the King but we shall see the next year make amends for all The Duke of Guise the better to make all things sure hath a meeting 1588 Davila p. 667 669. D Aubigne tom 3. l. 1. c. 21. Spondâ—nus of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy a strong Town in that Dukedom where it is talk'd high of deposing the King of putting him into a Monastery of destroying the House of Bourbon to dispose of all things themselves and such like extravagancies But at last it was concluded that the Duke of Lorrain should keep the Forces of the League in action and that Guise and others should unite with Cardinal Bourbon to present a Petition to the King much for their own advantage which if granted their business might easily be done without clamour or any great opposition if denied they had force sufficient to obtain it Accordingly the Paper is presented to
That the King of Navarre with the other Princes of Bourbon his Adherents should be declared to have forfeited their Right and Title to the Crown That a Form of Government should be made which the King should not have power to alter That such of the Kings Favourites should be banish'd the Court and turn'd out of all Offices and Places That War should be made against the Huguenots and the absolute Command of it committed unto him That the King should have no extraordinary Guards about his Person and so dismiss his Guard 45 Gentlemen That the Dukes of Aumale Elboeuf and Nemours should have the Government of Picardy Normandy and Lyons and that the Leaguers should have six other Towns as they should name That the Duke of Mayenne should be Admiral and his Creature De la Chastre be Mareschal instead of Byrâ—n That Brissac an active Leaguer should be Governour of Paris And at last concluded That he was resolved either to lose his life or secure Religion and the Estate of his Family The Queen-mother returneth and the King finding no mâ—ans by staying there to escape his snarâ—s of the Enemies who were now forming 13 May. a Siege against him resâ—lved to withdraw himself so stealing through the * So calâ—'d from the 〈…〉 of Tâ—les theâ—e formâ—rly Tuilleries the Gardens by the Louvre he took horse with a dozen Gentlemen posted to Trapes and the next day to Chartres where he was receiv'd with great demonstrations of joy 'T is said that the people were so bewitch'd with this Solemn League and Covenant that seeing him thus fly for his safety they * Jo. de â—â—â—ssieres tol 4. l. 21. p. 259. shot at him cross the River calling him all the Contumelious names that malice could invent And that the King was so troubled at these Villanies and Indignities that having got a little from Paris he turn'd him about uttering some threats and menaces against that ingrateful City The Courtiers hasted after the King with what speed they coâ—ld make most trudging afoot for in this burly-burly happy was he that could procure an horse though never so bad many Persons of Quality being content to make use of their own legs â—â— preserve themselves and amongst those who fled to the King was Niâ—â—las Poulain not daring to stay in Paris suspecting himself discover'd and well was it for him that he so escaped for the Leaguers were so mad against him for his Loyalty that they imprison'd his Wife threatned his Children rifled his house and as for himself he got to Chartres and the King without ever a Peny of mony nor do I hear of any reward excepting Promises that he received for his faithful service in so often saving the Kings life it being the custom for such good-natur'd or negligent Princes not to understand worth and vertue and so to be Misers in rewarding of such but Prodigals in heaping Riches and Honours upon their phantastical and flattering Minions or Favourites and it may be Poulain was too grave and serious for such a wanton and frolicksom Court as Henry III's was And here the Skill or Policy of Guise hath been much call'd in question for not speedily following his blow having all the advantages that possibly could be expected his great neglect being his letting the King escape the seizing of whose Person might have compleated his Triumphs and by his Enemies so wanting an Head might have brought France to submit to his pleasure all which might with ease have been accomplish'd had he but forthwith begirt the Louvre by which he might have taken the King but this nelect he remembred too late and afterwards repented of so grand an oversight Though here he had fail'd yet he resolveth to secure himself to which purpose having gain'd all the strong places in Paris put out and imprison'd the * Like the Lord Maâ—or of London Prevost des Marchands and others whom he suspected to favour the King and settled his own Creatures in their Places he surpriseth all the Neighbouring places and presently Orleans Bourges Amiens Abbeville Montrovil Rouen Rheims Chaalons and above twenty other considerable places submitted to him the mad people every-where crying out Long live Guise long live the Protector of the Faith And his Sister the Dutchess Dowager of Montpensier was so zealous against the King and Peace that she would brag how the King should be * Jo. de Buss vol. 4. p. 261. shorn for a Monk and shew the Scisars which should do the feat And for a good encouragement the Spaniard sendeth 600000 Crowns supposing that the League would make rare work for him And thus D'A bigne tom 3 l. 1. ch 23. Guise commanding all the King can find no safety for himself but by Peace though upon never so bad Conditions and that which was no small argument of his Compliance was the approach of the Spanish Armado by them call'd the Invincible and the vast Preparations of the Duke of Parma in Flanders which though in the main design'd against England yet he understood not what if Conquerours as most suppos'd they would they might act against him and France knowing full well the Catholik King to have all along assisted the Covenanters In short The King thus forc'd to shackle himself lest the Mischief and Rebellion should run too far he submits to Guise granting him and his Faction all the Proposals they desir'd and so by a Decree call'd the Edict of Union or July a Peace is hudled up between them The Edict it self being somewhat long take here the Heads of it HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Poland c. We ordain and decree these following Articles as an unalterable and fundamental Law in our Kingdom We swear and renew the Oath made by us at our Coronation to live and die in the Roman Religion We ordain and would have all our Subjects to swear as we do and to joyn themselves with us in the extirpation of Hereticks We swear that we shall never favour or advance them and command all our Subjects to swear never to admit of an Heretical King or one that favoureth Heresie to reign over them We promise never to promote or imploy any but of the Roman Religion and expresly forbid any to be receiv'd into any Place or Imployment but who have proved themselves of the said Religion We swear and promise to protect and use our Subjects who joyn with us in these our undertakings as becometh a good King We would have our said united Subjects to swear to assist one another against the Hereticks And that our said Subjects swear to live and die in their Allegeance to us And that they swear to depart from all Practices and Leagues contrary to the said Union our Person and Authority We declare all to be Rebells who will not sign this said Union and all Towns who will not admit it shall be deprived of all their Privileges and Franchises And to
City and Palace killing his Guards who endeavour'd his defence seiz'd on his Revenues and Treasures He call'd to mind his many Plots how to get the true Heirs of the Crown made incapable of Inheritance had taken all Authority and Command from him aspired to be greater yet c. And thus persuaded that Guise his design was to * Hard. de Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand dethrone him he resolved to save himself and ease the Kingdom of this troublesom Subject The Kings Counsellours confess necessity now or never required it but to seize on him try him â—or Treason condemn and execute him was dangerous if not impossible by reason of his many Favourites and the power of his Faction and so the safest way was to kill him now at Blois a place far enough from Paris the head and nest of the Covenanters and accordingly he was * 23 Dec. 1588. slain at the Court or Castle being gone thither to sit in Privy Council there was also taken Lewis de Lorrain the Cardinal of Guise brother to the Duke and a zealous and furious Covenanter who by the Kings Order was slain the next day though being 24 Dec. a Clergy-man many had refused to imbrue their hands in his bloud Their flesh was presently coâ—sum'd in quick Lime their bones burnt and ashes thrown into the River or secretly interr'd thereby removing all tragical and woful objects and preventing any part of them to be found and look'd upon as holy Reliques of Martyrs which was suppos'd many of the Leaguers would nor stick to do and reverence Such a love had these Lorrainers gain'd of whom some said If they were so zealous for the Roman Religion why did they not fight against the Jews who are so numerous even in Italy it self If they were such Favourites Le Contre Guise with the Spaniard why did they not see the Moors expell'd thence If they thought themselves Kings of Hierusalem why did they not thrust out the Turks If they were Princes of the Empire why did they not war against the Lutherans If they loved the Honour of France why did they oppose the regaining of Saluzzo And must they needs come to disturb France wherein they were look'd upon as strangers CHAP. V. year 1589 The Soâ—bonne decree That they are absolved from their Allegeance and so may fight and act against the King with all their might Their Letter to the Pope They order that the Kings Name shall not be used in any of their Missals or Collects whatsoever Lyon joyns its Interest with Paris The Duke of Mayenne made Head of the Leaguers A Little after the death of the two Guises departed out of this world 5 Jan. 1589. Catherina de Medicis the Queen-mother at Blois a Lady of a politick deep reach and understanding fit to manage and carry on any business but withall being an Italian very deceitful and cruel not regarding what means she used or what bloud she shed so she did but obâ—ain her designs She was buried at Blois though she intended her body to be carried to St. Denis and there laid by her Husband Henry II. for which purpose she had built a neat round little Chapel in the Churchyard but the Parisians were too zealous and powerful some of the Guisards declaring Journal they would throw her body if they could get it into the River No sooner were the Guises dispatch'd but King Henry III. hasteth to his Mother telling her I am now King of France having put to death the King of Paris And some think his words might have proved true had he been more active and follow'd his blow but instead of mounting presently to horse whereby by his presence he might have encourag'd his Friends and daunted the Covenanters now in a maze for want of an Head he staid trifling away the time at Blois examining and troubling himself with the Acts of the States there so that the Leaguers had time to recollect themselves throw off their amazement regain their spirits and to convert their former fear of themselves and pity of the late Guises into the height of rage and fury against their King and his Adherents At Paris the people run into all manner of extravagancies the Pulpit being then the worst Instrument in the Kingdom sounding nothing but the commendation of the Guises and the honour of Rebellion amongst the rest Father Lincestre was very zealous one time commanding all his Auditors to swear to revenge the death of the Guises in token of which to hold up presently their hands as was done at the taking of the late English cursed Covenant and had the impudence to call aloud to Achâ—lles Journal de Harlay chief President of the Parlement and a great Royalist to hold his so high up that all the people might see it which Harlay was forc'd to do for fear of his life And another time he told his Auditors that He would not then preach to them the Gospel because it was common and they knew it well enough but he would declare to them the abomiâ—able life and actâ—â—â—s of that perfidious tyrant Henry de Valois meaning the King telling them how he us'd to invoke the Devils undertaking also out of his sleeve to shew them some of the Devils which Henry used to adore and pray to Another time affirming that for his part if he were at the Altar and the Eucharist in his hand yet he would not scruple then and there to kill the King Another in his Preachment concluding his large Commendations of Guise addresseth as it were himself to the Dutchess of Nemours Mother to the Duke sitting just over against him bawleth out O holy and glorious Martyr of God blessed is the womb that bore thee and the brests that gave thee suck The people put forth a Declaration wherein they swear To live and die in the Roman Religion 30 Jan. 158â— To defend according to their uttermost power Paris and all other Confederating places To defend and protect all their fellow Leaguers against all other their Opposites of what Quality or Dignity soever and to withstand all those who were any way concern'd in the late killing and imprisoning at Bloys And they also propose two Quaeres to the Doctors of Sorbonne which take as followeth with the Determination of that College Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo octuagesimo nono die septima mensis Januarii sanctissima Facultas Theologiae Parisiensis congregata fuit apud Collegium Sorbonae post publicam supplicationem omnium Ordinum dictae Facultatis Missam de sancto Spiritu ibidem celebratam postulantibus clarissimis D. D. Praefecto Aedilibus Consulibus Catholicis Civibus almae urbis Parisiensis tam viva voce quam publico instrumento tabellis per eorundem actuarium obsignatis publicae urbis sigillo munitis deliberatura super sequentibus Articulis qui deprompti sunt ex libello supplici praedictorum Civium I. An populus
arms set in battel emboldened with courage and inflamed with rage and anger whereas this Friar was not used to fighting and so abhorring of bloud by order of his profession that perhaps he could not abide the cutting of a vein Again Eleazar knew the kind of his death as also the place of his burial namely that he should be entombed under the fall of the beast and so buried in his own triumph and victory but this Monck look'd onely for death and expected nothing but unknown and most cruel torments yea and doubted that he should want a grave to rest in But in this are yet many other things that can suffer no comparison The famous history of the holy woman Judith is sufficiently known who consulted how to deliver her city and the people of God no doubt but by Gods inspiration to kill Holofernes Chieftain of the enemies forces which she also accomplished Wherein although appear many and most manifest tokens of heavenly direction yet far greater arguments of Gods providence are to be seen in the killing of this King and the delivering of the city of Paris as being more difficult and harder to be brought to pass For this holy woman disclosed part of her intention unto the Governours of the City and went out with the approbation and in the presence of the said Elders and Governours and by that means was not subject to the examination and searching which in time of siege is used so strictly that a Fly can hardly without examining get by She being come to the enemy through whose Camp and Watchas she was to go and often examin'd and search'd yet being a woman carrying no letters nor arms whence any suspicion might arise and yielding probable reasons of her coming there and abandoning her own country was easily discharged As also for the same causes and for her sex and exquisite beauty being brought before that lascivious and drunken Prince might with ease perform what she had determin'd But this Religious man had undertaken a matter of greater weight and also perform'd it though it was compassed with so many impediments difficulties and dangers that by no humane means it could have been brought to pass without the manifest ordinance and aid of Almighty God For Letters of Commendation were to be procured from the contrary a Here the Pope in his Infallible Consistorian Chair calls the Kings Party a Faction as if the Covenanters were in the right Faction then was he constrain'd to go through that gate of the City which directly went to the enemies camp which without doubt was so narrowly kept and watch'd in the extremity of that siege that every trifle bred suspicion and none were suffer'd to go forth without curious searching touching their letters business and affairs But he a wonderful thing went by the Watch unexamin'd yea with letters of commendation to the enemy which if they had been intercepted by the Citizens without delay or further sentence he had suffer'd death and therefore this is a manifest b A good argument that the chief of the League knew his design and so order'd his departure argument of Gods Providence But yet behold a greater c No such wâ—ndâ—r for he was presently taken by the Kings Guards and shâ—w'd them the Supâ—rscription of the Letters he had to the King so they carried him to Sieur de la Guesle the Kings Attorney General and Auditor of the Camp who kept him all night and next morning bad him to the King miracle that he without searching went through the enemies camp by divers Watches and Centinels yea and past the Kings Life-guard and finally through the whole Army compos'd almost of none but d Another mistake for the King of Navarre and his Huguenots kept different Posts and Quarters from these under the French King Hereticks he being a Religious man and habited according to his Order which was so odious unto them that they e None â—â—â—e merciful than Navarre though quarter and favour is seldom shewn in places stormed nor had thâ—se pratling Rebels reason to expect equal favour with the simple Lâ—ymen by them misled and seduced kill'd or at least grievously misused the Friars they found in the places not long before taken by force about Paris Judith was a woman and so nothing odious yet often examin'd though she carried nothing about her that might have endangered her But this was a Friar and therefore hated and most suspected having also a Knife prepared for that purpose not put up in a sheath which might have affoarded him a probable excuse but it was bare and hidden in his Monkish sleeve which if it had been found about him he had presently suffer'd death All these are such clear arguments of the particular providence of God that they cannot be denied and it could not be otherwise but that God blinded the eyes of his enemies so that they could not see or know him For as we said before although some absurdly ascribe this to fortune or chance yet we think fit to refer all this to nothing else then the will and ordinance of God And truly I could not believe this to have been done otherwise unless I should captivate and submit my understanding under the obedience of Christ who had determined by these miraculous means to deliver the city of Paris which as we have heard hath been in great danger and extremity and justly punish the heinous sins of that King and take him away out of this world by such an unhappy and infamous death And truly we not without grief have often foretold that as he was the last of his family so he would make some strange and shameful end of his life Which that I have often said not onely the Cardinals Joyeuse Lenocurtius and he of a Card. Gondi Bishâ—p of Paris Paris but also the b Maquess de Pilani Embassadour at that time here resident can sufficiently testifie Nor do we here call those who are dead to witness our words but the living of whom some yet can very well remember them However what we have here been forced to speak against this unfortunate King we would in no wise that it should reflect against that most noble Kingdom of France which we shall cherish hereafter as we have hitherto done with all fatherly love and â—steem This therefore which with grief we have now spoken concerneth onely the Kings person whose unhappy end depriveth An infallible and charitable Doctrine and Exposition of his Holiness But if the King was so damnable what was the Friar that murther'd him and the rebellious Covenanters whose Faction and Treasonable actions the Poâ—e favours him of those Duties which this Holy See the tender mother of all the faithful but chiefly of Christian Princes is wont to affoard unto all Kings and Emperours which we most willingly would likewise have bestowed upon him if the Holy Scriptures in this case had not altogether forbidden it There
King yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration wherein He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness singular providence and justice to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope Therefore waiting for the liberty and presence of our King and Soveraign Lord we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us and to swear to die in the Roman Religion SENAULT Paris 5 Aug. 1589. And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther which was committed on the first of August but they put forth a Decree wherein They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deliverance of Paris and other places Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year celebrated with Processions and publick prayers in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King or to assist him du TORNOER Tholouse 2 Aug. 1589. Nor is it the French onely but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King Amongst the rest I find our Father Persons or Creswell if not both layeth it as a grand fault upon Fit manifestissimum nullo jure neque Divino ne ue Humanno Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Navaâ—raâ— posse competere Responsiâ— ad Edictum Râ—ginae Angliae sect 2. § 148 153. p. 184 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King of whom they are so confident as to affirm that 't is not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane But to return to France where the war is carried on vigorously but to the loss of the Covenanters to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine but what was most powerful they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming caused to be publish'd that if he came towards him that then he should be received with all honour aad safety but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters then none should acknowledge him for a Legat or receive him under pain of Rebellion But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris where he is received in great pomp lodged in the Bishops Palace richly furnished with the Kings goods taken year 1590 out of the Louvre In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours declareth against the Legat on the contrary the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sorbone Doctors stand for him order all to acknowledge to him and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom no power there could meet and act in opposition to him For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels would chuse a * Jac. Fuligott vit Card. Bellarmin â— 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain who also had assisted the Leaguers and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration the summe of it being Philip by the grace of God King of Castile Leon Arragon c. Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that France being once cleared of Heresie they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries all which being exterminated they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Princes the extirpation of all Heresies the peace and concord of Christian Princes to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also Juan de Vasquez Madrid 8 March 1590. A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Propositions as these following That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tribute That an Heretick though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church may have right to the Crown of France That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Doctors the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat and subscrib'd 10 Feb. Spond an 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another besides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains themselves every man seeking his own Interest all expecting to make themselves great and several designed the Crown for himself Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General being very fat heavy and slow in all his actions and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping And the truth is the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations nay so zealous were they in this Caus that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes so that the King suppos'd that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of * 14 March 2590. Yory of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem But as a little before when Henry conquered the same Duke at * Septemb. 1589. Arques the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs that Navarre himself was taken and
conducting to Paris which was so far believed that many Ladies hired Windows in S. Denis street to see him pass by but they were convinced of the error when a little after they saw the said King take their very * 1 Novem. 1589. Suburbs of Paris So after the aforesaid battel of Yory the Leaguing Chieftains fearing lest the Parisians would mutiny at the sad news of it gave out many lies concerning it and at last perceiving all could not conceal the story to make the best of a bad market the Legat the Spanish Embassadour and the Archbishop of Lyons got the Priests to use their cunning in the Pulpits to deceive the people who as yet were not certain of the Defeat Amongst the rest Father Christino de Nizza from these words Those whom I love I rebuke and chasten seem'd to foretell them that God would prove the Faith and Constancy of the Parisians as he was wont to try the courage of his children for which he clapt together a great store of Examples out of Scripture and then making a shew as if Letters were just then delivered to him he shewed them to the people saying that he was very sorry that he had done the office of a Prophet and that God had been pleased by his mouth to advertise the People of Paris of that Temptation which was to fall upon them as now it troubled him to relate it and so told them that the Catholick Army had lately come off with the worst To all which he added such effectual prayers and exhortations that the people seem'd rathor heartned then diâ—couraged The same trick was used by Guilliaume Rose Bishop of Senlis Jean Boucher Prevost Feu-ardent Peletier with the other Preachers amongst the rest was Francisco Panigarola Bishop of Asti who came along with the Legat who though he preach'd in the Italian Tongue was continually follow'd by abundance of people being famous for his great eloquence And to these stories may be added the former zelous Widow Montpensier who said that truly the Duke had lost the battel but that the Bearnois was dead which by many was believed for some days which satisfied to restrain their first fears and so to gain some time to give orders and to send to raise new succours The Parlement at Rouen proceed desperately putting to death some prisoners they had because they were Servants to the King and then make an Act that all should be guilty of High Treason who joyned with the King of Navarre and did not side with their King Charles X. 10 April as they termed him However King Henry goeth on prosperously and with his Victorious Army layeth close siege to Paris it self which so cool'd the fury of those people that many of them began to stagger in their resolutions to prevent which the chief of the Citizens and Leaguers drew up these three following Quaeres I. If it should happen which God forbid that the most Christian King Charles X. should die or if whilest he is unjustly kept in prison he should yield up his right of the Kingdom to Henry de Bourbon Whether then the French be bound to or may with a safe conscience receive for their King the said Henry or any other Prince who favours Heresie although it were supposed that he were absolved from his crimes and censures considering the evident danger of his falshood of the destruction of Religion and the Kingdom II. Whether he may be said to be suspected of Heresie or a Favourer of it who procureth or permitteth a peace to be made with the said Henry when the said Party may hinder it III. Whether these things be of Divine Right and may be neglected by Catholicks without mortal sin and pain of damnation And on the contrary Whether it be meritorious to oppose with all ones endeavorus the said Henry And if the said Opposer be kill'd in this cause Whether he may not be call'd a Martyr With these Proposals they wait upon their Assembly of Divines at the Sorbone desiring their Resolutions and Determinations of them which take in their own words as followeth Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo ineunte 7 May. mense Maio c. Super quarum dubitationum determinatione Sacra Facultus per juramentum convocata soepiusque cum publice in Collegio Sorbonae post Missam de Spiritu Sancto tum privatim vocato selectorum Magistrorum coetu congregata matura deliberatione praehabita cunctisque capitibus serio sigillatim ac diligenter quoad fieri potuit examinatis discussis in hunc tandem modum censuit Jure Divino prohibentur Catholici Haereticum hominem aut fautorem Haeresios hostem Ecclesiae notorium multoque magis relapsum à sancta sede nominatim excommunicatum ad Regnum admittere Quod si ejusmodi quispiam absolutionem à criminibus censuris in foro exteriore impetraveri tamen subsit manifestum simulationis perfidiae eversionis Religionis Catholicae periculum is nihilominus eodem jure excludi debet Quicunque autem satagat ut is ad Regnum perveneat aut ei studet ac favet aut etiam ad Regnum promoveri permittit cum impedire possit ex officio debeat sacris Canonibus est injurius de Haeresi merito suspectus Religioni atque Ecclesiae perniciosus contra quem eo nomine agi potest debet cujuscunque gradus eminentiae sit Cum igitur Henricus Borbonius Haereticus fautor Haeresios hostes Ecclesiae notorius relapsus nominatim excommunicatus sit si forte absolutionem in foro exteriore impetraret manifestum appareat simulationis ac perfidiae eversionis Religionis periculum eum Christianissimi Regni aditu etiam absolutione obtenta quovis alio legitimo Haerede mortuo vel cedente Franci prohibere à pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenentur qui ei favent Canonibus injurii de Haeresi suspecti Ecclesiae perniciosi ac ut tales â—erio seduloque coercendi ac puniendi sunt Ut autem qui dicto Henrico ad Regnum aspiranti favere suppetiasve quovis modo ferunt Religionis desertores sunt in continuo peccato mortali manent sic qui se illi quocunque possunt modo zelo Religionis opponunt plurimum apud Deum homines merentur ut illos Satanae regno stabiliendo pertinaces aeterna poena damnandos sic hos si ad sanguiuem usque resistant aeternum in proemium ut fidei propugnatores Martyrii palmam consecuturos judicare par est Conclusum nemine repugnante in tertia congregatione generali super ea re facta in majore Aula Collegii Sorbonae omnibus singulis magistris per juramentum vocatis septima die Maii MDXC In the year of our Lord God One thousand five hundred and ninety in May c. Upon the determination of which doubts the Sacred Faculty being called together by oath and many times
him Yet by these was the King brought so low that he borroweth aid from England Holland and the German Princes and Mayenne sendeth to desire the like from the Pope and King of Spain By this time Barnaby Brisson chief President of the Covenanting year 1591 Parliament at Paris for fome reason or other was more agreeable to the King then formerly and several in the City began to wish a Reconciliation with him The King himself knew that he had some friends in the City by whose assistance he had a design to surprize it by having several of his Captains disguised in Countrey habits pretending to carry Horse-loads of corn or meal into it by night the usual time so to steal in by reason of the Kings Forces scouring the ways and Countrey But this plot being discovered it fail'd and is yet call'd the * 20 Jan. Journee des farines Farinarum dies or Nox farinarum Day of Flour or Meal These caused the Parisians for the more strengthning themselves against any such like attempts to receive into their City Four thousand Spaniards to the displeasure of Mayenne who feared that Nation and Faction might in time be too strong for him there But he was very male-contented with the forwardness of the new Pope Gregory XIV who espoused the quarrel of the League with a great deal of earnestness sendeth Marsilio Landriano of Milan Nuncio into France with two * They may be seen at large in a Book calld de Christianissimi Regis pericuâ—â—s or de periculi Henrici IV. Printed 1591. Monitory Bulls I. One relating to the Clergie whom he interdicted if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the King And further if within 15 days more they departed not from him then to be deprived of their Livings Benefices and Functions II. The second concerned the Princes Nobility and the rest of the Laity wherein under great pains he also warned them to depart from the King whom he call'd Heretick Persecutor of the Church an Excommunicated Person and therefore depriv'd of all his Dominions and Possessions To these the Pope addeth Arms and Money sending his Nephew Hercole Sfondrato newly for Honours sake made by him Duke of Montemarciano with an Army which he will maintain with the moneys gathered up by Sixtus V. and kept in Castel St. Angelo and besides this he alloweth 15000 Crowns a moneth to the Leaguers The Royallists are greatly offended at these Papers and Proceedings Those of the Soverein Court for conveniency then sitting at Chaalons by Decree declare that the former Bulls and actings against Henry III. as also these against the present Henry IV. to be odious seditious false impostures contrary to all holy Decrees Canons Constitutions Councils the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church and so to be idle vain null and void and to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman Ordain also that Landriano calling himself Nuncio to be seiz'd on and suffer according to Law forbid any to entertain him declare that all Cardinals Prelates and other Ecclesiasticks who any way promote a Consent to these Bulls or approve of the late Murther of Henry III. shall be deprived of all their Benefices in this Kingdome and that none hereafter carry any money to Rome or procure any Benefices thence c. * Yet I have a Copy of it that year printed bearing date 29 Aug. 10 June 1599. The same in effect was decreed by the Parliament then sitting at Tours but with this addition prohibiting any upon pain of Nigh Treason to publish and obey any of the aforesaid Bulls And which was best of all * A declare declare Gregoire se disant Pape quatoriesme de ce nom ennemie de la pâ—ix de l'union de l'Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine du Roy de son Estat adheâ—ant a la Conjuration d'Espagne fauteur des Rebelles coulpable du tres cruel tres cruel tres inhumain tres detestabable parricide proditoiremenâ— commis en la personne de Henry III. Roy de tres henreuse memoire tres Christen tres Catholique Hath declared and doth declare Gregory calling himself Pope the XIV of that name an Enemy to the Peace to the Union of the Chatholick-Apostolick-Roman Church to the the King and his Estate a Partaker of the Spanish Conspiracy a favourer of Rebels guilty of the most cruel most inhumane and most detestable Parricide Trayterously committed on the Person of the most Christian King and most Catholick King Henry III. of most happy memory 5 August 1591. The same Language was used by the Parliament sitting at * 3 Aug. Caen on the contrary the Parliament at Paris thunder out their Decrees commanding the Nuncio and Monitory Bulls to be received and obeyed as proceeding from an Authentick Authority threatning severe punishments to all those who submit not to them And here having mentioned several Parliaments the common Reader may understand once for all that France had then and hath now several Seats of Parliament or rather Courts Judicature having command within their respective Precincts and instituted by several Kings as this following Scheme will shew Order Where Settled by Anno I. Paris Philippe IV. le Bel. 1302. II. Tholouse Charles VII 1443. III. Grenoble Charles VII 1453. IV. * Was constituted 1447 and so it was then tâ—e thâ—rd Parlâ—ment â—uâ— it lâ—st thâ—t â—ank and â—dâ—râ—â—y a rebelliâ—n Bourdeaux Louis XI 1462. V. Dijon Louis XI 1476. VI. Rouen Louis XII 1499. some say 1503. VII Aix Louis XII 1501. VIII Rennes Henry II. 1553. IX Pau said first to be instituted afterwards confirmed Louis XIII 1620. X. Mets Louis XIII 1633. I order and time these as they were made fixed or sedentary otherwise we might say that Parlements were had at Paris 577 at Tholouse 1302 and at Rouen 1443. In the time of this League Paris and Rouen being in the hands of the Covenanters King Henry III. removed the Sessions of those Parlements to Tours Caen c. whither accordingly as many of the Royal Members as could go went and sate acting for their Kings whilest those of the other persuasion staid and were as busie and zelous for the Leaguers But to return the Nuncio the Embassadours of Spain and Savoy the Lords of the House of Lorrain Nicolas de Pellevé then Archbishop of Sens and not of * Card. de Lenoncourt was now livâ—â—g and Archbishop of Rheims Rheims till the year after as †Pag. 1014. Davila mistakes with some others meet at Rheims where every man seeming for the League yet under that vizard to carry on their own designs and Interest their Consultations broke up without any determinations In the mean time spang up a third Party which had like to have foil'd both King and League Charles Cardinal of Bourbon who whilst the old Kingling Cardinal Bourbon lived was called Cardinal of Vendosm he seeing the Pope Spaniard and Covenanters and all
or that Crown * 15 Jan. Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King is the dream of a Madman and an Heretical Contagion That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors the Reputation of their Countrey and the safety of their souls their salvation being desperate That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one and so perswadeth them to proceed to an Election To these the King returning Answers endeavoring to clear himself from their Accusations not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuerâ— Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States several at this time aiming at the Throne and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia the Dukes of Guise Lorain Nemours and Mayenne having all hopes In short the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne Composed in abuse of this Convention * Debit Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book but the greatest honour it received was from Rome where their Wisdomes there as if they had nothing else to do did many years after very gravely call it to remembrance and at last thought it fit to pass under their * 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expurgat Alexandri VIII p. 218. Censure of Reprobation The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin commended by * Poet Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius * Ib. p. 420 421. Scavâ—la Sammorthanus with others and Rapin himself hath some * Ib. p. 204 c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin The States being met as aforesaid Mayenne King-like sitteth under the Cloth of State desiring them to choose a Catholick King an Enemie to Heresie which was seconded by others The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King though he should turn Romanist but this was quashr at the Proposal as to swear against the Popes Authority suppose he should turn and his Holiness command him to be received The next day the Romanists with the King with his consent send Propositions to the States for a Treaty with them at which the Legat stormeth affirming the Proposal to be Heretical and so not fit to be Answer'd Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish Agents agreâ—ing with him but this was opposed and because the Paper was directed to all the States 't was judged fit to be communicated to them which so netled the Legat that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical as intimating a declared Heretick might be King and ought to be obeyed Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason The place agreed on is Surenne between Paris and St. Denys and Persons are nominated on both sides In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta many seeming willing to it for interest-sake but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria the Emperors Brother for her husband it was rejected as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger The Spaniards smelling the design offered to admit of a French Prince to be married to Philips daughter which took pretty well Guise Nemours Lorain and Mayenne his sons each of them hoping to be the Man and King Nay some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies as Cardinal Bourbon Count de Soissons the Prince of Conti with some others began to hearken to this Proposal every one fancying to make the Crown his upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences had a great minde to have him pacified to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice and Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his behalf at Rome and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy Bishop of Paris and the Marquess de Pisani in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand But the Pope commanded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories as being Favourers of Hereticks well-Wishers to Navarre with whom they had presumed to speak and treat to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion but as it were ready to be of it This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous that they could neither treat with nor admit of a peace with Navarre being a declared Heretick and that if they did either he for his part would quit the Kingdom and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it Nor were the Spaniard less concerned who fearing the Kings Conversion would make haste and be excepted of thinking to spoil it Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta shewing it was so in his Instructions At this Mayenne is stung to the heart nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew and desires time till things were better prepared But this Nomination being known the Embassadors Nobles Citizens and every one flock to pay their service to Guise and give him joy his Palace is fill'd himself cried up and now they vapour of a new Kingling * Charles de Guisâ— Charles XI At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad she frets storms and weeps three days and not able any longer to endure she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs Exclamations Threatnings and Railings jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains if he who had hitherto borne the brunt must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew The Duke also thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside puts many into young Guise his head demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance yet thinking
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
be that there were many Conspiracies against the life of this good King since from Twenty places advice was given of it since by a Printed Paper both in Spain and at Milan a report of his death was publish'd before since there passed a Currier eight days before he was Assassinated through the City of Liege who said that he carried news to the Princes of Germany that he was kill'd since at Montargis there was found a Paper upon the Altar containing the Prediction of his approaching death by a determinate blow since in fine the Report ran through all France that he should not out-live that year and that he should dye a Tragick death in the LVII year of his Age and some also said in a Coach which made him to dread and tremble when he was in one The Jesuits were accused of having some knowledg of it and to this purpose was call'd to mind the Sermon of Father Hardy preached at St. Severins in Paris not two Months before the Blow in which amongst other things he told his Auditors That Kings heaped up Treasures to make themselves fear'd but yet there needed but a Blow a or Mattock to kill a King and 't is known that none was more gathering and hoarding up of Moneys in his latter days to carry on his Armed design than this King insomuch that they talk of Mountains of Gold that he had amass'd together 'T is also objected that Ravaillac declared he had inform'd Father d'Aubigny of this intended Murther and shew'd him the Knife but that this was told him in Confession and so not to be reveal'd the cunning Jesuit upon Examination protesting that God had given him that Grace or Quality that as soon as any thing was reveal'd to him in Confession he presently forgot it But however it be the reverend Hardovin de Perefixe the present Arch bishop of Paris doth assure us that the Constancy hardiness and unconcernedness of the Malefactor at his exquisite Torments in suffering strongly confirm'd the suspicion had that certain Emissaries under the Mask of Religion had instructed and charmed him with false assurances that he should dye a Martyr if he kil'd him whom they made believe was the sworn Enemy of the Church The truth is after the Villain had given the murdring blows he neither took care to flee to conceal his Knife or shift for himself but stood still by the Coach as if he desired to be taken notice of and glorified and prided himself in such a noble Exploit And that there was some Secret more than ordinary discovered in his Examination and Confession and that those who instigated him to that bloody action were such that it was not thought fitting whether for the Honour of Religion or some other respect that they should be publickly known is more than hinted at by the foresaid Prelate For of these things saith he * les juges mesâ—ue qui l'interrogerent n' oserent en ouurir la Bouche qui n'en per lerent jamais que des Espaules Hist Hen. le grand part 3. The Judges themselves who Examin'd him durst not open their mouths but with a Shrug or Covertly with excusing put offs And that some grand thing was here husht up may in part be suppos'd by the Prince of Conde and others five years after putting forth a Publick Complaint amongst other things that the discovery of Henry the Great 's murther was stopt and not fully prosecuted However the Common Censure was apt to think worst of the Jesuits reckning them as the chiefest Assertors and Champions of this King killing Doctrine insomuch that Pierre Coton himself fell to work to write an Apology for his Order which he did by way of a Declaratory Letter dedicated and directed to the Queen-Regent where though not long the Reader will find more words than materials either not down right plain and pat to the purpose or else drawing false and fair shadows over some black and seditions Authors and yet those whom he mentions are but a very few Amongst the many others who thought this King-killing Doctrine most agreeable to the Jesuits and at this time began to shew himself both in the Pulpit and at the Press was Jean du Boys Olivier Abbot of Beaulieu born at Paris Preacher to the King one held a Lover of his Prince and Country and of an honest free downright disposition The stirring of this du Bois did a little vex the Fathers his Credit and Repute having the heavier hand upon them and therefore nothing could satisfie them but removal upon some honourable pretence and no place so fitting as to pack him for Italy Of which take a piece of a Letter to Archbishop Abbot as I transcribed it from the Original May it please your Grace Since the writing of my last to your Grace c. we have freshly receiv'd the news from Rome that the Abbot du Bois a man very popular here in Paris a Town-born Child and famous also for his freedom both of speech and writing against the Exorbitancy of the Popes Authority and the practises of the Jesuits and in particular against Pere Coton to whose Lettre Declaratoire publish'd presently after the Kings death to acquit his Order of the Imputation of the Kings death he set forth an Answer in print dedicated Aux Bons Francois being also cited by the Anti-coton as a witness * * But here it may be Anti-Coton was wrong informed concerning Father Coton Que sentence a este donnee contre lay a Avignon pour avoir engrosse une Nonnain That this Abbot Isay going lately to Rome is there clapt up in the Inquisition which hath occasion'd the French here to speak according to their manner very frankly in Commiseration of him who was always held a good Patriot And it is thought dishonourable to the state in regard that he is the Queens Chaplain and was imploy'd by her as some say but to Florence as others to Rome to thank the Pope for the Cardinals Hat which he lately bestowed upon the Queens Almoner the Bishop of Beziers but however it is agreed by all that he carryed Letters from hence wherewith it is said he was purposely gratified to bring him within the compass of the snare wherein he is caught c. From Paris the 5th of December 1611. Your Graces most humbly to be Commanded J. WOODFORD Having thus followed him to Prison it is easie to conclude that he must end his days there it being not agreeable to their custom and Policy to set such at Liberty that can tell Tales and that they might be no more fear'd or troubled with him they forthwith * sed cum sub idem tempus Abbas Silvius ob paricidialem illam doctrinam esset in Jesuitas invectus voce et scripto paulò post Romae necatus est in carere Peter Molin de Monarchiâ— Temporali Pont. Rom. cap. 2. pag. 22. murther him in Prison at Rome his main falt being for any that
I know Loyalty which thus occasion'd his misfortune and death to the shame of his Persecutors But that Book which then made the greatest noise was call'd Anti-Coton which was smart and in the main spoke to the purpose though some mistakes might happen in it through too much haste however it put the whole Order of Jesuits into a flame and hurry every one endeavouring to quell this unknown enemy But certain it is it had been better for their Reputation if Father Cotton had not given occasion to such a Reply by his Letter which did them more hurt than good For those Romanists who vapour with the Council of Constance and brag that they maintain nothing contrary to it may like the shearing of hogs make a great noise but get little Wool or Reputation for as on one hand they may declare a Council to be above a Pope for which his Holiness will give them little thanks so on the other they cannot expect any Credit or Approbation from Temporal Princes seeing one may be as great a Traytor as Clement or Chastel and yet not contradict the cry'd up Canon of this Council The sum of all this goodly Rule being only thus much No Tyrant that is a * Greg. de Valiant Tom. 3. disp 5. 9. 8. p. 3. lawful King ruling Tyrannically ought legally to be slain by any one of his Subjects or Vassals by any clancular means being sworn to him * Non expectata sententia vel mandato judicis cujuscunque without sentence or Command of some some judg or his Superiors And this is all the great business that so many of them have pleaded their Loyalty with The main of all being that they stick close to the Council of Constance and with it will declare That it is lawful for a private man to kill a wicked King without command from his betters which hath so little Pith or Sence as to the main business True Allegiance that possibly most King-judgers or killers might think they never broke such a Canon and so not condemned by such a Council As for Father Cotton a French man he was of a subtil Head-piece cryed up by his Order both for his Sanctity and Learning but the command of his Tongue Courtship and Carriage were his best Friends by which he got to be the Kings Confessor and thus setled in his Favour he knew well enough how to keep himself there yet others think his writings more to consist of words than matter and that his real Sanctity though some will appropriate as it were Miracles to him was no better than his Neighbours Anti-Coton accuseth him of betraying the Kings secrets and the Duke of * Memoires Tom. 3. ch 29 pag. 290 c. Sully proved to the King that in that he was guilty Pope * Sâ—nnâ—rt l. 6. part 9. c. 8. Nicolas V. gave leave to a Friend of his so far to consult the Devil that one witch might kill another that thereby his acquaintance might obtain his former health and it may be upon this Example Cotton made use of the Devil or Demoniack to enquire concerning the life of the King and several other affairs which may be seen at large in * lib. 132. Thuanus and * Tom. 3. p. 56 57. Sulley And it was a close and biting Anagram which was made upon this Father and it may be reflecting upon the Order PIERRE COTON Anagr. PERCE TON ROI * i. e. Stab your King In short none was more intimate with the King than he none had more power over him than he none could make him do or undo sooner than he whether through real love or policy I know not insomuch that some Deputies of Rochel once presenting a Petition to the King his Majesty was pleas'd to return them this Answer That he could not hear them then for his ears were stopt with Cotton Hence it grew into a Common jest in France upon any repulse from the King or denial of access * les Oreilles du Roy sont bousches de Cotton The Kings ears are stopt with Cotton Upon which and the Kings familiarity with him using much his Company and to take him into his Coach as also alluding to the suspition of some that this Father kept Correspondency with Spain revealing thither the Kings Secrets this following Pasquin flew about Paris Le Roy ne scauroit faire un pas Que Le Pere Cotton l'accompagne Mais le bon Prince ne scait pas Que le * signifieth cunning crafty as well as fine fin Cotton vient d'Espagne The King cannot go any where But Father Cotton sticks to his ear Yet the good King doth not attain That the pure Cotton comes from Spain As concerning the Kings murther some of the Leaguers or his Enemies thus long before it hapned wish'd or foretold it Dum sequeris solium Regis fraudesque Navarre Tesequitur Regis sors violenta tui Since thou wilt grasp Valois his Crimes and Lands Thou shalt be slain like him by bloody Hands The Jesuits as formerly hinited upon the attempt of Chastel had been banished the Kingdom of France nor might they probably have any real hopes of a Return seeing the Lawyers the Universities especially the Sorbonne the Common-people most of the Nobility the Religious of other Orders and their Parliament had declared positively against them Nor will some think that the King himself had really any good will or affection for them though he was willing of a Reconciliation with them the better to secure himself as was supposed from his Answer to his great Favorite de Sully who perswading him from their re-admission being as a foresaid banish'd was thus answered by the King Give me then security for my life In short be the reason what it will the King would by his power maugre all Opposition have them restored and had and not only made the Arrest or Decree of Parliament against them be recall'd but to ingratiate himself the more had the Marble Pillar or Pyramide formerly mentioned upon his wound by Chastel pull'd down permitted them to the regret of the University of Paris to teach again gave them places of honour about him and that nothing might be wanting on his part to oblige them he built them a stately Colledg at la Flesche in Anjou in which Town some supposed he was first conceived and lastly to the said Colledg he bequeath'd his heart which upon his Murther the Jesuits receive and carryed in great Pomp and State to the said Colledg his body was buryed at St. Denys At the carrying away of his Heart 't is said that one some think the chief President de Harlay cunningly ask'd some of the Fathers Whether the Kings Tooth which Chastel struck out were not likewise inclos'd in the Box with the Heart and carryed too However upon the Jesuits having the Kings Heart this following biting Pasquin was made and with others flew about the world En fin
your own pristine Ingenuity and that you may freely profess the Catholique Faith Therefore my most beloved seeing that which you have so many years before desired and begged for with prayers and tears and that now even now the Pope Christ's Vicar on Earth doth command you to take Arms for the defence of your Faith I admonish exhort and beseech you all all I say unto whom these Letters shall come That as soon as possibly you can you come to us with your Friends and Weapons Whosoever shall do this shall find us prepared and we will communicate unto them those things which we possess and whosoever shall despising our wholsome Counsel do otherwise and remain in the obedience of the English we will prosecute him as an Heretick and a hateful Enemy of the Church even unto Death Don Juan de Aguila The Lord Deputy laid siege to Kingsale which continued long in which time both he received supplies from England and Don Juan from Spain both parties standing sufficiently in need of such As for the Irish many of them who had formerly promised obedience to the Queen now revolted delivering themselves and Castles up to the protection of the Dons Amongst the rest Donnel Osulevan Beare freely gave up to the Spaniard his strong Castle of Dunboy which cost the English much cost and time in re-taking Of which he writ this Letter to the King of Spain IT hath been ever most Mighty and Renowned Prince and most Gracious and Catholick King from time to time manifestly proved by daily experience among us Irish That there is nothing worketh more forcibly in our hearts to win and to draw our love and affection than natural inclination to our Progeny and Off-spring and the memorial of the Friendship which sticketh still in our minds chiefly the same renewed cherished and kept in use by mutual affection and by shewing like friendship to us also We the meer Irish long sithence deriving our Root and Original from the famous and most noble Race of the Spaniards viz. from Milecius son to Bile son to Breogwin and from Lwighe son to Lythy son to Breogwin by the Testimony of our old ancient Books of Antiquities our Pedigrees our Histories and our Chronicles Though there were no other matter we came not as natural branches of the famous Tree whereof we grew but bear an hearty love and a natural affection and intire inclination of our hearts and minds to our ancient most loving Kinsfolks and the most noble Race whereof we descended Besides this my Soveraign such is the abundance of your goodness and the bounty or greatness of your liberality now every way undeserved of our parts as tokens of love and affection by your Majesty shewed unto us that it is not fit nor seemly for us but to bestow cur persons our men and our goods in the service of a Prince that dealeth so graciously with us that sendeth Forces of men great Treasure Victuals and Munition for our aid against our Enemies that seek to overwhelm and extinguish the Catholique Faith diabolically put to death our Chieftains tyrannously coveting our Lands and Livings unlawfully For the aforesaid Considerations and for many other commendable causes me moving I bequeath and offer in humbleness of mind and with all my heart my own person with all my forces perpetually to serve your Majesty not only in Ireland but in any other place where it shall please your Highness I commit also my Wife my Children my Mannors Towns Countrey and Lands and my Haven of Dunboy called Biara Haven next under God to the protection keeping and defence or Commerick of your Majesty to be and remain in your hands and at your disposition Also at your pleasure be it my Liege Lord to send defence and strong keeping of the Haven of Dunboy first for your self my Soveraign to receive your Ships and for me also as your loving Servant so that the Queen of England's Ships may not possess the same before you while I follow the Warrs in your Highness behalf I pray Almighty God to give your Majesty a long life and health of Body and Soul with encrease of Grace and Prosperity So I betake you to the keeping of God From the Camp near Kingsale the xxixth of December 1601. Stylo Novo Your most dutiful loving Servant Donnel Osulevan Beare With an intent to raise the Siege Tyrone O Donnel Mac Guire Mac Maghon Burk Tirrell the best Soldier amongst the Rebels and other Irish hasted towards Kingsale and in their March joined with Alonso de O Campo and his Spanish recruits newly landed all which joined together made up towards VII Thousand The Lord Deputy for all this continueth the siege Tir-Oen and the rest of his Relief approach come within two miles of the Town but is fought and beat his followers quite dispersed Tyrone runs into his hiding-holes in Vlster O-Donnell and others escape into Spain and the rest where they thought most convenient And this Battel may be said to confirm the Queen in Ireland and to secure the Protestants there who had been * Dr. Nic. Bernards life 〈◊〉 Aâ—ch-bishop Vsher pag. 30. slaughter'd by the Irish had the Spaniards here prevailed Don Juan de Aguila seeing the Irish thus routed and his own Forces much impaired both in health and number fell to a Capitulation upon which he yeelded the Town He and his Spaniards were to be sent home and what other places they had in the Kingdom under their protection were likewise to be delivered up to the English and amongst the rest was Dunboy Which place being naturally strong and pretty well fortified Osulevan Beare a man given over to Mischief and Rebellion was resolved year 1602 not to part with it so Whereupon one night he surpriseth it but let the Spaniards return to their own Countrey only the Cannoniers he detain'd the better to serve him in the defence of the place against the English and his Queen concerning which he writes this Letter to the King of Spain My Lord and my King OVT of his love to your Kingly Greatness your humble stedfast Servant Donnel O Sulevan Beare enforced through peril and constraint doth make bold to inform unto your Greatness That upon the landing in Castle-Haven in the West of Ireland your General Pedro Zubiar and Pedro Lopez de Soto with a Fleet and Men from your Greatness according to the inward conceit of mind I always held which I manifested in my young years and would have still followed unless disability had constrained me to the contrary finding a happy and good Opportunity as I imagined I came to their presence tendring my Obeysance to them in the Name of your Highness and being with 400 men at my own cost towards your service I yeelded out of my meer love and good will without compulsion or composition into their hands in the Name of your Majesty not only my Castle and Haven called Beer Haven but also my Wife my Children my Countrey
themselves about this Succession And seeing Experience had told them That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind and to prosecute the same Ends and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest who were to act according to his Rules and Instructions And in these Designs Father Parsons was a main Stickler and Contriver the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time wherein he declared That not any though never so near in * Quantum cunque propinquitate sanguinis niterentur nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modo tolerarent sed omni ope ac studio promoverent more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent c. Bull. Clement VIII blood should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion but would swear to promote and resettle it and that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue the Pope made him Protector of England as he was of other Countreys Nay rather than fail the same Pope had * 1597. D'Ossat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite invade England and divide it between them Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right Yet for all these Attempts and other Endeavours of the Jesuits Winter Desmond and such like who plotted His Exclusion upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England but of Scotland VI. However no sooner is he set in the Throne but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him composed of such variety of Religions and Interests that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it but that they knew Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were Henry Brook Lord Cobham seem'd to be Protestants George Brook his Brother Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton a Rank Puritan William Watson the Author of the Quodlibets where he rants dapperly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots Romish Priests William Clark who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes Sir Griffin Markham a Zealous Romanist Sir Walter Raleigh a States-man and Soldier and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn Count Arembergh Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria Zealous Romanists Matthew de Lawrencie a Merchant but an Instrument employed by Arembergh And some other such like Their Designs were To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella or to seize on the King and make him grant their desires and a Pardon To have a Toleration of Religion To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes To turn out of the Court such as they disliked and place themselves in Offices Watson to be Lord Chancellor George Brook Lord Treasurer Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State Lord Gray Master of the Horse and Earl-Marshal of England For more security Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy But all is discovered they are seiz'd on examined and tryed The two Priests plead James is not King because not then Crown'd But that excuse is declared idle most of them are found guilty and condemned Watson Clark and George Brook were executed the rest reprieved Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment but dyed miserably poor Markham and some others abroad but Cobham as we are * Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James p. 12 told in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories formerly his Landress dyed rather of Hunger than a natural Disease I need not here speak how their * Respons ad Edictum Reg. § â—6 Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth nor how to alienate the Crown they published to stir up many Titles and Pretenders divers Pamphlets as Lesley Heghington Creswell Crag a Scotch Jesuit but his Book was burnt and never printed And we are told That the Jesuits were entreated to * Is Casaubon Epist ad Front Ducaum assist in this Plot but they desired to be excused as having another Design in their thoughts which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher OF this Parsons seeing he then made such a noise in the world and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time whilst others though Romanists will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world I shall say something here the better to inform Posterity 'T is true the Industrious Dr. Thomas James almost LX. years ago undertook to write his Life and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him which accordingly he did but it containing more of Satyre than History I shall make little or no use of that Collection now so rarely to be met with for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves it is call'd THE JESVITS DOWNF ALL. Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire and therefore call'd Parsons though they say his right name was * Or Cubhuck A. P. A Reply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback and this hath been in a manner generally believed But to do him what right I can I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place and though upon enquiry I am informed that those Parish-Records are now lost whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly f. 89 I would yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself and other Enquiries He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire a Vicarage in the year 1546. His Father a Blacksmith was once an Enemy to Rome but was as they say reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant who was executed and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion They had XI Children this Father Parsons being the middlemost He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Gerizzin p. 220 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward or Haywood once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr who came out of Devonshire to be Vicar of Stowey he was held a notable Twinger and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother lying at her House Thus fitted
some accusing Dr. James his Jesuits downfall him of Forgery Cheating Cozenage Corrupting of Registers and Records Robbing of Libraries and many other such like Crimes which may be found in the Writings of the Romish Priests themselves Besides those Books mentioned by Pits Ribadeneira or Alegambae he hath writ several others as Leicester's Commonwealth which was then by some jeeringly call'd Green-Coat because it was then commonly spread abroad in Green Covers It was a Book full of railing yet the Earl was bad enough A Memorial for Reformation or a Memorial or Remembrance for them that shall live when Catholique Religion shall be restored into England And this is its true Title though some do commonly call it The High Council of Reformation for England c. It is a Book that Parsons Manifestation of folly cap. 5. saith he was almost twenty years in compiling It was never printed Parsons being very cautious of having of it seen the design of it was to find fault with former Laws and Governments all which he undertook to alter and mend Some Romanists have found fault with him as if in it he designed to run down all other Orders and to advance the Jesuits But Parsons undertakes to vindicate himself In short somewhat to understand the Design take the Division of the Book thus This Book had Three Parts 1. The whole Body of the Realm jointly which consisteth of Ten Chapters 2. The Clergy containing The Clergy in general Then Bishops Priests Religious men Churches Schools and Universities particularly having Seven Chapters 3. The Temporality or Laity containing Prince with his Council Nobility and Gentry Commons all of inferior rank as Husbandmen Servants c. Inns of Court Law containing Five Chapters He wrote it in the * Lor di Banco Bizzarrie Politiche pag. 27. 28. English Tongue as one saith and if any where to be seen probably in the English Colledg at Rome And I suppose it is the same which * Parson 's Three Conversions of Eugl. Part â— Vol. 2. pag. 396. himself once quoteth with his Latin Title De Reformatione Ecclesiae Anglicanae per aliquot Capita He * Id. Part. 3. Vol. 1. pag. 321 351 369 several times mentions his Writings in Certamen Ecclesiae Anglicanae by which Book is meant Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia in which he concludes the First Part The Second Part was for the most part writ by Gibbons and Fenn which was gathered together and published by John Bridgman a Jesuit There is in Baliol Colledg-Library a thick Quarto Manuscript call'd Controversiae nostri Temporis in Epitomen reductae It was given to that Colledg by John Bayly Doctor in Divinity formerly Fellow of Exeter Colledg There was also one John Bayly who succeeded Christopher Bagshaw in his Fellowship of Baliol Colledg 1582 but whether related to the former Bayly I know not This Dr. Bayly was eldest Son to Lewis Bayly Lord Bishop of Bangor the Book as much as I can gather by comparing is all writ with Parons his own hand and the Learned * Censura lib. Apocryp Praelect 2 Coll. 22. Dr. John Reynolds saith Parsons was the Author of it I have heard it also said that he wrote a little Book De Sacra Scriptura and that it was in the foresaid Library but upon search I find no such thing there and may suppose it a mistake the former Manuscript at the beginning treating of that Subject He scarce put his Name to any of his Books but for the most part insignificant and impertinent Letters sometimes false Names as John Howlet * W. C. Reply fol. 73. a. Perneus Doleman and such like And thus much for Parsons whom as good * Rob. Abbâ—t Antilog fol. 14. â— Authority tells us Pope Clement VIII call'd Knave the Jesuit Fitzherbert looked upon as an Exact Hypocrite the Secular Priests as the worst of Villains and whose Doctrine and Actions against his own Soveraign and Countrey were notoriously bad In short He was born 1546 or 1547 Admitted Fellow of Baliol Colledg 1568 Was Master of Arts 1573 Left the Colledg 1571 4 Studied Law and Physick in Italy 1574 Admitted Jesuit at Rome 1575 Return'd into England with Campion but made haste out again 1580 Made Rector of the English Colledg at Rome 1587 Return'd from Spain to Rome some say in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap 1597 Dyed at Rome and is honour'd in the Cell with a long and noble Epitaph 1610 CHAP. II. I. The Gunpowder-Treason II. The Life of Father Garnet with the story of his Straw THE Narrative of this Conspiracy commonly call'd the Gunpowder-Treason being generally known and related at large as well by Forreigners as Natives I shall be the shorter in it year 1605 The sum of it take thus A Club of Romanists vext that a Toleration was not granted resolved to resettle their Religion by the ruin of the King and Kingdom To this end many Plots had been contrived against Queen Elizabeth and King James But they failing a more desperate is pitch'd on and this was With one Blow to destroy King Queen Princes Bishops Nobles and Commons who were not of their Perswasion This is concluded feasible by blowing up the Parliament-House where they or their Representees meet To this purpose Piercy hireth an House adjoining intending by that means to undermine it which Mine being stuft with Gunpowder and other Materials would not fail of Execution But first they take an Oath of Secrecy in an House behind St. Clements Church without Temple-Barr The OATH You shall swear by the Blessed Trinity and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive Never to disclose directly or indirectly by word or circumstance the matter that shall be proposed to you to keep secret nor desist from the Execution thereof until the rest shall give you leave This done they went into a more private Chamber heard Mass and received the Sacrament from one William Gerard. In short To work they fall and in some time had wrought under a little Entry to the Wall of the Parliament-House under-propping it with Wood as they proceeded But at last occasion offering it self they hired a Convenient Cellar just under the House into which they conveyed Thirty six Barrels of Powder over which they laid a Thousand Billets and Five hundred Fagots with some Stones and Iron Barrs Things thus fitted they expect the day of the Parliaments sitting which from time to time had been put off till the Fifth of November In the mean time they consult how to seise on the Prince Henry if he should not be at the House As for Charles Duke of York after King Charles the Martyr Piercy undertook to surprise him whom with his Brother Henry they resolve to dispatch out of the World yet the better to bring their Ends about they thought good to center their hopes in one of the Royal Blood and this must be the Lady Elizabeth afterwards married to the Palsgrave whom they
propagetur ad Consolationem afflictorum Catholicorum omnium piorum Instructionem Ita Censeo GEORGIVS BLACKWELLVS Archipresbyter Angliae Protonotarius Apostolicus By this it seemeth it was intended for the Press but it may be prevented by its seisure which was thus as appears by the Testimony of Sir Edward Coke under his own hand This Book containing Sixty one Pages I found in a Chamber in the Inner-Temple wherein Sir Thomas Tresham used to lye and which he obtain'd for his two younger Sons This 5th of December 1605. EDW. COKE I have been the more punctual in transcribing these Testimonies from the Original Manuscript because it hath been said that there was never any such Book The Author of it is supposed to be Mr. Francis Tresham of Northamptonshire one very active in this Powder-Treason but he * Novemb. 20. died of the Stranguary in the Tower of London before his Tryal yet his Head cut off was set with the rest on London-Bridg This Tresham also composed another Book not yet printed which was also seiz'd on it was call'd De Officio Principis Christiani In which he maintains the lawfulness of * Si Princeps Haereticus sit obstinate ac pertinaciter intolerabilis summi Pastoris divina potestate deponatur aliud caput constituatur cui subditi se jungant legitimo Ordine Authoritate Tyrannidem amoveant Princeps indulgendo Haereticis non solum Deum offendit sed perdit Regnum gentem De Officio Principis Cap. 5. deposing Kings an obstinate Heretick having no right to Dominion As for this knack of Equivocation and how boldly they will allow themselves to swear positive Untruths and Falshoods I shall refer you to Dr. * Antilog fol. 12. Abbot afterwards Bishop of Salisbury But the Jesuits in Garnet's Vindication go a little farther and will grant that he knew of the Treason yet it being only told him in Confession he could not with a safe Conscience discover it As for the Antiquity and Convenience of Confession I am no way concerned in at this time And though I have a reverend esteem both for it and its secresie yet I may think it had been more prudence for some rather to have spared than divulged some of their lofty and tow'ring Expressions which might occasion as much ill as good as those who are so positive to affirm That it is not to be * Vid. Rob. Abbot Antilog cap. 3. Is Casaub Epist ad Front Ducaum Barth Fum. summa aurea v. Confessor 9. 5. Tho. Lans Consult Germ. p. 375. discovered or reveal'd though it were for the preservation of the whole Kingdom or Countrey though it were concerning the killing of the King Nay that it were better to have all the Kings murdered than the Confession reveal'd which should not be done though it were to preserve Jesus Christ himself Delrio the Jesuit hath a passage so pat to the business that I could almost be perswaded that he was acquainted with the Treason and so make the Plot a year or two older than some will grant for he hath put the Case and Story so exactly as if he published it before to give them the greater encouragement under the virtue and protection of Confession For saith he Suppose one in Confession to a Priest should declare Disquisit Magic Tom. 3. l. 6. c. 1. §. 3. p. 131. That he or some other had so laid Gunpowder under such a place that if not prevented the House would be blown up the King destroyed and the rest in like danger yet saith Delrio the Priest is not obliged to discover this Garnet himself declared That if one confest to him That the next His Trial. day he intended to stab the King yet he should conceal it And upon this ground it is that * Mat. Tort. pag. 65. Bellarmine complaineth that Garnet was executed because he would not reveal that which with a safe Conscience he could not do which he saith a little * Id. pag. 94. after is never to be revealed upon what account soever And Emanuel Sa hath a Trick to clear the Priest if the Magistrates or any other should press him hard to reveal what he knew and that is this The * Potest Confessor jurare se nihil scire imo nihil se audisle tale in Confessione subintelligendo sie Ut dicere teneatur eodem modo potest Poenitens jurare se nihil aut nihil tale dixisse in Confessione Em. Sa. Aphorism V. Confessor §. 23. Confessor saith he may swear that he knew nothing of it nor heard any such thing in the Confession Understanding That he did not so hear it as to tell it And upon the same mental Reservation may the Penitent also swear That he mentioned no such thing in his Confession As for Garnet what hath formerly been said doth sufficiently testifie That he knew of it not by Auricular Confession but that he was also a stirring and active Agent in it and Garnet did afterwards declare That he was sorry that he did not * Abbot Anâ—â—log fol. 110 106. reveal it But if we should grant though an untruth that Garnet knew nothing of it but what was discovered to him by way of Confession yet will he not preserve his Credit nor save himself from being a Traytor Their * Decret Greg â—e Poenit. Remis â— Omâ—â— utâ—â—â—â—â— Canon-Law saith that if any reveal a Confession he shall be degraded from his Priesthood and to live all his life after close up in a Monastery Now whether is better for one man to undergo this punishment or a Kingdom to be ruined and the King Princes Bishops Nobles and Commons to be destroyed But again the Romanists themselves declare That sometimes a Confession may be * Vid. Rob. Abbot Antilog fol. 186 187. revealed And their great Cardinal * Republique 6 Perron though he will not have the Confessor to name the Party or Penitent yet upon such eminent dangers he would have him by some means or other to give notice of the intended Villany thereby to prevent the mischief and if Garnet had done this he might have shewed himself a good Subject which is a great part of a good Christian And lastly That Confessions have been revealed upon such great dangers History will afford us some Examples * Lib. 43. Thuanus tells us That Charles Son to Philip II. King of Spain confessing to a Priest that he had a mind to kill a certain man the Priest reveal'd it to the King and Philip supposing himself to be the man secur'd his Son The Sieur de Haulte Ville in his * Hist de la paix entre les Roys de France D' Espagne pag. 307. Confession told a Priest That he once intended to kill King Henry II. of France Which the Priest discovering Hault-Ville was beheaded Pierre Barriere confest to Seraphino Banchi his intent to kill Henry IV. of France which
Worth and Quality attempted through the Undertaking spirits of some more fiery and turbulent than zealous aâ—d dis-passionate Catholicks hath made the general state of our Catholique Cause so scandalous in the eye of such whose corrupted Judgments are not able to fan away and sever the fault of the Professor from the Profession it self as that who now is found to be of that Religion is perswaded at least in mind to allow though God knoweth as much abhorring as any Puritan whatsoever the said former most inhuman and barbarous Project And whereas some of his Majesties Council but especially your Lordship as being known to be as the Philosopher termeth it a Primus Motor in such uncharitable proceedings are determined as it is feared by taking advantage of so foul a scandal to root out all the Memory of Catholique Religion either by sudden Banishment Massacre Imprisonment or some such unsupportable Vexations and Pressures and perhaps by decreeing in this next Parliament some more cruel and horrible Laws against Catholiques than already are made In regard of these Premises there are some good men who through Good men and Roman Catholiques their earnest desire for the continuing the Catholique Religion and for saving many souls both of this present and of all future posterity are resolved to prevent so great a mischief though with a full assurance aforehand of the loss of their dearest lives You are therefore hereby to be admonished that at this present mayâ— murther Privy-Councellors there are Five which have severally undertaken your Death and have vowed the performance thereof by taking already the Blessed Sacrament if you continue your daily plotting of so Tragical Stratagems aginst Recusants It is so ordered that none of these Five knoweth who the other Four be for the better preventing the discovery of the rest if so any one by attempting and not performing should be apprehended It is also already agreed who shall first attempt it by shot and so who in order shall follow In accomplishing of it there is expected no other than assurance of death yet it will willingly be embraced for the preventing of those general Calamities which by this your transcendant Authority and grace with his Majesty are threatned unto us And indeed the Difficulties herein are more easily to be digested since two of the intended Attempters are in that weak state of body that they cannot live above three or four Months The other Three are so distressed in themselves and their Friends as that their present Griefs for being only Recusants do much dull all apprehension of Death None is to be blamed in the true censuring of Matters for the Nor are they to be blamed for it undertaking hereof For we protest before God We know no other means left us in the World since it is manifest that you serve but as a Match to give fire unto his Majesty to whom the worst that we wish is That he may be as great a Saint in Heaven as he is King on Earth for intending all Mischiefs against the poor distressed Catholicks Thus giving your Lordship this Charitable Admonition the which may perhaps be necessary hereafter for some others your Inferiors at least in Grace and Favour if so they run on in their former Inhuman and Unchristian Rage against us I cease putting you in mind That where once True and Spiritual Resolution is there notwithstanding For 't is a True and Spiritual Resolution all dangers whatsoever the Weak may take sufficient Revenge of the Great Your Lordship 's well-admonishing Friends c. A. B. Câ— c. It may be your Lordship will take this but as some forged Letter of some Puritans thereby to incense you more against Recusants But we protest upon our Salvation It is not so Neither can any thing in human likelihood prevent the effecting thereof but the change of your course towards Recusants This Letter at the beginning offers fair seeming to detest the Gunpowder-Plot but little of truth and sincerity may be expected from it when we consider that the design of it is to Apologize for Murther to which it appears there is a Club or number of them consenting and attempting and they are not ashamed to assert That though they murther Privy-Councellors yet the Murtherers may be good men nor are they to be blamed for it for 't is a True and Spiritual Resolution But enough of this Letter to which the Earl himself was pleased to give an Answer The Oath of Allegiance was prudently drawn up and confirmed by Act of Parliament which Oath being the Foundation and Sum of this Treatise take as followeth word for word and for distinction sake divided into several Branches or Articles The Oath of Allegiance Anno Tertio Jacobi I A. B. do truly and sincerely Acknowledg Profess Testifie and Declare in my Conscience before God and the World That our Soveraign Lord King is Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm and of all other his Majesty's Dominions and Countreys And that the Pope neither of himself nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome or by any other means with any other hath any Power or Authority to Depose the King Or to dispose any of his Majesties Kingdoms or Dominions Or to Authorize any Forreign Prince to Invade or Annoy him or his Countreys Or to Discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty Or to give License or Leave to any of them to bear Arms raise Tumults c. Or to offer any violence or hurt to his Majesties Royal Person State or Government or to any of his Majesties Subjects within his Majesties Dominions Also I do swear from my heart That notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted or to be made or granted by the Pope or his Successors or by any Authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his See against the said King his Heirs or Successors or any Absolution of the said Subjects from their Obedience I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors And him and them will defend to the uttermost of my Power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their Persons their Crown and Dignity by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration or otherwise And will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty his Heirs and Successors all Treasons and Trayterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them And I do further swear That I do from my heart Abhor Detest and Abjure as Impious and Heretical this Damnable Doctrine and Position That Princes which be Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do believe and in Conscience am resolved That neither the Pope nor any Person whatsoever hath
guilty of the foreknowledg of the Treason it self of which number some fled from their Trial others were apprehended as Holy Garnet himself and Oldcorn were and justly executed upon their own plain Confession of Guilt If this Treason now clad with these Circumstances did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament House whom they thought to have destroyed couragiously and zealously at their next sitting down to use all means of Trial Whether any more of that Mind were yet left in the Countrey I leave it to you i. e. the Emperors Kings and Princes to judg whom God hath appointed his highest Deputy-Judges upon Earth And amongst other things for this purpose this Oath of Allegiance so unjustly impugned was then devised and enacted And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Countrey if ye will consider the Time Place and Persons it will be thought no wonder seeing that Occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws than otherwise they would have done The Time I say being the very next sitting of the Parliament after the Discovery of that Abominable Treason The Place being the same where they should all have been blown up and so bringing it freshly to their memory again The Persons being those very Parliament-men whom they thought to have destroyed And yet so far hath both my Heart and Government been from any bitterness as almost never one of those sharp Additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution And that ye may yet know further for the more convincing these Libellers of wilful Malice who impudently affirm That this Oath of Allegiance was devised for deciving and intrapping of Papists in points of Conscience The truth is That the Lower-House of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath made it contain That the Pope had no power to excommunicate Me which I caused them to reform only making it to conclude That no Excommunication of the Pope's can warrant my Subjects to practise against My Person or State Denying the Deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's Lawful Power As indeed I take any such Temporal Violence to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual Censure as Excommunication is So careful was I that nothing should be contain'd in this Oath except the Profession of Natural Allegiance and Civil and Temporal Obedience with a Promise to resist all contrary Vncivil Violence This Oath now grounded upon so great and just occasion set forth in so reasonable Terms and ordain'd only for making of a true distinction between Papists of Quiet disposition and in all other things good Subjects and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes that the Powder-Traytors did And in another place His Majesty tells us to the same purpose viz. That this Oath Was framed to be taken by my Subjects whereby they should make Apol. for the Oath of Allegiance pag. 3 4. clear Profession of their Resolution faithfully to persist in Obedience unto me according to their Natural Allegiance To this end that I might hereby make a separation not only between all my good Subjects in general and unfaithful Traytors that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience but especially to make a separation between so many of my Subjects who although they were otherwise Popishly affected yet retain'd in their hearts the print of their natural Duty to their Soveraign And those who being carried away with the like Fanatick Zeal that the Powder-Traytors were could not contain themselves within the bounds of their Natural Allegiance but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for all kind of Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraign Which godly and wise intent God did bless with success accordingly For many of my Subjects that were Popishly affected as well Priests as Layicks did freely take the same Oath whereby they gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander that although they were fellow-Professors of one Religion with the Powder-Traytors yet were not joined with them in Treasonable Courses against their Soveraign Whereby all quietly-minded Papists were put out of despair and I gave a good proof that I intended no Persecution against them for Conscience Cause but only desired to be secured of them for Civil Obedience which for Conscience Cause they were bound to perform But the Devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for intetrupting this so Calm and Clement a course than fell out by the sending hither and publishing a Breve of the Popes countermanding all them of his Profession to take this Oath thereby sowing new seeds of Jealousie between me and my Popish Subjects by stirring them up to disobey that Lawful Commandment of their Soveraign which was ordain'd to be taken of them as a pledg of their fidelity His Majesty here alludes to Pope Paul V. who upon the coming out of this Oath sends out a Bull or Breve against it forbidding any of the Romanists to take the said Oath The manner of their procuring and how the English-Romanists in this juncture behaved themselves take as followeth No sooner was the Oath and Act of Parliament published but there Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theological Disputation Epist Dedicat to Pope Paul V. §. 6. was a great and long Consultation held at London by the Priests assisted by Mr. * Whose Title ran thus George Blackwell by the grace of God and the Ordinance of the Sea Apostolick Arch. Priest of England George Blackwell their Arch-Priest what they and their Friends ought to do in this case At last Blackwell did conclude that this Oath according to the plain and common understanding of the words might with a safe Conscience be taken by the Romanists and with him agreed a greater part of the Priests who went then to London to assist at this Consultation But this Compliance was opposed by certain Jesuits and some other Priests from whence arose all the stir and controversie which afterwards made Divisions amongst them concerning the taking of this Oath Nor is the Dispute yet ended The Jesuits and their Faction resolving not to be bafled would carry the business with a high hand to which purpose they threatned to procure a Breve from the Pope to hinder the taking of the said Oath Blackwell and his party fearing the worst with all haste dispatched a Letter to Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert an English Priest then flourishing in Rome fully relating to him how the case stood amongst them earnestly desiring him to deal effectually with some Cardinals that the Pope might be perswaded not to send over any Breves against the taking of the said Oath which would but encrease their Trouble and render the Divisions wider But it seems the Jesuits were too quick and powerful for the other Priests for their Letter came too late and to no purpose it being determined
that you take and understand them simply as they sound and as they lye all power to interpret them otherwise being taken away c. Dated at Rome at S. Marks under the Signet of the Fisher the 22d of Septemb. 1606 the 2d year of our Popedom This Breve being presently sent into England was not instantly submitted to by all the Romanists some of them having taken the Oath of Allegiance and thought they ought as good Subjects to stand to it others of them who wish'd well to their own security betwixt the two opposite Commands of the King and the Pope were willing to think the former Breve to be but a Cheat and surreptitiously procured without the Pope's knowledg such things hapning oft at Rome the Pope as well as other Princes being several times abused both by their Secretaries and the Datarii And to this opinion were some of the wisest and best of the English Romanists drawn upon consideration that the Pope who ought to be Holy Charitable Merciful a lover of Peace a promoter of Obedience not a busie-body nor a medler in other Princes Affairs would not undertake to disquiet the Romanists raise divisions in the Church and thrust his Friends into the danger of violating the Laws of their King and Countrey to whom they owed all Obedience and not upon any account whatsoever Trayterously to oppose and violate But the Pope who thought his Kingdom his Authority his Supremacy his Vicarship his Infallibility and all his other pretty pretended Trophies struck at was resolved to have his Humour let what mischief so ever come of it and so as if to satisfie those who doubted of the Reality of the former Breve he forthwith sent this other into England Dilecti Filii Salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem REnuntiatum est nobis reperiri nonnullos apud vos qui cum satis declaraverimus per literas nostras Anno superiore x Kalend Octob. in forma Brevis datas vos tuta Conscientia praestare non posse Juramentum quod a vobis tunc exigebatur praeterea stricte praeceperimus ne ullo modo illud praestaretis Nunc dicere audent hujusmodi Literas de prohibitione Juramenti non ex animi nostri sententia nostraque propria voluntate scriptas fuisse sed potius aliorum intuitu atque industria eaque de causa iidem persuadere nituntur mandata nostra dictis literis non esse attendenda Perturbavit sane nos hic Nuncius eoque magis quia experti Obedientiam vestram filii nostri unice dilecti qui ut huic sanctaâ— Sedi obediretis opes facultates dignitatem libertatem vitam denique ipsam pie generose nihili fecistis nunquam suspicati essemus potuisse vocari apud vos in dubium fidem literarum nostrarum Apostolicarum ut hoc praetextu vos ex mandatis nostris eximeretis Verum agnoscimus versutiem atque fraudem Adversarii humanae salutis eisque potius quam vestrae voluntati tribuimus hanc renitentiam Ea proter iterum ad vos scribere decrevimus ac denuo vobis significare Literas nostras Apostolicas Anno praeterito x Kalend. Octob. datas de prohibitione juramenti non solum motu proprio ex certa nostra scientia verum etiam post longam gravem deliberationem de omnibus quae in illis continentur adhibitam fuisse scriptas ob id teneri vos illas omnino observare omni interpretatione secus suadente rejecta Haec autem est mera pura integraque voluntas nostra qui de vestra salute soliciti semper cogitamus ea quae magis vobis expediunt Et ut cogitationes consilia nostra illuminet is a quo Christiano gregi custodiendo nostra fuit praeposita Humilitas indesinenter Oramus Quem etiam jugiter precamur ut in vobis filiis nostris summopere dilectis fidem constantiam mutuamque inter vos Charitatem Pacem augeat Quibus omnibus cum omni Charitatis affectu peramanter benedicimus Datum Romae apud Sanct. Marcum sub Annulo Piscatoris x. Kalend. Septemb. 1607. Pontificatus nostri Anno tertio Petrus Stroza Dearly beloved Sons Greeting and Apostolical Benediction It is reported unto us That there are found certain amongst you who when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters dated the last year on the xxij of September in the form of a Breve that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath which was then required of you and when as we have further straitly commanded you that by no means you should take it Yet there are some I say among you who dare now affirm that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath were not written of our own accord or of our own proper will but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men and for that cause the same men go about to perswade you that our Commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded Truly this News did trouble us and that so much the more because having had experience of your obedience most dearly beloved Sons who to the end you might obey this Holy See have godlily and valiantly contemned your Riches Wealth Honour Liberty yea and Life it self We should never have suspected that the truth of our Apostolical Letters could once be call'd into question amongst you that by this pretence you might exempt your selves from our Commandments But we do perceive herein the subtilty and craft of the Enemy of man's salvation and we do attribute this your backwardness rather to him than to your own will And for this cause we have thought good to write the second time unto you and to signifie unto you again that our Apostolical Letters dated the last year on the xxij of Sept. concerning the prohibition of the Oath were written not only upon our proper motion and of our certain knowledg but also after long and weighty deliberation used concerning all those things which are contain'd in them and that for that cause you are bound fully to observe them rejecting all Interpretation perswading to the contrary And this is our meer pure and perfect will who being always careful of your salvation do always mind those things which are most profitable unto you And we do pray without ceasing That he who hath appointed to our Lowliness the keeping of the Flock of Christ would enlighten our Thoughts and Counsels whom we do also continually beseech that he would encrease in you our most beloved Sons Faith Constancy with mutual Charity and Peace one to another All whom we most lovingly Bless with all Charitable affection Dated at Rome at Saint Marks under the Signet of the Fisher the xxiii of August 1607 the third year of our Popedom Peter Stroza Some Months after the publishing of the first Breve Mr. George Blackwell constituted the Arch-Priest 1598 by Henry Cardinal Cajetane call'd Protector of the English Nation by the Appointment of Pope Clement VIII was seiz'd on examined
Notinghamshire a disorderly pretended Protestant were there apprehended and committed to the Town-Hall at last were carried to Thomas Cecyl Earl of Exeter who proffer'd them the Oath of Allegiance Sutton after some excuses took it but Newton desired time to consider of it Upon which for want of Bail and at the Constables desire they were return'd to the Town-Hall Here these two discoursed about the Oath Newton assuring to his Companion its unlawfulness To bed they go together About midnight September 4. 1612. Sutton cryeth out That he was damned only for taking the Oath and declareth Newton happy for refusing it Newton bids him make the sign of the Cross Sutton doth so then creeps down into the bed saying he durst not look up to behold the Vision Newton looks up sees the Room full of light and brightness the Mystery of the Trinity represented to him then there appears the Virgin Mary in a shining white Robe with an infinite company of Angels about her holding a Crown over her head singing in honour of the Trinity Alleluia Gloria in Excelsis Deo c. Then Newton thought that the Virgin thus spake to him Behold see and believe my Assumption in Body Take not the Oath but rather endure all Torments for I will be with thee and assist thee in all and will strengthen and preserve thee from all pains and torments with such Consolations as thou now feelest This Vision continued about half an hour and a little before they vanished there appeared also a multitude of Saints and Martyrs offering up as it were Incense unto Almighty God and saying to him Double thy Devotion unto Saints for nothing is more acceptable unto Almighty God Thus was Newton confirmed in two points which before as he said he somewhat doubted of viz. the Virgins Assumption and Prayers to Saints The Vision ended Newton and Sutton roar out as loud as they could Alleluia Gloria c. and thus they continued balling for three or four hours Sutton saying that now he had learned how to pray In short Sutton turns stark mad and becomes distracted The Bishop of Peterborough administers the Oath of Allegiance to Newton who for all the contrary Commands in the Vision took it and so was set at liberty And this is the sum of the pretty Tale which Father Preston an honest Romanist thinks ought to be ascribed either * Theolog. Disput cap. 10. Sect. 5. § 23. to the vehement Imaginations of a troubled Brain or else to be accounted a meer Illusion of the Devil And so I leave it to the discretion of the Reader with liberty to approve or disprove these doughty Arguments against the Oath of Allegiance But lest these Illusions Inventions and idle Stories should not do the good or mischief intended the Pope must ever now and anon hurry over his Bulls into England to rowse up the Romanists and put them in a posture of Defence against the said Oath In King James his time there were several such Papers nor were they discontinued in King Charles 1. his days In the beginning of whose Reign Pope Vrban viii one said to have some affection to the English Nation sent over a Bull of Comfort to the Romanists part of which relating to the Oath take as followeth VRBANVS Pp VIII Dilectis Filiis Catholicis Angliae Dilecti Filii Salutem Apostolilicam Benedictionem NON semper terraena faelicitas est beneficium Coeli Patrimonium Pietatis pacem enim peccatorum videns Ecclesia non raro experta est potentiam mortalium esse stipendium sceleris Quare Catenas Martyrum anteferimus exuviis Triumphantium Rex sempiternus Principatus Coelestes pollicetur non iis qui superbo pede jura proterunt sed qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam c. Quod si eousque vis progrediatur ut vos ad noxium illud illicitum Anglicanae fidelitatis jura mentum adigat mementote Orationem vestram ab universo Angelorum spectantium consessu audiri Et adhaereat lingua vestra faucibus â—estris priusquam Authoritatem B. Petri ea jurisjurandi formula imminutam detis Non enim ibi id solum agitur ut fides Regi servetur sed at sacrum Universae Ecclesiae sceptrum eripiatur Vicariis Dei Omnipotentis Quod soeliciis Recordationis Paulus V. Praedecessor noster in tam gravi deliberatione decrevit id omnino tanquam Decretum Veritatis servare debeatis Dilecti Filii Tributum hoc Principi Apostolorum debitum nullaâ— hominum minae aut blanditiae a vobis unquam extorqueant qui secus suadent ij visionem mendacem divinationem fraudulentam prophetant vobis Citius enim viro Christiano debet potentium gladius vitam eripere quam fidem Quod si Angelus etiam e Coelo descendens vos aliter quam veritas Apostolica doceat Anathema sit c. Datum Romae S. Petri sub Annulo Piscatoris die xxx May 1626. Pontificatus nostri Anno tertiâ— Pope VRBAN VIII To his beloved Sons the Catholicks of England Beloved Sons Greeting and Apostolical Benediction TErrene foelicity is not always the benefit of Heaven and the Patrimony of Piety For the Church seeing the prosperity of sinners hath often found by experience that the greatness of Mortals is the stipend of Impiety Wherefore we prefer the Chains of Martyrs before the spoils of the Triumphant and the Eternal King promiseth Heavenly Principalities not to them who proudly trample the Laws under their feet but to those who suffer Persecution for Righteousness sake c. And if Violence proceed so far as to compel you to that pernicious and unlawful Oath of Allegiance of England Remember that your Prayers are heard in the whole Assembly of the Angels beholding you And let your Tongue cleave to the roof of your mouth rather than you permit the Authority of St. Peter to be diminished with that form of Oath For that is not all that Fidelity be kept unto the King but that the Sacred Scepter of the Catholique Church be wrung from the Vicar of God Almighty That which our Predecessor Paul V. of blessed memory with so great deliberation decreed that ought ye altogether to observe as a Decree of Truth Beloved Sons this Tribute due to the Prince of the Apostles no threats or flatteries of men ought at any time to extort from you and they who perswade you otherwise prophesie unto you a lying Vision and a fraudulent divination for sooner ought the Sword of the Mighty take from a Christian his life than his Faith yea if an Angel from Heaven teach you otherwise than the Apostolique Truth let him be Accursed c. Dated at Rome at St. Peters under the Signet of the Fisher xxx of May 1626 the third year of our Popedom FINIS THE TABLE A A Drian II commands the murther of Michael the Emperour 182 Albert. Emperour murther'd 301 The Oath of Allegiance vid. Oath Cardinal Allens bad Principles 70 71 His actions against
Queen Elizabeth 454 455 456 Francis Duke of Anjou his death 502 Suspected by poyson Ibid. Causes the Guisard to rejoyce Ibid. Don Juan d'Aquila lands in Ireland with Spanish forces 658 c. L'Auspespine the French Ambassador in England plots the murder of Queen Elizabeth 450 B BAbington's treasons against Queen Elizabeth 445 446 Baldwin II Emperour of Constantinople deposed 279 Fran. Baroncello his pranks at Rome 306 Cardinal Baronius bad Principles 78 The Barricadoes 523 Pierre Barriere his plots against the King 589 Becket vid. Thomas Cardinal Bellarmines bad Principles 68 69 Berengarius murther'd 192 John of Bilboa his imposture 360 361 Birket constituted Archpriest of England 720 Blois the Assembly of the States-General meet there 527 The D. of Guise rules all there ibid. Boniface VIII Pope his life and actions 282 c. Cardinal Bourbon declar'd King 562 Bow at the name of the Pope and Virgin Mary 40 Richard Bristow's bad Principles 62 66 C CAelestine V Pope 282 283 Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo chief of the Rebels against Henry IV King of Castile and Leon 337 338 c. Catherine Queen of Navar deprived 343 344 Robert Cecil threatned in a Letter from the Romanists 707 708 Charles III le Gross Emperour depos'd 185 First dated his Letters from the year of Christ 186 Charles III le simple King of France deposed 203 204 Carlos I King of Spain chose Emperor called Charles V 353 His going from Spain into Germany opposed by the Spaniards 353 354 Chastel stabs the King 596 Childerick II King of France and his Queen murdred 160 Childerick III King of France deposed 165 166 His Subjects absolv'd from their Oaths of Allegiance by Pope Zachary Ibid. Clement VIII thanks the Irish for their Rebellion 651 Sends a Letter to Tyrone the Rebel 655 Fryar Clement kills Henry III of France 547 The Prince of Conde poysoned 521 Conradino King of Naples beheaded 281 Constantines Donation a meer cheat 117 118 c. Constantine V Emperour of Constantinople murdred 169 170 The Covenant vid. League Council of Sixteen vid. Paris Culene King of Scotland murther'd 211 D DAndalo in a Chain under the Popes Table 307 Deodato Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Desmond ' s Plots against Ireland and Articles with Francis I. King of France 385 386 Proclaim'd Traitour 390 His death 392 Devils abused 27 28 The Devil confess'd his sins and loved the Mass 28 Pray'd for that his sins might be forgiven 136 S. Dominick his lying stories 5 Donald V King of Scotland imprison'd 183 Duffe King of Scotland murder'd 208 209 210 Duncan King of Scotland murder'd 215 E EDict vid. Vnion Edmund King of England murther'd 205 Edmund Ironside King of England murder'd 214 Edward King of England sirnamed the Martyr 206 207 Edward II King of England his deposing and murther 309 310 Edward VI insurrections in the North and West against him 408 409 Queen Elizabeth leaves out the word HEAD and is stiled onely Supreme Governour 400 Her Vindication 410 411 c. to 423 Her commendations by Forraigners 411 Defended from cruelty in putting some Romish Priests to death 413 414 416 Declared in a Bull of Pope Pius V Excommunicated Deprived and Deposed 419 Her mildeness and mercy towards Romish Priests 419 420 421 422 423 Who were put to death for Treasons not for Religion Ibid. Deposed by Pope Paul IV Her murder designed by Pius V 426 Her Subjects absolv'd from their Oath of Allegiance by his Bull 427 to 431 Insurrections in the North against her Government 432 Attempts to kill her 445 446 Several plots against her 675 676 c. Empire its troubles by the Papal arrogancie 303 England not subject to the Papal Power 233 234 Equivocation 190 Exorcisms used by the Romanists to inveigle the ignorant people 446 447 448 449 St. Ericus IX King of Swedland kill'd 252 Erick VI King of Denmark beheaded 279 Erick VII murdred ibid. Ethus King of Scotland imprison'd 183 Exorcisms cheating 27 F FAbritio Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Felton condemned for Treason not for Religion 419 Esteemed as a Martyr by the Romanists 433 Florence wicked designs against it by the Pope 331 332 c. Folly of Heathens 1 2 Formosus Pope his troubles 196 197 His body drag'd out of the grave and his fingers cut off 197 198 France the holy League and Covenant there 483 More stirs there upon the deaths of the Guises 529 The people's Declaration 530 S. Francis his childish stories 2 3 4 Frederick I Barbarossa his troubles 254 c. Frederick II Emperour troubled and depos'd 266 G GAlla Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Father Garnet his life 696 to 707 The story of his straw 704 705 Gerberg a Nun drown'd in a Wine-vessel 178 Gibbelines their Story 270 Giovanni Duke of Venice banish'd 183 Men held for Gods 1 2 God abused and blasphemed 29 30 Gradenico Duke of Venice murder'd 183 Gregory I against a Vniversal Bishop 154 Commendeth the murther of Mauricius 155 156 Calls himself servant of servants 156 Delivers Trajans soul out of Hell 157 Gregory VII his power 218 219 c. Deposed by a Synod at Worms 220 By another at Brixen 226 Dyeth and is Sainted 227 Gregory XIII his explication of Pius V his Bull against Queen Elizabeth 435 436 Jac. Gretser his bad Principles 69 Guelfs their story 270 Guisards several designes against the House of Navar as the chief of that of Bourbon 488 489 490 Their under-plottings against Henry III of France 494 495 496 to 502 Their designes against the House of Bourbon 502 And to make themselves next Heirs of the Kingdom 502 503 c. Look upon Cardinal Bourbon as first Prince of the Bloud rather then the King of Navar 507 Duke of Guise holds a Treaty or Conventicle with some Spanish Commissioners and others and the agreement at that Cabal 505 Has a meeting of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy 520 Presents several propositions to the King ibid. Comes to Paris has the acclamations of the people 522 The Queen-Mother sent to treat with him 524 His insolent demands 524 Refuses to swear Allegiance to the King and plots to take away his life 528 Is kill'd at Blois ibid. Cardinal of Guise kill'd by the Kings order ibid. Gunpowder-Treason vid. Treason H LOng Hair of great value 167 Hare occasion'd the taking of Rome 187 Harenscaran punishment what 256 257 Heaven abused with lyes 29 30 Henry II King of England his troubles by Thomas a Becket 235 236 c. His grief and penance for Beckets murther 247 248 Henry IV King of Castile and Leon his miseries by his proud rebellious Nobility 337 c. They make a League against him ibid. Designe to kill him 340 Henry IV Emperour his troubles and deposition 218 219 c. Deprived 220 224 225 His strange Humility and Submission 222 Crown'd at Rome 226 Depos'd by his son 228 229 His poverty and death
some cases as if the Prince should force his People to be a a Allow one or two Exceptions and twenty will follow if the Romanists be Judges Prateo lus Elench Haeret. § Mahometes compares the Protestants to the Turks Gifford Prâ—f in lib. D. Reinald Calvino-Turcismus saâ—th that the Protestants belief is worse than the Alcoran Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels the Pope may discharge his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience otherwise due to him III. That the King Bishops Peers and Commons in Parliament cannot declare or censure the opinion which alloweth the Popes power to excommunicate and deprive Kings to be Impious and Heretical IV. That it is gross Ignorance and False not to believe that the Pope or any other have power to absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Obedience and Allegiance V. That this Oath of Allegiance though taken is not obligatory nor hath any power to binde Thus we see the foundation of Government shaken Oaths and Obedience brought to be but trifles and Supream Authority and Rule upon the common-canting whining pretence of Religion consumed to nothing Leonardus Lessius a Jesuite of great repute under the false name Discussio Decreti Mag. Concil Lateran of Guilielmus Singletonus is very zealous for this Authority to be in the Pope Tells us in one place that if the Pope b Si sam Pont. non haberet illam potestatem in Tâ—mporalia Ecclesia errarâ—t in Doctrina morum quidem circa res gravissimas Docet enim Principe per sententiam summi Pont. abdicato omnes subditos ab ejus obedientia esse solutos ditionem ejus ab alio posse occupari ut ex Conciliis constat Discuss Decret Concil Lat. pag 46. have not this power then the Church of necessity must err because it teacheth such jurisdiction to lye in the Pope but to affirm so of the Church viz. that she erreth is Heretical nay that this error viz. that the Pope cannot depose Kings c Id. Pag. 90. Hic enim error longe perniciosior erit magisque intolerabilis quam error circa aliquod Sacramentum is more pernicious and intolerable than an error concerning some of the Sacraments for 't is a d Id. Pag. 100. certain and undoubted received Opinion of the Church and therefore he e Id Pag. 123. conjures all Catholicks as they love the salvation of their Souls to have a care of doubting of it or believing the contrary for it f Ad sidem pertinere sive ita cum rebus fidei Religionis esse conjunctam ut absque sanae Doctrinae injuria non videatur posse negaâ—i belongs to faith or agrees so neer with it that it cannot be denyed without great injury to sound Doctrine And whether this Lessius in another of his Books concerning the a De potestate summi Pontifici Popes power maintains any Tenents more dangerous than these I know not no more than I do the reasons that made them suppress it though many years ago printed The Lawyer b De sindicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Paris de Puteo from the Canon-law and other such-like authorities gathers that the Pope may depose Kings or Emperours and the old c Dist 40 Si Papa Gloss Glassator upon Gratian standing upon the same sandy Foundation maintains the same proposition against the latter and with these agree another Lawyer d Et Imperator debet confirmari à Papa tanquam superiore ab eo examinare approbari ac incongi consecraâ—i coronari si est dignus vel rejici si est indignus puta si esset sacrilegus excommunicatus licet esset electus ab Electoribus Imperii Jo. Bapt. Plot. Consilium § 64. Johannes Baptista Plotus In the year 1619. Frederick Elector Palatine of Rhine being over-perswaded by the Bohemians who had then denyed Ferdinand the Emperour to be their King to take upon him the Government over them was after some Wars overcome by the Imperialists and bereft not onely of that Kingdom but the rest of his Territories Upon this great consultation is had privately at Rome to get another Elector into his place and for the person they need not study long The Duke of Bavaria having his great expence in this War against the Bohemians and the Jesuits to whom he was a great Benefactor had a particular Devotion and was in all things sway'd by them to speak loud in his behalf and besides which was no small mover his Zeal for the cause of Rome Frederick being a Protestant and thus laid by would thus over-sway the reformed Electors in number whereby the Empire probably would still be ruled by that Religion These and other like reasons made Pope Gregory the Fifteenth and his Nephew and Favourite Cardinal Ludovisio who was also made Protector of the Irish to be earnest with the Emperour about it which at last though the Spaniard at its first motion seem'd not to like took effect and Maximilian Duke of Bavaria obtain'd that honour 1623. But that which I most aim at in this story is the Paper of advice or reasons to perswade to this action presented to the Pope and Cardinals by Michel Lonigo da Esle belonging to his Holiness in which is strongly pleaded for Bavaria ranting and boasting in a whole beadrole what pretty pranks and tricks the Popes have formerly acted over Kings and Emperours by interdicting excommunicating and deposing them altering and changing of Empires and Kingdoms and in one place speaks boldly and plainly thus It is in the Popes hands as appeareth by all Histories to renew the Emperours in their Empire to translate the authority of one Nation to another and utterly to abolish the right of Election And that Rome did think her power over Kings by way of punishment to be just and really her own you may partly guess from this following story No sooner came forth our Oath of Allegiance for the preservation Ro. Widdrington's Theological Disputation cap. 10. Sect. 2. § 52 53. c. of the King and security of his Kingdoms but Father Parsons at Rome sollicited the Pope for his Breves against it which were obtain'd but before they were sent into England this Jesuite wrote a Letter hither to intimate though falsly that he was for mitigation but that true enough the rest were for the Popes power against the King but take his own words as they are delivered to us by an honest Benedictine About some four or five Months ago it was consulted by seven or eight of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen who gave their judgement of it Their Reasons are many but all deduced to this that the Popes Authority in chastising Princes upon a just account is de fide and consequently cannot be deny'd when it is call'd into Controversie without denying of our Faith nor that the Pope or any other Authority can dispense in this For if the Question were de facto and
out of their houses and shops to follow him insomuch that he had presently above thirty thousand Followers crying out Long let Gnise live 9 Mâ—y Davila p. â—80 D'Aubigne tom 3. l. 1. ch 23. the Pillar of the Church All â—hewed their greatest affection to him some thanking him others bowing to him some kissing the hem of his garment others that could not get so near by their hands and gestnres shewed their zele and joy some ador'd him as a Saint touch'd him with their Beads kissing as they thought the then said hallowed stuff or touching their Eyes and Foreheads with them the Women strowing leaves and flowers from their windows Madam Vitri crying out O good Prince seeing you are come we are safe others adding Shall we not die for joy when we have seen you King To such an height of madness and wickedness will a giddy Zele for Religion transport the indiscreet Rabble Guise on the other side with a popular Face and and smiling Countenance shewed himself affable and courteous to all by Words Salutations or kind Looks and thus passing along with his Hat in his hand omitted nothing that might gain their Affections and Applause and in this complemental Triumph he rode directly to St. Eustache allighted at the Filles Repenties where the Queen-mother then lay with whom having some discourse she in the mean time informeth the King of his coming by her Gentleman-Usher Luigi Davila a Cyprian by birth and elder brother to Henrico Caterino Davila that excellent Author of the History of the Civil Wars of France which so perplex'd His Majesty that he was fain to rest himself upon his Arm hanging his Head down almost to the Table Guise having had some discourse with the Queen-mother who was not a little frighted at his coming waits upon her on foot to the Louvre she being carried in her Chair or Sedan being come before the King he endeavours to excuse and vindicate himself and so returneth to his own house in St. Antoine's Street And here not only Pope * ponâ— an 1588. § 3. Sixtus V. but several others condemned the King that he had not Guise forthwith kill'd whilest he was in his power in the Louvre and some of his Counsellours advised him then to do it whilest others thought there was no policy or safety in that seeing the People so furiously resolved for him Yet probably the King being then in an high passion might have order'd his dispatch but that Guise by whisperings and other demeanours perceiv'd their Resolutions not settled so very cunningly taking hold of their uncertainties pretending a weariness by reason of his travels took his leave and went to his House attended with the former multitude of his Admirers And now the Plot begins to work Guise that night gets above four hundred Gentlemen and Commanders to his House sends for the Council of Sixteen and the * Like our City Sheriffs Paris hath 4 Eschevins Eschevins then of his Faction with whom he consults ordereth Guards to be kept in every Ward all the Covenanters to be ready upon notice and had his own house well stored with Arms. And the same care was also taken by the Court to fortifie the Louvre The next day Guise attended with above four hundred Gentlemen privately armed with Pistols under their cloaks for upon his former jealousie 10 May. he would not venture himself so unprovided as he was before went to the Louvre waited upon the Queen his Cousin then the King and so â—eturn'd and held a deep consultation with Pierre Depinac Archbishop of Lyons his chief Confident and Counsellour After dinner he went to the Queen-mothers house whither the King came and after several discourses concerning the faults of the Government and the People each endeavouring to vindicate himself and Favourites they departed The next day the King order'd all strangers to depart the City thinking 11 May. by that means to lessen and divide the Forces of the Guisards but this could not be perform'd nor obey'd and Guise to render His Majesty more odious gave out that the King intended to put to death LX. of the chief Romanists a counterfeit List of whom he framed and sent abroad by his Creatures in which were named the Eschevins the chief of the Sixteen and Covenanters and then all their Curates and Preachers and to make this more terrible it was confidently reported how that the * The Townhâ—usâ— Hostel de ville was full of Gibbets to hang the said people on All which so incens'd the Rabble that they were thinking to rise up that very night their Commanders being settled in every Quarter And that which most confirm'd these Opinions to the People was the approach of the Kings Forces for His Majesty perceiving the high Attempts of the Leaguers determined to put it to the push to secure himself and daunt or quell his Enemies to which purpose he had sent for the several Regiments of the Swisses and French who quarter'd near Paris who accordingly were led into the City on Thursday morning by 12 May. Mareschal Byron and agreeable to the Kings Orders had taken up their Stations or Postes in several places of the City especially near the Court which some think was not done to the best advantage seeing they kept too great a distancâ— from L'Hostel de Guise in S. Antoine's street whereby with the greater ease all his Associates and Rabble might come to him and unite without any opposition However at the noise of these Royal Forces the people shut up their Shops fly to their Arms and according to their former Instructions what with Tubs Barrels and such like materials stop * Thâ—refore the French do yet call this day and action Les Barcieades de Paris or Journee des Barrieades barricado and chain up the Streets Lanes and Passages and that with such cunning and quickness that the Kings Forces being as aforesaid divided could not come to or assist one another whereupon after a little resistance and a few slain they yielded themselves And thus this vast City became subject to Guise who rode through the streets exhorting the people to stand upon their Guard since God had been so merciful to them as to secure their Lives Families Liberties and the Honour of the Holy Church desiring them to depend upon him and all would be well On the other hand the King and Court found themselves in a sad condition and seeing no help after many Consultations the Queen-mother is sent to treat with the Duke and being with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the stoppages and barricadoes brought to him upon discourse she findeth him haughty and exorbitant in his demands more like a Conquerour then a Subject not departing a jot from such as these That he should be Lieutenant General in all Provinces and places in the Kingdom That the States should be call'd at Paris who with the King should confirm to him that Power