would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
Normandie to the number of about 3000 men after hee embarked with the troupe and tooke his course to Dover wher king Richard attended him with 4000 men but God conducted that busines sending a contrary wind which landed the said earle in the northern parts of England where without all interruption landing they which sent for him met him by consent marched toward London King Richard met him on the way with 40000 or 50000 as they came nigh one another to give battaile the most part of king Richards people turned to the earle of Richmonds side Yet that king who despaired otherwise to bee maintained in his estate than by a victory upon his enemie gave battaile to the earle and was slaine fighting after hee had raigned about a yeere And the earle of Richmond went right to London with his victory and the slaying of that tirant Then tooke he out of the monastery king Edwards two daughters whereof hee espoused the elder and was straight made king of England called Henry the seaventh grandfather of the most ilustrious Queene Elizabeth at this present raigning Alfonsus king of Castile the 11 of that name who began his raigne Anno 1310 Frâ—isar lib. 1. cap. 230. 231 241. 242 243. raigned 40 yeeres left after him Peter Henry his bastard sons This king Peter was a prince very cruell inhumane amongst other cruelties he committed he caused to die Madame Blanche his wife daughter of duke Peter of Bourbon sister of the queene of France of the dutches of Sauoy He made also to die the mother of the said Henry his bastard brother also banished slew many lords barons of Castile Insomuch as by his crueltie hee acquired the hatred of all his subjects yea of strangers his neighbours so that his bastard brother being legitimated by the Pope at the earnest sute of the nobilitie of Castile and the help of the king of France Charles le Sage who sent him a good armie under the conduction of master Iohn of Bourbon countie of March of Messier Bertrand of Guesclin after constable of France hee enterprised to eject king Peter out of his kingdome of Castile and to make himselfe king and did according to his enterprise For as soone as hee was entred with forces into Castile all the countrie of all sorts abandoned that cruell king Peter who fled and retired to Bourdeaux towards the prince of Wales praying him to give him succours against his bastard brother This prince who was generous and magnanimous graunted his demaund under colour that the said Don Peter was a little of his parentage but in truth moved with desire of glorie and to acquire the reputation to have established a lawfull king in his kingdome against a bastard which the French had set in so did hee enterprise to goe inro Castile with a strong army to establish king Peter in his kingdome All succeeded so well unto him that hee got a battaile at Naverret against king Henry who fled into France and king Peter was established in his kingdome The prince of Wales exhorted him to pardon all such as before had borne armes against him and from thence forward to become gentle and kind towards all his subjects which hee faithfully promised to bee But hee did no such thing but againe exercised his cruelties and vengeances as well upon the one as the other In the meane while Henry the bastard gathered a new army with the help of the king of France which was conducted by the said Messier Bertrand of Guesclin and unlooked for they gave an assault nigh unto Montiell in Castile to king Peter and put him to flight with a great overthrow of his people King Peter saved himselfe in a castle which was incontinent besieged and seeing himselfe evill provided within it hee by stealth sought to save himselfe with a few people but he was encountred by the said Henry his bastard brother who slew him with his owne hand By which meanes the said Henry with his race remained peaceable kings in the kingdome of Castile and king Peter finished his life unhappie by reason of his great cruelty whereof hee could never be chastised By the abovesaid examples it seemes unto mee That a prince may easely judge if hee be of any judgement how pernitious and damnable the doctrine of Machiavell is to enstruct a prince to bee cruell for it is impossible that a cruell prince should long raigne but we ordinarily see that the vengeance of God yea by violent meanes followeth pace by pace crueltie Machiavell for confirmation of his doctrine alledgeth the example of the emperour Severus who indeede was a man very cruell and sanguinarie yet raigned eighteene yeeres or there abouts and dyed in his bed But unto this I answere that the cruelties of Severus seeme to bee something excusable because that he had for competitors in the empire Albinus and Niger two of greater nobilitie than hee and which had more friends Insomuch as it seemed necessarie for him to weaken the two competitors and to withstand their friends from hurting him to use that crueltie to kill them Yet hee pardoned many Albinians and reconciled himselfe unto them moreover hee exercised part of his cruelties in the revenge of the good emperour Pertinax which was a lawfull cause yet withall had he in himselfe many goodly and laudable vertues as wee have in other places rehearsed so that as his crueltie made him much hated his other vertues wrought some mitigation thereof Lastly hee made no other end than other cruell princes for hee dyed with sorrow as saith Herodian who was in his time for that hee saw his children Dion in Seve Herod lib. 3. such mortall enemies one against another and that Bassianus the eldest had enterprised to kill his father who yet did pardon him But Bassianus pardoned not his fathers phisitions which would nor obey him when hee commanded them to poison his sicke father for as soone as his father was dead hee hanged and strangled them all Heerein also God punished the crueltie of Severus that having exercised all these cruelties and slaughters well to establish the empire in his house hee was frustrated of his intention For of those two sonnes Bassianus and Geta one slew the other and Bassianus after he had slaine Geta endured not long but was slaine by Macrinus and left behind him no children Therefore although it seemed that God spared to punish Severus crueltie for his other good vertues yet remained not hee unpunished for seeing his sonne who had learned of him to bee cruell durst enterprise to slay him hee dyed of griefe and sorrow And wee neede not doubt but his conscience assaulted him greatly for he might well thinke that it was a just divine vengeance to see himselfe so cruelly assaulted by his owne blood and to see machinated against himselfe by his owne sonne the like crueltie which hee exercised against others yet he dissembled this pardoned
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
at Paris shewed him in all humilitie how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesties obedience as being their king and naturall soveraigne Prince but that they besought him humbly to accord Priviledges of Rochell them certaine priviledges The king demanded what priviledges First said they That it would please your Majestie to agree unto us that the Towne of Rochell may be inseparably united unto the Crowne of France so that it may never be seperated nor dismembred by peace mariage nor by any compact condition or misadventure that can come in Fraunce Secondly that the Castle may be throwne to the earth without which we will keepe the towne of Rochell well for your Majestie The king perceiving their demands and finding them reasonable and proceeding from a true French heart accorded their requests and so the Rochellois returned merily into the French obedience from whence they had been seperated to their great greefe Here then you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdome that law of not alienating the Lands Townes and Provinces of the Crowne was made But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois some Messer will say How happeneth it then that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects hereunto the answere is easie and evident that is that they are at this day as good Frenchmen as ever were the ancestours but they are not good Italians neither meane to be subject under the yoke of strangers no more than their ancestors Let us now come to the other example King Francis the first of that name being prisoner at Madril in Spain in power of the emperour Charles the fist there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes whereby amongst other things the king promised the emperor to grant him all his right and possession of the Dutchie of Burgoigne and that he would imploy himselfe to cause the Estates of the countrey to condiscend therunto This accord being concluded the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne and there by his embassadours summoned him to ratifie the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appeare to be made without constraint unto which embassadours the king answered that he could doe nothing in that article concerning the Dutchie of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects because he could not aliene it without their consent and that he would cause the Estates of the countrey to assemble to know their wils therein Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together which would by no meanes consent unto the said alienation whereof hee advertised the emperour who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents was content with that answer upon this condition That the king would assure the said Dutchie unto the first heire male which the said king should have by Elenor the said emperours sister unto whom he was then espoused so that that law That the king cannot alienate the Crowne-land was then verie profitable unto the king and the kingdome And unto this agree the doctors of the Civill law which hold that the emperour cannot aliene any thing of the Empires but he is bound to increase it to his power And from thence they drawe but foolishly the etymologie of that name Augustus saying The Emperors are called Augusti for that they ought to encrease and cannot diminish the Empire as much say they of other kings and monarchs for there is therein the like reason For a conclusion no man of perfect judgment can denie but these three lawes of the kingdome of France namely the law Salicke the law of the Estates general and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crowne are the verie true pillars bases and foundations of the kingdome and the royaltie which none can or ought to abolish I doubt not but there will be found manie which will be quarelling at those aforesaid examples and reasons and will say That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said lawe is to diminish his power and to give limitation and restriction to his soveraigne authoritie But for reply I will only demaund If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate If they confesse yea as none can denie it if he be not altogether without judgement I say it followeth by argument taken from contraries that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince to ruinate himselfe and his estate And by consequent it followeth that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of him and his estate so much there wanteth that we diminish his power that by the contrarie we establish it and make it more firme greater and as it were invincible As also on the contrarie they which say that a Prince can abolish and change his lawes upon which he and his Estate are founded they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himselfe For to take it rightly and in good sence it is an act of impuissance to ruinat destroy overthrow and to participate his estate And contrarie it is an act of power to conserve himselfe and maintaine his estate No more nor no lesse than when a building falleth upon the earth or when a man letteth it fall these be acts of feeblenesse frailetie and impuissance but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth streight and firme without cracking or falling these be acts of force and power As for the law Naturall it cannot be abolished For if a Prince will authorise The law naturall cānot be abolished by the king or any other adulteries incests thefts murders and massacres and other like crimes which naturall reason and common sence causeth us to abhorre and detest certaine and evident it is that such authorising is of no value and that the Prince cannot doe this When the emperor Claudius wold espouse Agrippina his niece his brothers daughter he made a Law whereby he authorised the mariage of the uncle with the niece which was published all over but sayth Suetonius no man would imitate and follow the Emperours example but a bad servant newly enfranchised and a souldier every body so detested and abhorred such kind of mariages as being contrarie to the naturall law and common sence And indeed this mariage fell not out well for Sueto in Claudio cap. 26. Tacitus Annal lib. 12. him For Agrippina his neece and wife poysoned him to bring to the Empire Nero hir sonne whom she had had by another husband and had caused him to be adopted for his sonne although he had by his first wife Messalina another naturall sonne called Britanicus whom Nero when he came to the Empire empoysoned to
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
of benefices to the ordinary Collators and also to labour unto the prelates of Fraunce for dispensations requisit Hereupon the king made an Edict with the advice of his daughter the Vniversitie so names he it whereby inhibitions defences were made to all subiects as well of the Nobilitie and the Clergie as of the third Estate no more to acknowledge either of the said Popes for Popes neither any more to run either to Rome or Avignon for the obtaining and impetration of benefices dispensations or other buls and provisions Apostolicall but to the ordinary Collators and to the Prelates of the French church upon paine to be debarred of their pretended right and other great punishments which Edict was observed by the space of three yeares at the end of which time was a Pope chosen at the counsell of Pise called Alexander the fift under whose obedience the king and his kingdome yeelded themselves But the space of the said three yeares they did well ynough without a Pope in France and so likewise during the said time of pluralitie of Popes which endured forty yeares And there were then many princes which acknowledged neither the one nor the other for Popes as the king of Aragon the countie of Hainaut the duke of Bretaigne the commonwealth of Liege If then in times past so many could be without popes why might we not as wel spare them now as then But as I have said before I see not why the Catholikes should so much care for the Pope as to travell and iourny so farre as Rome to kisse his pantophle nor to spend so much money to buy his pardons being such vile and base marchandize To conclude my masters it seemeth unto me by this breefe discourse I have made hitherto that my proposition is sufficiently cleared That the Catholike and we differ not in Religion but do agree in all points necessary for our salvation After that that good parson had made us the said discourse truly every one of us thanked him but especially the Catholike gentleman saying That as for him he never beleeved otherwise A pleasant discourse of Friers habits the points which he had delivered but even as hee had said and that he would never have thought that they of the Evangelike Religion had accorded so well with the Catholikes as he saw they did But said he my masters after so serious a discourse it should not be impertinent to adde another to make us laugh All the companie prayed him to do it then begun he to say in this manner I have above touched how habites and apparrell brought no sanctitie to the masse we may also say That they adde no sanctitie to the persons neither according to that common proverbe Apparell makes not a Monke Yet I find that this question hath been sometimes handled with great contention and diversitie of opinions which endured nigh fiftie yeares amongst the Friers because they could not accord upon the colour greatnesse widenesse and forme of their habites For you must understand that the glorious S. Francis amongst other articles of his rule hee had placed one whereby he ordained That all that were of his Order for apparrell should cloth themselves with the basest vilest and of the lowest price that could be that they should onely have one coat with an hood and another without an hood and that they should weare no shoes nor ride on horsebacke Vpon the intelligence and interpretation of this article arose great and marvellous altercations and disputations in the order of Friers insomuch that they held a generall Chapiter to accord these disputations and to rule themselves all by one sort of habites For some wore habites of one colour some of another some short others long insomuch that they seemed not to be of the same Order In this Chapiter then was there a great disputation about the intelligence and interpretation of the said article About the last two points they were easie to agree for seeing they were forbidden by the said article to ride on horsebacke they resolved to ride but on Asses and Mules or on foot as commonly they do They considered also That Asses were fittest for them in their Covents for being kept with least charge As for shooes they resolved That they would take away the most part of the leather leaving onely a sole with a thong to go overthwart the foot to make the sole fast to the foot so should they not be shoes but soles But the greatest difficultie and strife was about the fashion of the hood and of the coat or Iacket For in the said Chapiter were mooved three principall questions by certaine subtile and cunning Friers The first upon the Colour the second upon the Quantitie and the third about the Forme But to handle these three questions in order you must understand That about the colour there was divers opinions upon which they could not accord For the blessed S. Francis had spoken nothing of the colour in his rule but only ordained That they of his order should weare habites of a low price Then fell out a great question What colour was of least price and thought to be most vile Some reasoned That the greene colour was the vilest and might bee bought cheaper than any other and that it was ordinarily seene that people of most vile condition as carters marriners and other meane people did weare that colour in lining to their doublets as the worst colour of all They said also That the matter wherewith a greene colour is made is cheaper than any other for with hearbes and leaves greene may bee made to die both woollen and linnen Others said the murrey or smoakie colour was the worst best cheap for to make that colour there need no more but to take white wooll and soot But the third opinion seemed to be best taken with reason and equitie And that was they which said That there was no viler colour nor more meet for their Order than that which came from the beasts back it selfe But it is so that both white and black came from the beasts backe and it is evident that the blessed S. Francis did so understand it they should weare the colour of the beast in token of humilitie patience saying further That all other colours cost something if it were but labour but the colour of the beast cost nothing Therfore they concluded That al the order of Friers ought to weare their garmēts either of white or blacke colour and not of greene smokie or any other colours that this was their opinion Assuredly these reasons of the first disputers were so pregnant that they shaked al the rest of the company yet notwithstanding they which had disputed for Green and smokie colours thinking it not good to bee overcome at the first blow replied more They which have disputed of the colour of the beast say they do shew that they hold some thing of the beast speaking under the brotherly
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
make warre upon them The duke of Bourbon assembled the greatest lords of the armie to resolve what answer to make to the herauld After by the advice of all it was answered That they Christians made warre upon them to revenge the death of Christ the sonne of God and a true Prophet which their generation had put to death and crucified The Turkes understanding this answere sent againe to the duke of Bourbon and the lords of France that they had by some received evill information upon that matter for they were the Iewes which crucified Iesus Christ and not their predecessors and if the children must needs suffer for their auncestors faults they should then take the Iewes which were then amongst them and upon them revenge the death of their Iesus Christ Our Frenchmen knew not what to answere hereunto yet they continued the warre where was done no notable exploit but by contagion of the aire they were constrained to returne after they had lost the most part of their armie Likewise in the yeare 1453 the Pope having proclaimed a Croisado in Christendome to run over Turkie to avenge the death of our Lord Iesus Christ and to constraine the Turkes to be christened the Turke writ letters unto him wherein he signified that they were the Iewes which crucified Christ And as for him hee descended not of the Iewes but of the Trojans blood whereof hee understood the Italians were likewise descended And that their dutie were rather both one of us and the other to restore rather the great Troy and to revenge the death of Hector their auncestor against the Grecians than to make warre one upon another as for his part he was readie to doe having alreadie subjugated the most part of Greece And that he beleeved that Iesus Christ was a great Prophet but that he never commanded as he was given to understand that men should beleeve in his law by force and by armes as also on his part he so constrained no man to beleeve in the law of Mahomet Behold the substance of the Turkes letter to the Pope which seemed to bee as wel yea better founded upon reasons than the Popes buls For verily Iesus Christ would that by preaching his law should be received into the world and not by force of armes In the time when Christendome was devided into Clementines and Vrbanists by reason of a schisme of Popes we may well presuppose that the one thought the Froisar lib. 2 cap. 132. 133 lib. 3. cap 24. other to be altogether out of the way of salvation and our hystorians say That the one part called the other dogs miscreants infidels c. Their reason was because they said that as there was but one God in heaven so there ought to bee but one on earth and the aforesaid Clementines held assuredly That Pope Clement was the true god on earth and Pope Vrbane the false god and that the Vrbanists beleeved in a false god and by consequent that they all strayed from the faith For as no religion can stand without beleeving in God so esteemed they that they which beleeved not in the true earthly god were altogether without all religion as dogs miscreants our hystoriographers which held that opinion as well as the other said That from that time the faith was shaken and readie to fall to the ground The same opinion had the Vrbanists of the Clementines as the Clementines had of the Vrbanists We have before in another place said That under colour of this diversitie in religion the king of England who was an Vrbanist enterprised to make warre upon the kings of France and Castile Clementines Likewise also the Clementines enterprised no lesse against the Vrbanists yea against the Pope Vrbane himselfe whom they besieged in the towne of Peronse where he was in great danger to have been taken yet in the end he saved himselfe at Rome The king of Fraunce determined to have passed into Italie by warre to have destroyed the Vrbanists but in the end he tooke another resolution which was to cause the schisme to cease so he caused to convocate a great and notable assembly in the towne of Rhemes in Campaigne whither in person resorted the emperour Sigismund and there a conclusion was made to exhort the two Popes to submit themselves to the new election of a Pope wherein their right should bee conserved unto them and if they would not submit themselves thereunto that the Christian princes and their subjects should withdraw themselves from the obedience both of the one and the other After this subtraction was made because the said Popes would not obey the exhortation that was made there was a new election of a Pope in a Counsell held at Pise by the emperors and the kings authorities called Pope Alexander the fift a Frier minor and the other two Antipopes were cursed as is said in another place And thus ceased the warres for Religion in all Christendome To this purpose also you must know That during the said schisme of the Clementines Froisar lib. 4 cap. 33. and Vrbanists the duke of Bretaigne had peace with the king of Fraunce and a great assembly was made betwixt them in the towne of Tours The duke appearing there some of the kings Counsell shewed him that hee was disobedient to the king being of another religion than the king was for the king was a Clementine and the duke an Vrbanist and it was not meet that the vassale should be of another religion than his soveraigne lord The abovesaid duke aunswered wisely That it could not bee called a rebellion or disobedience for no man ought to judge of his conscience but only God who is the soveraigne and only judge of such a matter and that he beleeved in Pope Vrban because his election was before Pope Clements Some of the kings Counsell of the meanest sort made a great matter of this diversitie of religion but the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne the kings uncles were opinioned that it was not a sufficient point to stand upon to put by an accord with the duke of Bretaigne insomuch that following their advice an accord was concluded yea a mariage of one of the kings daughters with the said duke of Bretaigne This example and advice of these two good dukes mee thinkes all Christian princes should follow and not cease to agree together for diversitie of Religion but to remit the judgement thereof unto God who alone can compound and agree the differences of the same And not onely amongst princes the bond of amitie ought not to bee broken for difference of Religion but also princes ought not to use armes against their subjects to force them unto a Religion but they ought to assay all other meanes to demonstrate unto them by lively reasons their errors and so bring them to a good way and if it appeare not that their subjects doe erre and stray they ought to maintaine them and not persecute them at the
instigation of flatterers and envious people An example hereof is memorable of king Lewis the twelfth who was called the Father of the people For in his time certaine Cardinals and Prelates persuaded him to exterminate and utterly to root out all the people of Cabriers and Merindol in Provence which were the reliques of the Christians called Albi then sore persecuted for Christ telling him That they were sorcerers incestuous Molinaeus de la Monarchia deâ— Francois Anno. 155. persons and heretickes They of Merindol and Cabriers having some sente of the aforesaid accusation sent certaine of their wisest men to remonstrate to the king their justice and innocencie As soone as these men were arrived at the Court the said Cardinals and Prelates did what they could to hinder that they should not be heard and indeed told the king that he ought not to heare them because the Cannon law holds That men ought not to give audience to heretickes nor communicate with them The king replied That if he had to make warre upon the Turke yea against the divell himselfe he would heare them This was an answere worthie of a king For seeing kings hold in their hands the scepter of justice this is not to use but to abuse To condemne any not to heare them The said king Lewis then hearing the said messengers of Cabriers and Merindol they shewed him in all humilitie that their people received the Gospell the Bible the Apostles Creed the commaundements of God and the Sacraments but they beleeved not in the Pope nor in his doctrine and that if it pleased his Majestie to send to enquire of the truth of their speeches they were contented all to die if their words were not found true This good king would needs know if it were so and indeed deputed M. Adam Fumee his master of Requests and one M. Parvi a Iacobin his Confessor to go to Cabriers and Merindol to enquire of the life and religion of the inhabitants in those places which they did and after they had seene and knowne all they made their report unto the king That in those places their children were baptized they taught them the articles of the Faith and the commandements of God that they well observed their Sabboths alwayes preaching thereon the word of God and as for sorceries and whoredomes there were none amongst them moreover they found no images in their temples nor ornaments of the Masse The king having received this report what judgement gave he of it did hee condemne them straight because they had no images nor ornaments of the Masse No he presently swearing by his oth pronounced That they were better men than he or all his people Here may princes learne how to use themselves in supporting against slanderers such in whom there is no appearance of error But leaving this question and againe taking our purpose certaine it is That a prince ought not lightly to attempt warre as Machiavell persuadeth and upon A prince ought to seeke all meanes to put out war by a peace some necessitie having warre in hand he ought to search out and accept all honest conditions to get out of it For sometimes the prince which refuseth honest and reasonable conditions upon hope that his forces are great falleth oftentimes into great distresse and it hath been many times seene that pettie captaines have made head against great and strong powers of mightie princes In the time of the battaile of Poictiers where king Iohn was taken the prince of Wales before the battaile offered the king to yeeld him all that both hee and his Froisar lib. 1 cap 161. Annales upon Anno 1356 Annales upon Anno 1433. people had conquered since his departure from Bourdeaux also to yeeld him all the pillage but the king would not accept this offer but withall asked that the prince and foure of the greatest lords of the armie should yeeld themselves at his will The prince who was generous chose rather to fight it out than to accept so shamefull and dishonorable an accord so hee and his army fought valiantly insomuch that a very little numbar of English overcame great forces of the French and the king was taken and many other great princes and lords for which to redeeme the kingdome was so emptied of silver that they were compelled to make money of leather which in the middest had onely a note of siluer and from this battaile proceeded infinite evils miseries and calamities which had not happened if the king had beene so well advised as to have forgone that war by soft and assured meanes rather than by the hazard of the battaile But contrary to king Iohn king Charles the seaventh reconquering Guienne and Normandie upon the English never refused any proffer or composition sought alwaies to recover that which his predecessors had justly lost without effusion of bloud The Romane hystories are ful of such like examples For that which overthrew the Carthaginians the king Perseus the king Mithridates that which abated the pride of Philip king of Macedon of that great king Antiochus and of many others was they could never accept the good and reasonable conditions of peace which was offered unto them by the Romanes but would rather experiment what force founded upon a good right could doe I say founded upon good right because a small force which hath right with it oftentimes abateth a great force which is not founded on a good right the reason is evident because hee that knoweth hee hath just cause to make warre and which seeth that his adversary trusting much in his forces will not come to any reasonable composition redoubleth his courage his heat and fighteth more valiantlie than hee which is driven thereunto rather upon pride than of any generositie of heart but the principall reason thereof is that God who giveth victories inclineth most often to the rights side and although sometimes it seemes that the wrong carrieth away the victorie yet alwaies God shewes by the end issue according to which we must judge that hee is fot the right Above all the prince ought to appease the warres in his owne countrey whether A prince ought to appease war in his owne countrey they be raised by strangers or by his owne subjects for as for such warres as he may have in a strange land against strangers it may happen they will not prove so evill but hee may provide good souldiers in his neede and especiallie this point is considerable when a princes subjects are naturallie enclined to warre as is the French nation for then necessarily they must bee emploied in that wherein is their naturall disposition or els they will move war against themselves as Salust saith in these words If saith hee the vertue and generositie of princes captaines and men of warre might so well be emploied and shew it selfe of such estimate in peace as in warre humane things would carry themselves more constantly and men
that which Machiavell prescribeth for by oppressing and causing to die al the conjurators and enemies and all their friends and allies he made himselfe so feared and redoubted that there was not in Rome great or little but he trembled for feare only to heare the name of Nero Such great men whose friends and parents were put to death came and fell downe on their knees before him and thanked him for the good and honour he had done them to have purged and cleansed their parentage and alliance from so wicked men as those he had slaine Others in signe of joy for the death of their friends and parents caused their houses to be hung with lawrell and made sacrifices to the gods to give them thankes for so great a good as was happened unto them They celebrated also great feasts of joy as they had been mariages The Senate also for their part being also in a great terrour ordained there should be processions and publicke sacrifices to yeeld thankes to the gods that this conjuration was discovered yea they caused to be builded and consecrated a chappell to the Sunne in the house where the conjuration was made because it shined to the discoverie therof They builded also a temple to the goddesse Health Nero thinking that all these joyes were true and unfained yet were they but simulations exercised still more and more his butcherie and in the end made himselfe so assured by reason he was feared and redoubted of all the world that he was of opinion that he had obtained the upperhand of all his enemies but it was cleane contrarie For by this strange slaughter with so many other wickednesses whereof hee was full hee brought himselfe into a deadly hatred of all the world insomuch as the provinces of the empire revolted from his obedience one after another and in the end he was abandoned of every man unlesse it were of some foure or five of his meanest servants which kept him companie in his flight untill he had slaine himselfe as is said in another place therfore Nero needed to take no thought how to nourish enemies against himselfe as Machiavell teacheth in this Maxime for hee never wanted a great number as all tyrants have ordinarily And how should not tyrants have good store of enemies seeing even good De Com. lib. 1. cap. 107 108 109 100 111. and wise princes doe not want them To this purpose master Phillip de Comines makes a very good discourse saying That it pleased God to give to all princes kingdomes and common weales an opposit and contrary unto them that both the one and the other might the rather bee held in their duties as England hath Fraunce Scotland hath England Portugall hath Castile Grenado hath Portugall the princes and common weales of Italie are contrarie one to another and so it is of all God hath giveÌ„ to every seignorie his opposit countries and seignories of the earth For if there bee any prince or common-weale which wants his opposite to hould him in feare straight one shall see him fall to a tyrannie and luxuriousnesse Therefore God by his wise providence hath given to every seignorie and to every prince his opposit that one by the feare of an other might be stirred up to a modest and temperate carriage And there is indeed nothing saith hee that better holdeth a prince in his duetie nor which causeth him to walke more upright than the feare of his opposit and contrary For the feare of God nor the love of his neighbour nor reason whereof commonly hee hath no care nor justice for there is none above himselfe nor any other like thing can hold him in his duetie but onely the feare of his contrary After that Comines had dispatched this question hee entreth into another which dependeth heereof What is the cause saith hee that commonly princes and great lords have Princes have not the feare of God nor of charitie for want of Faith not the feare of God nor love to their neighbours He answereth the want of Faith for if a prince beleeved verely the paines of hell to bee such as indeed they are hee would doe no wrong to noe man nor retaine an others goods unjustly For if they beleeved assuredly as it is true and certaine that they are damned in hell and are never like to enter into paradise which retaine other mens goods without making satisfaction or that doe any wrong to any without amends unto him It is not likely there would bee found a prince or princesse in the world or any other person which would with-hold anothers goods were it of his subjects vassailes or neighbour in good earnest or would put any to death wrongfully no not to hold them in prison nor take from one to give to another nor procure any dishonest thing against any person If then they had a firme faith and beleeved the paines of hell to bee horrible and great without other end or remission for the damned knowing againe the shortnesse of this life they would not doe that they doe And for example saith hee when a king or a prince is a prisoner and that hee feareth to die in prison is there any thing so deere in the world which hee would not give to come out Certainely hee would give both his owne and his subjects goods altogether As wee have seene king Iohn of France being taken prisoner by the prince of Wales at the battaile of Poitiers who paied 3000000 of franks for his ransome and acquited to the English all Aquitane or at least as much as they then held and many other cities townes and places all which came to the third part of the kingdome which was thereby brought into great povertie that no coine was there currant but it was made of leather with a little naile of silver in the middest of it And all this gave king Iohn and Charles the sage his sonne for the said kings deliverance out of prison And if they would have given nothing yet the English would not have put him to death but at the worst have kept him in prison And yet if they had caused him to die the paine that hee had suffered had not beene comparable to the thousand part of the least paine in hell Why then did king Iohn give all that hath beene said and so overthrew his children and the subjects of his kingdome because hee beleeved that which hee saw and knew well that otherwise hee could hot bee delivered But you shall not finde a prince or else very few that if hee had a towne of his neighâ—ours would yeeld it for the feare of God or the paines of hell It is then the want of faith because princes beleeve not that God will punish the wrongs they doe to another and that they doe not also beleeve that the paines of hell are horrible and eternall as they are Yet is this certaine that god will punish them as well as other men though not
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
A DISCOVRSE VPON THE MEANES OF VVEL GOVERNING AND MAINTAINING IN GOOD PEACE A KINGDOME OR OTHER PRINCIPALITIE Divided into three parts namely The Counsell the Religion and the Policie vvhich a Prince ought to hold and follow Against Nicholas Machiavell the Florentine Translated into English by Simon Patericke OVIBVS RESPVBLICA CONSERVETVR LONDON Printed by Adam Islip 1602. TO THE MOST FAMOVS YONG GENTLEMEN AS WELL FOR RELIGION MODESTIE AND OTHER VERTVES AS ALso for kinred Francis Hastings and Edward Bacon most heartie salutations AFter Solon right Worshipfull yong men had seene Thespis his first edition and action of a Tragoedie and meeting vvith him before the playe demaunded If he vvere not ashamed to publish such feigned fables under so noble yet a counterfeit personage Thespis answered That it vvas no disgrace upon a stage merrily and in sport to say and do any thing Then Solon striking hard upon the earth vvith his staffe replied thus Yea but shortly vve that now like and embrace this play shall finde it practised in our contracts and common affaires This man of deepe understanding saw that publicke discipline and reformation of manners affected and attempted once in sport and ieast vvould soone quaile corruption at the beginning passing in play vvould fall and end in earnest Therefore Tacitus vvorthily dooth extoll the manners of the Germanes of his time amongst vvhom vices were not laughed at For laughters begun of some publick shame and dishonestie wil assuredly procure him some miserable calamitie Hereof France is unto all ages and nations a vvofull view yet a profitable instruction at this day For vvhē the cleare light of the Gospell began first to spring and appeare Sathan to occupie and busie mens minds vvith toyish playes and trifles that they might give no attendance unto true vvisedome devised this policie to raise up jeasters and fooles in Courts vvhich creeping in by quipping and prettie conceits first in vvords and after by bookes uttering their pleasant ieasts in the Courts and banquets of kings and princes laboured to root up all the true principles of Religion and Policie And some there vvere vvhom the resemblance of nature or vanitie of wit had so deceived that they derided the everlasting veritie of the true God as if it were but a fable Rabelaysus amongst the French and Agrippa amongst the Germanes were the standerd bearers of that traine which with their skoffing taunts inveighed not only against the Gospell but all good arts whatsoever Those mockers did not as yet openly undermine the ground work of humane societie but only they derided it But such Cyclopian laughters in the end prooved to be onely signes and tokens of future evils For by little and little that which was taken in the beginning for iestes turned to earnest words into deedes In the necke of these came new Poets very eloquent for their owne profit which incensed unto lust lightnesse such mindes as were alreadie inclined to wantonnesse by quickening their appetites with the delectable sause of unchast hearing and pricking them forward with the sharp spurres of pleasure Who could then bridle vices and iniquities vvhich are fed with much wealth and no lesse libertie seeing them not onely in play mirth and laughter entertained but also earnestly accepted and commended as being very excellent Yet some troad the steps of honesty which now lay a dying and practised the ould manners and fashions which were almost forgotten For although the secret faults of the Court were evill spoken of yet shame stoode in open view hainous infamous crimes kept secret corners princes were of some credit and faith lawes were in reasonable good use magistrates had their due authoritie and reverence all things onely for ostentation and outward shew but none would then have feared an utter destruction For than Sathan being a disguised person amongst the French in the likenesse of a merry ieaster acted a Comaedie but shortly ensued a wofull Tragoedie When our countrie mens minds were sick and corrupted with these pestilent diseases and that discipline vvaxed stale then came forth the books of Machiavell a most pernitious vvriter vvhich began not in secret and stealing manner as did those former vices but by open meanes and as it vvere a continuall assault utterly destroyed not this or that vertue but even all vertues at once Insomuch as it tooke Faith from the princes authoritie and maiestie from lavves libertie from the people and peace and concord from all persons vvhich are the onely remedies for present malladies For vvhat shall I speake of Religion vvhereof the Machiavellians had none as already plainelie appeareth yet they greatly laboured also to deprive us of the same And although they have vvrongfully bannished us our native countrey yet fight vvee still for the Churches defence Moreover Sathan useth strangers of France as his fittest instruments to infect us stil with this deadly poyson sent out of Italie vvho have so highly promoted their Machivellian bookes that he is of no reputation in the Court of France vvhich hath not Machiavels vvritings at the fingers ends and that both in the Italian and French tongues can apply his precepts to all purposes as the Oracles of Apollo Truly it is a wonderfull thing to consider how fast that evill weede hath growne within these fewe yeares seeing there is almost none that striveth to excell in vertue or knowledge as though the onely way to obteine honour and riches were by this deceivers direction But now to turne mine eyes from beholding so many miseries of poore afflicted France as often as I see or remember our neighbour countries which thing I doe daily so often doe I bevvaile our miseries Yet am I right ioyfull for your felicitie chiefely because God of his great bounty hath given you a most renowned Queene as well in deede as title even in the middest of so many troubles For she comming to the crowne even when England was tossed with tempestuous stormes so dispersed those cloudes with the brightnesse of her counsell and countenance that no civile dissention nor externall invasion hath disturbed your peace tranquilitie these many yeeres especially so many vvarres sounding on every side For shee by maintaining vvholesome unitie amongst all degrees hath hitherto preserved the State of her realme not onely safe but florishing not by Machiavelian artes as Guile Perfidie and other Villanies practising but by true vertues as Clemencie Iustice Faith Therfore goeth she her progresse throgh her realme of England entertained in all places with happy applause reioysing prosperitie of all her subiects she being a princesse of both Nobles and commons by dew desert most entirely beloved Whereas vve against our vvils behold our countrie svvimming in blood and disfigured by subversion vvhich is a ioyfull obiect to the eyes of strangers yea and those labour most to vvork her destruction vvho should bee most carefull to rescue deliver poore France out of her long calamities but the Lord vvill at
understand not Moreover plains ynough it is That within these fifteene yeares Machiavels books were as familiar and ordinarie in the hands of the Courtiers as the Breviaries are in the hands of Curates of parishes And as for the diversitie of auncient government which was ruled in following the traces fashions and customes of our auncestors from the moderne and present government which is founded upon the doctrine of Machiavell it is easily and apparently seene by the fruites and effects which doth proceed therefrom For by the ancient French government the kingdome was maintained and governed in peace and tranquilitie under the observation of auncient lawes without any domesticke or civile warre flourishing and enioyning a free trafficke and subiects were maintained in the possessing and enioying of their goods estates franchises and liberties But now by the Italian government of this time the good and auncient lawes of the realme are abolished and suppressed cruell warres and dissentions are maintained in France peace alwayes broken the people destroyed and eaten and trafficke decayed subiects are deprived of their auncient liberties and franchises yea and brought into such confusion and disorder that none knowes well what is his owne and what is not but one plougheth and soweth and another moweth and reapeth the same And although this be so true and manifest that it shall not bee needfull to shew more amply that the manner of our auncestors government was otherwise and better than the moderne which at this present is in use yet for all that I pretend hereafter upon every Maxime clearely to demonstrate and by good examples that our auncient Frenchmen guided and governed themselves by good reason and wisedome cleane contrarie from the way of Machiavels precepts Yet I meane not to authorise my sayings by the allegation of examples of small potentates Frō whence these discourses are taken and tyrannizers borne in one night like toad-stooles as Machiavell dooth but by the allegations of gallant and notable examples of our kings of France confirmed and fortified yea by other examples of good and auncient emperours princes and Romane captaines and of the Senat of Rome For I have chosen those two Monarchies the Romane and the French as the fairest and most excellent from whence to draw true and good examples which are worthie for a prince to imitate borrowing but few from other precedent Monarchies as Medes Assyrians and Grecians as lesse known unto us concerning the management and governement of their affaires as too farre from our time and from our manners and customes I have lastly chosen the best and most authenticke Hystoriographers and especially them which have written those things which were and fell out in their owne time and of those affaires the most part of which they were spectators and actors Of this sort and order of mine owne countrey Hystoriographers were Froissart Monstrelet de Comines du Bellay and of Romanes Salustius Tacitus Suetonius Dion Herodian Lamptidius Capitolinus Iosephus and certaine which shall be alledged hereafter in their places I also have drawne out some part of my allegations out of our Annales of France out of Paulus Aemylius Thucidides Xenophon and many other authours all which are both authenticke and approoved and that also by prescript of auncient time and long continuance have gained that praise and reputation to bee good witnesses and that without reproch or diffamation And for as much as Machiavell dare say That the Frenchmen have no understanding or knowledge in matters or causes of Estate I hope it shall appeare cleane contrarie not onely by the good government which I shall shew to have been kept and observed by our auncestors in publicke causes but also by the onely places and examples which I shall bring foorth and alledge out of M. Philip de Comines Knight and Chamberlaine of king Lewis the eleventh who lived even in Machiavels time who also understood better how the affaires of a kingdome or Commonwealth should be ruled or governed than ever Machiavell knew how to guide and rule a simple towne Yet I cannot but confesse that for the governing and guiding of a tyrannous Estate Machiavell hath more cunning than any other of whom I have read hee so well knewe all the points and precepts which were meete and convenient for the establishing of it as hereafter shall bee seene in the handling of his Maximes Moreover if in certaine places where the matter doth require it I speake a little Answers to the slanders of Machiavell too hardly of Machiavels Italian nation I hope that the good men of that countrey cannot finde it evill as well because Machiavell gives mee iust occasion having villanously and opprobriously slaundered in many sorts our French nation but also for that I intend not any thing to blame or reproove the good Italian people And I will not denie but that amongst the Italian and Florentine nation there are diverse vertuous people which are nothing lesse than meere Machiavelists and that detest and abhorre his wicked doctrine For there is not so bad a ground which amongst diverse and sundrie evill plants bringeth not out some good Yet will I give a particular praise and commendation unto such Italians as bee vertuous which better appertaineth unto them than unto the vertuous and goodly men of other nations namely that as precious stones and some other drougs and spices are esteemed to be most singular as they are most rare so the good and vertuous Italians are so much the more to be praised and commended because they are rare and for that it is no triviall and common thing in Italie to be a vertuous and good man There is also another point which excuseth mee that is That the force of the truth hath drawne and expressed this confession of Machiavell even that hee sayth That there is no nation or people in Christendome that is more vicious and corrupted than the Italian nation and that there is no province nor kingdome where there is lesse care of God and of all Religion than in Italie Although as to this last point of Religion Machiavell which in all his bookes sheweth himselfe a very Atheist and a contemner of all pietie and godlinesse meant not to taxe nor blame them of his nation of impietie nor of Atheisme but onely hereof that they are not like the Paynims which so scrupulously observe their superstitions and ceremonies as wee shall more at large set downe in the second part of this Discourse But from whence comes this impudencie unto Machiavell to taxe and blame the Frenchmen of disloyaltie and perfidie seeing that hee himselfe also teacheth That a Prince ought not to keepe and hould his faith but for his profit and commoditie and that the observation of faith is pernitious and hurtfull I will not denie but that at this present time many Italianized Frenchmen are disloyall and faith-breakers having so learned by Machiavels doctrine but I denie that in the time of Machiavell during the
reignes and governement of Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first or before or long time after the French nation was contaminated with that vice as yet there are many good and naturall Frenchmen thankes bee to God which detest all perfidie and disloyaltie and are in no way affected to those exploits which the Italians and Italianized doe in France but rather doe sobbe and sigh in their hearts for to see the French nation to be diffamed with that infamous and abhominable vice detested and hated amongst all countries and nations And I hope also that the good and loyall Frenchmen will endevour themselves to recover the good renowne and reputation of the French nation which some degenerated and Italianized have defiled and polluted But wherefore doth Machiavell so diffame and disgrace the French nation for covetousnesse I doe much merveile at it For untill this present time the Frenchmen have alwayes had this reputation to bee Liberall Courteous and readie to doe any pleasure even unto straungers and such as are unknowne unto them And would to God that the French nation had never been of that nature and condition to doe well unto straungers without first knowing and trying their behaviours and manner of life we should not then see France to be governed and ruled by strangers as it is We should not feele the calamities and troubles of civile warres and dissentions which they doe enterprise there to maintaine their greatnesse and magnitude and to fish in troubled water The treasures of France should not bee so exhausted and drawne out by their rapines and most insatiable avarice as they are What countrey or nation is there in the world that feelcth or can iustly complaine of the covetousnesse of Frenchmen Or rather what nation is there which hath not felt of the liberalitie of the kingdome of France But contrariwise wee see with the eye and touch with the finger the covetousnesse and avarice of the Italians which doe undermine and ruinate us yea which also doe sucke out all our substance and wealth and leaves us nothing at all for our selves Some of them are Publicanes or Farmers of the kings revenewes or Farme-rents Some Farmers of the customes and fraights of marchandizes and carriages Some Farmers of yearely Tributes and Subsidies and some of the Princes private rents yea of all publicke and common profites belonging unto the French king rating them even at what price they will So that by that meanes infinite coine comes into their hands but there is but little which returneth againe to the publicke or common good of the Prince and countrey Others obtaine great Estates Offices and Benefices by the meanes whereof all the treasure and money of the kingdome of France fals into the hands of strangers And those Italians which have no meanes or occasions thus to deale with the publicke affaires of the Commonwealth doe hould and keepe bankes in good townes where they exercise most exorbitant and unmeasurable usuries by the meanes whereof they doe wholly eat and consume poore France and bring it unto confusion And although that in Machiavels time France was not fallen into that extreame evill and great calamitie as it is now at this present yet since that time have wee sufficiently felt the covetousnesse of the Italians in the warres which our kings of France have made in Italie and Piedmont For the great store of treasure and money that must needes have beene sent beyond the Alpes for to satisfie the insatiable and greedie lusts of the Italians was the cause oftentimes of encreasing and raising imposts and tallages upon the people which by little and little did rise so high that they exceeded and doe exceede many times more than halfe the revenewe of the poore Plebeian or common sort of people But this Italian covetousnesse which the Italians did exercise and use in the kingdome of France at that time by their dealings for to draw our treasure and money into their owne countrey was but honny in respect of that which they have exercised and doe still exercise more and more since that they have passed on this side the Alpes and that they came to dominiere and pearch all over the country of France and to hould and possesse Offices Benefices Fermes Customes Revenewes and Bankes as is heeretofore said And therefore it is clearely and evidently seene that it is as I may say against the haire that Machiavell and the other Italians dooth taxe the Frenchmen of Covetousnesse and Avarice Vnlesse a man will say that the Frenchmen are much to bee blamed and reprehended for Passive Avarice which is in them that is to say which they suffer and endure of the Italians who by their Active Covetousnesse which they doe practise and put in action amongst us doe clip the wooll on the backe and sucke our blood and substance as men do with sheepe And in this sence to take it as wee should it is certaine and assured that Machiavell blaming us of Passive Covetousnesse which we do suffer sheweth us breefely that wee are beastes which will suffer our selves so to bee bereaved and weakened of our wooll and our blood with patience by strangers For it may well one day come to passe that they may bee made to disgorge their booties and rapines and that their great heapes of money gotten by extortions in France may turne them unto damage For as the Poet Sophocles sayth Men must not seeke nor love of all things to get gaine For hee that draweth gaine out of that which is nought Before hee profit gets shall sooner losse sustaine For evill gotten goods are often dearely bought And whereas Machiavell taxeth and chargeth the Almaignes with Covetousnesse and perfidie heerein may be seene what an impudent and most wicked slanderer hee is For all men may plainely see that neither in their owne countrie nor in the townes of France where they dwell for their commerce and trafficke they practise no great and execrable usuries as the Italians doe but content themselves with a meane and reasonable profite for their money as of five or eight at the most for the loane and use of a hundreth Whereas the Italians doe often returne their money with the gaine of fiftie yea often of an hundreth for an hundreth And as for Marchandize and traffique it is well knowne that no other nation is more plaine faithfull sincere and loyall than they are in their bargaines and trafficke For they doe not refresh pollish and decke up their wares nor doe change them and sell one for another they set not a price of their marchandize more than it is worth but at the first word they aske what at the last they will have or not sell it without seeking any unmeasurable or extraordinarie profit upon them which know not what the marchandize is worth And as for perfidie deceit and treason the Almaignes have them in so great execration and detestation that they thinke there neither is nor can
bee any greater vice or sinne than they are Yea after a man once hath forfeated and failed in his Faith contract and promise although but in small things and of no great reckoning or value they will never afterward esteeme or account him a good or honest man So great I say is their detestation of all kinde of deceit and false dealing But a man needs not mervaile that Machiavell dare so impudentlie lye upon the Almaignes for hee hath brought forth more strange things than this slaunder as wee shall shew hereafter both to the good of all others that shall reade his writings and to the manifest and plaine laying open of him in his true and perfect colours For the effecting whereof let us then now enter into the matter THE FIRST PART ENTREAting what Counsell a Prince should use 1. Maxime A Princes good Councell ought to proceed from his owne wisedome otherwise he cannot be well counselled IT is a Maxime and generall rule sayth Machiavell that good counsell ought to proceed from the vvisdome of the Prince himselfe and not contrarie that the Princes vvisedome should proceed from good Counsell For if the Prince bee not vvise of himselfe hee cannot bee vvell counselled For as much as if hee bee counselled by one alone in the administration of his affaires hardly shall hee find a man of requisit honestie and sufficiencie vvell to counsell him and although hee should find one of such qualitie there were danger that hee would take away his estate For to dominier and reigne there is no honestie or vertue that can keepe in the ambition of men And if an unwise Prince take counsell of many hee must euer make his account to haue discordant and contentious counsels and opinions vvhich hee can never accord nor reconcile in the meane vvhile every one of his Counsellers vvill seeke his particular profit vvithout that the Prince can know or remedie it AT the first shew this Maxime seemeth to haue some appearance of truth but when it shall be well examined a man shall find it not only nothing true but also that it is pernitious and of wicked consequence I am well contented to presuppose that it is very true and certaine That there cannot come a better and Of a wise Prince of himselfe more profitable thing to a people and Commonweale than to haue a Prince wise of himselfe therefore said Plato That men may call that an happie Commonweale when either the Prince that raineth there can play the Philosopher or els when a Philosopher commeth to raigne there that is to say in one word when the Prince is of himselfe wise and prudent For in old time that name Philosopher was taken for a person full of wisedome and science not for a dreaming unsociable man as he is commonly taken at this day Of old that name of Philosopher was attributed for a title of great honour unto the Emperour Marcus Antonius who in truth was a good and a wise Prince But to verifie that which I say it is not needful to alledge many reasons for it is evident inough That the felicitie of a publick estate lieth wholly in well commanding well obeying whereupon resulteth and ariseth an harmonie and concordance so melodious and excellent that as well he that commandeth as he that obeieth do both receive contentment pleasure and utilitie But to obey well dependeth wholly of well commanding and it cannot be without it So well commanding dependeth of the prudence and wisdome of him that commandeth Therefore the Emperour Seuerus being Spartianus in Seuero in warres and his sonne Bassianus with him and being caried in a Litter because he had the Gout as he saw his soldiors discontented and mutinous and would needs have Bassianus his sonne their Cheefetaine he caused all the Army but especially his Colonels Captaines and Corporals to be called and to assemble in one place and after having made unto them some Remonstrance and Oration hee caused straight to be executed to death all the heads of that mutinie After he spoke thus to all the Armie Now know ye that it is the head and not the feet which commandeth you And indeed and truth the good commanding proceeds from the prudence and wisdome of him that commandeth which remaineth and hath his being not in the feet nor armes but in a brave mind wel staied and governed which is aided and helped with a good naturall towardnesse a mature and ripe age and experience And the Prince which can well command shall also vndoubtedly be well obeyed For a prudent commaundement draweth after it withall an obedience because a wise Prince will alwayes advise to found his commandements in Reason and Iustice and to the publicke utilitie not to his owne pleasure by which meanes they that are to obey shall as it were be constrained by the force of reason and equitie and drawne also by the sweetnesse of the profit to yeeld obedience But if some by these meanes cannot be induced to obey as there are alwayes some amongst many they will be brought thereunto either by the example of such as let themselves be overcome with reason and publicke utilitie or els by punishment which is in the Princes hand He that will shew this by pluralitie of examples That prudent Princes haue alwayes been well obeyed and that their kingdomes and countries haue been happy and full of all prosperitie should never haue done but I will content my selfe to alledge only two Salomon was a King most wise and a great Philosopher for he asked wisdome of God and he gaue it him in such abundance that besides that he was 1. Kings 4. 10. 1. Chron 9. ignorant of nothing which a Prince should know well to governe his subjects yet knew he the natures of Plants and living creatures and was so cunning in all kind of Philosophie that his knowledge was admired through the world This his prudence and wisdome made him so respected of all the great Kings his neighbours that they esteemed themselues happie that they could doe him pleasure and might have his amitie By this meanes hee maintained his kingdome in so high and happie a peace that in his time his subjects made no more account of silver than of stones they had such store And as for himselfe he held so magnificall an estate that we read not of any King or Emperor that did the like Charles the wise king of France comming to the Crowne found the kingdome Frossard lib. 1. cap. 132. in great confusion and calamitie For all Guienne part of Normandie Picardie were occupied by the Englishmen he saw he had K. Edward of England the third of that name his adversarie who was one of the most happie and most valiant princes that ever was in England and who certain yeares before had obtained two great victories in Fraunce the one at the journey of Crecy against K. Philip de Valoys where France lost eleuen Princes twelue hundred Gentlemen
unbrideled and undiscreet appetites but a good Prince cannot correct so many evill Counsellors which will feed their Prince with smoke and lies and will hide from him such things as he ought to know for the Commonweale This may yet be better shewed by the examples of many Princes which have ben Princes of little wisedome have beene well governed by good Counsâ—ll Capitol in Goâ—d Iun. of small wisedome and vertue and yet notwithstanding have well ruled the Commonwealth by the good and wise Counsell of prudent and loyall Counsellors wherwith they were served as did the Emperour Gordian the yong who was created Emperour at eleven yeares of age insomuch that many judged the Empire to be falne in to a childish kingdome and so into a weakenesse and a bad conduction But it proved otherwise for this young Emperour Gordian espoused the daughter of a wise man called Misitheus whom he made the high Steward of his houshold and governed himselfe by his Counsell in all his affaires so that the Romane Empire was well ruled so long as Misitheus lived Likewise Ioas king of Israel came to the Crowne a young child of the age onely 2. Kings 11. and 12. and 2. Chro. 23. of seven yeares but hee was governed by Ioiada his vncle a very wise man Insomuch that whilest that good Counsellor lived the kingdome was well and rightly administred Charles the sixt king of France was but thirteene yeares old when hee came to the Crowne was of small vnderstanding yet during his minoritie the kingdome was well and wisely governed by his three uncles the Dukes of Anjou of Berry and Bourgoigne There was nothing in their government to be spoken against but only that they were a little drawing unto themselves the kings treasure all other affaires were administred well and prudently Yet true it is that after the kings majoritie they yet entred into the government of the kingdome because of a phrensie that tooke the king which endured more than twentie years but then their government was corrupted by ambition covetousnesse a desire of vengeance envie yet as I said during the kings minoritie they did governe well The kings of France Clotharie the fourth of that name and Chilperic the second Annales of France vpon the year 716 the three following were both Princes of small vnderstanding and indeed had no wisdome to conduct the affaires of the realme but they had for a Counsellor and Conductor of their affaires that valiant Lord Charles Martell that during their reigne the realme was well ruled yea with many great and excellent victories In our time we know that the Emperour Charles the fift was left very young by his father and grandfather in such sort as during his minoritie hee could never have Du Bellay lib. 1. de se Memoires knowne how to governe his affaires which were great and in great trouble in many places His said father then foreseeing at his death that his sonne had need of a good overseer which were a good man ordained for that purpose to governe him and his affaires king Lewis the twelfth praying him to accept that charge knowing well the sinceritie and loyaltie of that good king which for nothing would wound his conscience as he did not althogh he might for therby he had offered him great occasions of enlarging his limits The king then loyally to acquit himselfe of that charge gave unto that young Prince for Governour a good man faithfull and of good understanding called the Lord de Chieures by the counsell of whom and of certaine other good Counsellors the affaires of that young Prince were much better managed even in that low age than ever they were in his fathers or grandfathers time This good government in that base age proceeding from good Counsell gave so great a fame and reputation unto that yong Prince that he was chosen Emperour at the age of 20 yeares The Emperour Domitian besides he was not wise he was wicked and exceeding cruell yet he during his raigne had so good hap to encounter and light upon such Suetonius in Domit. cap. 3. 4. 8. 10. Governors and Magistrates for the Provinces of his Empire being good and wise men that whilest he raigned the Romane Empire was well governed and there was none but certaine particular persons of Rome which felt the evill of his vices and crueltie Charles the eight king of Fraunce came to his Crowne at the age of thirteene yeares and was a very good Prince but of no great understanding nor wisedome Annales of France upoÌ„ the yeare 1484. yet the Estates that were assembled at Tours gave him a good Counsell which they did chuse of fit and capable persons by which Counsell the affaires of the kingdome were well governed during the kings minoritie although there fell out some emotions and stirres of some revolters I will not here repeat the example of the Emperour Alexander Severus who very young came to the Empire and under whom the affaires of the Commonwealth were well governed by the meanes of good Counsellors as is abovesaid I may also here adde many other examples of our kings of Fraunce which were not too spirituall and yet governed well by their good Counsell As also there were many Emperours of the Romane Empire some ignorant and brutish others voluptuous and effeminate others cruell and knowing nothing but to handle yron As were Philipus Licinius Dioclesianus Maximianus Carus Carinus Gallus Constantius Aurelianus Galienus Leon Macrinus Zeno Iustintanus and many others which yet made very good Lawes as wel for distributive justice as for the pollicie of the Empire as is seene by the Code of Iustinian which lawes wee must needs attribute to their wise and learned men which were their Counsellors for none of all them knew any thing or little except Macrinus how to make good Lawes Therfore I conclude this point against the Maxime of Machiavell That a Prince may wel governe wisely the Commonweale by the good counsell of good and faithfull Counsellors although he be evill provided of wisdome But here remaineth a difficultie which is not small How an unwise Prince may Of the election of good CouÌ„sellors and Magistrats provide good and loyall Counsellors seeing that Princes that are wise and well advised are therein often deceived And upon this point I confesse there is nothing harder nor of greater consequence to a Prince than to guide himselfe well in the election of such persons whereof he should compose his Counsell For there are great hypocrisies and dissimulations and one seemes to be a good man sincere and continent which shewes himselfe another man when meanes comes in his hand to corrupt vertue for to make his particular profit thereof And we see but too much by experience that the old Proverbe is true Honours change manners You may see how the most gracious and courteous in all the world the most affable and officious to every one that is
possible whilest they are in base degree after they bee mounted into some high degree of honor dignitie they become rough haughtie so much that to whom before they shewed themselves facile and serviceable they even seeme now not to know them yea which before were their privat friends and familiars Such people have no good soules but deserve that their fiercenesse and pride should disarson and dispossesse them of that place unto which most commonly their dissembled humilitie and courtesie hath advanced them This vice is reprehensible not only in a Princes officers but also in the Prince himselfe who ought not to put pride and fiercenesse upon that head whereupon the Crowne and Diademe standeth For hereof is the king Agamemnon taxed and reprehended by Menelaus his brother in a Tragoedie of Euripides where he sayth thus Most humble wast thou in times past and kissed each mans hand Most humaine gentle affable to none thy gates did stand Shut up to highest Honour thou by such means soughtst to rise But now thou Honour hast supreme why proov'st thou so unwise Another man straight to become and change thy manners all Yea humane dutie even to friends by thee doth not befall To good men that esteems good fame this is not covenable Chamoelion like thy manners changed thou to be so mutable This mutabilitie then of manners which is seene in many natures of men is the cause that it is so hard for a Prince to know how to elect good men for his Counsel and that in that point it is very uneasie to teach a Prince how to behave himselfe therein yet I will a little discourse upon that point how the Elders governed themselves in election of Princes Counsellors and then we will returne to Machiavell Vpon this I first find that our auncient Frenchmen have observed three rules which I thinke good enough The first that the princes of the bloud are alwayes of the kings Counsell for although it may well come to passe that some one of them is not the most resolute nor best garnished with parts requisite to know well to counsell and govern the affaires of the Commonwealth yet seeing they have that honor to be princes of the bloud they may not be excluded unlesse it be for some great fault and offence For so there may arise as many times hath been seene great discontentments troubles and partialities which often draweth after them civile wars and infinit evils The other rule is that the new king retaine alwayes in his service the old Counsellors of his predecessor which governed well especially such as have before acquired the reputation to be good loyall and sincere men The third rule is that the three estates provide good Counsellors for the king during his minoritie or if by accident he leese the use of his sences or understanding as was practised in both cases during the raigne of Charles the sixt Ie bien aime Which aforesaid rules as I hope â—one can denie but they are good and introducted with good reason by our ancestors so I must needs confesse that they are not sufficient in all cases to provide good Counsellors for a Prince For it may well happen that a prince of ful age may have few or no princes of his â—loud experienced in affaires and that the other Counsellors which his predecessor left shall either not be good men or not capable or that they are dead and therefore then he must needs come to an election of new Counsellors by some other way than by these aforesaid rules And upon that point it seemeth unto me that the manner of proceeding which Lampri in Alexandro Alexander Severus the Emperour used to chuse as well his Counsellors as his Magistrates is very good meriteth well to be imitated and drawn into consequence For first he never provided any persons for an Office in consideration of any favour of kinred or amitie nor in recompence of any service but onely in consideration of the probitie and capacitie of the persons But if any man were presented unto him which was not of good reputation as well in knowâ—edge and experience as in good life although otherwise hee had done good services in some other charge or that there had been good appearance that he might doe well being of the house race of wise and prudent people yet he would not receive him And the better to be informed of the reputation of persons whereof he had profers by his wise friends hee caused to be set up in common streets and great publicke places where many wayes meet certaine posts to fix bils upon them whereupon was written certaine exhortations unto the people That if any man had any thing to say against such and such a man which he named wherefore they might not be received and admitted to such and such an Office that he should denounce it And so made those commaunds by placards to the end he might better discover be advertised of the vertues vices of persons For said this Paynim Emperor seeing the Christians use well this form to renounce publickly in their assemblies the names of such as they will promote unto the order of Priesthood why should not we use it also in the election of our Officers and Magistrates into the hands of whom we commit the lives and goods of our subjects Moreover he never suffered Offices and estates of Magistrates which had power authoritie over the people to be sold nor that any commerce whatsoever should be made of them For said he necessarily he that buyeth selleth and if I suffer that any man buy an Office I cannot condemne him when he selleth for it were a shame for me to punish him which selleth againe that which he buyeth Besides all this in the election of Counsellors and Magistrates he did ever suspect such as fought for Offices and held them for ambitious and dangerous people for the Commonweale But they which he could know to be good men and worthy of publicke charge and never sought it these were they which he esteemed most sufficient and the more they excused themselves from accepting of Offices so much the more were they constrained unto them Insomuch that one day there was one whereof there was good testimonie given unto him unto whome hee determined the Office of Lieutenant Generall of Iustice in the towne of Rome But the other excused himselfe the best he could saying He perceived not himselfe sufficient nor capable to exercise so great an estate The more he excused himselfe the more the Emperour Alexander constrained him and commanded him to accept and exercise it and that he would have it so beeing contented with his sufficiencie The other which in no case would accept that estate found some light occasion to get from the Emperours presence for that time and so fled When the Emperour knew hee was fled he caused him to be searched diligently found him caused him to be broght
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
violence But because at the first they which reade this place of Commines may peradventure thinke that he seemes too much to limit and restraine a Princes power I will here as it were by an interpretation of his saying a little cleare this point You must then understand and presuppose that in a soveraigne Prince there A Prince hath a double power an absolute and a civile are two powers the one is called an absolute power and the other a civile power The absolute power is that which cannot nor ought not to be any thing limited but stretcheth it selfe to all things whatsoever they be unlesse it be to the lawes of God and of nature and of those lawes which are the foundation of the principalitie and estate For a Prince hath not power over God no more than the vassall hath over his liege Lord but ought himselfe to obey his commandements and ordinances So much there wants that he can any thing abolish or derogate from them The Prince also cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of his principalitie wherupon his estate is founded and without which his said estate cannot subsist nor endure for so might he abolish and ruinate himselfe As in France the king cannot abolish the Salicke law nor the three estates nor the law of not alienating the countries and provinces united to the crowne For the Realme and the Royaltie are founded upon those three points which are as three pillars that sustaine and hold up both the king and kingdome neither can the Prince breake nor abolish any law naturall approved by the common sence of all men But in all other things the absolute power of a Prince reacheth without limitation for it is above all other lawes which he may make and unmake at his pleasure he hath power also over the body and goods of his subjects without restriction purely and simply True it is that he ought to temperat the use of that Absolute power by the moderation of his second power which is Civile as we shall say hereafter But suppose he will not moderate his absolute power by the Civile we must notwithstanding obey because God commandeth us But before we speake of the Civile power we must a little more amply cleare the points before touched The first point then which is that the Absolute power of a Prince stretcheth not above God is a matter of all confessed And there were never found any Princes or very few which would soare and mount so high as to enterprise upon that which belonged unto God yea even the Emperours Caligula and Domitian are blamed and detested by the Paynim hystories which had no true knowledge of God for that they durst enterprise upon God and upon that which appertained unto him Also it is a Maxime in Theologie That we must rather obey God than men which Maxime hath at all times ben practised by all good people and holy persons which are praised even with the mouth of God in the holy Scriptures as by Daniell and his companions the Apostles the Christians of the primitive Church and many of our time As for the other point which is that the Prince cannot abolish the foundamentall The Prince cannot abolish the fouÌ„damentall lawes of his principality lawes of his principalitie it is as cleare of it selfe For if a Prince overthroweth the foundations of his principalitie he ruinateth and overthroweth himselfe and his estate cannot endure for the first sencelesse and unwise man that comes thereunto will overthrow all upside downe As if in Fraunce a king may overthrow the Salicke law and so subject his Crowne unto the succession of women it is certaine that long ago the estate of France had been overthrowne For kings which have left none but daughters after them as Philipâ—le long Charles le bel and Lewis the twelfth had been easily enclined upon naturall affection towards their daughters to have broken that Salicke law if they so could to cause the Crowne to have falne unto their said daughters by the meanes whereof the kingdome after should have falne into strangers hands and by consequent into ruine and dissipation For the nature of the inhabitants of France is such that they cannot long suffer a strange Prince wherein they differ from many other nations as they could not long beare the domination of the Romane Emperours but against the reigne of the Emperour Tiberius they began to kicke and be greeved with the rule of Princes of another nation than their owne and finally they rid themselves of the Romanes yoke and Gaule was the first Province that cut it selfe from the Empire Neither was there ever found king that durst enterprise to breake the Salicke law True it is that king Charles the sixt at the instigation of Philip duke of Bourgoigne gave the kingdome of France in dowrie with his daughter Katherine which he maried to the king of England and declared the Dolphin unable and incapable to succeed in the kingdome of Fraunce because at Monterean-fante-Yonne Iohn father of the said Philip duke of Bourgoigne was by him slaine But this donation held not as being made against the Salicke law insomuch that the said duke Philip himselfe which had procured and caused to declare the said Dauphin unable to be king of France after the death of king Charles the sixt acknowledged him for king and lawfull successor to the Crowne of Fraunce For as for incapacitie it was knowne there was none because that duke Iohn which the Dauphin had slaine deserved it well having before caused to be slaine the duke of Orleance the kings only brother Yet because the manner of the execution which the said Dauphin caused to be made upon the said duke Iohn was not by lawfull meanes he acknowledged his fault in that case and made a great satisfaction to the said duke Philip as shall hereafter be more at large set forth So then the Salicke law hath alwaies remained firme as one of the three pillars of the kingdome and royaltie of France our ancestors neverbeing willing to suffer women to raigne and rule over them As much is to be said of the Estates generall the authoritie of which hath alwaies remained whole untill this present even from the foundation of the kingdome as being the second piller whereupon the kingdome is founded For if it happen that the crowne fall to a king under age or to one that is not well in his wit and understanding or that the king be a prisoner or captive or that the kingdome have urgent necessitie of a generall reformation how necessarie is it in all these cases that the estates assemble to provide for all affairs otherwise the estate of the kingdome and of the Roialtie would incontinent fall to the ground and without doubt it could not long continue in his being if the generall estates were abolished and suppressed For to say that in the aforesayd cases other than the foresaid estates may well order the affairs of the
realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
death so that by the incestuous mariage wherewith Claudius had contaminated and poysoned his house he and his naturall sonne who by reason should have been his successor were killed with poyson We read likewise that the Emperour Bassianus Carracalla Spartian in Carac beholding one day Iulia his mother in law with an eye of incestuous concupiscence She said unto him Si tu le veux tu le peux If thou wilt thou maiest Knowest thou not that it belongs unto thee to give the law not to receive it which talke so enflamed him yet more with lust that he tooke her to wife in marriage Hereupon Hystoriographers note that if Bassianus had knowne well what it was to give a law he would have detested and prohibited such incestuous and abhominable copulations and not to have authorised them For breefely a Prince may well give lawes unto his subjects but it must not be contrary to nature and naturall reason This was the cause why Papinian the great Lawyer who well understood both naturall and civile law loved better to die than to obey the said Emperor Bassianus who had commanded him to excuse before the Senate his parricide committed in the person of Geta his brother For Papinian knowing that such a crime was against natural right so much there wanted that he would have obeied the Emperor if he had commanded him to have perpetrated and committed it that he would not obey him so far therein as to excuse it Wherein the Paynim Lawyer may serve for a goodly example to condemne many Magistrate Lawyers of our time which not only excuse but also cause to be executed unnaturall murders and massacres against all law divine and humane But now we have spoken of a Princes absolute power let us come to the other The other power which we call Civile is that which is governed and as it were The Civile power temperateth the Absolute limited within the bounds of Reason of right and equitie and which we must presume that the Prince will use and useth ordinarily in all his commaunds unlesse expressely he shew and declare that he willeth and ordaineth this or that of his absolute power and of his certaine knowledge This is that second power which is guided by prudence and good Counsell and which giveth a sweet temperature and counterpoise to that absolute power no more nor no lesse than the second motion of the Sunne tempereth the course of the first as we have abovesaid This is that power which establisheth and conserveth in assurednesse kingdomes and empiers and without which they cannot stand but incontinent shal be ruinated annihilated and laid on the ground This is that power which all good Princes have so practised letting their absolute power cease without using any unlesse in a demonstration of Majestie to make their Estate more venerable and better obeyed that in all their actions and in all their commands they desire to subject and submit themselves to lawes and to reason And in this doing they never thought or esteemed to doe any thing unworthie of their Majestie but contrary have ever accounted that there was no thing more beseeming the majestie of a soveraigne Prince than to live and carrie himselfe in all his actions according to right and equitie And that the domination and power of a Prince that so governeth himselfe is greater more secure and more venerable than his which governeth himselfe after the absolute power And truly all the good Romane Emperours have alwayes held this language and have so practised their power as we read in their hystories Yea the Emperour Theodosius L. digna Vox C. de Lege made an expresse law for it which is so good to be marked that I thought good to translate it word by word It is the majestie of him that governeth to confesse himselfe to be bound unto lawes so much doth our authoritie depend upon law And assuredly it is a farre greater thing than the Empire it selfe to submit his Empire and power unto lawes And that which we will not to be lawfull unto us we shew it unto others by the oracle of this our present Edict Given at Ravenna the eleventh day of Iune the yeare of the Consulship of Florentius and Dionisius To come then to our purpose you must understand that de Comines spoke of this second power in the place above alledged and not of the absolute power of a Prince for by that power it is certain that the Prince hath good authority to enterprise wars to levie imposts upon his subjects without their consent Because that by the roiall law above mentioned the Roman people gave all the like power unto the Prince as Dion de August ◠I. D. de Constit. Princ. they had themselves to use it towards the people against the people gave him absolute power without any astriction or bond to laws to do what he would We see also by the law of God the same absolute power is given unto kings soveraign Princes For it is written that they shall have full power over the goods persons of their subjects And althogh God have given them that absolute power as to his ministers 1. Sam. 8. lieutenants on earth yet wold he not have thē use it but with a temperance moderation of the second power which is ruled by reason equitie which we call Civile For so much there wanteth that God would that Princes shold use the said absolute power upon their subjects as he wold not so far constrain them as to sell their goods as is declared unto us in the example of Naboth For most unlikely is it that God 1. King 22. the great Dominator and Governor of al Princes would have Princes to abuse their powers with cruelties rapines injustices or any other unreasonable way of absolute power But as God by justice punisheth the wicked and by kindnesse and clemencie maintaineth the good and rightly and most holily useth his divine power so would he that Princes which are his lieutenants on earth should do the like not in perfection for that they cannot but in imitation To conclude then now our talke concerning the place of Comines certaine it is that a Prince may well make warre and impose tallies without the consent of his subjects by an absolute power but better it is for him to use his civile power so shuld he be better obeyed And as for Aydes and Subsidies whereof Comines speaketh some say they are not at this day levied by an absolute power but by the peoples consent Because in the time of Charles the seventh who had great and long warres against the English the Estates generall of the kingdome agreed unto him to levie Aydes and Subsidies every yeare without any more calling them together for that the warres endured so long and that their every yeares assembly would have come to great expences so that if the cause had alwaies continued then necessarily
them this hystorie of Dioclesian a man need not doubt but they will streight say he was a sot a beast to forsake his dignitie of an Emperor for such a cause and that he better deserved to be a gardiner than an Emperour But if they consider what was the end of Galba of Commodus of Bassianus and of many other Romane Emperous which by meanes of flatterers have had fearefull deaths they will not esteeme Dioclesian such a foole to withdraw himselfe to a privat habitation there to finish his dayes otherwise than by the hands of murderers Yet I must confesse that he might have done better to have put away from him all those pestilent flatterers and if to rid so many at once from the court there had been great perill in so great a change yet no doubt it was not impossible for him to have dispatched them by little and little one after another and then to have placed good people about him thereby to have strengthened himselfe It is then seene by the saying of Dioclesian that the Maxime of Machiavell is a It is a pernicious thing to hold the truth from the Prince true precept of flatterie and that there are no greater flatterers nor more pernitious than they that keepe close from Princes the truth of things as they passe And truly if the Prince have good Counsellors and servants by whom he may be well advertised of all truths which may concerne his estate and where he ought to provide and give rules although some lies by flatterers besowne amongst them yet can they not corrupt the good government of the Prince for truth hath alâ—aies of her selfe so great force as she causeth lies to vanish away as mists before the â—un so that alwaies they convert to smoke without effect if so bee the truth bee not hid in the Prince And withall flatterers and liers dare not open their mouthes fearing to bee discovered in their evill purposes when they know that the Prince hath nigh him good and wise men which will freely tell him the truth of all that concernes his estate and which are beloved and credited of him By the Civile laws he that knoweth any enterprise which tendeth to the domage L. quisquis C. ad Leg. Iul. Mai. of his Prince is bound to reveale it unto him upon paine himselfe to be held culpable of treason They then which are Counsellors and most especiall servants of a Prince which are in a more particular obligation unto their maisters service than other Subjects are ought not they to be reputed for traitors when they conceale the truth from the Prince of such things as pertaine to his charge and providence If any answer that all things for which the prince should provide import not his ruine being omitted I reply that it may be not his present ruine but yet at length For one fault and omission draweth an other after it and that an other and so by little and little the estate of the Commonwealth and by consequent the Prince fals into confusion And yet although the omission of providing in things where the Prince is bound to provide doe not import his ruine and destruction either present or at length yet it must needs alwaies import damage to the Prince or his subjects And in everie case it is the profit and interest of the Prince to give provision and rule therefore For there cannot come but good when subjects are well governed and that there is a good pollicie in all things Here may be damaunded Seeing the good Counsellors of a Prince are so necessarie Princes love flatterers wherefore and flatterers and evill Counsellors are so domigeable from whence commeth it that yet Princes are well attended on and garnished with flatterers and have few good Counsellors about them It seemeth that Maister Philip de Comines hath De Comines lib. 1. cap. 21. well hit this marke Saying that this comes to passe because Princes alwaies seeke such as feedes their owne humors and please them best and contemne such as are contrarie although they may be more profitable unto them For saith he such as have been nourished with a Prince or which are of his age or which can best order and dispose his pleasures or such as apply themselves unto his will are alwaies in his good grace and the first unto whom he disparteth and disperseth his authoritie and great Estates And a Prince never knowes how to chuse a wise man and of good counsell untill he find himselfe in some great necessitie and oftentimes hath most need of them which before he had despised as I have seene saith he of the Countie de Charoloies and king Edward of England But upon this point riseth yet another doubt Wherefore it is that flatterers doe rather please Princes than wise men Plutarch seemes unto me well to resolve this question when he saith That it proceedeth from this that naturally men but Plutar. de discr adul â— amici especially Princes do too much love themselves And love of ones selfe obfuscateth and blindeth judgement so that we can never truely judge that which we love From hence it followeth that when a flatterer tels his Prince many goodly things to his praise hee beleeves it and persuades himselfe that there are many praise able things in him although indeed there be nothing And there helpeth to this Dionis Hali. â—ib 9. persuasion that the flatterer alwaies takes for the subject of his prayses such vices as are in alliance and neighbourhood with their vertues For if the Prince be Sainct in Catel cruell and violent he will persuade him that he is Magnanimious and Generous and such an one as will not put up an injurie or despite If he be prodigall he will make him beleeve that he is liberall and magnificall that he maintaines an estate truly Royall and one that well recompenceth his servants If the Prince be over gone in lubricities and lusts he will say he is of an humane and manly nature of a Ioviall and merrie complection and of no Saturnine complection or condition If the Prince be covetous and an eater of his subjects he will say he is worthy to be a great Prince as he is because he knowes well how to make himselfe well obeyed Briefly the flatterer adornes his language in such sort that he will alwaies praise his Princes vice by the resemblance of some vertue nie thereunto For the most part of vices have alwaies some likenesse with some vertue The flatterer also on his part will not forget to cover his owne faults and vices with the visage and likenesse of some vertue nie unto them For he will cover his ambition with the zeale of the Commonweale and will say that for the Princes service and that the affaires of the Commonwealth might be well governed he accepted or pursued such an Estate or tooke on him such a charge which otherwise he would never have demaunded or
and triflingly talked with king Alexander the Great as if he had spoken to some simple burgesse of Athens And Calisthenes Plutarke in Alex. whom Alexander led with him in his voyage unto Asia to instruct him in good documents of wisedome who indeed was so austere hard and biting in all his remonstrances and reasonings as neither the king nor any others could take in good part any thing that he taught It is then very much expedient if a man mean to gather fruit and do good by his speech to use gentle and civile talke and persuasions especially if he have to doe with a Prince or great man which will not be gained by rigor or as they say by high wrastling but by mild and humble persuasions And above all men ought well to engrave in princes minds that notable answere which The difference of a friend and a flatterer captaine Phocion made unto the king Antipater who had required some thing of him which was not reasonable I would Sir doe for your service all that is possible for me but you cannot have me both for a friend and a flatterer as if he would say That they be two things farre different to be a friend and to be a flatterer as in truth they are For the true friend and servant of the prince orders and frames all his actions Plutarke de discri adul amici to the good of the prince and the flatterer tends and bends all his actions to his owne proper good the true friend loveth with a true love his prince and the flatterer loveth himself the true friend modestly sheweth his vices in his presence and praiseth his vertues in his absence but the flatterer alwaies exalts the prince in his presence rather for his vices than for his vertues and behind his backe he blameth and defameth him vaunting and saying that he governes him at his pleasure and that he possesseth him and makes him doe what hee will the true friend persevereth in the service of his prince as well in time of adversitie as prosperitie and the flatterer turnes his backe in time of adversitie the true friend serves for an healthfull medicine to his prince but the flatterer for a sweet poison the true friend conserveth his prince in his estate and greatnesse but the flatteter precipitateth him into ruine and destruction as we shall discourse the examples of al these things hereafter Moreover when we say that flatterers are pernicious to a prince that is not ment of all them which dedicate and give themselves to please the prince for there may well be Gentlemen of his owne age about him to accompany him in his honest pastimes as to ride hunt hawke to tourney to play at tennis to run and other like pastimes which doe not evill to give themselves to please him in such things but contrary it is right necessary and requisit that the prince have sometimes such companie For it should not be good nor comely in defect and for want of plaies and pastimes hee should to himselfe procure an habit of a Stoicall humour neither that he should get a complection too severe and melancholicke Hereof we read a very remarkable example above others in Alexander the great king of Macedon When he departed from his countrey to passe into Asia to make war upon that great Dominator king Darius he had with him most cheefe in his love amongst others Craterus and Hephaestion two gentlemen his especiallest friends and servants yet farre Plutarke in Alex. different the one from the other for Craterus was of an hard and sharpe wit severe stoicall and melancholicke who altogether gave himselfe unto affaires of Counsell and indeed was one of the kings cheefe Counsellors but Hephaestion was a young gentleman well complexioned and conditioned in his manners and behavior of a good and quicke wit yet free of all care but this to content and please the king in his sports and pastimes insomuch as men called Craterus the kings friend and Hephaestion the friend of Alexander as one that gave himselfe to maintaine the person of his prince in mirths and pastimes which were good to the maintenance of his health When Alexander had conquered Persia and Media he begun to apparrell himselfe after the Persian Median manner the rather to gaine the hearts of those nations newly conquered Hephaestion to please the king did the like leaving the Macedonike manner to apparrell himselfe as the Persians and Medes did for which the king liked him the better but Craterus kept alwaies his old fashions of Macedonie and much blamed that change of fashions in their apparrell and said it was but even to barbarize and begun to taunt and gibe at Hephestion for it This their contrarietie of manners was a cause that they entred farre into enmitie and quarrels insomuch as one day thēy came unto the drawing of swords one against another and streight assembled their friends on both sides wherby had falne out a great mutinie if the king himselfe had not come in good time hearing a great noise of people and seperated them presently openly rebuking Hephaestion calling him foole and mad man he tooke also privatly aside Craterus and told him he greatly marvelled that he being a wise man would so hate Hephaestion for so small a thing Afterward he agreed them publickely delared unto them that they were the two Gentlemen which most he loved in the world but if any more they fell to quarell again hee swore by Iupiter Amon that with his owne hands he would slay him that begun But after that they did nothing one against other Hereupon I say That it is necessary for a Prince to have such as Craterus for his counsell and it also becomes him well to have such as Hephaestion to keepe him companie in his honest pastimes But to the end men may better discerne such as are good friends and servants from flatterers I will now God willing discover the examples of many sorts of flatterers which for the most part have had in singular observation that Maxime of Machiavell namely To hold close from the Prince the truth of things and the better to distinguish them I will call them with such names as our auncestors have called them which are very proper and covenable unto them First there are a sort of flatterers which our auncient Frenchmen called janglers which signifieth as much Ianglers as a skoffer a trifler a man full of words or as we call them long tongues which by their jangling and babelings in rime or in prose such as do give themselves to please great men in praising and exalting them exceedingly rather for their vices than for their vertues These be they which by their fair language can make as one saith of a Devill an Angell but in the meane while they so enchant men and swell them up so with pride that in effect they make them become even Angelicall Devils This sort
for Senators and Lawyers may as well be flatterers as others although they should shew better example because commonly they are wiser You must then vnderstand that in the time of the Emperour Tiberius many were accused for light matters said or done towards the Emperour because they knew he tooke pleasure in such accusations Amongst others one day there was accused Vitellio Sueton in Top. 5. in a full Senate of treason a Romane Knight called Lucius Ennius because he had melted a silver image of his owne which represented the Emperours image to make some other worke for his owne vse you may thinke what an huge crime this was and how men should find it evill for a man to do with his owne at his owne pleasure The Emperour Tiberius seeing that this accusation had no colour in it and that it was but a mockerie to call it a crime much lesse a crime of treason he forbad that the Knight should be criminalized for it Yet Atteius Capito a Senator and a great Lawyer but a very flatterer rose up and as upon a free libertie of speech he used these words to the Emperour Sir we are here assembled in the Senate where every one hath libertie freely to vtter his opinion for the good and utilitie of the common-wealth we beseech you not to take from us the power that we haue to punish such as commit crimes against the common-wealth and pardon not you alone that injurie which is done to all For what a despight and contempt is this for Ennius that he dare found and cast into the fire a Princes image ought not he rather to have kept it by him as an holy and sacred thing to have reverenced it for the honor of him whose representation it was this shews what heart and affection he beares towards his Prince and that if he could he would do as much vnto him as he doth to his Image For he that reverenceth the gods reverenceth also their images Had he not otherwise enough whereof to make his silver vessel but to melt for it this sacred Image hee would not do so much with the images of Brutus and Cassius for he honoureth them in his heart and would well at this day find the like which might enterprise the like disloyaltie against our good Prince as they did against Caesar Our Lawes will that in crimes of treason the least apparant suspition sufficeth to condemne the accused And it is the great interest and profit for the common-wealth rigorously to punish such as never so little attempt against the Prince vnlesse a man will say that the body hath not to do neither needeth to care when the head is wounded and offended And therfore I conclude that justice be executed vpon Ennius as a man attainted and culpable of treason The Emperour Tiberius although he was cruell in such matters knew well that this faire opinion of the Lawyer Capito was but a meere flatterie which he vnderstood better then he vttered therefore notwithstanding the said Capito his remonstrance and opinion he persisted in the Inhibitions before made that the knight Ennius should be no more vexed nor endangered about that matter And the abovesaid Tacitus saith that Capito by this his goodly opinion acquired a great infamy and evill reputation to himselfe greatly dishonouring both the knowledge of the civile Law humane and good letters wherewith he was excellently endowed Vpon this point I note that which master Philip de Comines well saith That Lawyers and great learned Comines lib. 1. cap. 24. men are very fit to be about a Prince and of his Counsell if they be good men but being otherwise they are very dangerous For they can so wel paint and set out their language alledging lawes and histories which every man understandeth not that often they take euill conclusions But when they be good men they may marueilously order and conduct matters which are handled in Counsell and bring them to a good resolution as may be proved by infinit examples out of Titus Livius and other Hystoriographers which I will not here accumulate because it is from our determined purpose In the ranke of janglers may well be placed the Poets of our time which by their Poesies full of flatteries and lies seeke to hooke in some abbotship or priorship or Poets janglers some other such gift in recompence of their adulations I confesse that a Poet may and should take more libertie to write the praises of some one man than an Oratour or an Hystoriographer but when praises are so hyperbolicall as they rather fall out to be the dishonour than the honour of him of whome they are written then are they not any thing tollerable I will take for example but the Epitaphes which were imprinted at Paris a little after the death of king Charles the ninth There those goodly Poets say That the king before he died overthrew more monsters than ever did Hercules in shedding so much bloud of his rebellious subjects That he died like Sampson who at his death pulled downe and overthrew the pillers which hee had in his armes and the house upon himselfe so in Fraunce justice pietie and religion died with him That France had been his stepmother That there was in him an exceeding great cunning in all arts and sciences and that he was also very expert in divers handicrafts That the king Henry his brother that now raignes succeeded him as Castor to Pollux as one god to another god That king Charles died a martyr of Iesus Christ and that from thenceforth he ought to be invocated as a Saint I pray you is there any man of sober judgement which doth not plainly see that such speeches become rather men void of wit and understanding by some extreame affection of flatterie than these gallant Poets which are drawne on and led with a generous and right Poeticall spirit for meaning unmeasurably to praise there escapes from them that they speake things redounding to their dispraise and if the dead king were alive he would not thanke them for such praises For a good Prince as Horace saith of Augustus ever rejecteth such foolish praises To purpose ill shall never goe my verse To Caesars eare for as his deeds appeare So would he I his praises should rehearse Too much his praise detesteth hâ— to heare And indeed it is common to all good and vertuous people not onely to reject excessive praises but also to hate as flatterers and liers all such as use them as Euripides witnesseth saying A good man praise too great cannot abide But hates that thing which puffes him so with pride If those goodly Poets before they had made their Epitaphs had well read Virgil and Horace they should have found that these two excellent Poets writ in many Aenead 6. Hora. lib. 4. Carm. Ode 5. 15. places the praises of Augustus But wherefore do they praise him For that he established a good peace in all the Romane Empire
he caused justice to flourish hee brought the people into a good repose and assurance and reduced againe the golden world They praise him also because he amplified and enlarged the Romane Empire But they speake not one word of the civile warres nor for that hee overthrew Cassius and Brutus doe they either praise or despraise him And indeed as Plutarch sayth They are pitious triumphs which are made upon civile bloud These Plutarch in Caesar Epitaphers then should learne to praise a Prince as they ought to doe and as the elders have done But when they say that our dead king died like Sampson and that with him died also pietie and justice which he carried in the devise of his two pillers do they not plainely blame the kingdome at this present of impietie and injustice as if justice were not now so good nor religion in so good estate as in the time of the dead king or as if they were or could bee made worse yea contrarie every one seeth with his eye that justice and religion are still in as good estate in France as before that the king died and that they are now so well governed as they cannot waxe worse And when they say that France was a stepmother unto the dead king is not this injuriously to blame the French nation Wherein hath Fraunce appeared unto him a stepmother Because there were rebels against the king say they They which they call rebels denie they are such and in truth when edicts were maintained and observed they were seene to be very obedient But let it be so that there were in France some rebellious subjects must therefore all the nation bee blamed and be called their kings stepmother seeing there is no nation in the world more obedient than the French to his Prince And as for that great cunning in arts and the meanest mechanicall sciences which those Poets attribute to our dead king are not they goodly praises thinke you As if it were some goodly vertue in a Prince to make a coffer or to paint gourdes for which we reade that the emperor Adrian was mocked or to make some such like things But contrarie the Poet Virgil describing Aeneid 6. what kind of Princes the Romane Princes should be he wils they should have no knowledge in the mechanicall arts onely they should learne sayth he the Science well to command to governe to vanquish to pardon to make lawes and edicts and to establish good manners and customes upon the nations under their governance In like manner the prophane comparison of Castor and Pollux where one god succeeds another god how unfit a speech it is for a Christian If Princes at this day will beleeve janglers they make themselves to be adored upon the altar in the middest betwixt two Saints as was Caligula betwixt Castor and Pollux But ynough is spoken of janglers and of their janglings and of their too too impudent and strange praises Let us now come unto Marmosets A Marmoset according to the language of Marmosets our elders is as much to say as a reporter murmurer whisperer of tales behind ones backe in Princes and great mens eares against one or other which be false or else ought not to be reiterated or reported And it seemes unto me that this name of Marmoset is verie proper and fit for such people and that it meriteth well to bee againe called backe in use And I beleeue it is drawne from hence that such people go marmoting murmuring and whispering secretly in Princes eares flattering speeches which they dare not speake clearly and on high before the face of him whom they detract and speake evill of These people are worse and farre more perilous than plaine raylers scoffers jesters or janglers whereof we have before spoken for carrying the countenance of good servants and friends they make the Prince beleeve that they serve him as spies to marke and seek out the designes evill purposes and carriages of their secret enemies to the end he may not unawares be surprised of them and that no evill may come unto him And because saith Comines Comines lib. 1. cap. 9. 56. Princes are almost all suspitious for doubts and feares that are put into their heads by advertisements they easily beleeve Marmosets and reporters Yea some Princes saith he promise them that they will say nothing nor discover any thing which is one of the greatest faults that a Prince can commit For besides that in all men be they princes or privat persons the auncient proverb hath place which saith That the sinewes of Wisedome is not to beleeve lightly yet is it a thing as particularly required in a Prince to stop his eares to all reports unlesse the reporter will be well knowne and sustaine the punishment of a slaunder in case his report be not found true And thereupon the Prince ought to make diligent inquisition to have the truth well averred when the thing is waightie and meriteth it And he may not be satisfied with a light information thereof but he ought to heare him which is charged or blamed before he beleeve any thing And if the thing be not of great consequence and import him much as if they be but words spoken as it often happeneth lightly in some pleasant talke or at the table or in choler the Prince ought to despise and make no account of such words but as talke uttered in an immoderate bable and without thinking or considering thereof For there is no man so perfect that can so bridle his tongue but there will often fall words without consideration which after when he thinkes of them wisheth he had never spoken them And this imperfection which is in all men ought to be supported of some towards others and Princes ought rather to beare them then particular persons for two reasons The one for that he is more subiect to receive reports than privat men so that if he easily deliver his eare unto them he shall see a thousand griefes and displeasures and shall be in continuall doubts and feares The other reason is because all Princes ought to consider that men speake more of them than of anie privat person For there is neither great nor little but he will meddle to speake of Princes yea to judge of their actions and everie man to utter his follies of his good or evill behaviours What should Princes then doe It is impossible to bridle their tongues and if they should be forbidden to speake they would speake the more Seeing then both great and small doe ordinarily speake of Princes yea more then of other things it is impossible that in such abundance of talke there should not be alwaies much evill and he that would set foote therein should binde himselfe to an infinite paine from whence he should not know how to get out For the tongues of men are so ready and quicke workers in their trade that they will frame more businesses in a day then a
let him alone with the charge of his affaires Commodus was glad thereof and to plunge him into all lubricitie and wantonnesse Perennis provided for him three hundred concubines and harlots and as many slaves Having cast him into this gulfe and destruction hee tooke upon him the affaires of the empire and begun to make stay and confiscate the goods of all such as he bore no good will unto and unto such as contradicted his doings and sold justice for money So in a little time made he himselfe very rich but this endured not long For in a warre which the Romanes had against the Englishmen hee cashiered the Senatorian captaines to bring into their places simple knights which all the Romane armie much disdained insomuch that they cut Perennis in peeces as an enemie of the commonwealth Cleander was another Marmoset who succeeded in his place who at the beginning made some shew that hee would doe better but incontinent he did worse for practising many cruelties he sold the estates and governments of provinces to them which would offer most There happened at Rome a great famine and a pestilence withall The people which alwaies lay the cause of publicke calamitie upon the Governors bruted abroad that Cleander was the cause of this plague and famine and that therefore there was cause hee should die Cleander to stop this brute and fame to cause the people to hold their peace caused all the emperours horsemen to be armed and in both the suburbes towne to rush through the people slaying and wounding innumerable But the people begun to take houses and fight from the windowes so well that the said horsemen were constrained to retire Fadilla the Emperour Commodus his sister seeing this civile warre commensed and raised by Cleander within the town went to find her brother whom shee found in the brothelhouse amongst his harlots where he tooke his pastimes and all bewept she fell on her knees before him saying Sir my brother you are here taking your pleasures and know not the things that passe nor the danger wherein you are for both yours and our blood is in perill to bee altogether extermined by the warre and civile stirre which Cleander hath raised in the towne He hath armed your forces and hath made them rush against the people and hath brought them unto a slaughter more than barbarous filling the streets with Roman blood If you doe not soone put to death the author of this evill the people will fall upon you and us and rive us in peeces Saying these words she tore her garments and was very sad yea as it were desperate many also which were present encreased the feare of Commodus by their persuasions insomuch that he fearing greatly some great danger to himselfe sent in hast for Cleander who knew nothing of this complaint As soone as he was arrived he caused his head to be cut off which he caused to be carried on a pikes point through the towne in such sort that the sight of that head did appease the stirre of the people After this execution Commodus who had acquired infinit enemies by the meanes of his Marmosets determined with himselfe at once to cause a goodly execution to be made because hee would not often returne thereunto which is one of Machiavels precepts whereof wee shall speake in his place and for that purpose made two rowles of the names of such as he would cause to die one of which was entituled La dagne the dagger and the other L'espee the sword These two rowles by hap fell into the hands of Laetus who was one of his Marmosets and of Martia one of his courtizans which found themselves first in a rowle They then seeing the danger nigh and evident wherin they both were conferred together resolved rather to slay than be slaine Martia tooke the charge to poyson him which she did but Commodus who had eaten drunken too much was provoked to vomit and with all that cast up his poyson which Laetus and Martia seeing caused him to be strangled in his bed Behold here the end wherunto Perennis Cleander and other Marmosets brought their masters and the end they made themselves and the great evils and slaughters of good people whereof they were the cause Thinke you not that this is a goodly example to all kings princes to keepe them from suffering themselves to be governed by reporters and flatterers The emperour Commodus was one of the most noble and illustrious rase in the world a goodly and personable prince as was possible who was neither subtill nor malicious of his nature the sonne of the best prince that ever was who brought him well up and left him a great number of wise and prudent men well to govern him and towards him had gotten the favour and good will of all the world Yet these Marmosets and flatterers brought him to a miserable end and raigned but a while and died young The emperour Severus had on his Counsell one Vetronius Turinus whome hee Lampri in Alex. judged to be a good man but he prooved to be a very Marmoset for before the emperour he dissembled well and knew well how to carrie hie countenaunce and behaviour but behind his backe he vaunted that he governed Alexander Severus at his pleasure that he caused in the Counsell-chamber such resolutions as he thought good of The solicitors of the court which had businesses in the princes consistory understanding that Turinus said he had there so great credit failed not to wait upon him to recommend unto him their affairs What dooth he then he marchandiseth with all the parties contending and every one promiseth a good summe upon condition to make him obtain that which he seeketh for as he promiseth to al yet none knoweth any thing one of another Turinus notwithstanding never speakes for the one nor the other but only giveth his voice in the Counsell as others doe which be there but alwaies it came to passe that the one or the other obtained the cause so that he payd him the summe that he had promised him and as for the other partie he let go finding some excuse why he got not his demaund After that Turinus had a certaine time used this occupation To sell the hopes and decrees of the princes privie Counsell his dealings were discovered Alexander incontinently sent him to prison caused his processe or indictment to be made which found against him hee was condemned as a seller of smoke to be tied to a piller and there to be stifled with the stench and smoke of dung and karion heaped up kindled nigh the said piller Behold the reward that this Marmoset Turinus received for the false reports hee made against the princes honour and his Counsels Enough is spoken of the Marmosets of the Romane emperors let us now speake of our French Marmosets In the time of king Charls the sixt le bien aime by Marmosets Annal. upō
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
king of France is our sovereign lord and the dutchie of Bretaigne holdeth also of the crowne of Fraunce Wee pray you to despoile and rid your selfe of that affection which you have to the Englishmen and shew your selfe a good Frenchman such as you ought to be for we come to declare unto you that if you doe it not wee will abandon and leave you to serve the king of Fraunce who is our sovereigne lord The duke hereat was much troubled and could not so much cover his courage but he sayd That the king of Fraunce did wrong the king of England to despoile him of Aquitaine Certaine time after distrusting his subjects he sent into England to have Englishmen for his service and to give them captainships and governments of towns and castles of Bretaigne The king of England sent him people but the gentlemen of Bretaigne thinking much that their duke distrusted them and would prefer Englishmen before them themselves seazed the fortresses and towns of the countrie before the arivall of the Englishmen Insomuch that the duke seeing himselfe brought into a great extremitie abandoned his countrey and saved himselfe in England This came unto him for loving strangers more than his owne subjects and for that he desired to give them the charges and estates of the countrey The king Charles the eight in the voyage of Naples which he made in his owne Comines lib. 1. cap. 20. person conquered the realme of Naples almost without stroke striking and was received of all the people and of the most part of the Nobilitie of that countrey as a Messias sent of God to deliver them from the cruell and barbarous tyrannie wherein they were before and had now long time beene under their kings Alphonsus and Ferrand of Arragon usurpers of that kingdome upon the house of Anjou whereunto Charles succeeded Every one may judge if it had not beene easie for the king if he had enjoyed a good Counsell to have kept that goodly kingdome in his perpetuall obedience For when a people hath been tyrannized by an usurper and that he comes to recover his naturall prince which deales with them like a good prince there is nothing to induce the people to denie him obeisance or to revolt Because on the one side they acknowledge that after God and reason they ought to obey him which is the true and lawfull prince unto whom alwayes there is more amitie borne than unto another and on the other side they see themselves discharged and unburdened of that heavie waight of tyrannie and of an usurper But what came there unto king Charles Thus having conquered that kingdome hee gave all the estates and offices of the country unto Frenchmen which he had with him in that voyage whereof the gentlemen of the countrey and especially such as had alwaies either secretly or openly held to the part of the house of Anjou were so discontented and spighted that they straight cast off all amitie good affection to the king and incontinent entred into practises and complots to make all the countrey to revolt which they straight did and so made void that voyage and for nothing the king lost both his people and his money who assuredly might have well kept the kingdome of Naples if he had given the offices thereof to them of the countrey and sought meanes to have maintained them in voluntarie obedience By the aforesaid example it appeares That the Frenchmen gained nothing by getting into their hands all the offices and estates of the kingdome of Naples yet gained they much lesse in the fact I come now to speake of seeking to take away the honour of the warre from the Spaniards in Spaine at the battaile of Iuberoth You Froiss lib. 3. cap. 12 31 14 15 16. must then understand that the king Iohn of Castile being an allie with the king of Fraunce demaunded succours of him and aid to make warre against king Denis of Portingale The king of Fraunce sent him gallant succours as well of footmen as horsemen Our Frenchmen arriving there were very well entertained of king Iohn of Castile our French desired the point of the battaile to shew both what they could doe in warre as also their good affection to doe him service The Castilians contradicted this beeing greeved and envious against the French that so vaunted preferred themselves before them Notwithstanding all that the Spaniards could doe the king graunted them their request where of they were very glad and the Castilians as sad What did the Castilians Vpon despight and envie they complotted together to suffer the French to pursue the enemie without following or seconding them but onely to make a shew that they would follow them to the end that all the glorie might remaine to the French if they vanquished or all to them if after the overthrowing of the French they were victors Vpon which resolution it is well to note how envie and hatred blindeth judgement For if they had not been very passionate they might well judge That forces devided might easily be vanquished one after another as it happened to their ruine and dishonour and to the ruine of the French but being joyned together they might much sooner have beene victorious Finally the battaile was given against the Portugals which were valiantly encountred by the French but beeing unseconded by the Castilians which held the arreregard they were found the more feeble insomuch that they were all slaine or taken And which was a thing very lamentable Of those there were a thousand gentlemen taken prisoners amongst which there were nineteene great lords all which also were thus slaine For as the Portugals a while after the defeating of the avantgard of the French perceived to arrive the arreregard of the Castilians they resolved to slay their prisoners and did so lest they either should make warre upon them behind or els escape So having slaine all their said prisoners they marched valiantly against the Castilians whom they likewise discomfited If we Frenchmen had not been so ambitious and covetous of glorie as to seeke glorie in a strangers countrey above them of that countrey they had not falne into this mischeefe Ochozias king of Iuda was son of Athalia a woman stranger daughter of a king 2. Kings cap. 10. 2. Chron. cap. 22. of Samaria This king governed himselfe by Samaritans which were much hated of the people of Iuda unto whom he gave the principall charges and offices of his kingdome at the persuasion of his mother a Samaritane also despising and casting behind the wisest and most vertuous of his kingdom by which he should haue beene governed after the example of his predecessors This was the cause of that kings destruction for as Iehu was in destroying the house of Achab brother of Athalia he slue also Ochozias and extermined almost all his race as a partner and friend which maintained Achab. If Ochozias had governed himselfe rather by people of his owne kingdome than
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
but Sophists should think to understand any thing of it But contrary we must beleeve That God hath given it unto us simple cleare and intelligible that even plaine people might comprehend and understand it So if it please God we need not leave to be saved although wee know not what meaneth Transubstantiation Concomitance and such like tearmes which are not read in the Bible and although we be not so sharpe and quicke to understand the nature of quiddities the subsistence of Accidens seperated from the subiect the effects and operations of second intentions the motion of the Chimaere in Vacuitie and other like deepe subtilties of speculative Theologie But I have above shewed that the Catholikes and we do well accord in the Sacrament of the Altar or the Supper so do we in the principall points of Christian Religion Demand of a Catholick if he do not beleeve That he shall be saved by the merite of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ he will say yea that he beleeveth it Aske yet of him if he do not beleeve That one onely drop of the precious blood of our Savior the eternall sonne of God is sufficient to save all the world hee will say yea Make upon it this consequence That it followeth then that the death and passion of Iesus Christ who shed all his blood for us is more than sufficient for our salvation hee will not deny this Aske him after if he beleeve that for our salvation there must be mingled the blood of martyrs supererogatorie works merits of Saints good works with the blood of Christ the sonne of God he will answere you That hee beleeves not that there must be such a mingle mangle since the blood of the sonne of God is sufficient for our salvation and that that should be to pollute it and that he knowes not what supererogatorie workes are And touching good workes which they say we reiect aske of the least child which learnes his Catechisme if a Christian ought not to do good workes to shew himselfe a Christian he will answere you yea Demand of him also if good workes bee not meritorious towards God he will answere you That they so please God that in regard of them as by merit an infinit sort of good things are given us as health long life children and other graces except eternall life which he gives us by the only merit of Iesus Christ I beleeve there is no Catholike in the world which will say more of good workes than this As for faith in generall we receive both the one and the other the holy Scripture of the old and new Testament Touching Baptisme we agree in the substance namely that it ought to be done In the name of the Father the Sonne and the Holy ghost and with the signe of the water We differ about spittle salt and the coniurations of devils which the Catholike priests do say to be within the body of little children and they chase them out wee indeed cast off all this as mens inventions which would be wiser than God who prescribeth them what they shall doe therein And I assure my selfe that the most part of the Catholikes would willingly that those things were reiected and that priests would not spit in the mouths of their little children and that they had no salt at all neither doe they beleeve there are divels within the bodies of their little children We also differ in certaine other ceremonies which I will not discover now at length But must wee hereupon say that the Catholikes and we are of two divers religions The Friers and Iacobins and many other sorts of Monkes in Christendome have all different ceremonies in habits in rules in doing their services and in all the exercises of their orders yet they are all held to be of the Christian Religion Moreover though there were some difference betwixt us touching doctrine seeing we accord in the principall points of Christian Religion must there be accounted a pluralitie and diversitie of Religion amongst us for the Canon Ego Beren garius Must men make all that stir to rore out all the Canons and artillerie of France and thunder at all the townes and castles of the kingdome to fill all places with armes soldiors and all the townes with the blood of Christians and to make red the rivers for such a quarel as this Must brother arme himselfe against his brother the father against his sonne must needs the Nobilitie ruin at it selfe must all the people be trodden under feet the whole realme be brought into a combustion For verily none makes war upon us but because we wil not beleeve in the aforesaid Canon and yet they which do this unto us do not beleeve in it themselves as we have before shewed But yet there is a point that seemeth to be one of the most principall points of Religion wherein we differ namely touching the Pope in whom we beleeve not But I am of opinion that the most part of Catholikes beleeve in him no more than we and that the matter is not of sufficient weight to make any great contention of Our ancestors in times past have wel passed their time without a Pope and wherefore should not we do so as well as they In the time of king Charles the sixt le bien ayme there were two popes in Christendome the one at Rome called pope Vrbane and the other at Avignon who was called Clement The Christian princes and commonweales at this time knew not which was the better of them yet some followed the pope of Rome and they were called Vrbanists and others the Pope of Avignon and they were called Clementines and when that the pope died at Rome or in Avignon men elected alwayes another in his place so that it appeared that this pluralitie of popes would ever endure The king of France and his Counsell were occasioned to exhort both of them to submit themselves to a Counsell which might advise and ordaine which of thē two should be Pope or if the one or the other ought not to be The king could never persuade them to come to this accord and especially the pope of Avignon was more backward than the other Hereupon the king caused to assemble the vniversitie of Paris and especially our masters of Sorbonne to have their advice what he should doe in this case At that time was there a learned Doctor in Theologie in Sorbonne Colledge who was called M. Iohn de Gigenconet who maintained That the Catholike church might wel for a time be without a Pope yea for ever alledged many good reasons which for times sake I will not here recite Breefly the Vniversitie was congregated and thereby it was resolved that the king ought to withdraw himselfe and all his kingdome from the obedience of both the Popes untill there were another legitimately elected And that there were good means to be dispatched of the pope viz. to leave the collations
first Christian emperour besides that he overcame Licinius and Maxentius great enemies of the Christian Religion hee also obtained Pomp. Laetus in Licinio Constantino many goodly and triumphant victories against the Sarmats Gothes and Scythians happy he was and victorious because he had the feare of God and the Christian Religion in exceeding great honour and reverence As much may we say of the emperour Theodosius Iustinian and other Christians As much may we say of our kings of Paul Aemil. lib. 1. 2. Egninartus in Carolo magno Fraunce Charls Martell and Charlemaine which prospered in the wars they had against the high Almans Saxons Frisons and against the Gothes Huns Visegoths Lombards and Sarasens al which were then Painims and infidels of which they obtained great victories and brought them to be subject unto their obedience This grace came not to them to be such victors by their own forces seeing their enemies were farre stronger than they considering their forces and number of armed people but that grace came unto them by the favour of God whom they served without feinednesse and hypocrisie having the Christian Religion in great and singular recommendation and reverence As much may wee say also generally of the most part of our French kings For amongst them we find none such as Caligula Caracalla or such other monsters full of impietie and Atheisme till lately some few have been found not much inferior unto them David was marvellous happie in warre and alwayes victorious over his enemies because hee was a good prince fearing God and honouring his holy Religion Salomon his sonne as long as he served God sincerely without feigning and hypocrisie he prospered very well and mervailously in a great and happie peace and none durst stirre him But as soone as hee begun to practise the doctrine which Machiavell teacheth namely To have a feigned and dissembled Religion and devotion straight had he enemies on his head which rose up against him as Adad the 2. Kin. ca. 11. Edomite and Razin which made warre upon him So generally may bee said of all the kings of Iuda and of Israel one after another That God hath alwayes caused to prosper such as were pure and sincere in Religion and which have had his service in recommendation and contrary upon such as were impure and hypocrites in Religion he hath heaped ruines calamities and other vengeances But I pray you consider a little the reason wherewith Machiavell proveth his Maxime Because sayth hee the people looketh but at the exterior and outward shew of things it is sufficient that the prince shew himselfe outwardly devout although he be not devout at all Ought Religion then to serve for nothing but to please and be agreeable unto the people or ought it not rather to serve to make men agreeable to God But how wouldest thou that God should like and take pleasure in thy Religion hee that sees the bottome of thy heart and soundeth the deepest of thy thoughts if it bee similed and faigned and that thou beest an hypocriâ—e Neither may Machiavell nor the Machiavelistes that is to say the Atheists of our time thinke men so sencelesse and grosse as they cannot soone discover their hypocrisies and dissimulations Many there are in the world which thinke by their subtilties and dissemblings to be covered and hid yet are sufficiently knowne and how craftily soever they doe it all the world knoweth there is nothing but impietie and wickednesse in their hearts Suppose therefore these simulations and hypocrisies come to be discovered in a prince I pray you into what honour and reputation will hee fall Shall he not be mocked blamed and despised of his subjects If seeing himself discovered hee make an open profession of impietie and of Atheisme as wee see many persons there are which doe it because they cannot longer hide their impietie shall not this be publickely to authorise all impletie and despight of God and of all Religion For certain it is That men which are naturally more enclined to evill than to good when they see their prince follow that course will doe as he doth because ordinarily subjects doe conforme themselves to the manners and conditions of the prince Behold then the consequence of that most wicked and detestable doctrine of that wicked Atheist which is to bring all people to a despight and a mockerie of God and his Religion and of all holy things and to let go the bridle to all vices and villanies From which God keepe us by his grace and destroy all them which teach so wicked doctrines if they will not amend as certainly he will do and so let them looke for 2. Maxime A Prince ought to sustaine and confirme that which is false in Religion if so be it turne to the favour thereof SAge and prudent princes sayth Machiavell doe countenance Discourse lib. 1. cap. 12 13 14. and allow false miracles because alwayes they are meanes to augment the peoples devotion For vvhen the people seeth that the prince approoveth them none makes any difficultie to beleeve them after him Christian princes also should therin imitate the old Romanes vvhich by deceitfull miracles feigned false revelations to encourage their souldiers to execute some enterprise and to cause their subiects to obey their ordinances For they caused to publish either that they had read in the bookes of the Sibyls or that they had consulted vvith the Oracle of Apollo or that they had had such or such a revelation or els that the flight of birds or other like tokens had signified unto them a good augure or divination insomuch that the people being persuaded they vvere true and denounced of their gods they obeied vvith great good vvill that vvhich was commanded them by their captaines and magistrates as if the gods themselves had commanded â—hem In the meane vvhile the Romane heads and captaines knew of vvhat account this marchandize was THis Atheist after he hath given the prince a document To hold all Religion in his heart as a mockerie and onely to shew outwardly a faire semblant and countenance of devotion now passeth hee further and desires That the prince should maintain falsenesse in Religion I pray you can there bee found in the world a greater impietie and wickednesse than this Are wee not beholden to them that have authorized and given countenaunce unto the writings of this stinking Atheist yea unto them which have into the French made two or three translations the better to empoyson that nation Certaine it is That the truth in all Falsenesse incompatible with Religion things is very commendable but most especially when it deales in causes and matters of Religion For since that Religion is the thing which according to the ancients definition bindeth us with God how can falsenesse her contrarie bind and unite us with God who is truth it selfe Is darkenesse conpatible and sociable with light or the obscure shaddow with the Sunne Nay rather wee
they saw their terrestriall god dead they straight returned to the Cardinals saying their Pope was dead and they must needs give them another So by their cries and popularie tumult they were constrained to give them a new Italian But after they made another in Avignon who was Anti-pope to him of Rome insomuch that it may well be said That too immoderat desire of the Romans to have the holy seat at Rome was the cause of a Papall schisme which endured nigh fortie yeares and was the spring of many evils I have before said and it is true That the holy seat doth more harme far off than nigh and it is easie to prove by examples For by tythes croisadoes buls of benefices pardons and other expences the holy Father hath ever had cunning enough to draw store of silver from farre provinces as from Fraunce Almaigne England Spaine and from other where And all those huge heaps of treasure fell in no other place than at Rome and in Italie So that a good old Civilian Lawyer was wont to say The Court of Rome hath long time had good skill to change lead into gold which act the greatest Alchymists and the best exercised Paracelcians of our time could never doe We also see the Romanes by the meanes of their bullish and leaden art maintaine themselves brave fine and in good order whereas these Paracelcians commonly go all ragged torne in great povertie and necessitie having as they say spent their fortunes and patrimonies with blowing the coale and are of all men a despised people and of no account Yet we reade in our hystories That our kings of France have many times hindred Popes to draw silver out of the realme by Annates Tenthes Bulles and other meanes as in the time of Boniface the eight Benit the eleventh Tulius the second and third But concerning this matter it is good to marke the determination made in Anno 1410 by our masters of the facultie of Sorbone and by all the Vniversitie of Paris which resolved in a general congregation held at the Bernardines That the French Church was not bound to pay any silver to the Pope in any manner whatsoever unlesse it be by the way of a charitable subsidie and that in three cases onely namely to employ the said silver to the conquest of the holy land for the reunion of Three cases into which the Sorbonists doe limit the popes power to levie silver in France the Greekes with the Latines and lastly to preach the Gospell to all creatures In which cases only they said men ought to furnish and provide a charitable subsidie for the Pope yet with this condition That the said Pope touch no silver but that the French Church do appoint and depute treasurers to dispend and distribute it for the purposes aforesaid and not otherwise If this magistraticall determination were observed verely the Pope would not be contented but the realme would bee much bettered and if all Christian princes did agree in the observation of this determination certainely that would come to passe which Frier Iohn of Rochetaillade preached in his time against the Pope And because his sermon will not be far from our purpose I will here breefely rehearse it In the time that the holy seat was at Avignon about the yeare 1360 there was a Frier minor called Frier Iohn de Rochetaillade which set himselfe to preach against the pride gourmandizes and superfluitles of the Pope and his Cardinals which then were at Avignon and generally against all the prelates and cleargie people also against princes which too sore oppressed their subjects Hee alwayes tooke for his text or theme some part of the Apocalipse and properly applied it to the Pope Cardinals and Prelates Our hystoriographers say he was a great clearke and that he foretold the captivitie of king Iohn and that Pope Innocent the sixt being much greeved at his sermons caused him to be imprisoned fearing said hee that by his great knowledge he caused all the world to erre for that good S. Peter was of opinion That ignorance preserveth men from erring and that knowledge brings them into error And indeed he that knowes nothing wherein can he erre But this good A sermon of frier Iohn de Rochetailiade against the Pope Frier Iohn amongst other his sermons he preached one which was the cheefe cause of his imprisonment and this was the substance thereof Masters and ladies I will tell you a strange case which in time past of old happened amongst birds and it is very like that now we see and hereafter shall see the like happen to our holy Father the Pope You must then understand that in old time a bird was engendred in the world which was the fairest and most beautifull to see that was possible but it had no feathers The other birds hearing speake of this featherlesse bird thought good to goe see it and being all arrived within the view of her they found her most excellent and pitied her because she could not flie as they did for want of feathers Then held they a Councell to advise what it were best to doe that this goodly bird might not die with hunger for that shee could not flie to get her living They then resolved amongst them that each bird should give her part of their feathers which they did and as she tooke the feathers she appeared more and more beautifull insomuch that the other birds gave her still more feathers As soone as this bird saw her selfe wel emplumed and feathered and that all the other birds honored her she begun to become fierce and proud and to despise the other birds and yet not contented with the said contempt and despight she becked also and contraried them in all shee could Then the other birds againe thought it best to aduise what was best to doe touching this new bird which they had emplumed and which was become so stately and insolent They concluded in their Counsell That it were best for every one of them to redemaund their feathers by the meanes of which shee was so exalted in pride that she made no account of them Then all the companie of birds finding this new bird after they had shewed her the proud incognisance of her selfe and them each one tooke his feathers the Peacocke first the Faulcon after and all the other birds so that they left her all naked and featherlesse So masters said Frier Iohn to the Pope and Cardinals shall it happen to you and doubt not thereof For when the emperours kings and Christian princes have taken from you the goods and riches that in former times they have given you which you bestow in extreame pride and superfluitie then shall you remaine all naked Where find you That S. Peter or S. Silvester rid with two hundred or three hundred horses yea contrarie their estate was very simple enclosed and hid within Rome Thus Frier Iohn preaching spoke but the truth yet this truth
to the manner of speech used amongst the people but there was never Philosopher so beastly that ever thought her to be any goddesse but when the auncient Philosophers say any thing comes by fortune or by adventure or contingencie they meane that the efficient cause of such a thing is unknowne for that is their doctrine and manner of speech to say that a thing happeneth or chanceth by Fortune and contingently when they know not the cause thereof Learnedly speakes Plutarke to this purpose when he sayth That the poets have Plutarke in libello de Fortuna done great wrong to Fortune to say she is blind and that she gives her gifts to men rashly without knowing them for sayth he it is we which know it not for Fortune is no other thing but the cause whereof we are ignorant of things which wee see come to passe And therfore the Stoicke philosophers although they knew not the second causes of all things no more than other philosophers yet used they another manner of speech than they and attributed the haps and chances of all things unto the ordinance and providence of God which they called by the name of Fatum yet indeed the Fatum differeth much from the providence of God which the Christians hold For the Stoickes held That God could worke no otherwise than the order of second causes would beare and leade him unto but wee hold That God is free in operation and not tied to second causes without which he can do that which he doth by them and can change them at his pleasure Timotheus an Athenian captaine comming one day from the war where his affaires had succeeded and sped well hee was much greeved at some which said that he Plu. in Silla was very happie and fortunate so that one day in a publike assemblie of all the people of Athens hee made an oration wherein hee discoursed all his gestes and victories uttering by the way the meanes and counsell which hee had used in the conduction of his affaires and after all this discourse Maisters said hee Fortune hath had no part in all this that I have accounted unto you as if he would say That it was by his owne wisedome that these things had so well succeeded to him The gods saith Plutarke were offended at this foolish ambition of Timotheus insomuch that he did never after any thing of account but all things he did turned against the haire till hee came to bee hated much of the Athenian people that in the end hee was banished and chased from Athens Hereby we may see that the ancient Paynims meant to attribute to the gods that which men in their common manner of speech attributed to Fortune but they never beleeved shee was a goddesse When Messiere de Commines speaketh of the constable of S. Pol who was so great and puissant a lord yet in the end such evill luck befell him that his hand was De Com. lib. 1. cap. 18. cut off Heereof hee makes a question and wisely and religiously absolveth it What shall wee say saith hee of Fortune This man that was so great a lord that by the space of twelve yeeres he had handled and governed king Lewis the eleventh the Duke Charles of Bourgoigne hee was a wise knight and had heaped together great treasures and in the end fell into her net Wee may then well say that this deceitfull Fortune beheld him with an evill countenance nay contrary wee must answere saith hee that Fortune is nothing but a poeticall fiction and that God must of necessitie have forsaken him because hee alwaies travailed with all his power to cause the war still to continue betwixt the king and the duke of Bourgoigne for upon this war was founded his great authoritie and estate and hee should bee very ignorant that would beleeve that there was a Fortune therein which could guide so wise a man to obtaine the evill will of two so great princes at once and also of the king of England which in their lives accorded in nothing but in the death of this constable Beholde the very words of Commines speaking of Fortune which senteth as much of a good man and a good Christian as the Maxime of Machiavell tastes of a most wicked Atheist And as for that which Machiavell saith That Fortune favours such as are most hazardous and rash Titus Livius is of a farther opinion who speaking of the victorie Tit. Livi. lib. 2. Dec. 3. which Anniball obtained nigh the lake Trasimene against the consull C. Flamminius saith That evill luck came by the temeritie of Flamminius which was nourished and maintained in him by fortune whereas before things had well succeeded with him but now hee which neither tooke counsell of the gods nor of men it was no mervaile if sodainely hee fell into ruine This losse of the battaile was the cause that Fabius Maximus was elected Dictator to go against Anniball as indeed after his election he tooke the field with a new army and certain time after being sent for of the Senat to assist at Rome certain sacrifices and ceremonies he left in the campe Minutius his Lieutenant saying unto him in this manner I pray you Minutius take heed you do not as Flamminius did but trust you more in good counsell than in fortune better it were to bee assured not to be vanquished than to hazard your selfe to bee vanquisher In another place Titus Livius rehearseth That Caius Sempronius captaine of the Roman Armie against the Volsques trusting in Fortune as a thing Lib. 4. Dec 1. constant and perdurable because alwaies before the Romanes had it in custome to overcome that nation used no prudence nor good counsell in his conduction but hazard and temeritie therefore saith Livie fortune and good successe followeth abandoneth rashnesse and this happeneth most commonlie Heere you see the opinion of Fabius Maximus and of Titus Livius much better than that of Machiavell who would persuade us that wee had better bee rash than prudent to have fortune favourable unto us for certaine it is that the haps which men call of Fortune proceede from God who rather blesseth prudence which hee hath recommended unto us than temeritie and although sometimes it happen that hee blesse not our counsels and wisedomes it is because we take them not from the true spring and fountaine namely from him of whom we ought to have demanded it and that most commonly wee would that our owne wisedome should bee a glorie unto us whereas onely God should bee glorified Heere endeth the second part entreating of such Religion as a Prince should use THE THIRD PART TREATING of such Pollicie as a Prince ought to hold in his Commonweale ¶ The Praeface I Have before in order disposed all Machiavels Maximes touching Counsell and Religion and at large I have shewed That all his doctrine shootes at no other marke but to instruct a prince to governe himselfe after his owne fancie not
not be corrupt and become cowards by too great peace and prosperitie for want upon whom to make warre The resolution of the Senat was in a meane betwixt these two opinions For it was ordained That the Carthaginians should be permitted to remove their towne into any other part tenne mile from the sea But the Carthaginians found so strange the removing of their towne that they had rather suffer all extreame things insomuch as by long warre they were wholly vanquished and their towne altogether rased and made inhabitable Very memorable also to this purpose is the advice of the Chancellor de Rochefort Annales upon the year 1488. who was in the time of king Charles the eight For many counselling this yong king to make war against Francis duke of Bretaigne to lay hold of his dutchie this good Chancellor shewed That the rights the king pretended to that duke were not yet well verified and that it were good to seeke further into them before warre was attempted for it should be the worke of a tyrant to usurpe countries which belong not to him According to this advice embassadors were sent to the duke who then was at Reves to send on his side men of counsell and the king would doe so on his side to resolve upon both their rights This was done and men assembled to that end but in the meane while duke Francis died and the king espoused Madame Anne his daughter and heire and so the controversie ended The same king enterprising his voyage of Naples caused to assemble all his presidents Annal. upon Anno 149â— of his courts of Parliaments with his Chancellor his privie Counsell and the princes of his blood to resolve upon his title and right to Naples and Sicilie These lords being assembled visited the genealogie and discent of the kings of Sicilie and Naples they found that the king was the right heire of these kingdomes so that upon that resolution this voyage was enterprised Hereby is seene the vanitie of Machiavell who presupposeth That king Charles had enterprised that voiage to get all Italie but that Fortune was not favourable unto him for that was never his deseigne nor purpose neither assayed he to seize upon any thing in Italie but of certaine townes necessarie for his passage in determination to yeeld them up again at his departure as he did And if the king would have enterprised upon Italie hee had had a farre more apparent title than the magnificent Lawrence de Medicis seeing all Italie was once by just title possessed by Charlemaine king of France his predecessor But this hath been alwayes a propertie in our kings not to run over others grounds nor to appropriate to themselves any seignorie which appertained not unto them by just title We reade also of Charles the fift called the Sage That being incited by his nobilitie Frois lib. 1. cap. 245. 25. and people of Guienne to seize againe that countrey which was occupied by the English he would not enterprise it without great good deliberation of good Counsell And therefore he caused well to be viewed by wise and experienced people the treatie of peace made at Bretaigne betwixt his dead father and the king of England for that it was told him that the king of England had not accomplished on his side that which he was bound to doe After they had as they thought well resolved him of this point yet he was not content to be satisfied himselfe but would that his subjects should be also well resolved thereof and especially such as were under the English obedience and to that purpose hee sent preachers covertly into such good townes as were occupied by the English insomuch that readily by the preachers inducements there were more than threescore townes and fortresses which revolted from the Englishmen and offered themselves unto the kings obeisance This then is a resolved point That a prince ought not to enterprise to obtaine a If by warre any can be constrained to be of any Religion countrey where hee hath no title under colour to deliver the inhabitants thereof from tyrannie But here may arise a question if it be lawfull for a prince to make war for religion and to constraine men to bee of his religion hereupon to take the thing by reason the resolution is very easie For seeing that all religion consisteth in an approbation of certaine points that concerne the service of God certaine it is that such an approbation dependeth upon the persuasion which is given to men thereof but the meanes to persuade a thing to any man is not to take weapons to bear him nor to menace him but to demonstrate unto him by good reasons and allegations which may induce him to a persuasion But he that will decide this question by examples of our auncestors he shall find divers to be for and against For to reade our French hystories in the lives of Clowis the first Charlemaine and some other kings of Fraunce it seemeth that their studie was altogether bent upon warre Annales upon Anno 718. against Paynims for nothing but to make them become Christians with hand-blowes and force of armes But what Christians That is when the Paynims were vanquished and that they could no more resist they were acquited upon condition to be baptized without other instruction And most commonly as soone as they could againe gather strength they returned to their Paynim religion And this is well shewed us by the hystorie of one Rabbod duke of Fricse who being upon the point to be baptized and his clothes off and having one foot in the font hee demanded of the archbishop of Sens which should have baptized him Whether there were more of his parents in hell or in paradice The archbishop aunswered him that the most must needs be in hell because his predecessors were never baptized Then the duke drawing his foot out of the water Well said he then I will goe to hell with my parents and friends and I will not be baptized to be seperated from them so he withdrew himselfe denying to be baptized Here I leave you to thinke if this man were well instructed in the Christian doctrine It seemeth that at that day to be a Christian it sufficed to be baptized and commonly Paynims were baptized by force of armes We reade also That our auncient kings of Fraunce made many voyages into Turkie and into Affrica for the augmentation of the Christian Religion and to revenge as they said the death of our Lord Iesus Christ upon the Paynims and Infidels But one time the Paynims themselves shewed them well that they enterprised such warres by an inconsiderate zeale For the armie of Fraunce whereof the duke of Bourbon was cheefe being in Affrica making warre against the Infidels in the time of king Charles the sixt the captaine generall of the Turkes and Saracens sent an herauld to the duke of Bourbon to know wherefore he discended into Affrica to
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
founded upon reason and they accorded to the people of the third estate magistrates which were called Tribunes of the people These had the charge to defend the common people against great men with power to imprison all such as seemed good unto them and this magistrate proved very profitable whilest they used it well but as soone as they abused it it fell out to bee very pernitious so is it of all other offices To demonstrate that men cannot keepe a peace when thereby they are handled like slaves the example of the Saguntines is very notable admirable The Saguntines Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 3. a people of Spaine were besieged by Anniball of Carthage who held them so straightly in their city that they had no meane left to escape or resist They being reduced to this extremity Anniball sent them word by one of his nation called Alorcus to yeeld themselves to save their lives For courages said hee must needes bee vanquished when forces failed and Anniball would save their lives if they would yeeld to him and of his grace would deale well with them These poore people well considered the extreame danger wherein they were and that they had no meane to escape Anniball his hands but with yeelding unto him and to yeeld they should change their free into a servile condition which they feared so much as they loved better to lose their lives therefore resolved so to deale as neither their bodies nor their goods should ever come into the power of Anniball So they tooke choice of certaine young men of the towne which they caused to sweare to defend the gates of the towne even to the death that in the meane while the other townes-people might have leasure to execute their determination after this the cheefe of the towne resorted to the common market place and there caused to bee laid on a heape all the goods and treasures of the towne and about it to light a great fier within which many cast themselves and were burned lest they should fall into Anniballs hands others shut themselves up in their houses with their wives and children after putting fire thereunto burnt the said houses themselves and their goods and the said young men which were trusted with the gates made an end of fighting and living together Was not heere thinke you an admirable love of libertie for if they would but a while have lived under Anniball his yoake there had beene hope that the Romanes their allies would have delivered them but yet they rather tooke choice to lose their lives yea that by a most strange cruell death than to suffer for a small time a servile subjection under Anniball But as it is rare and unlikely that a servile peace should bee long and well observed so it is a very great fault to breake a peace when it is sufficiently commodious A tolerable peace ought not to be broken and tollerable This was the onely cause of the totall ruine of that great flourishing commonwealth of the Carthaginians for after they had many times broken the treatie of peace which they had with the Romanes and had beene many times vanquished in the end they were altogether destroyed and their townes rased and the cause that moved the Romanes thus to doe was for that they considered that the Carthaginians would never observe faith nor promise they made which alreadie so many times they had violated especially since they were not at any time bound to any hard condition of peace but onely hindered to rebell or waxe great Titus livi lib. 3. Dec. 4. and lib. 4. Dec. 5. Plutarch in P. Aemil. But the example of king Philip of Macedon and of Perseus his sonne is verie notable in this matter This king Philip about some light occasion enterprised warre against the Aetolians a people of Greece the Romanes allies The Aetolians called to their aid the Romanes sent an armie into Greece against Philip under the charge of captaine Sulpitius as well to succour the Aetolians as also the Athenians which Philip would have destroyed and lastly to revenge themselves of the king who covertly had aided with silver Anniball to make warre upon them after certaine conflicts this king fearing the forces and vertue of the Romanes did so much as hee wrought a peace with them after that they had made this peace hee observed it very well all the rest of his life and the better to keepe it from point to point hee had ordinarily in his hands the articles of that peace which hee ever read twise a day that hee might not breake any point of it When hee was dead Perseus his sonne succeeded him unto whom a Macedonian gentleman called Onesimus a faithfull friend and councellor of his father Philip gave this advice to have ever in his hands and often to reade the said treatise and articles of peace that as his father had done he might inviolablie observe them as the onely meane to maintaine him in his estate Perseus at the beginning did but despise the admonitions of that good seruant Onesimus but in the end hee had him in suspition and put him out of credit insomuch as the good person fearing worse unto himselfe fled to Rome After this Perseus gathering great store of money and esteeming himselfe strong enough to warre against the Romanes by little and little broke the articles of peace one after another altogether contrarying the contents of the articles in the mean time covertly prepared for warre finally the Romanes sent against him the consull Paulus Aemilius with a Roman armie which in lesse than a month seised upon all Macedonia and brought it into the Romane obedience and tooke prisoners the king Perseus and his sonne which hee carried to Rome in a triumph where they miserably dyed in a prison behold the evill haps of Perseus for not imitating the example of his father in the observation of the treatise of peace Verely the prince which well considereth the good that comes by living in peace will alwaies seeke to maintaine it but at the least within his owne domination for in peace all things do flourish and in warre all things are in ruine and devastation we reade that in the time of Antonius Pius all the Romane empire was in good peace and that by the same meanes all the provinces were rich and flourishing not onely Capitol in Antonio Pio. Plinius in epist ad Traianum in goods but in vertues and sciences for at that time good letters flourished al over and especially the civile law which was so well practised and in all places so good justice administred that the whole empire was a most excellent and admirable thing at that time Moreover that good emperour tooke a great delight to fabricate and build great works and common buildings as the Amphitheater which he builded at Nismes where hee was borne it is called at this day les Arenes the temple of Adrian
his sepulcher and another Amphitheater at Rome and many other goodly houses and publike buildings most sumptuous to behold he also caused to bee repaired bridges gates waies to furnish many townes with store of money as well to make new buildings in them as to renew the old heerein imitating the example of the emperour Trajan his predecessor who immortalized his name by his publike works and buildings which hee made even in building new townes and ioyning rivers one to another or to the sea by great and deepe channels to aide and make easie the commerce of all countries also in drying up great fennes and marrishes and in laying plaine rocks and mountaines to make fit waies for travailers and in doing other notable workes Such actions as these are meet workes for peaceable times and are honourable and proper to immortalize the name of a prince as to make warre to have victories and triumphs We see that the restauration of good letters which king Francis the first of that name of happie memorie brought into France in his time did more celebrate and make it immortall in the memorie of all Christian nations than all the great warres and victories which his predecessors had And truly princes which love and advance letters doe well merit that learned people should send their honourable memorie to all posterity and such as dispise them and hold them under feete are not worthie that hystoriographers and men of learning should bring their woords and victories into honour and reputation much lesse to immortalize them in the memorie of men For as lawyers say that they ought not to enjoy the benefite of lawes which offend and despise them so the prince which makes no account of learning ought not to enjoy the benefit thereof which is to make immortall generous and vertuous men But if we make comparison of the magnificence and Estate that a prince should Froisar lib. 7 cap. 353. 4. hold in the time of peace and prosperitie with that he should hold during war and povertie there is such difference as betwixt the day and the night for proofe hereof I will alledge but the time of Philip de Valois For wee reade that in that time which was a time of long peace that king had almost ordinarie in his court foure or five kings wich resided with him in regard of his magnificence as the king of Boheme the king of Scotland the king of Arragon the king of Navarre the king of Maiorque many great dukes counties barons prelates the greatest part of whose charges hee defraied that it might appeare that the king of Fraunce was a king of kings It is certaine to maintaine this magnificall and great Estate there must needs follow exceeding great expences but hee might well doe it for his people being ritch and full of peace they had better meanes to furnish and provide for him a crowne than in the time of warre to give him a three halfe pence At that time a king of England passed into France to doe homage unto king Philip for the dutchie of Guienne which the English had long time held of the crowne of France when the English king saw the traine of the court of France hee was ravished in admiration to see so many kings dukes counties barons princes peeres of France constable admirall chancelor marshall and many other great lords which reputed themselves happie to obtaine the good grace of king Philip. This moved the king of England far more easily and in other meanes to doe his homage than he thought to have done and at his returne into England he said on high That he supposed there was neither king nor emperor in the world that held so magnificent and triumphant an Estate as the king of France did Should not we desire to see such a time againe but we are farre from it and take no course thereunto for civile warres cannot bring us unto it but onely a good and holy peace well and inviolably observed by a good reformation of justice and of all estates which was corrupted in France For without it the people can never prosper but shall alwaies bee gnawne and eaten even to the bones and the people beeing poore the king cannot be ritch no neither his nobilitie nor clergie for all the kings revenewes all tallages all the nobilities and clergies rents proceede from the poore people By this which wee have above handled this Maxime of warre is sufficiently understoode I will add no more therunto but that Machiavell shewes himselfe a man of very good grace when he saith That the Italians are a people of nimble light spirits and bodies for hee cannot more properly note them of inconstancie and infidelitie and when afterward he saith That willingly they never go to battails he can not they any better taxe them of cowardise and pusillanimitie but the reason wherby he would seeme to couer this fault is more to be accounted of than the rest For saith he this proceedeth of the little heart cowardise of the captaines as if he said That all Italian captaines are faint hearted cowards which rather discourage than add heart unto their souldiers to fight And heerein I beleeve he saieth truth for so many Italian captaines as wee have seene in France this fifteene yeeres there hath not been one found that hath done any one memorable exploit they can indeede make many vaine and brave shewes and in many subtile stratagems there are found no better warriors but in battailes and assaultes of townes they never by their wills will come as their owne Machiavell beareth them witnesse 2. Maxime To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace and agreement with his adversarie he must commit and use some notable and outragious iniurie against him BEcause sayth Machiavell men are naturally vindicative and desirous Discourse lib. 3. cap. 32. to take vengeance of such as offend them it consequently fals out that they vvhich have outraged or iniured any but especially if the iniurie be great they can never trust him they have so iniured For every man feares and distrusteth his reconciled enemie And therefore to find meanes that a prince may never set his heart and mind upon peace nor reconcile himselfe to any adversarie hee must be persuaded to practise some outragious act upon his said adversarie So by that meanes he will never trust him nor be reconciled with him BEhold heere the very counsell that Achitophel gave to Absalon to make him irreconcilable with David his father and to place a division Samuel lib. 2. cap. 26. and perdurable confusion in all his kingdome For hee advised Absalon to cohabitate and dwell even with his father Davids wives which was the greatest and most villanous injurie that he could have done unto him and to this end he did it that Absalon and all they which followed him might bee utterlie out of hope to make peace with David and by that meanes
that if Sertorius had not been slaine of his own people he had sooner overcome Pompeius than he him Yet Sertorius was but a simple souldier who had neither silver nor treasure he had no authoritie to command neither did any obey him against their wils Spartacus also was but a poore slave which escaping from his master gathered together a great number of people and made strong warre upon the Romanes whom hee many times vanquished And but that Pompeius and Crassus with great armies were greatly busied to hinder his desseignes he had made himselfe master of Italie And was not Cleon another poore slave yet gathered under his conduction an armie of 70 thousand other slaves wherewith he had like to have gotten all Sicilie And Viriatus was but a shepheard on the mountaines of Spaine and gathering together a great number of shepheards and theeves he made infinit worke for the Romanes yet in the end certaine Romane captains sent against him not being able otherwise to overcome him caused him traiterously to be slaine This the Senat found not good but greatly blamed those captains which overcame by so villanous a meane After Viriatus was slaine his people disbanded not but still made warre upon the Romanes insomuch as the Romanes were constrained to give unto them to appease them the towne and territorie of Valence in Spaine to inhabite and so they were satisfied and gave over their armes Of late memorie Philibert de Chaton Prince of Orange Antonie de Leva Andrew Doria the Marquis of Mantua and many others whereof we have spoken in other places which revolted against king Francis the first and did him more hutt than all the forces of the emperour Charles the fift yet were they no great lords in comparison of the king Therefore he which is a wise prince will estimate no enemie to be pettie and little but will guard himselfe from justly offending any man fearing least by that meanes hee procure enemies For enmities will come too fast on a man before hee lookes for them As for that hee saith That the Romanes had colonies in countries which they Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 1. lib 7. Dec. 3. lib. 8. Dec. 4. conquered they did it not to serve their turnes as fortresses in that countrey as Machiavell saith but to disburden the citie of Rome of their too great a multitude of people which were still stirring up rebellions and seditions in their towne as in the time of the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Apuleius The towne saith Titus Livius was brought to a great quiet and tranquilitie by discharging it of a great part of the common people by deduction of colonies which when they were sent into any countrey that the Romanes had conquered the publick and common fields were divided amongst them yet the old inhabitants were not chased away neither were their goods taken from them but only mingled with the Romans goods which dwelt with them in their townes in houses they themselves builded or els which were publicke and conquered to the Roman commonweale The Romans also set up colonies as a multiplication of their race but not to serve them for fortresses in conquered countries and that it was so appears because they erected not colonies in all the countries they conquered no not in the most strongest places but rather in the amplest fattest and fertilest places These said colonies also were no more faithfull unto them than the other subjects but often rebelled as well as others as was seene after the battaile that the Romanes lost at Cannas against Anniball for then twelve Roman colonies revolted from them and entred league with Anniball And it is commonly seene that citizens transported into other countreyes doe incontinent degenerate taking the manners and conditions of the countrie as came to passe in the townes of Alexandria in Aegipt Seleucia in Siria Babilon in Parthia which were colonies of the Macedonians and to the towne of Tarentum a colonie of the Lacedaemonians for all these foresaid townes were straight despoiled of the manners natures and the originall generositie of their nation and became soft effeminate and cowardly as they were into whose countries they were removed A great and memorable calamitie fell to Philip king of Macedonie by removing Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 4. to other places the naturall inhabitants of the maritime and sea townes of his countrey This king fearing to enter into warre with the Romanes because many of his neighbours went to complaine of him to the Senat of Rome thought it good to stand upon his guard and something distrusting the inhabitants of such townes as were nigh the sea hee tooke away from thence the naturall inhabitants and gave them grounds in Emathia to dwell in and in their places planted the inhabitants of Thracia in whom he trusted This caused in all Macedonie a great discontentment for every one saw to their great griefe their ancient poore dislodged carrying their children on their shoulders weeping and lamenting their calamities and making exercations and imprecations against the king that it might so happen to the king and his race to bee driven from his kingdome and countrey The king being advertised of this universall murmuration began to enter into a distrust of every man and especially of the children of certaine gentlemen which hee had caused to die and hee feared that the saide children making use of the peoples discontentment should attempt some enterprise against him and therefore determined to have seased certaine young children of the slaine gentlemen for his better assurance Theoxena the widdow of a great lord which was slaine by the king called Herodicus resolved rather to make die the children of her and her dead husband than that they should come into the hands and power of the king So she resolved to save her-selfe and them at Athens and yet if the worst fell she provided good swords poisons after shee was embarked with her children to obtaine the towne of Athens shee was followed by another boate of the kings people which when shee saw that they rowed with great dilligence to the barke wherein shee was Loe said she my childen you have now no other meanes to shun the tyrannie of king Philip but death which you may see shewing the swords and the poison chuse which you had rather die on either on sharpe whetted swords or to swallow this poison on my children let the eldest shew themselves most hardy and couragious This exhortation persuaded so much that they slew themselves some with swords some with poyson then she caused them all to fall into the water even when they yet had breath and cast her-selfe after them Straight the kings people ioyned to the barke but they found it emptie of the persons they looked for The crueltie of this fact added a new flame of envie and evill will towards the king so that it seemed to every one they heard the infernall furies preparing themselves to bring
upon the king and his race the imprecations which all the world made against him and indeede it came to passe by the just judgement of God that as this poore gentlewoman had caused her owne children to or die so Philip made to dye by poison his lawfull sonne Demetrius a prince of exceeding great towardnesse by the false accusation of Perseus his bastard-sonne After certaine time this king having discovered that by a false accufation he had murdered his owne sonne hee would needes disinherite the bastard Perseus and beeing continually tormented with the shaddow and resemblance of his sonne Demetruis which his conscience alwaies brought before his eies he dyed desperately detesting execrating that wicked Perseus This Perseus then his only sonne which remained to succeede him in his kingdome after a few yeeres raigne was taken prisoner by the Romanes and led in a triumph to Rome where hee miserably dyed in a prison So the imprecations and curses which the poore people chased from their countrey and goods by the king had poured out against him and his race fell upon him and his Is not this an example to make the haires to stand upright on princes heads when men persuades them to dispossesse naturall inhabitants of their countrie and goods yet at this day are there too many Machiavelists which say It is good to chase away the naturall inhabitants of France or at the least from certaine places and corners to people them with some race that is good faithfull and loyall as Italians Lombards yea what wants thereof an Italian colonie in the towne of Lyons for besides that a great part of the inhabitants are Italians and that other people of the countrey conforme themselves by little little to their actions behaviours manner of life and language that scant shall you finde any so vile or paltrie an artisan but hee will studie to speake Italian for these magnificall Machiavelists will give no countenanee nor willingly heare any but such as use their owne language by that meanes seeking to bring credit both to themselves and their tongue The townes also of Paris Marseille Grenoble and many others of France are they not full of Italians 4. Maxime A Prince in a country newly conquered must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great losse in that conquest and altogether root out the blood and the race of such as before governed there MEn saith Machiavell doe vvillingly change their lords thinking Cap. 3. of a Prince to amend themselves and this opinion commonly makes them revolt but most commonly they find themselves deceived seeing by experience themselves in vvorse case than before Wherfore to such such kinds of revoltings a prince ought to take out of the vvay all such as he thinks are displeased vvith the change by any enormious or great losse that hee hath suffered For I am persuaded saith he that all men of good iudgement hold this without doubt that the estate of a prince or commonweale cannot long endure in a countrey unlesse all such be taken away which for some great harme they have sustained by the change are contrarie unto him And herein Lewis the twelfth king of Fraunce dealt not vvisely therefore in as little time lost he the dutchie of Millane as before hee had conquered it For the Milanois found themselves deceived in opinion and frustrated of the advantages and commodities which they looked for at his hands and also could not suffer the proud handling of that new prince here vvas then his fault that he tooke not away all male-contents vvhich suffered losse in the change and especially because hee utterly rooted not out the race of the Sforces But Caesar Borgia did not thus for having occupied Romania of all the lords that he had dispossessed hee left not one alive that he could catch and very few escaped Therefore it is better to follow the example of Borgia than of king Lewis For sometimes it succeeds not vvell to imitate the best men For it vvas domageable to Pertinax and Alexander Severus to imitate the mildnesse and bountie of Marcus Antonius and to Caracalla Commodus and Maximine that they desired to resemble Severus MAchiavell meaning to shew that his purpose tendeth and aimeth onely to instruct a prince in all sorts of tyrannie giveth Dionisius Halic lib. 4. him heere a precept which in old time Thrasibulus the Milesian gave to Periander a tyrant of Corinth by Tarquine the proud king of Rome to Sextus his sonne For Periander having tyrannouslie obtained the domination of the crowne of Corinth where he had no right fearing some conspiration against him sent a messenger to Thrasibulus his great friend to desire his counsell and advice how to bee assured master and lord of Corinth Thrasibulus made him no answere by mouth but commanding the messenger to follow him he went into a field full of ripe corne and taking of the highest eares there the most eminent hee brused them betwixt his hands and wished the messenger to returne to Periander his master saying no more unto him As soone as Periander heard speake of brusing of the most ancient eares of corne hee presently conceiued the meaning thereof to wit to overthrow and take out of the way all the great men of Corinth which suffered any losse and were grieved at the change of the Estate as indeed he did As much did Sextus Tarquinius the sonne of Tarquinius the proud for hee making a countenance of some great discontentment with his father for his great crueltie towards him purposely caused a fame secretly to runne to the Gabinians then his fathers enemies that for his safegard hee would flye unto them if it pleased them to receive him and would bring with him a good troupe of his servants and friends These poore Gabinians not suspecting the intelligence betwixt the father and the sonne sent him word hee should bee very welcome Hee failed not with a good troupe by stealth to goe thither where ariving they welcommed him and because hee gave them to understand that hee would make warre upon his father to revenge the injurie done by his father to him them they elected him their captaine As soone as hee saw his foote in hee secretly sent a messenger to his father to let him understand what command hee had in the towne and to send him word what hee should doe The abovesaid Tarquin led the messenger into a garden where amongst many other hearbs then growne up to seede there were great store of poppie whose highest heads he struck of a pace with a little staffe he had in his hand and made no other answere to the messenger who returning to Gabium told Sextus his fathers actions so as hee well understood what he should doe Then made hee the people understand That Antistius Petra the chiefe lord and magistrate of the Gabinians with certaine of his complices had conspired to deliver him to Tarquin his father either dead or
ordinarily vvhen corrupted nations frequent amongst others for they infect them vvith evill manners And therefore it is that the Almaigne nation remaines so entire and constant in his manners because the Almaignes vvere never curious to trafficke vvith their neighbours nor to dwell in other countries nor to receive strangers into their countrey but alwayes have contented themselves vvith their owne goods nouriture manners and fashion of apparrell insomuch as shunning the frequentation of Spaniards French and Italians vvhich are the three nations of the vvorld most vicious they have not yet learned their customes and corruptions I Have not here set downe this Maxime to say it is not very true For besides the examples we reade in hystories we know it by experience and sight of eye seeing wee see at this day all Fraunce fashioned after the manners conditions and vices of strangers that governe it and have the principall charges and Estates and not onely many Frenchmen are such beasts to conforme themselves to strangers complections but also to gaggle their language and doe disdaine the French tongue as a thing too common and vulgar But if wee well consider this manner of vengeance taught by Machiavell in this Maxime we shall find it is a most detestable doctrine as well for them which practise it as for them against whom it is practised The example even of Capua which Machiavell alledgeth prooveth it For the Capuans in receiving into their towne Annibals armie corrupted Tit. Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. rupted and infected the souldiers of Anniball with all excesse and effeminate wantonnesse also by the same meanes they procured their owne ruine and entire destruction which soone after happened unto them The Persian lords which with their manners corrupted king Alexander the Great did nothing to their owne advauntage Plu. in Alex. For Alexander becomming vicious they got the evill will of the Macedonians which tooke displeasure to see their king corrupted and finally after the death of Alexander which came unto him by his dissolutenesse learned of the Persians these lords had part of the evill lucke whereof they were cause And generally we may see that the corrupters of princes and people take part alwayes in the evill whereof they are cause as in other places we have shewed by many examples of flatterers which have corrupted their princes We Frenchmen may yeeld good witnesse of what account the Italian and Neapolitane nation is by the frequentation wee had with them in the voyage which was made to Naples in the time of king Charles the eight for from thence brought they this disease which at this day is now called the French poxe and that we have ever since kept but yet so as the Italians and Neopolitanes are not exempt therefrom but both the one and the other have part of that corruption Breefely we ought to detest and hate this wicked doctrine of Machiavell and reject all vengeance and follow S. Paules lesson who commands us to converse with good people and of good manners because the conversation of the wicked not onely corrupteth good manners but also soweth those that are wicked And as for that which Machiavell saith of the Almaignes wee know and see the frequentation of the Almaignes in France and yet till this present we have not seene that they have yet gathered corruption of manners And whereas he sets downe the French nation amongst such as are most corrupted we cannot denie it but we may well say That the doctrine of Machiavell the frequentation of them of his nation are cause of the greatest and most detestable corruption which is at this day in Fraunce For of whome have the Frenchmen learned and knowne atheisme sodomie trecherie crueltie usurie and such other like vices but of Machiavell and of them of his nation So that they may brag that they are well revenged of the warres which our auncestors have made in Italie 6. Maxime It is folly to thinke that with princes and great lords new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences CAEsar Borgia saith Machiavel during the life of Pope Alexander Cap. 7. Of Princes Discourse lib. 3. cap. 4. the sixt his father usurped the domination of Romania which is a land belonging to the Church and vvas called duke de Valentinois In making those usurpations in favour of the Pope his father he offended many Cardinals and amongst others the Cardinall of Saint Peter ad vincula yet after he consented that hee should bee elected Pope after the death of Alexander his father vvhereof hee soone repented For this new Pope called Iulius the eleventh straight be took himselfe to armes to recover that vvhich Borgia had usurped although he had favoured him in his election vvhich hee should never have done nor suffered any election of a Pope vvhich vvas his enemie For saith he new pleasures never makes men forget old iniuries and offences and therefore Borgia which in all other things had governed vvell committed a foule fault in the creation of Iulius and himselfe delivered the mean of his finall destruction The same fault cōmitted Servius Tullius king of the Romanes in giving his two daughters in marriage to two Tarquins vvhich quarrelled for the crowne and vvhich thought that Tullius vvould usurpe it upon them For not only this alliance extinguished the envie and rancour vvhich they had to Servius but that which is more it caused one of the daughters to enterprise to sley her owne father IF seemeth that this which Machiavell telleth of Borgia boweth something from the truth of the hystorie For Sabellicus writeth That during the election of Pope Iulius the eleventh Borgia was shut up in the Popes tower to be safe and guarded by his enemies So there was no likelyhood that a man brought into such an extremitie as to hide himselfe and be shut up in prison for the great multitude of enemies which hee had procured should have such great credit in the Popes election But suppose it was true that Borgia helped Pope Iulius to the Popedome and that Pope Iulius was unthankfull for that benefit for the remembrance that he had of the old and ancient injuries that Borgia had sometimes done him what followes hereof That all great lords will alwayes doe the like will some Machiavelist answer and that therefore they ought not to bee trusted Is not here a goodly doctrine for a prince Breefely it is Machiavels mind to teach a prince to trust in no lord which hee hath once offended and againe that none which hath made a fault or offended him shall any more trust him whatsoever reconciliation peace concord amitie pleasure and good offices may happen since the offence Here behold a most wicked and detestable doctrine to say That an offence ought to take so deepe root in the heart of the offended that by no pleasures services or other meanes it can be rased out But Machiavell seemeth something excusable to maintaine this Maxime for according to
the honour of his nation vengeances and enmities are perpetuall and irreconcilable and indeed there is nothing wherein they take greater delectation pleasure and contentment than to execute a vengeance insomuch as whensoever they can have their enemie at their pleasure to be revenged upon him they murder him after some strange barbarous fashion and in murdering him they put him in remembrance of the offence done unto them with many reprochfull words and injuries to torment the soule and the body together and sometimes wash their hands and their mouthes with his blood and force him with hope of his life to give himselfe to the divell and so they seeke in slaying the bodie to damne the soule if they could God by his grace keepe all countries but especially England which alreadie is so spotted with other vices and with the doctrine that Machiavell teacheth and which they of his nation practise that they be not soiled and infected with that immortall and irreconcilable vengeance For how should it be possible that any man should be without infinit quarels and continual and ordinarie batteries and murders yea with parents and friends and with al other persons with whom he hath any frequentation if offences may never be blotted out but by vengeance Every one may well know by experience that they which are amongst themselves great friends and familiars yet commit offences one to another and sometimes have great stirres despights and contentions amongst them But must men as soone as they receive any offence at the hand of a parent friend or of any other forget and blot out all amitie Christian and brotherly charitie towards his neighbour and to pardon no faults but seeke the ruin of him that offendeth us Surely this is not onely farre from all Christian pietie but also from all humanitie and common sence yea brute beasts which have no reason are not so unreasonable Irreconcilable vengeance contrary to natural right for a dog which we have offended will be appeased with a piece of bread yea will fawne upon him which beat him and as much will an horse do and an oxe which hath ben pricked and beaten when hey is given them and as for such as say that vengeance is lawfull by right of nature are greatly deceived as the beasts named before doe shew True it is that nature teacheth man and all living creatures to put backe violence with violence when a man is upon the act and instant it selfe when as violence is inferred but it teacheth not that after the act of violence outrage is committed a man ought to seeke vengeance to put backe that violence outrage for this is not to repell and repulse injurie which already being received cannot be repulsed but rather to inferre a new injurie violence withall that naturall right To repulse violence with violence it must be understood with reason equal moderation that is to say That such right hath place when by no other mean in any other sort we can shun the violence which is offered unto us And indeed the brute beasts themselves shew us we must so use it for you shall not see a wolfe nor a swine seeke to put backe the violence offered him whilest they have place enough to flie and that they be not brought to a strait and therfore it is a beastly ignorance to colour that detestable vice of vengeance by the right of nature for it is cleane contrarie and especially to the irreconcilable vengeance whereof Machiavell speaketh which he saith cannot be defaced nor forgotten by new pleasures But I doe well know that some Machiavelist will replie upon this doctrine that Machiavell speaketh onely of princes and great lords unto whom he saith That new pleasures cannot extinguish old injuries and that hereunto accordeth that which Homer saith A mightie king that angry is against one lesse than he Hom. Iliad lib. 1. Can hide full deepe in spightfull heart that hard it is to see His fierce and angry wrathfull mood till he espies his time Revenge to take according to the greatnesse of the crime But let the case be so that the wrath and irritations of great princes and lords dwell longer in their hearts than in other persons of lesse qualitie as the meaning of Homer seemes to be hereof it followeth not that a prince is implacable and that he cannot be appeased by any pleasures or services It seemes that Homer noted no other thing in the particular natures of kings and great lords but that they knowe how for a time to dissemble despights and offences perpetrated against them and can attend opportunitie to revenge them a thing very true and that wee see often practised But it is farre from Homer to say that kings and princes cannot be appeased by pleasures and good services that may bee done unto them after the offence yea in humiliating and reconciling themselves to them Homer speakes here of cholericke kings which are not masters of themselves not being able to command their passions and affections which raigne in them and which doe darken their reason and judgement such as was king Agamemnon of whom he especially spoke in the place above alledged For many good and wise kings and princes are seene which Good princes encline to pardon can so well make their passions and affections obey reason that not onely their wise judgement never suffereth that a desire after perpetuall vengeance shall take root in their hearts but rather will not leave in their memorie the offences that are done them but will forget and pardon them of their owne motion before any pardon be demanded for their wisedome judgeth that those passions of vengeance besides that they doe but torment and make leane the heart of a prince are altogether contrarie to the principall vertue which ought to shine in a prince as clemencie gentlenesse and goodnesse a vertue making a princes estate pleasing and assured which ought principally to shine in privat offences as justice ought especially to shine in publicke offences as shall be spoken more at large in another place although even in publicke offences it is sometimes requisit for the publicke good and utilitie that the prince use clemencie and forgetfulnesse To this purpose is very regardable the opinion that in the Senat that great and Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 3. wise person Quintus Fabius Maximus held When the Romanes begun to get up and reprosper after their ruine at Cannas many of their allies which had revolted to Anniball profered to come to them againe Amongst others there was one Classius Altinius Arpinus who came to Rome and made the Senat understand That he had meanes to bring the towne of Arpos where he inhabited into their hands The matter comming to deliberation in the Senate some argued That it was not good to trust in this Altinius nor in any other Arpinois seeing they had violated their faith by revolting unto Anniball and that it were
a new evill deed and in your prosperitie handle not as enemies them which in your adversitie you elected for friends The people saith Titus Livius were much moved by the ancient merit of the Caerites rather to forget the new fault than the old benefit and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence peace and remission of their offences was accorded unto them The same moderation of minde used Francis the first of that name of good memorie towards the inhabitants of Rochell in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie against certaine of the kings officers about the impost of Salt but acknowledging Du Bello lib 9. of his Coment their fault they humbled themselves before that good king demanding pardon which hee granted in an oration with a grave and discreet admonishment very worthie such a king and Christian prince in these words My good subjects and friends for such may I well call you since you acknowledge your faults the office and dutie of subjects is so great towards their prince that they which faile in that dutie commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater nor more punishable for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow For every estate of The publick estate lieth in wel commanding wel obeying a well instituted monarch and commonweale consisteth in two points namely in the just commandement of the prince or superiors and in the loyall obedience of subiects If either of these want it is as much as in thelife of a man the separation of the bodie and of the soule for in man life can no longer endure than the soule desisteth to command and governe the body and that the body desisteth from obeying the soule God grant mee grace that I may not faile in the commandement which hee hath given mee over you which I doe acknowledge to hold of him as a thing whereof I must make account unto him and although according to that command I have over you I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince to prefer mercy and clemencie before the rigour of justice but especially towards such as repent and demand pardon I pardon you with a good heart seeing likewise that I know you are children of good fathers whose fidelitie hath beene many times experimented by my predecessors I had rather forget your new misdeede than your ancient merits I hope also that from henceforth you will as willingly bee enclined to obey mee as my naturall inclination is to pardon you I will not doe to you as the emperour did to them of Gaunt which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadell defiled his hands with their bloud My hands thanks bee to God are Crueltie takes love from subjects to their princes cleare from the bloud of my subjects and indeede hee lost the hearts and amitie of his subjects by shedding their bloud but I hope that my mercie and clemency shall confirme your hearts love towards me your king who kindly handleth you as a good father and that if you and your predecessors have beene in times past good and faithfull subjects you will bee much better heereafter I pray you forget this offence which is happened and for my part I will not remember it at any time of my life I pray you also bee as good subjects as you have heeretofore beene and I hope God will give mee grace to bee better towards you than I have beene God our Lord and creatour pardon you and I doe heartely forgive you all you have done without excepting any thing At this word proceeding from so magnificall and generous a king all the Rochelois began to weepe for joy and crying Vive le Roy they prayed God to conserve in all prosperitie so good a king so kind and mercifull Then upon the kings commandement all the bells of Rochell were rung all their gunnes were shot off and bonefires made in signe of great rejoycing And so much there wants that good princes have beene enclined to vengeance that contrary the principallitie it selfe makes them forget all affection of vengeance Spartian in Adrian that they had before as wee reade of the emperour Adrian who being come to the empire forgot all his former enmities insomuch as one day soone after he Ascending unto honor is descending from vengeance came to the empire encountring a capitall enemie of his hee said unto him Thou art escaped King Lewis the twelfth before hee was king being but duke of Orleance had many troubles For in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor his enemies Annales upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner but hee saved himselfe in Bretaigne whither hee was persecuted with an army and battaile was given him and the duke of Bretaigne who tooke his part at S. Aubin where the kings armie got the victorie and the said duke of Orleance were taken prisoners led to the castle Luzignen and from thence brought to the great towre of Bourges After all this there was a concorde amongst them and the said duke came to the crowne Being king they which followed him into Bretaigne and to other places during his adversitie persuaded him to bee revenged of such as had made warre upon him at the kings command and they shewed unto him that the cause of his then persecution came not by king Charles his motion who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governours such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille and others But that good king Lewis shaped them this answere worthie of so gentle and christian a king that could command his choler and passions Nay saith hee a king of France may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleance King Phillip the hardie a gentle prince a lover of peace and very easie to graunt Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon The countie de Foix in his time rebelled but at the request of a sonne in law of the countie this good king pardoned him his fault and gave him againe certaine land which hee caused to bee seized and moreover made him knight and at Court retained him into his service This is far from nourishing enemies and perpetuall vengeance as Machiavell teacheth But heere might I accumulate and heape up many other examples of Caesar Augustus Traian Marcus Antonius Constantine Charlemaine S. Lewis Charles le sage Alexander the great of Sirus and generally of all the good princes which ever have beene all which were endowed with that excellent vertue of clemencie and were farre from all vengeance But these I have recited I hope may serve sufficientlie to shew by good reasons and notable examples that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance is unseemely and unworthie a good prince And as for the examples wherewith Machiavell serves himselfe they bee but examples of tyrants and such as were of no account and of
man guards himselfe from them as from a furious beast and the first that can get him at advantage thinkes he doth good to the common weale when he riddeth him from the world yea each man watcheth to catch him in his snare Therefore no man will give a prince so dangerous and so detestable counsell as to use Borgia for a pattern of imitation unles he would carry him unto the top and fulnesse of all wickednesse and cruell tyrannie which seemeth to bee the end whereat Machiavell aimeth as wee shall see more at large heereafter But whereas Borgea saith hee caused the head to bee taken from Messier Romiro Dorco the executioner of his crueltie I confesse it was true and avow that he did well therein For if Messier Romiro would excuse himselfe and say that his master Borgia commanded him to doe such cruell executions that were no good excuse because hee should rather have forsaken his estate and goverment than to commit cruelties without any forme of justice against the law of God and reason The civile lawes themselves willeth that none should obey his prince when hee commandeth any massacre or unjust slaughter till thirtie daies bee past after the command that in the meane time either their friends or the magistrate may persuade the prince to pacifie his choller and to hearken unto reason And because the law hereupon made by the emperours Gratian Thesiodus and Valentinian is worthie to be marked I doe thus translate it If it happen that heereafter say they wee command any rigorous vengeance contrarie to our accustomed manner against any we will not that straight they suffer punishment nor that our command be straight way executed but that the execution surcease the space of thirtie daies and that in the meane time the magistrate keepe the prisoner safely Given at Verone the fifteenth of the kalends of September in the yeere of the consulship of Antonius and Syagrius It is then seene by this law that Messier Romiro was justly punished as a man too prompt and forward to execute crueltie And if this law had been well observed in France there had not beene found so many and such rash massacres but the commonwealth had beene in farre better estate and the meanes of peace more facile and easie Moreover the prince which will propose one man alone as his patterne and exemplar True patterns which a prince ought to propose to imitate to imitate hee shall finde many which have beene as vertuous as Caesar Borgia was vicious But seeing the greatest and most excellent persons at all times were ever men that is to say not every way absolute but defectuous and vicious some way it is best therefore that a prince doe adict himselfe to imitate all vertuous men in generall and each of them in their particular vertues As if wee speake of heathen princes hee may propose to imitate the clemencie of Iulius Caesar in using his victorie for hee ever simply contented himselfe to vanquish without crueltie and with out bloodshed as farre as hee could Hee may propose to follow the moderation of Augustus Caesar in the government of the commonweale and his dilligence to establish peace in the whole Romane empire For he never omitted any thing which might bee a meane to bring all the world to peace and tranquilitie after the civile warres and he managed the commonweale with such moderation as it seemed rather a civile government than a monarchie He had also another vertue well worthie of imitation for he was a good justicer and himselfe not only dealt in making laws and ordinances according to the rules of justice but also he himselfe often heard mens causes and judged them their right hee was also a lover of learned men and of knowledge and greatly rewarded them and these vertues of Augustus were fit for a prince to imitate The bountie and lenity of Traianus the love of peace in Pius the deepe wisedome the humanitie and facilitie to pardon and the love and studie of good letters in Marcus Antonine are also worthie vertues for a prince to follow But without any longer stay upon Paynim princes which had not the knowledge of Christian religion a prince shall finde sufficient to imitate yea and not to goe farther than the kings of France Charlemaine was as generous and victorious as ever was Caesar yet besides this hee was very liberall towards good people a prince continent gentle facile to pardon enemies and endowed with a singular pietie and feare of God For hee caused ordinarily the Bible and S. Augustine to be read unto him and nourished poore people in his pallace which sometimes served himselfe at the table Saint Lewis was a good and wise king fearing God and a good justicer for hee often sent into all his provinces commissaries to bee informed of the abuses covetousnesse and rapines of magistrates and caused them which were found faultie to bee well punished Wee reade one thing of him not unworthie to be remembred That one day as hee was praying unto God reciting certaine petitions of the psalmes of David fit for that action one comes sodainely unto him to desire a pardon for one that had committed a fault which was death by law hee as sodainely graunted it but straight falling into a verse of the psalme which saith Beati qui faciunt Iustitiam in omni tempore Blessed are they which doe justice at all times hee immediately called him againe unto whom hee had graunted the said pardon and revoked it with this notable sentence That the prince which may punish a crime and doth it not is as culpable himselfe as hee that committed it and that it is a worke of pietie and not of crueltie to doe justice Besides he was very chast far from all lubricitie and never thirsted after revenge Charles le Sage was a very benigne and humble prince who did nothing but by well digested counsell without rashnesse loving the good and safetie of his subjects hee was also a prince that very much feared God he tooke great delight in reading the Bible and would his people should reade it and to that end he caused it to bee translated into French The Prince then which will determine with himselfe onely to imitate those three kings in the aforesaid vertues certainely hee shall have for himselfe a true pattern and example such as Christian prince ought to have and not to propose to himselfe this bastard priests sonne who was a very monster and an exemplar of all wickednesse I name him a bastard because according to the divine and civile law hee was not legitimate although by the cannon law the Pope may legitimate priests bastards and by consequent his owne as hath beene above touched Yet notwithstanding this question is not without doubt whether the Pope can legitimate his owne bastards Question if the pope can legitimate his owne children and the reason of the doubt is because the doctors of law hould That legitimation is
first belongeth to the Counsell properly yet the Pope beareth them both in his armes without the key of knowledge they say the other is not to bee accounted of neither can in any sort open the gate of Paradice for the doubtfull crookes and bendings of the inward parts of the locke and the hidden bolts thereof which cannot be opened but by the key of knowledge insomuch as seeing the Counsell holdeth the principall key it followeth that it is greater master than the Pope These are in summe the cheefe arguments of these doctors that I remember at this present But besides these arguments there is also a practise held in that cause as well by all princes as universities which have ordinarily judged and practised that the Counsell is above the Pope As in the time of king Philip le bel the fourth of that name Pope Boniface the eight Annal. upon Anno 12â—6 Monst lib. 1. cap. 67. made a Decretall whereby he generally forbad all emperours kings and princes of Christendome to levie any tribute upon the cleargie upon paine of a present excommunication without any other commissance or declaration The king because this was against his priviledges by the advice of his Counsell the prelates of his countrey and the facultie of Theologie of Paris appealed from the Pope as inferior to the first future Counsell as superior Likewise in the time of Pope Alexander the fift who would needs levie tenthes upon the French cleargie it was resolved by all the universitie of Paris likewise to appeale from him and his bull to the first generall Counsell And to be short appellations have been common from the Pope as inferior to the Counsell as superior And indeed the doctors in Theologie hold all determinately this Theorique That the Counsell is greater than the Pope yea some Theologians have gone so farre as to say that men may well be without the Pope By the abovesaid discourse is seene that our masters of Theologie have desired to circumscribe the infinite plenitude of the Popes power by giving him a master and a superior namely the Counsell to keepe him within his limits But I finde his power cut much shorter by other means and first upon this generall rule The Pope 1. Limit of the Popes power may doe all they adde a condition and moderation thus Clave non errante Provided that the key doe not erre This is a moderation right pleasant which comprehendeth as much or more than the rule it selfe For if you will search the bulls ordinances and dispositions of the Pope you shall not find one which containeth not some derogation from law and right which derogation repugnancie from right the Pope doth by vertue of his power and because it so pleaseth him So that according to the said condition laid downe by the divines we may well say such bulls are of no value because they containe an error in law against which the Pope hath no strength according to that saying Clave non errante Likewise by the same moderation and restriction it may be said that a great part of the Cannons and Decretals are nothing worth because they are derogatorie from the divine law or equitie and naturall reason or els because by these Cannons and Decretals there is added to the holy Scripture which God hath forbidden The key then of Popes beeing thus falsified in so many sorts and manners as every day it is there can little good remain in any thing the Pope hath ever done or yet doth but all or the most part shal be nothing for want of power which is the greatest nullitie that is There is yet another restriction or exception from the foresaid rule which Saint 2. Limitation Thomas de Aquin maintaineth firmly stoutly that is He saith That the Pope may do all things but except that he can make no new articles of the Faith This is an exception which stretcheth far and wide much diminisheth the infinit power of the Pope For if it be true that he can make no new articles of faith it followeth that we ought not to beleeve nor give credit to any thing the Pope hath invented himselfe and so we ought simply to hold our selfe to the word of God and not to looke to any additions subtractions nor multiplications of the Pope Wherefore by Thomas his limitation what precepts soever are added to the Decalogue as this Dominicis diebus missas audito On Sundaies heare Masses and such like are utterly to be rejected And generally all that the Popes have ordained which is contrarie or in any manner repugnant from any place of holy Scripture must be cast off as a new article of the faith For we must as well in deed as with the mouth confesse and beleeve all that is contained in the old and new Testament and all the verses generally of the whole Bible ought to bee unto us so many articles of the Faith although there are some more principall and necessarie than others insomuch as all the Popes doctrine which repugneth the least verse of the Scripture is to be rejected as a new article of the faith by the said exception of S. Thomas Besides the two foresaid limitations there is yet another very common amongst 3. Limitation the Theologians and Cannonists For herein do they agree That an hereticke Pope hath no power nor ought to have any obedience yeelded unto him This hath often served for a meane to cut off and to limit the Popes power For ever when he waxed too wild furious and troublesome to the world then would they cast him this bone to knaw on to say Thou art an hereticke and so was hee often abandoned so that none made any account of him as it happened to Pope Benedict of Avignon successor of Clement the sixt For this Benedict sent buls to the king of France whereby he flatly excommunicated the king and all his realme because the king would not suffer silver to goe out of France into Avignon The abovesaid king had his recourse to the Vniversitie of Paris and especially to our masters of the facultie of Theologie which straight concluded and resolved That Pope Benedict was an heretick unworthie the name of a Pope and that men ought not to obey him his bulls being of no value as granted by one without all power and therefore according to that resolution the said buls were rent and torne in pieces and all obedience denied the Pope You may demaund why this Pope was called an hereticke I answere that I know not for our hystorians have not set downe in what articles of the Faith he erred And it may be that of purpose they imposed the name of an hereticke and not because he was so for he knew nothing of the Scriptures neither knew he what the name of an hereticke meant yet for such was hee accounted and pronounced although he knew no Theologie nor had ever seene any thing of the Bible but onely
great care to see himselfe in reputation to be cruell so that thereby he maintaine his people in a faithfull union and obedience For the cruell and rigorous executions of a prince doe but privately hurt certaine particulars which ought not to be feared and the two great lenitie of a pitifull prince is the cause of infinit evils which grow up and engender in their kingdomes as murderes thefts and other like Insomuch as a man may well say that a pitifull prince is cause of more evills than a cruell prince The example of the emperour Severus may serve vs for proofe heereof for hee was very cruell and by his crueltie overcame Albinus Niger the most part of their friends so wrought himselfe a peaceable empire which hee long time held beeing well obeyed and reverenced of all the world I Have heeretofore shewed how Caesar Borgia by his crueltie obtained for enemies almost all the potentates of Italie and thereby so well assured his estate that incontinent as his father was dead he was invironed with enemies destitute of friends despoiled of the lands he had usurped and constrained to hide himselfe to save his life This tragicall issue accordeth not very well with that which Machiavell heere maintaineth saying Bâ—rgia was erected by the credit of his father not by his crueltie That the crueltie of Borgia was the cause that hee got the peaceable domination of Romania For to say truth it was not his crueltie which easilie might have beene resisted Borgia of himselfe beeing without power but it was the favour and feare of the pope his father who commanded the French powers and made himselfe feared of all christian princes For at that time men feared more the popes simple buls than at this day they feare either the keies of S. Peter or the sword of S. Paul which hee said hee had or all his fulminations excommunications agravations reagravations interdicts anathematizations or all the forces and meanes hee can make And who would make account of all those at this day seeing even the Romanes themselves make but a mocke of them But in the time of Alexander Borgia yea in the time of Pope Iulius the eleaventh his successor all that the Pope would and ordained was held of christian princes for an ordinance as from the mouth of God yea even when the Pope ordained things manifestly wicked as when Iulius delivered as a prey the whole kingdome of France and the lands of the kings allies For the king of England of Arragon and the emperour Maximilian beleeved all that it was a sufficient cause to set upon the king and his allies and that it was even as an expresse commandement of God The world then and even princes being then overtaken with that beastly superstition and follie wee neede not bee abashed that Caesar Borgia had the meanes to possesse Romania under the shadow and favour of the Pope his father that with the aide of the king of France and it was plainly seene that that good hap to subjugate Romania proceeded from favour and not from crueltie as Machiavell saith because as soone as that favour ceased all his case was overthrowne and it was straight seene that his utter ruine arived as is said I doe then maintaine cleane contrary from the Maxime of Machiavell and say That crueltie is a vice which ordinarily bringeth â—o princes the ruine of them their estates and that clemencie and gentlenes is the true meanes to maintaine and establish a prince firme and assured in his estate For proofe heereof reasons are cleare and manifest for wee call crueltie all executions which are committed upon men their lands and goods without any forme of justice or against all right and equitie heereupon it followeth that as violence is directly contrarie to right and equitie so also is crueltie and that crueltie is no other thing but manifest violence But according to the Maximes even of philosophers No violent thing can endure So it followeth that an estate founded upon cruelty cannot long endure Moreover crueltie is alwaies hated of every one for although it bee not practised upon all particulars but upon some onely yet they upon whom it is not exercised cease not to feare when they see it executed upon their parents friends allies and neighbours But the feare of paine and punishment engendreth hatred for one can never love that whereof hee feares to receive evill especiallie when there is a feare of life losse of goods and honours which are the things wee hold most precious and of that which wee hate wee by the same meanes desire the losse and entier ruine and search out procure and advance it with all our power But it is impossible when all a people shooteth at one same marke that a tyrant or cruell prince for all is one can long endure or that hee can doe so much as there shall not arive unto him some disastre or evill fortune And if sometimes it please God to suffer him to live long it is to cause him to take the higher leap that in the end hee may have the sorer fall As wee see it well painted in poets tragoedies where many tyrants are seene which enduring long time have done no other thing during the space of their life but knit cordes fasten gallowes in some imminent places whet swords and daggers temper poisons for afterward to drinke the poison to stab the dagger in their bosomes or hang themselves on the gibet in the sight of all the world which laughing and mocking them say it is well employed we must not say that such tragoe dies are but poeticall fictions for hystories are full of such tragicall ends of tyrants which have delighted to shed their subjects bloud and to handle them cruellie Cruell people are commonly cowards This vice of crueltie proceeding from the weaknesse of such as can not command their choller and passions of vengeance and suffer themselves to bee governed by them never happened in a generous and valiant heart but rather alwaies in cowardly and fearefull hearts Therfore when one day one advertised the emperour Mauricius that the captaine Phocas entended and wrought evill against him and another maintained that he was but a coward and too fearefull to bring any thing to passe the emperour Mauricius answered So much the more ought I to take heed for those cowardly and fearefull people when they enterprise a crueltie and that they have advantage they can never hold any measure therein And this vice of crueltie saith Marcellinus may be called the ulcer of the soule proceeding of Amian Mar. lib. 27. feeblenesse of the mind and cowardise of the heart And therefore sicke and diseased people are more chollericke than they that are in health and miserable and desperate men more than they which are at their ease and contented And hereupon saith Marcellinus that the cause why Valentinian was a cruell man came because of the choller which
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
because it is said in Ecclesiasticus chap. 10. Initium omnis peccati superbia that is Pride is the beginning and root of all sinne All men may then argue from this place Then is not dame covetousnesse But the answere hereunto is that there are three manner of covetousnesse that is of Honor of Riches and of Carnall delectation but the first kind comprehendeth pride ergo c. This covetousnesse also of honor comprehendeth vain-glorie wrath hatred envie insomuch as hee that is spotted with this kind of covetousnesse is enflamed with vaine-glorie and angrie against his lord whose place and domination he would gladly occupie and moreover hateth and envieth him And al these crimes together which proceed from covetousnesse when they are committed against his prince are called Treason which is the greatest crime that can bee Thus much for the first point of my theme That dame Covetousnesse is the root of all evils The second point is That she maketh them become disloyall for with a desire to dominier they enterprise against their lord whereas they should be loiall unto him as I shall shew hereafter by many goodly places But as is fit to shew my lord of Bourgoignes justification I will take that place of dame Covetousnesse which I have alleadged for my Major and after I will come to my Minor and so to the Conclusion For proofe then of my Maior I wil note and propose eight principall Verities by manner of a foundation out of which I will inferre eight Conclusions as it were correlatives the better to ground the justification of Monsieur de Bourgoigne The first Veritie is That every subject and vassale which upon covetousnesse enterpriseth against the corporall health of his king and soveraigne lord to take away his most noble seignorie committeth the horrible crime of treason and is worthie of double death that is of the first and of the second I prove it because every disloyall subject and vassale against his soveraigne sinneth mortally Ergo c. Also I prove it by S. Gregorie who sayth thus Tyrannus est proprie qui non Dominus reputatur non iuste principatur aut non principatu decoratur That hee is a tyrant which is not the true Lord or which ruleth not justly or which is not honoured by his principalitie Also I prove it by S. Iohn the Evangelist who saith Qui vivit non morietur nec laedetur à morte secunda that is to say That he that shall have victorie upon lady Covetousnesse and her three daughters Ire Hatred and Envie shall not need to feare the second death namely eternall damnation The second Veritie is that in the aforesaid case wherein the subject or vassale is worthie of double death yet the vassale is more to be punished than the simple subject and a baron more than a simple vassale and a countie more than a baron and a duke more than a countie and a kings allie more than a stranger I prove it because the obligation of a duke or the kings kinsman towards the king is by many degrees greater than of a countie baron or of a vassale Ergo then the punishment must be in an higher degree And that my consequence is good I prove it because the degrees of obligations and prerogatives doe correspond and fully answer to the degrees of the punishment and so as they are greater so ought the punishment to be greater as I have before alledged out of S. Gregorie Cum crescunt dona crescunt rationes donorum As gifts encrease so ought the reasons of gifts that is obligations to doe I prove also my said Veritie by another argument It is a greater scandale that a duke or the kings allie should goe about to take away the kings seignorie than if it were a poore subject Ergo then the punishment ought to bee greater seeing the scandale is greater Thirdly I prove my said Veritie because there is a greater perill of a great man than of a little therefore the remedie of punishment ought to be greater to withdraw great men from yeelding and obeying the enemie of mankind and dame Covetousnesse The third Veritie is That in the case aforesaid when the vassale committeth treason meriting double death then is it lawfull for every subject according to the lawes morall naturall and divine to kill without any command that traitour and disloyall tyrant and it is not onely lawfull but also honourable and meritorious I prove this veritie by twelve reasons in the honour of holy Theologie The first of a doctor which upon the second booke of the master of Sentences sayth Qui ad liberatioonem patriae tyrannum occidit praemium accipit facit opus laudabile meritorium That is He which sleyeth a tyrant to deliver his countrey receiveth a reward and doth a laudable and a meritorious worke The second authoritie is taken out of that excellent doctor Salceber in his book of Policraton who saith Amico adulari non licet sedaurem Tyranni mulcere licitum est quia ei licet adulari quem licet occidere that is It is not lawfull for any to flatter his friend but with faire words he may wel bring a tyrant asleepe for it is lawfull to kill him The third authoritie is of many doctors in Theologie all which I set downe but for one that I may not exceede the number of three namely of Richard de Mivile Alexander de Halles and Astensis which hold the foresaid conclusion And for a greater confirmation I adde hereunto the authoritie of S. Peter who sayth Subditi estote Regi quasi praecellenti that is Let each man obey his king as the most excellent and soveraign My three second reasons of the twelve are founded upon the authoritie of three morrall philosophers The first Licitum laudabile est cuilibet subditorum occidere tyrannum that is It is lawfull praiseworthie for every man to sley a tyrant The second authoritie is from the noble morallist Tully who sayth in his Offices That they which killed Iulius Caesar were worthie of praise because he had usurped the seignorie of Rome by tyrannie The third authoritie is out of Boccace who sayth That men may well conspire and employ armes against a tyrant and that it is a thing most holy and necessarie that a tyrant ought not to be called king nor prince and that there cannot be a more pleasanter sacrifice than the bloud of a tyrant After these authorities alledged out of Theologians and Moralists I come now to the authoritie of Legists And because I am not a Lawyer it sufficieth me to speake the sentence of the lawes without alledging them for in all my life I never studied the cannon and civile law but two years and that was twentie yeares agoe so that I could learne but a little and might easily forget that little by the length of time since I learned it The first authoritie out of the civile law is That it is lawfull to kill
forsakers of knighthood but who can more forsake knighthood than he which forsakes his king who is the chiefe of all knighthood The second authoritie is That it is lawfull to kill theeves and robbers by high wayes It is lawfull then to kill a tyrant which continually watcheth and intendeth the death of his soveraigne lord I come now to three authorities of the holy Scripture The first is that of Moses who without authoritie slew the Aegyptian who tyrannized over the people of Irael For at that time Moses had not the authoritie of a judge over the people of Israel which was delivered unto him nigh fortie yeares after that he had slaine the Aegyptian The second authoritie is the example of Phineas who without any commandement slew the duke Zambry because he allied him selfe by carnall love with a Sarracene woman whereupon Phineas was commended and reverenced in three things in love honour and riches The third authoritie is that of S. Michael the archangell who without the commandement of God or any other fought against the tyrant Lucifer so disloyall to God his soveraigne who went about to usurpe the seignorie of God The said S. Michael was favourably rewarded in three things that is in honour love and riches in love because God loved him more than any other Angell in honour because God made him a perpetuall prince of the heavenly hoast in riches because God gave him riches as much as he desired or could carrie away so it appeareth that my third Veritie is well proved by twelve reasons in the name of the twelve Apostles of which reasons three are taken from the holy Theologians three from Moralists and three from Legists and the three last from the holy Scripture and they goe alwaies from three to three My fourth Veritie is this It is more meritorious and honourable that a tyrant be slaine by the kings parents than by a stranger and by a duke than by a countie and by a barron than by a simple vassale because therein shineth more the love obedience of the sleyer and is more honourable to the king to be revenged of a great man than a base and meane man My fift Veritie is That alliances promises othes or confederations ought not to be kept if for keeping them there come any prejudice to the prince or to the commonweale but to keep them is to do against the morall naturall and divine lawes I proove this Veritie by thus arguing Whensoever two contrarie obligations are concurrent a man must keepe and observe the greatest and breake the least But in this case the bond unto the prince and commonwealth is greater than any other promise or consideration Ergo then wee must observe the obligation towards the prince and commonwealth and breake all other obligations othes and confederations Also in arguing thus Whensoever a man doth a thing better than that which he sweares to do he is not perjured in doing that better thing omitting that thing which he swore to doe as expressely the master saith of Sentences in the last of the third but in this propounded case it is better to kill a tyrant although a man have sworne not to kill him than to let him live as hath been above shewed Ergo then it is no perjurie nor evill done to sley a tyrant against his sworne promise alliance or confederation that he hath with him Also Isiodorus in his booke of soveraigne good sayth That wee must not observe an oth whereby a man shall bee forced rashly to commit an evill but in our case a man shall bee forced to an evill by such a promise and oth Ergo he must then not observe it The sixt Veritie is That if so it happen that the alliances othes or confederations turne to the prejudice of one of the promisers hee is in nothing bound to keep them This veritie is prooved in thus arguing The end of every commaundement is charitie as the Apostle saith but the cheefe charitie beginneth at our selves Ergo the commandement to observe the faith and promise ought not to bee observed if it be contrarie to the charitie which we ought to have towards our selves according to that which is said of the Cannonists Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Hee that breakes faith faith ought to be broken to him againe Also in all promises that are made every man must include If it please God But certaine it is it pleaseth not God that we should do any thing against the law and order of charitie Ergo c. The seventh Veritie is That to every subject it is lawfull honourable and meritorious to kill a tyrant by deceits speculations and dissimulations I proove it first by the authoritie of the morall philosopher Boccace above alledged Also by the example of king Iehu who dissembled to approve the service of Baal to trap the sacrificers for which he was praised Also by the example of Ioiada who by treason caused Athalia to be slaine for which he was praised Also of Iudith who slew Holofernes by dissimulation whereupon she is praised And this is the fittest death for tyrants to die on that is to be slaine villanously by watchings and espiements The eight Truth is That every subject which enterpriseth and worketh against his soveraigne lord by Necromancie and invocation of devils for covetousnesse to have the crowne is a violator of the Catholicke faith and worthie of double death the first and the second For S. Bonaventure in his second book Distinction the sixt saith That the divell never pleaseth the will of such men but first idolatrie and infidelitie are mingled together For as faith serveth much to the operation of the miracles of God so infidelitie is as requisit in the operation of divellish things The divell also will doe nothing for such men unlesse they agree to yeeld him the domination over them whereof he is very desirous Also that great doctor in the ninth article in Secunda Secundae saith and affirmeth That invocations of devils never come to effect without a fore-going of a corruption of faith idolatrie and an expresse compact with divels And this opinion doe the venerable doctors Alexander de Hales Richard de Mivile and Astensis hold and commonly all the other doctours which have writ of this matter Here you see my eight Verities well proved I come now to eight Correlatives The first is If it come to passe that in the case aforesaid these invocators of devils and traitoâ—â—â—o the king be imprisoned and some of their partakers deliver or cause to deliver them hee ought to bee punished with the same punishment as they are themselves namely with the first and second death Secondly every subject that maketh a bargaine with any man to empoyson his soveraigne lord although the enterprise come not to effect is also well worthie of death Thirdly every subject that by dissimulation of pastime causeth apparrell to be made to put on his soveraigne lord and to put
held Hesdin Surely it is a strange thing and very deplorable that there should be any such men in the world which durst maintaine with reasons so horrible a crime farre from all common sence and all reason and humanitie as is a massacre done and executed practisedly without any forme of justice Is not this to call things with contrarie names that is to call injustice by the name of justice crueltie by the name of clemencie night by the name of light evill by the name of good and the devill by the name of an Angell Is not this to praise that which is to be despised and detested to follow that which is to be fled to love that which is to be hated to bring into a confusion the distinction of good and of evill and to overthrow the order which God and nature have established in the distinction of good and evill things But after I have shewed that crueltie cannot bee but pernicious and cause of a princes ruine whatsoever Machiavell saith to the contrarie it will not be to any evill purpose now to shew That kindnesse clemencie and goodnesse are the true means to establish a princes estate in firmitie assurance But because we shall handle hereafter another Maxime where it shall bee more proper to discourse this matter wee will reserve the speaking therof to that place 9. Maxime It is better for a Prince to be feared than loved MEn saith our Florentine doe love as it please them and do feare as it pleaseth the prince Therefore the prince if hee bee vvise ought to found himselfe and to leane that vvay vvhich dependeth upon himselfe and not that vvay vvhich dependeth upon another If the prince can have both together to bee feared and loved that is the best but it being a very difficult thing for to embrace both it is more assured to be feared than to be beloved THis Maxime is a saying or proverbe which our elders have attributed to tyrants Oderint dum metuant that is Let them hate so be it they feare Caius Caligula usurped this auncient proverbe as Suetonius saith and put it in practice during all the time of his raign Sucto in Caligula cap. 30 and he ended as commonly such princes doe end which will rather bee feared than loved as in another place wee have said The emperour Tiberius would needs something mitigate this proverbe not allowing to make himselfe feared and yet disdained not hatred For he was wont to say as by the way of a proverbe or device Oderint dum probent that is Let them hate so they allow But it seemes he made an evill match in coupling hatred with approbation for that which a man hateth hee dooth not willingly allow and that which a man alloweth hee hateth not also Moreover all such sayings and proverbes Let them hate so they feare and Let them hate so they allow are but tyrants devices and our forefathers have so esteemed them and tyrants have alwayes practised them As Nero when he perceived that by his cruelties he was feared and redoubted he bragged that none of them which had been emperours before him had any understanding how to command neither knew they the power they had to make themselves be obeyed But that power was well made knowne to himselfe for men made him well to feele That power evill exercised acquireth hatred to him that exerciseth it and hatred ruine and destruction So happened it to Caligula so to Tiberius and so will it alwayes fall unto them which seeke to bee feared rather with hatred than with love As for that which Machiavell sayth That the prince is feared as he will and as it pleaseth him If this were true all should goe well for him for hee would alwayes be so feared as none should oppose themselves against his desseignes and commandements but that every one should come under the yoke and obey him purely and simply But experience shewes us the contrarie and makes us see and know That a prince cannot long be obeyed if that which he commandeth bee disagreeable and found unjust of him that should obey insomuch as at the first occasion that presenteth it selfe they unyoke themselves and their obedience endureth no longer than force and necessitie endureth And because no force nor necessitie can actually endure long time because no violent thing naturally lasteth therefore it followeth that disagreeable commandements cannot long be observed and that obedience founded upon feare is incontinent broken For the equitie justice of a commandement is the sinew thereof And as the bodie cannot move without sinewes unles only for a leape like a stone so a commaundement which for want of equitie displeaseth Equitie is the sinew of the commādement the obeyers shall never be well put in action and practised unlesse it bee for a small time and at the beginning And as for that which Machiavell saith That it is very hard for a prince to bee feared and loved together it is cleane contrarie For there is nothing more easie for A prince may well be seated and loved together a prince than to obtaine them both as reason sheweth it Because it is certaine that a prince which maintaines his subjects in good peace keepeth them from oppressions causing all them to bee punished which would oppresse them and which will maintaine their liberties and punish the breakers of them and who will observe a good pollicie in his countrey that therein there may be a free assured commerce without imposition of tributes or burdens and he that shall cause good justice to be ministred to every one it is certaine that such a prince shall be greatly beloved of his subjects yea and feared thus When men understand that the prince ministreth good justice in every place without support favour or corruption leaving not punishable faults unpunished and is not prodigall in graunting favours and pardons unlesse they have a good foundation upon reason and equitie certaine it is that hee shall be redoubted and feared not only in his own countrey but in strange countries also For example hereof are all the ancient and good emperours as Augustus Traian Adrian Antonine and others which were together feared beloved and reverenced I could here alleadge almost all our auncestor kings of France which with good justice were not onely redoubted of their subjects but also of all their neighbours yea that good reputation of justice in them was a cause that often strange princes have submitted their contentions to the judgment of the Court of Paris in France as we reade in histories And because they caused to be ministred good justice think you they were the more hated no not of the wickeder sort which are forced by their consciences to love and admire the good and vertue although their lives bee contrarie And how should they not be beloved of their subjects beeing good kings as they were seeing Frenchmen are of that nature that they can never hate their
king how vicious soever he be but alwaies impute vices and faults to some of his governors and Counsellors rather than to him Truly if princes had alwaies good men about them they could never bee vicious at the least to the detriment of the Commonwealth Therefore by good right men do impute the evill government of a countrey rather to a princes Counsellors than to himselfe as we have proved in another place 10. Maxime A Prince ought not to trust in the amitie of men MEn generally saith Machiavell are full of ingratitude variable Cap. 17. of a Prince dissemblers flyers from dangers and covetous of gaine and so long as they profit by thee so long thou maiest hold them in thy lap and they will offer thee their lives goods and all they have even when there is no neede but in a necessitie they will turne their garment and away So that a prince which leaneth upon such a rampire shall at the first fall into ruine yea they vvill sooner be offended when a man will use love tovvards them than if by rigour hee seeke to bee feared because men make lesse accompt to offend him vvhich useth him gently and lovingly than him of vvhom they are afraid Because amitie is onely founded upon some obligation vvhich easily may bee broken but feare is founded upon a feare of punishment vvhich never forsakes the person AS well this Maxime as the former is a plain tyrannous precept For as saith the Poet Aeschilus No friend to trust what common more Amian Marcell lib. 16. Each tyrant hath this ill in store This is the reason why Denis the tyrant of Sicile caused a strong house to be built where he dwelt environed with deepe ditches full of water on all sides over which there was no entrie but a draw bridge which was every night taken in by himselfe and certaine lose planks of the bridge brought into his bed chamber which ever the next morning hee carried himselfe to the bridge againe Hee caused also his daughters to learne to bee barbars to poule and trimme his head and beard and all this did he because hee durst trust no man in the world to doe those things Yet Commodus a cruell tyrant also used another more Lamp in Commod sure receit For trusting no man with his haire of head or beard hee himselfe burnt them with a candle I leave you to thinke if such people bee miserable whose consciences are tormented in such sort that it judgeth them worthie to have all the world for a capitall enemie in such sort as they dare put no confidence in any but are in continuall feare and torment Far contrarie from this doctrine of Machiavell is the exhortation which Misipsa â—aâ—ust in bello Iugurth the good king of Numidia gave a little before his death to Iugurtha and his other children admonishing them amongst themselves to maintaine a good amitie and concord It is not sayth he puissant armies nor great treasures by the meanes of which a prince ought to conserve and maintaine his estate but by his friends which are not acquired either by force of armes or by gold silver but by good offices loialtie But who ought to be a more loiall friend than one brother to another or whome can he trust who shall be an enemie to his owne blood I leave you a kingdome firme and assured if you be good but feeble and weake if you be wicked for by concord small things encrease but by discord great things fall to ruine Behold a breefe exhortation but very weightie to shew how necessarie it is to have good friends and to maintaine good amity and loyaltie amongest parents Like unto this is the oration which Silla made to king Boccus of Mauritania Wee are very joyfull said hee that thou rather seekest to bee a friend than an enemie of the Romane people for even from her birth the Romane people being poore have alwaies better loved to acquire friends than slaves servants have ever thought it more assured to command voluntary people than any by constraint King Boccus then cannot chuse a better amity than ours which can both favour thee aide thee will never hurt thee to say truth neither we nor any other can have too many friends The amitie and friends which a prince may obtaine by a good and just government may serve so to assure him of every man in his estate that hee shall have neede of no guard if hee thinke good to bee rid of them as did that good emperour Traian who often went to visit see his friends onely accompanied with foure Dion in Traian or five gentlemen without any guard of souldiers The like did the ancient kings of France which knew not that kind of guard wee have now of gunners and halberdiers but ordinarily marched without other companie than gentlemen which onely bare their swords about them Amitie saith Cicero is the true bonde of all humane societie and whosoever will take amitie from amongst men as Machiavell doth from amongst princes he seekes to take away all pleasure solace contentment and assurance that can bee amongst humane creatures For the friend is another our selfe with whom wee rejoyce in our prosperitie and our joy encreaseth when wee have unto whom to communicate it for wee are also comforted with him in our adversitie and sorrowes and our sadnesse is more than halfe diminished when wee have upon whom to discharge by amiable communication the bitternesse of our heart Moreover although wee bee sometimes blind in our owne causes yet our friend marketh our faults and kindly sheweth them unto us and giveth us good counsell in our affaires which we cannot take of our selves Briefely humane life without amitie seemes no other thing then a sad widowage destitute of the chiefe sweetnesse and comfort that can bee gathered in humane societie as Cicero Plutarch and other great philosophers have learnedly discoursed unto which I send them which will more amply understand the good and utilitie of Amitie I will not denie but many such friends will bee found like them whereof Machiavell speaketh which will seeme to bee our friends as long as they hope to draw any profit from us and which will make us faire offers when they see we have neede but will turne their backes in our necessities There are indeede but too many such and wee are but too often deceived with them yet wee may not disdaine the good for the evill neither may wee defame friendship for the vices and incommodities which accompanie it For amongst corne commonly growes darnell and amongst wholesome hearbs some are venemous which in outward shew seeme to bee faire and good yet men may not cast away a thing so necessarie as corne for the feare to finde darnell or drauke in it nor the wholesome hearbs for such as bee venemous But wee must seeke as much as may bee to know and to separate that which is evill
assured in the seignorie of the citie of Ferme but also made himselfe redoubted of all his neighbours Yet the evil lucke vvas that he suffered himselfe to be deceived by Caesar Borgia vvho by faire vvords drew him to Sinagallia vvhere catching him hee caused him to be hanged and strangled and if had not been this evill adventure he vvas a man likely to have done great things MAchiavell persisterh in giving tyrannicall precepts unto a prince teaching him by this Maxime a very exquisite meane to tame a people newly reduced into his obedience to obtaine their grace and favour That is saith he that a prince at his first entry and at once doe make an horrible slaughter of al such as he doth suspect might hinder his deseignes and purposes the others which remaine he may bring on with gentlenesse and assure them unto him by bestowing pleasures upon them by little and little But I pray you is there so brutish a man in the world who sees not the absurditie and wickednesse of this doctrine How is it possible that a Great crueltie cannot be put oat of mens hearts prince should make himselfe either loved or obeyed in a new conquered country by such barbarous usage seeing they themselves which use all the kindnesse they can have much a doe to obtaine it Assuredly there is no nation so effeminate and servile that will not suffer themselves to be cut in pieces before they will subject themselees under such a prince whose entrie hath been so cruell and sanguinarie as Machiavell counselleth yet if it so fall out that for a time a people be forced under such a yoke it is impossible that such a subjection should longer endure than that force continueth The example alledged of Oliver de Ferme doth well shew it for he continued not long no more than did Caesar Borgia who by the like meanes had usurped the domination of Romania as hath beene before said But can a man imagine a more cruell and detestable act than that which Machiavell rehearseth of Oliver de Ferme who under the pretext of amitie massacred most wickedly his owne parents and such as had given him so honourable an entertainment as was possible Yet Machiavell proposeth this gallant example for a prince to imitate as hee had before done with the example of Caesar Borgia And as for Agathocles true it is as Suidas and others write hee usurped the tyrannie of Sicile by causing with treason and treacherie the chiefe rulers of Siracuse to bee slaine but what end made hee also even such as hee merited For being desirous to make great his domination over Italie hee thought best to practise with intelligencers which kept not their word with him insomuch as his purpose being broken and anihilated by the same meanes of treason and unfaithfulnesse by which hee made himselfe great hee died with griefe and heavinesse of minde And still are not these the judgements of God who ruinates tyrants by the same waies which hee suffers them to get up and come to advancement And although Agathocles had so bad an end as his life also had beene very wicked yet dare Machiavell compare him with the greatest and most vertuous captaines that have in times past beene and to offer him as an example for a prince to imitate So that men may well say that this wicked Atheist hath no other purpose in his bookes than to persuade a prince to become a tirant and most wicked by embrasing all vices and chasing away all vertue but heeretofore I have sufficiently discoursed upon the effects of crueltie and therefore neede speake no more heereof But is not this a wise reason to say That crueltie ought to be exercised all at once that it may not bee too often felt as that is which is practised by little and little at many times And why that which is practised all at once is not felt but at the instant it is practised Nay contrarie wee commonly see that such great cruelties as men commit against a great number of persons doe so wound and irritate the hearts of all the kinsefolke and friends of them that bee murdered that they feele it during their lives yea sometimes the wound bleedeth even to the third generation But the cruelties which are committed at many and divers times doe not so farre penetrate the courage nor pricke men so lively to the quicke although continuance encreaseth discontentment No man also can deny but that it is a thing far more fearefull and horrible to our senses to see a great slaughter and a great heape of murdered persons than to see one onely or two And no man can promise to himselfe that that prince will handle him kindlie who practseth such a generall massacre and slaughter as Machiavell counselleth whatsoever good countenance hee after sheweth of his gentle and kinde carriage For the first apprehension of his crueltie will bee found so fast sticking and engraven in the hearts of men that no demonstrations of gentlenesse and humilitie succeding can abolish or rase it out 15. Maxime A vertuous tyrant to maintaine his tyrannie ought to maintaine partialities and factions amongst his subiects and to sley and take away such as love the commonwealth IT most commonly happeneth saith Machiavell in countries governed by princes that that which is profitable to Discourse lib. 2. cap. 2. and lib. 3. cap. 3. him is damageable to subiects and that which is profitable to his subiects is damageable unto him Which causeth oftentimes princes to become tyrants better loving their profit than their subiects As also the contrary makes subiects often arise against their prince not able to endure his tyrannie and oppression To keepe subiects then that they doe not conspire and agree together to arise against his tyrannie hee must nourish and maintaine partialities and factions amongst them For by that meanes shall you see that distrusting one another and fearing that one wil accuse and disclose another they will not dare to enterprise any thing But heerewithall hee must cause all them to be slaine which love libertie and the commonwealth and which are enemies to tyrannie If Tarquin the last king of Rome had well observed this Maxime and had caused Brutus to bee slaine no man would have beene found that durst have enterprised any thing against him and then might hee alwaies after have exercised his tyrannie at his pleasure without controlment HEere before Machiavell hath shewed how a prince should best become a tyrant namely by exercising all manner of crueltie impietie and injustice after the examples of Caesar Borgia of Oliver de Ferme and of Agathocles Now hee shewes how hee in his tyrannie may maintaine and conserve himselfe that is by feeding and maintaining partialities and divisions amongst his subjects and in causing such to die as appeare to bee curious lovers of the common weale because none can love the good and utilitie of the common-weale but hee must bee an enemie of
his owne nets Therefore Machiavell his reason That the deceiver shall alwayes find them which will be deceived doth not so well conclude as it seemeth For if the deceiver find alwaies some to deceive he shall also find some which will deceive him and it may be sometimes for one that he deceiveth hee may find sixe which will deceive him because none can bee so perfect in the art of trompery which art Machiavell so much recommendeth to a prince but also hee shall alwaies finde others which know more than himselfe in some points and many together doe know more than one alone in all points of that art one in one point and another in another So that in the end hee himselfe shall see alwaies according to the common proverbe the deceiver shall bee deceived As it happened even to Pope Alexander the sixt whose example Machiavell heere alledgeth for the end of all his tromperies and perjuries was to make his bastard Caesar Borgia lord king of all Italie and after of all christendome if he could But the issue of his desseignes and purposes was a tragicall act as wee have before discoursed in another place Moreover the cause why that many times this Pope deceived christian princes and even the king of France Lewis the twelfth was For that in that time men so greatlie feared the Popes bulls and interdictions and that they beleeved him to bee a true lieutenant of God on earth so that they durst not discredit any thing hee did but rather beleeved all his wordes as oracles but at this day children would mocke at his actions and few men will bee baited with his allurements But for whereas Machiavell saith That the ancient Romanes under the deceit of The Romanes allies subjects were not slaves those names Allies and confederats brought into their subjection and servitude the Latin people their neighbours is a plaine and pure lie For they subjugated all men by warre at divers times as wee reade in hystories True it is that after once they vanquished and brought them under they then made treaties of peace and confederations which were not greatly to the advantage of such as were overcome as in reason they might For if by the right of nations such as are vanquished by warres may be bondslaves of the vanquishers by a stronger reason may the vanquishers reserve to themselves some preheminence over the vanquished But the preheminences which commonly the Romanes reserved to themselves in all their treaties were that the allies and confederats should not make warre upon any without their consent and that they should contribute unto their souldiers in their warres Moreover they left to all people their franchises liberties goods religion magistrates and all other things without altering any thing and without imposing upon them tributes of mony or such like This cannot bee called a servitude as Machiavell calls it or if it bee a servitude there are no people in christendome whether they be subjects of princes or common wealthes which are not in a double and quadruple servitude And whereas Machiavell saith That a prince ought to know the art of trompery and deceit some will aske to take heede of it which are the precepts of the art Wherunto I answere for Machiavell that no man can give precepts practicale or singular which may bee applied to every busines to avoide deceit and fraude But the generall precepts of art which the philosophers call Axiomes in philosophie are these Bouldly to forsweare themselves Subtilly to dissemble to infinuate into mens minds and to prove them To breake faith and promise and such like as heeretofore wee have handled and shall doe heereafter But heere we must note one thing which is That one well experienced in the art of trompery will not alwaies practise that principle To breake faith for if he ordinarilie doe it hee shall offend against another principle which commands To dissemble subtilly For by every where and ever breaking of faith hee shall discover himselfe to bee a manifest deceiver whereas hee ought to dissemble and to make an outward countenance not to bee so but rather to bee a good and an honest man And therefore to observe all the principles of that art together without breaking one in observing another hee shall in small matters keepe his faith to breake it in great things and in matters of consequence Heereof Fabius Maximus admonisheth Scipio to take heede Thou desirest Scipio Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 3. saith hee to make warre upon the Carthaginians in Affricke under an hope thou hast to have the favour of king Siphax and of the Numidians which have promised thee aide and succours But take good advice how thou trustest in the barbarous nations which commonly make no account to breake their faith to deceive True it is in small matters they will keepe their faith with thee well to assure thee in their promise and loyaltie that they may afterward breake it to their great profit and advantage as soone as they see they have meanes and occasion in their hands altogether to ruinate thee This was the admonition which that wise Fabius gave to Scipio then a yong captaine What then should a man doe to guard himselfe from such deceitfull faith of deceivers which appeeres and shewes it selfe in little things and is defective in great matters A man must doe that which Scipio answered to Fabius I know well lord Fabius saith hee how a man must leane upon the evill assured faith of Syphax and the Numidians I thinke so much to leane and rest my selfe upon them as may serve my turne so that yet alwaies I hold my selfe upon my guardes to warrant my selfe from all perfidie and treacherie Moreover there is yet another remedie against such deceivers and dissemblers which promise much and in their hearts have no other intention then in no thing to keepe their promises that is to shun and flie from them as from hell and from more than capitall enemies as Homer teacheth us Hee that one thing in heart another in mouth doth beare Fly him an enemie thine and as hell-fire him feare Homer Iliad lib. 9. 20. Maxime A prince who as it were constrained useth Clemencie and Lenitie advanceth his owne destruction IN an hundred times saith Machiavell it vvill scant happen Discourse lib. 1. cap. 32. once that the good and comfort vvhich a prince doth to his subiects vvhen he seeth himselfe as it vvere forced to doe it by feare of rebellion or otherwise is gratefully received of them For commonly the people for benefits so granted by their prince are not thankefull but rather thinkes themselves beholden to such as draw their prince unto the bestowing of such benefits upon necessitie and constraint And this is often the cause that the people seeketh occasions and meanes to draw the prince into that necessitie And therfore a prince ought never to attend that extreame necessitie to shew himselfe kind and liberall for
there is like to be so little helpe therein as it vvill rather advance his ruine IT should bee best and more expedient for a prince to prevent all his subjects with good and courteous dealings than to attend till hee see himselfe constrained to diminish his rigour and as the common proverbe saith to bend or breake Notwithstanding the counsell here given by Machiavell is altogether wicked and cannot but bring into ruin a prince and his estate for in summe his counsell is To hold hard against his subjects nothing to abate his rigour nor to use any kindnesse or graciousnesse then and when he sees himselfe to doe it constrained and pressed thereunto If a prince then will stand stiffe alwayes rigorously to handle his subjects and to oppresse them The rigour of a prince is the cause of deniall of obedience without abating any thing thereof although he heare of their grievances and complaints and that hee see them prepared to rebellion and to denie their obedience what other thing can there follow but the entire ruine of him and his estate For wherein consisteth the estate of a prince but that his subjects agree together for to yeeld him obedience If then by his obstinate rigour and evill dealing hee so doe as he brings his subjects into that necessitie to denie him obedience will not that be the ruine of him and his estate There is no man of good judgement but he knows this Therefore said the poet Sophocles Even as hard steele in fire we see In pieces breake most easilie So minds too hard and fierce which bee Most oft with fall on ground doth lie Wherefore this precept whereby Machiavell would make a prince stiffe and inflexible against his subjects can bring to him but his owne ruine as it happened to Roboam the king who when his people humbly desired an ease and mitigation of their tributes he obstinately and proudly denied them For this king following such counsell as Machiavell giveth here made answere to his subjects that so much there wanted that he had any intent to abate any thing of his former dealing with them that contrarie he determined to augment rather his rigour towards them And for this cause did the greatest part of his kingdome cut themselves from his rule and obedience And to say that the people are unthankfull to their prince for benefits accorded Constrained graunts are not without profit as it were by constraint this is false and experience shewes us the contrarie For the people is not so speculative that they will cause to seeke out and examine the impulsive cause which moved the prince to commit or ordain any thing but holds themselves contented with the good and profit which redounds to them by that ordinance and the enjoying of the good they receive bringeth unto them such a pleasure and contentment as it moves them to thanke their prince for that good and to praise and blesse him yea to pray unto God for his conservation and prosperitie In all the peace that was made in Fraunce since the civile warres there hath alwayes been seene an experience thereof For a man may well say that the king accorded peace to the Protestants as it were by constraint which indeede is contained in the edicts of peace for the king himselfe so declared it in other edicts which hee made when the warre was renued as he declared by an edict in the yeare 1568 wherein hee saith That hee had alwayes had in his heart to abolish the religion of the said Protestants and the cause of his before suffering it had been as by constraint and to accommodate himselfe to the time The Courtiers also have alwayes called it the Suffered Religion and the Catholicke Romane the authorised Religion Although then that those goodly edicts of peace were accorded by the king against his heart yet ceased not the people to be thankfull unto the king yea to praise and exalt him as a lover of the good and repose of his poore people and to blesse and praise God for him both publickely and privately But put the case that were true which Machiavell saith That the subjects of a prince cannot be thankfull for a benefit accorded by constraint it followeth not therefore that such a benefit and a better handling must needs be unprofitable and without fruit For certaine it is that alwaies this will make cease the complaints of the people and cause them to desist from all rebellions and whatsoever enterprises are intended machinated against him Titus Livius sheweth us by many examples this to have many times happened at Rome where the commons entered into seditions and rebellions against the Patricij and such as were great men in authoritie but they were appeased incontinent as soone as the great men graunted that which they desired And yet wee find not that the great Patricians and nobles of Rome did almost at any time accord unto the commons but as constrained and against their wills There was amongst them men of as good wits and judgement as Machiavell such as Coriolanus Appius Caeso Fabius and other like which cried that they must not accord to common people under the pretext of their seditions and rebellions what they demand because it is an evill example and as it were to give occasion to the people ever to rebell and be seditious causing their faults to turne to their profit but notwithstanding all these reasons the most part of their wise Senators found it more expedient to bow and give place to the tumultuous people than to resist them There hath beene many times seene in Fraunce rebellions and stirres of the people for new imposts which straight were stayed by taking them away And indeed naturall reason sheweth well that it ought so to be For in all things of what sort soever they bee as soone as the cause is taken away men also take away the effect thereof Moreover I will not denie but this is of very evill consequence that a profit should come of a rebellion and sedition but upon this point it is worth noting that seldome or never people arise without some great just and urgent occasion therefore if the prince have not done his dutie to cut off that occasion before but that thereby there arise rebellion sedition he may not find it strange nor evill to remedie it rather late than never and so to purge his negligence A prince in stead to harden his heart against his subjects as Machiavell teacheth shall doe better not to bee so obstinate but to plie and bow his courage when the good of the commonweale and his owne requireth it following the admonition which that wise knight Phenix gave to the prince Achilles his disciple Appease thy selfe Achilles strong thy hardened heart abate A mortall man it not becomes implacable to bee Hom. Iliad 9. Though power most and honour eke on gods attend and wait To prayers of us mortall men yet yeeld they we
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
of their naturall effects as the fire cannot bee without his heating nor light without shining so that a man debonaire and gentle I speake of all men in generall but especially of a prince the chiefe meanes to obtaine the favour grace amity and reverence of the people he cannot avoide when he will but feele great utilities agreeable contentments pleasures benefits great assurance farre from all feare and most exceeding great repose and tranquilitie in his soule and conscience But in order to diduce the good effects utilities which proceede from clemencie I doe advertise the reader that I speake of that vertue in his most ample signification according whereunto it comprehendeth not onely mercie and kindnesse towards offenders but also bountie goodnesse of nature mansuetude of manners popularitie and facilitie to accommodate himselfe to the peoples humors and to all such as a man hath to command also humanity and officious affabilitie towards all men For briefely all these aforesaid vertues are like the honnie and sweetnesse of a well complectioned and setled soule which sweetnesse may well bee called in one word Clemencie although according to his divers effects and respects men give it divers names This naturall kindnesse and bounty of the soule then which men call Clemencie being in a prince the first produceth this effect that shee will soften and mitigate the punishments of offendors yea sometimes will forgive and altogether acquit them according as the circumstances of the fact and of the persons doe require For a prince ought well to consider When How To whom Wherefore he pardoneth a fault because it is not clemency but crueltie as the king S. Lewis said when a prince may doe justice and doth it not But forsomuch as equitie is the soule of justice which oftentimes is repugnant and contrarie to the rigour of lawes and ordinances therefore a prince must needes employ his clemencie to bring equitie in use by dispensing with the punishment of offendors which should suffer by the rigor of lawes But if there bee no equitie nor vailable reason to persuade a prince to dispense with the law then is hee bound to doe justice otherwise hee merits to be reputed not clement but cruell and culpable of the crime which he would not vouchsafe to punish And in this point very necessarie it is that a prince bee wise and vigilant to guard himselfe that hee be not surprised nor deceived and that he use not crueltie in steade of clemencie by the ordinarie opportunitie of such as sue for pardons And not to fal into this inconvenience whensoever the fact is of evill example and that the commonwealth hath interest therein the prince ought not to use remission and grace without knowledge of the cause and without good counsell The emperour Marcus Antonine governed himselfe very wisely in his use of clemencie to such as committed crimes for as to them which had not perpetrated Capit. Dio. in Marâ—o Vulc. Gallicanus in Avidio Cassio great and erronious faults and had not taken a custome therein he mitigated and lenified such punishments as were ordained by lawes by some other lighter punishment So in weightie crimes of evill consequence he was inexorable for them had no favour much lesse pardon And in regard of offences committed against himselfe particularly hee was as prompt and voluntarie to pardon as was possible and so it appeared in the case of Avidius Cassius For Cassius being in Esclavonia with a Romane armie hearing a false report that this good emperour was dead and beleeving this fame to be true he enterprised to make himselfe emperour and for such made himselfe to bee knowne and saluted by his armie After having certaine notice that he was in good health hee was much abashed and withall troubled that so rashly he had enterprised upon his masters estate yet notwithstanding hee desisted not from holding carrying himselfe as an emperour fearing that some would sley him so soone as hee forsooke his forces having so farre embarked and engaged himselfe therein yet could he not shun that which he so much feared for hee was slaine by certaine of his captaines which thought thereby greatly to please Marcus Antonine and carried to him his head Antonine seeing the head of Cassius was exceeding greeved and sorrowfull thereat and said to them which brought it That they should not have slaine him since hee had not so commaunded for so had they taken from him the use of mercie Hee rather desired they had brought him alive that he might have reproched the benefites received at his hands and with reason have shewed him how little cause he had to conspire against him so also might hee have shewed himselfe a better friend unto Cassius than Cassius had done to him Yea but Sir replied one of the captaines What if by sparing the life of Cassius he had gotten the victorie of you We doe not feare that answered the emperour for wee have not so honoured the gods nor lived in such sort as Cassius could have vanquished us No good princes or very few were at any time vanquished or slaine or despoiled of their estate but only such as well merited it as Nero Caligula Otho Vitellius and other like which were cruell and full of vices and like Galba and Pertinax which were exceedingly given to covetousnesse than which vice nothing becomes a prince worse But Augustus Traian Adrian our father Antonius Pius and such like as they modestly governed so deceased they honourably and without violence Cassius was a good and valiant captaine whose fault wee desired to have pardoned because it rather proceeded of temeritie than of evill will against us beeing persuaded when he made his enterprise that we had ben dead and although he could never have excused himselfe but that he had greatly injured our children which by right and reason ought to succeed us in our estate yet would not wee have had him to die for that for if our children merited to succeed us in the empite Cassius could not have overthrowne their estate but if contrary Cassius had better deserved than they to governe the comomwealth and had been better beloved it had also been reasonable and just hee had been emperour By this answere of that good emperour a man may see how facile and easie he was to pardon offences against him which is a very covenable vertue in a prince for a prince can hardly rigorously punish faults committed against himselfe but he shall be taxed and blamed for rigour and crueltie although the fault merit greevous punishment as the same emperour witnesseth by his missive rescribed unto the Senate which made too rigorous a pursute against the complices of Cassius And because the said letters containe notable sentences worthie of such a prince I will here translate them I pray saith he and require you Masters that in regard of the Cassian conspiration you will depose and lay aside your censure and conserve my pietie and
Volsques practised in the campe towards the souldiers the same rigour and severity which hee did against the common people at Rome and cared not to bee beloved but onely sought to make himselfe to be feared This was the cause that his people of warre would not obey him but as constrained they executed their charge cowardly and negligently When hee commanded to march quickly and swiftly his souldiers would goe slowly and softly when hee came towards them to command them any thing they would not vouchsafe to regard him but fixed their eyes on the ground and as hee passed by cursed him Hee once went about to assemble them all in one place to have persuaded them to have performed their dueties in a battaile but in place being assembled they scattered themselves hither and thither When hee saw this manifest disobedience in lieu to correct his rigour which was cause thereof hee augmented and redoubled it by causing them to bee whipped with rods and by putting to death the captaines which dispersed themselves when they should have joyned together and at last he fell to decimer and to tythe all the rest of his army by lot putting to death one of each ten through his army Yet for all this hee did nothing of account or to his honour Returning after to Rome hee was accused by the tribunes of his great severitie and inclemencie and by not getting the love of his souldiers hee effected nothing but his dishonour and shame But fearing to bee condemned hee procured his owne death in his house and this evill hap accompanied with great opprobrie ignominie had not happened unto him if hee had beene of a gentle and good nature to have obtained love The Bountie Clemencie and Gentlenesse of a prince manifest themselves by many meanes towards his subjects as by good tractations and comforts farre from oppression by maintaining their liberties and franchises by making edicts equall ordinances and in observing and causing good justice to be observed But the pleasantest meane which most contenteth the subjects is when the princed dooth them this honour to communicate himselfe to them deales in publick affaries with them and demands their advises aids and meanes for subjects seeing themselves on the one side so much honoured of their prince as to be called into the participation of his counsell and seeing and understanding on the other side the urgencie of the publicke affaires and just reasons wherefore the prince demaundeth such a thing or such a thing it is certain that they will obey much more voluntarily than when they know nothing of his affaires and when they know not wherfore nor wherein mony should bee employed that is demanded This was seene and practised at the beginning in a parliament held at Tours of the generall States during the raigne of king Charles the eight Anno 1483 as M. Philip de Comines witnesseth for the poore people De Comines lib. 1. cap. 109 110. of Fraunce were before vexed and eaten up by the space of 20 yeares and more with great tallages and imposts and great civile warres which never comes without a great ruine yet notwithstanding seeing themselves so much honoured by their prince as by him to be convocated together with the States to understand publicke affaires and therein to give their aid and advice not onely the States accorded to their king the impost which he demaunded but also humbly besought his majestie that it would please him to assemble them againe within two yeares after and that if his said Majestie had not money ynough to dispatch his affaires they would at his pleasure furnish him and that if he had any warre or that any would offend him they would employ their persons and goods for his service and never would denie him any thing whereof hee had need Behold then how this soft and sweet manner of a princes actions to conferre of his affaires with his subjects makes him so obeied as by this meanes hee may sooner obtaine a great thing than by rigour a small thing And to this purpose he askes certaine questions with a good grace Might it Comines not bee accounted a farre more just thing both before God and the world by such force as this to levie money than upon a disordinate will For no prince cannot otherwise levie it but by tyrannie would priviledges to take it at their pleasure bee alledged against so good subjects which so liberally give that which is demaunded was such an assembly daungerous and treasonable according as some men of base condition and baser vertue say alledging that to congregate the States is to diminish the kings anthoritie and to commit treason but rather those commit treason towards God the king and the commonweale which hold estates and offices which they never merited neither serve they to any other thing but to whisper and tattle in princes eares things of small account and they feare nothing more than great assemblies that so they may not appeare and bee knowne as they are These words of Comines are very notable to be applied to our time Let us now come to the other effect of the Clemencie of a prince which concerneth the assurance of his estate Hereupon I thinke every man will confesse unto me A clement prince assured in his State that there is nothing that better assureth a prince in his estate than when hee hath no enemies But a debonaire and gentle prince shall never lightly procure enemies but rather daily friends because that vertue of Clemencie is of it selfe so amiable and attractive that they are alwayes loved which are endowed therewith And if sometimes enemies arise against a good and gentle prince as the envie and desire to have and to make themselves greater causeth ambitious and covetous men sometimes to enterprise upon such clement princes yet very hardly shall such enemies shake their estates or prevaile against them and especially if that prince with his Clemencie have about him a good Counsell For his vertues will procure him many friends of his neighbours and make his subjects voluntarie and obeisant insomuch as it shall be very easie for him to resist the enterprises of such as will invade set upon him We reade that the emperour Alexander Severus was very modest Lampri in Alex. Sever. soft clement and affable towards all his subjects wherewith Mammaea his mother was not content So that one day she said unto him that he had made his authoritie not regarded but contemptible by his Clemencie Yea but answered hee I have made my estate so much the longer and more assured And in truth he had in likelyhood lived longer time but she so ruled him that he got the evill will of his subjects and so did his sonne by the extreame avarice and arrogancie that was in her which caused the death of them both The same notable speech of Alexander is attributed to Theopompus king of Sparta who knowing that the puissance of a
thing deceived when thinking to leade a prince unto a soveraigntie of wickednesse hee furnisheth him with inconstancie and mutabilitie as the windes for as soone as the prince shall cloth himselfe with Protheus garments and that hee hath no hold nor certitude of his word nor in his actions men may well say that hee is abandoned of phisitions and his maladie is incurable and that in all vices hee hath taken the nature of the Camoelion At the hands of such a prince which is inconstant variable in his word mutable in actions and commands there is nothing to be hoped for but evill disorder and confusion How much more notable and worthie to bee engraved in princes hearts is that Titus Livius lib. 6. Dec. 3 sentence of Scipio the Affrican That they are vanquishers which being vanquished doe give place vnto Fortune But the better to understand this I will set downe the occasion of this notable speach After by an evill hap of warre Scipio his father and uncle were overthrowne with the most part of their armie in Spaine the day being come whereupon they elected their magistrates at Rome none durst hazard himselfe to demand the government of Spaine for evill luck which happened to the two brothers Scipioes Heereat the Romane people beeing very sad and sorrowfull cast their eies upon the great men of the citie to see if any of their hearts would arise to demand the government of Spaine and because none did it they esteemed the affaires of the common weale to bee in a deplored and desperate estate The above said yong lord Scipio who after was called the Affrican of the age onely of two and twentie yeeres arose and demanded of the Romane people the said government of Spaine shewing by a grave oration full of magnanimitie and assured constancie That his carriage should be good and that they needed not feare that in regard of his yong age there should bee found in him any temeritie for he would doe nothing but by good counsell And although the name of the Scipioes might seeme unluckie in regard that his father unckle had ben vanquished slaine in Spaine that notwithstanding hee doubted not but to turne the chance of Fortune Briefely by a great and favourable consent of all the people hee was chosen governour of Spaine and generall captaine of the Romane armie As soone as hee was in this estate well assured of his vertues hee began to speake to every one with such a majestie and constancie as all men became fully resolved that hee would well acquite himselfe of this charge to the honour and benefit of the common weale After being in Spaine hee convocated the old bands which remained after the defeating of his father and unckle and used unto them good words reasons giving them thanks for the fidelitie they had borne to his diseased father and unckle and that ioyfullie they had received him for their captaine generall although hee was yong of age for the good hope they had of him which was of the race of their dead captaines and that hee would so well performe his dutie that they should truely know that he was of the race of their dead captaines The publike Fortune said hee of the Romane common weale and your vertue must needes keepe us from all despaire of our affaires For this good luck hath ever beene fatally given us being vanquished in our great warres yet ever notwithstanding to remaine victors by resisting by constancie and vertue all malignitie of Fortune The same Scipio another time but long after speaking to Zeusis and Antipater Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 4. embassadors of the king Antiochus which demanded peace of him after he had beene vanquished used these words full of gravitie and wisedome The peace saith hee which you demand now that your are vanquished wee agree unto you with like conditions as you offered before our victory For in all fortune good or evill we have Constancie stirreth not for prosperitie or adversitie alwaies the same courages neither can prosperitie exalt us nor adversitie humble us too much And if you your selves were not good witnesses thereof I would aledge no other testimonie then that of Anniball who is in your army Therefore make knowne unto the king your master that wee accord unto him the same peace which wee offered him before our victorie Heere may you see how constant the Romanes were in vertue without any change either of prosperitie or adversitie Heere is no Machiavelizing wee must not goe to the schoole of Scipio nor of the ancient Romanes nor of any other valiant princes to learne Machiavells doctrine to have an unconstant and mutable courage to change and to turne as the winde This must bee learned in the schoole of a sort of Italian Machiavelists resembling harlots which love every man yet love no person and which with doubtfull and unstayed mindes runne heere and there like Tops Wee commonly say That the king is the lively law of his subjects and that the prince ought to serve for a rule to his people but is it not a ridiculous thing to say That the law ought to bee a thing unconstant and mutable with every winde Nay contrarie the law ought to bee firme constant permanent inviolable and inviolably observed else it is no law And therefore amongst all mortall men the prince is hee which ought to bee most constant and firme to shew that hee is the true and lively law of his people and subjects unto whom his carriage and actions ought to serve for a rule A prince then must bee of one word and to take heede that he bee Constancie of a princē wherein it ought to be employed not mutable nor double of his promises and that hee alwaies have a magnanimous and generous courage tending to vertue and the publike good of his kingdome principallity and that no trouble nor adversitie may abate that generositie and constancie of courage nor any prosperitie make him swell with pride whereby to draw him from vertue In a constant course hee must shew himselfe grave and clement these two should be in him with a temperature such gravitie is requisit for the majestie of his calling with such clemencie and affabilitie as his subjects desire in him In all his actions hee must alwaies shew himselfe to bee one man loving and amiably entertaining men of vertue and of service and alwaies as constantly rejecting vicious people flatterers lyers and other like from which hee can never draw out good services Finally hee ought to bee constant in retaining his good friends and servants and not to take a sinister opinion of them without great and apparent causes and in all things to governe himselfe constantly by good counsell and to bee master of himselfe that is to say of his affections and opinions for to direct them alwaies to good and sage counsell such as were those great Romane monarches Augustus Caesar Vespasian Traian Adrian
the Antonines Alexander Severus Constantine the Great Theodosius and other like Such before them were the great Darius king of the Persians and Medes conquerour of the monarchie of Affrica the great king Sirus and Alexander the Great Such also were the ancient kings of France the great Cloius the generous Charlemaigne the good S. Lewis Philip August the conquerour Charles le Sage Charles the seventh the victorious Lewis the twelfth father of the people Francis the great restorer of letters Henry the second le Debonaire and many others These bee they that a prince must propose to imitate not such of no account as deserves not a place amongst princes such as Agathocles a potters sonne and usurper of the Sicilian tyrannie or Oliver de Ferme a barbarous and most cruell souldiour who massacred his owne parents friends to usurpe the tyrannie of the place of his nativitie or that Caesar Borgia the Popes bastard full of all disloyaltie crueltie inconstancie and other vices and farre from all Royall vertues which Machiavell proposeth for patternes to bee imitated of princes Reasonlesse creatures themselves doe they not shew that a prince ought to bee constant to maintaine his subjects in peace and tranquilitie without stirs or motions The king of honnie Bees is hee not alwaies resident and abiding in his hive with constancie to keepe his little subjects in tranquilitie And whensoever amongst these small creatures there are found some unconstant and straying kings which cannot abide in their hives and within the circuit and limits of their power do we not see that they bring all their little people out of order For straight as their king begins to stirre and goe out his subjects remoove withall so that oftentimes by the remooving of the king hee himselfe is lost with all the troupe of his little subjects by precipitation headlong casting himselfe by his inconstancie into marrishes pooles where both himselfe and his are lost Set princes then and all other ment learne of these pettie creatures how necessary Constancie is unto them and that they beeing unconstant and variable as Machiavell teacheth them they can not faile but destroy and ruinate themselves and others Heereupon is very woorthie to be noted that which Euripides saith That a good and vertuous man never changeth his manners for the change of either aire or countrie or either for prosperitie or adversitie his verses englished are these An evill ground under an heaven sirene good store of Corne oft times doth bring wee see Eurip. in Heâ—â—ba Good ground also with a sharp aire I weene bad store of fruit produceth unto thee Yet by the heavens a good man or an ill his nature change will not for any hap For alwaies wicked wicked prooveth still and good men good will prove for evill clap In good mens hearts there 's no adversitie in life of his can breede diversitie And assuredly this facion of the Machiavellists with each wind to change manners cannot bee found any way good by good and vertuous men who have their hearts in a good place no more than they can approve the riming verses which the Machiavellists have alwaies in their mouths Cum fueris Romae Romano vivito more Cum fueris alibi vivito sicut ibi That is to say When thou at Rome a Romane life then must thou lead when other where doe as they doe in the other stead For these manners are proper to the Chamaelion which take all coulours of the place where hee is and of the Polypus which alwaies seemes to bee of the coulour of the earth whereupon it shineth But this is not convenient nor comely for a good man who ought alwaies to bee constant in vertue without changing or varying no not though the heavens should fall upon him But because the Poet Horace very elegantly describeth what kind of person a constant man ought to bee I will set it downe as an end of this Maxime So constant is a good man alwaies in his life that hee stirres not for all the peoples rage and strife Hor. lib. 3. Carm. Ode 3. The tyrants fierce cannot move him nor boistrous winde which all the sea doth turne nor thunder claps I finde His constant vertue cannot alter any way No though the heavens should fall upon his head I say No feare could touch his hautie heart by night or day 26. Maxime Illiberality is commendable in a prince and the reputation of a mechanique or handicrafts man is a dishonour without evill will IF the prince saith he vvill bee liberall incontinent hee impoverisheth Cap. 8. 16. Of a prince himselfe and beeing poore shall bee despised of every man And if hee will repaire and help his poverty by pilling his subiects hee shall make himselfe hated of them and shall bee reputed and handled as a tyrant But contrarie being covetous he shall be iudged puissant and having wherewith to furnish any affaire vvhen it happeneth hee shall bee honoured and esteemed And if the reputation of a mechanicke or illiberall person be dispersed of him this cannot bee hurtfull unto him seeing by force hee seekes nothing at his subiects hands Yet a prince may vvell bee prodigall of anothers good as of booties acquired by vvar as Cyrus Alexander Caesar but of his own hee ought to bee an houlder and illiberall For there is nothing that more consumeth it selfe than largenesse and freenesse of giving which by the practising thereof leeseth the meanes to be practised In our time vve have seene no great matters effected but by such men as had the reputation to bee covetous all others have come to nothing Pope Iulius vvas liberall till hee obtained the Popedome but as soone as hee had gotten it hee forsooke that trade to the end to make warre upon the king of France Lewis the twelfth as hee did The king of Spaine likewise hee understood that king Ferdinand grandfather of the emperour Charles the fifth had not so happely atchived so many great enterprises if hee had affected to bee esteemed liberall IN my opinion this Maxime should not please courtiers either Machiavellists or others which ever like best that a prince bee not onely liberall but rather profuse and prodigall so farre are they from opinion that hee should bee covetous But certainely as illiberalitie and covetousnesse is damnable and no way beseeming a prince so also is profusion and prodigalitie But most praiseable it is that he hould a course betweene both and that hee bee liberall acknowledging the services which is done him and to use bountefulnesse toward good and vertuous people and for the advancement of the commonwealth For that is true liberalitie when men employ to good uses the goods and gifts dispended and not when they employ them to evill uses But to shew how liberalitie ought to be exercised in a prince wee will first speake of Illiberalitie and prodigalitie his two extreames As for Covetousnes which Machiavell houlds to bee covenable for a
employed not upon his owne pleasures and delights the silver which his covetousnesse had collected but bestowed it on good uses for the good of the commonwealth And certainly there is nothing that more troubles subjects which pay tributes than when they see that the prince spendeth evill the silver which is levied upon them which would alwaies more liberally furnish them with a crowne than they would do with a penny if they saw their money well bestowed Our king Lewis was herein something like Vespasian for he levied much mony upon his subjects yea triple so much as his predecessors had done but he spent it not in his pleasures and delights nor other dissolutenesse nor in practise of liberalitie upon unworthy people but upon good things about the affaires of the kingdome as to buy peace with his neighbors and to corrupt strangers which might serve therein or in other affaires Moreover he did not as the emperour Mauricius or as king Perseus which heaped up great treasures and then durst not touch it for as Comines saith he tooke all and spent all Princes then which levie money upon their people are something excusable when they employ them upon good uses and especially when they have that discretion to pill the pillors and to tansacke theeves and eaters of the poore people and Profusion cause of ruine in a prince Sueto in Calig cap. 37 38 40 41. spare other good subjects which are not of that sort But such as make great levies upon the people and doe bestow them evill they cannot bee any thing excused in their covetousnesse and prodigalitie The emperour Caius Caligula succeeding Tiberius found an inestimable treasure even 67 millions and 500000 crownes To calculate this unmeasurable summe after the proportion of 1240000 crownes which made 32 Mule loads as du Bellay saith which were sent to Fontarabie in the yeare 1529 for king Francis the firsts ransome it should be found that the 67 millions of Caligula should make about 1800 Mullet loads which is an huge and a most admirable treasure yet did this monster spend all this in lesse than a yeare But was this possible will you say that so great heapes should be laid out in so litle space Yea I say for this brainelesse foole caused houses to bee builded upon the sea yea and that should be onely where men said it was deepest So that there to make good foundations he was forced to cast in great heapes of stones as great as high mountaines and so much more as any thing was impossible so much rather loved hee to doe it Moreover he delighted to bring downe mountaines and rockes to equall them with flats and plaines so in plaines to erect mountaines this also must needs be done even the very day that he commaunded it upon paine of life He would also cause bathes to be made in waters of very precious sents he would make prodigall bankets wherein he would serve excellent pearles and other precious stones which he would cause to be liquified and dissolved as they might be drunke Again he caused ships to bee made of Liburnian Caedars whose sternes were all covered with pearles and within them were builded bathes galleries halls and orchards and there sitting amongst dauncers and players of instruments he caused himselfe to be caried in those ships about the coasts of Campania By these unmeasurable and monstrous expences he saw the end of that great treasure left by Tiberius in lesse than a yeare Hereof came it that wanting silver he converted himselfe to rapines and to lay great and new imposts upon his subjects yea tributes upon victuals upon processes upon labourers salaries upon harlots gaines upon players gaines and upon many such like things and so having againe gathered huge heapes of crownes upon a covetous pride to touch and handle money hee delighted to walke bare foot and to tumble upon it By this meanes and with crueltie and other vices he was hated of all the world and incontinent slaine And in truth he was inexcusable for inventing new and great imposts upon his people seeing hee so evill employed the money The emperour Nero likewise laid great imposts and levies of money upon his Sueto in Nero cap 27. 30 32. Dion in Nerone subjects and quashed and made void the Testaments of such as would not make him their heire As an ingrate person to his prince he by force took treasures out of temples and committed infinit other extortions But how expended he all this money In making sumptuous bankets as Caligula did in giving unmeasurable gifts to flatterers and bad people and upon other strange dissolutenesse He alwaies apparrelled himselfe with exceeding rich precious habites yet he never put on garment twice he played away great summes of money at once he fished alwaies with golden nets the cords whereof were knit with purple and scarlet he never went abroad with lesse than a thousand coaches or litters drawne with Mules whose shoes were all of silver all the Mulleters also were gallantly and costly apparrelled Sabina Poppea his wife caused the coaches wherein she rid to be drawne with cords and all other furniture for her mules of gold Whensoever shee went abroad there waited on her 500 shee Asses which gave milke and that milke was drawn out every day to make bathes for her to bathe in Breefely Nero made so great and riotous expences that no silver could suffice him insomuch as spoiling his provinces of their goods and riches by rapines and imposts and withall practising great cruelties for rapine and crueltie are alwaies companions he brought upon himselfe the hatred of all the world and came to a miserable end as we have above said The like happened to the emperour Vitellius who in a yeare spent in bankets without all measure nine millions of crownes Dion saith That in a vessell served at Dion in Vitel Sueto cap. 13. his table he had so many tongues braines and livers of certaine strange and exquisit fishes and birds as cost ten thousand crownes Suetonius sayth That his brother bestowed a supper upon him whereat was served two thousand exquisit fishes and seven thousand exquisit and precious birds besides all other services These so exorbitant and unreasonable expences drew him into covetousnesse rapine and crueltie which was the cause that he was massacred and slaine and raigned but a yeare and tenne daies Here might I adde to these the examples of Domitian Commodus Bassianus and many other Romane emperours which held of the two extremities of Liberalitie namely Covetousnesse and Prodigalitie using Covetousnesse and rapine to heape up silver and Profusion to spend them all which had the like end as Nero Caligula and Vitellius had But hereby is sufficiently shewed in those examples the contrarie of the Maxime which Machiavell saith is true and that a prince which is covetous and hard cannot prosper but especially when he naughtily bestoweth the treasures and money which he heapeth up Now there
so that if it please you my lord to use benefits and liberalitie towards such as you esteeme your enemies and towards such as feare you will doe them wrong you shall easily gaine them and others from henceforth for your friends This remonstrance of Livia was the cause that Augustus let loose and set at liberrie all them which were accused to have enterprised any thing against him satisfying himself with the admonishments he gave them and besides gave great goods and benefits unto some of them so that as well those as other of his enemies became his friends and good subjects Behold heere what good came to Augustus by his beneficence and liberalitie The emperour Marcus Antonine feared nothing more than the reputation of an hard and covetous man and alwayes wished and desired that such a spot of infamie Dion in Marco might never bee imposed upon him And indeede all his carriage and actions were such that none could impute unto him any spot of Covetousnesse but al Liberalitie worthie of a good prince for first hee established publicke professours of all sciences in the towne of Athens unto which he gave great wages which prooved a most profitable act to the commonweale woorthie of such a prince and this was partly the cause that in his time there was so great store of learned people in all manner of sciences insomuch as the time of his kingdome was and hath ben since called the golden world In our time king Francis the first of happie memorie did imitate the example of this great and wise emperour establishing publicke lectures at great wages in the Vniversitie of Paris a thing wherof his memorie hath ben and shall be more celebrated through the world than for so many great warres as hee valiantly sustained and demeaned during his raigne Secondly the emperour Antonine forgave the people all the fiscall debts and arrerages which they ought him by scedules obligations or otherwise for fiftie yeares before which was an huge and unspeakable liberalitie But he did this to take away all meanes matter from all officers and fiscall procurators of molesting and troubling his subjects afterward with researches and calling on of old debts Thirdly hee never laid impost or extraordinarie exaction upon his people but handled them in all kindnesse and generositie He never made profuse and superfluous expences but held an estate both at home and in the court sober and full of frugalitie And finally to shew how he delighted in liberalitie he caused a temple to be builded to Beneficence Behold here a true patterne after which princes should conforme themselves to know how to practise that goodly vertue Liberalitie And very notable is that point that that good emperour Antonine held the estate of his house ruled by frugalitie and sobrietie and farre from the straunge profusions of those monsters Caligula Nero and Vitellius for he considered that it were much better to employ for the publicke wealth of his empire the revenues and money therof than in riotousnesse and vanities and that such unmeasurable profusion constraineth a prince to fall to rapines and to deale evill with their subjects because as the common proverb saith Vnmeasurable largesse hath no bottome Therefore did that great emperour Traian Dion in Traiano Lampr. in Alex. Spar in Andria also hould his estate soberly governed and hee maintained no unprofitable persons in his service No more did the emperour Severus who would not suffer in any offices any persons to be placed which were not necessarie They had also good sallaries and rewards of him yea he would often rebuke them for not demaunding gifts of him And wherefore saith he wilt thou that I should be thy debter seeing thou askest me nothing Adrian also had this propertie that hee gave great gifts unto his good friends and servants and made them rich before they demaunded any thing And above all hee was liberall towards professors of letters and learned men which he enriched but he much hated such as by evill meanes became rich and generally all good emperours were adorned with the vertues of liberalitie and munificence which they practised with such moderation and prudence that they were never spotted neither with Machiavels Covetousnesse nor his Prodigalitie And therefore they flourished and prospered during their raignes and left after them a perpetuall memorie to posteritie of their vertues and praises Our kings of Fraunce as Clovis Charlemaigne Lewis the piteous his sonne Robert Henry the first Lewis le Gros Lewis the eight S. Lewis and many others were very liberall but they exercised their liberalitie and principalitie upon the Church and Churchmen which they but too much enriched Yet wee reade that Charlemaigne was also very liberall towards learned men and that he spent much in founding and maintaining the Vniversitie of Paris And a man may generally marke in our kings of Fraunce a Christian liberalitie which they have alwayes had that is That they have been great Almoniers exercising their liberalitie upon poore people which is an exercise of that vertue exceeding woorthie of a Christian prince which he should never forget By this abovesaid I hope the Maxime of Machiavell is sufficiently confuted and that it evidently appeareth by our examples and reasons That Covetousnesse is domageable and dishonourable to a prince as also is his contrarie profusion and that Liberalitie is profitable and honourable unto him And as for the reasons which Machiavell alledgeth they are foolish and false as his Maxime For to say That a rich prince shall be esteemed puissant because he hath great treasures that reason dooth evill conclude King Perseus of Macedonie of whome wee have spoken had The power of a prince lieth not in treasures great treasures yet left he not to be esteemed a king pusillanimous and of small valour and such was his reputation in his owne countrey and amongst his owne subjects Crassus also was knowne to be more richer than Pompeius but he was not esteemed so valiant nor so good a man neither in his life had hee the tenth part of Pompeies honours Mauricius and Phocas Romane emperours by their covetousnesse heaped up great treasures but were they therefore esteemed puissant and valiant nay contrarie they were esteemed cowards and in the catalogue of such emperours as held the most abject and infamous places But I pray you let us come to the reason When a prince hath the fame to bee a great treasurer doth he not give his neighbours occasion to seeke meanes to enterprise upon him to obtain those treasures Wherfore is it that the Venetians which if they list might bee the greatest treasurers of the world have made a law amongst De Con. l. b. 2. cap. 21. them to have no treasure in their commonwealth other than of armes It is because they know well as they be wise that if they heape up treasures in money they shall but prepare a bait to draw rheir neighbours on to make warre upon them
but warres come too soone and under the pretext of more occasions than we would therefore we need no baits to draw it upon us It is not then best for a prince to bee reputed a man full of treasures and silver as Machiavell thinketh for money of it selfe cannot but serve us for a bait to attract and draw upon us them which are hungry and desirous of it And although commonly money is thought to be the sinewes of war yet are they not so necessarily required that without money warre cannot bee made I will not here alledge the poore Hugonet souldiors which most commonly warred without wages but I will onely alledge the militarie estate which was in the Roman empire in the emperour Valentinians time and since For in that time the militarie art was so policied that every souldior tooke for a moneth so much bread so much wine so much larde and so much of other necessarie things His habites also were new from tearmeto tearme and all other things necessarie so that he touched either none or very little money yet had he all that he wanted And indeede money serves but for commutation for men cannot eat it nor apparrell themselves with it nor if he be sicke can it heale him Wherefore then serves it For a prompt quicke and easie commutation For if you have money you straight have whatsoever you neede If then by other meanes and policie order be taken that a souldior have all he needs as was done in Valentinians time and others it will be found that money makes not a prince puissant Moreover I doe confesse that it is certaine that in the militarie policie which we have at this day which is that a souldior shall receive in money all he needeth that money is very necessarie and that without it a man can doe no great thing and that they are as sinewes or as the maintenance of the sinewes of warre but yet by good husbandrie a prince may have sufficient of it and without Covetousnesse As for that which Machiavell makes no account of that a prince bee reputed to be a Mechanique I leave it to them to thinke which have I will not say the heart of a prince but onely of a simple gentleman that hath honour but in a little recommendation if they would not bee greeved to bee reputed a mechanique person I know well that the nobilitie of Italie which more commonly trade and deale with marchandize than with armes care not for that name of a mechanique so they may get money But the gentlemen of Fraunce of Almaigne of England and of other countries of Christendome are not of the humor of that mechanique nobilitie neither would they for any thing in the world be so reputed as Machiavel would persuade them And as for the examples which Machiavell alledgeth of Pope Iulius and of Ferdinand king of Spaine which he said were covetous yet effected great matters I answere him in one word That it prooveth nothing of that hee saith for Pope Iulius made no great prowesses not conquests as every man knoweth and king Ferdinand in the exploits and enterprises of warres was not covetous for any thing we reade in hystories And if that were true which Machiavell saith of those two I will oppose alwayes against those two obscure examples them above alledged which are farre more illustrious and notable and by the which I have shewed that Covetousnesse hath alwayes been pernicious to princes and Liberalitie without profusion profitable and honourable For a resolution then of this matter I say That the vice of Ingratitude accompanieth ordinarily covetousnesse and that none can bee covetous and illiberall unlesse he will proove ingrate to his friends and good servants which is one of the greatest vices wherewith a prince can bee noted For it is impossible that his affaires can bee well governed without good and loyall ministers and servants such as hee can never have being ingrate Therefore a prince ought well to ingrave perpetually in his memorie the sentence of king Bochus who said It was lesse dishonourable for a prince to bee vanquished by armes than by munificence And therefore that good emperour Salust in bello Iugurth Titus whensoever he passed any day without exercising some liberalitie and beneficence said to his friends O my friends I have lost this day meaning that that was the chiefe marke at which a prince should shoot to wit Beneficence and that otherwise hee emploies his time evill 27. Maxime A prince which will make a straight professiion of a good man cannot long endure in this world in the companie of so many other that are so bad MAny saith Machiavell have vvritten bookes to instruct a prince and to bring him to a perfection in all vertues as Xenophon Cap. 15. Of a prince did in the institution of Cyrus There are also many philosophers and others which by their vvritings have formed Ideaes and figures of monarchies and common vveales whereof there were never seene the like in the world because there is a great difference betwixt the manner that the world liveth in and that it ought to live He then that will amuse and stick upon the formes of philosophers monarchs and common weales by dispising that which is done and praising that vvhich ought to bee done hee shall sooner learne his owne ruine than his conservation Leaving then behinde all that can bee imagined of a princes perfection and staying our selves upon that which is true and subiect to bee practised By experience I say saith Master Nicholas that the prince vvhich vvill maintaine himselfe ought to learne hovv hee may sometimes not bee good and so ought to practise it according to the exigence of his affaires For if alwaies he will hould a straight profession of a good man hee cannot long endure in the companie of so many others which are of no valew THis Maxime meriteth no other confutation than that which resulteth from the points before handled for wee have at large demonstrated that the truth is cleane contrary to that which Machiaveell saith heere and that princes which have beene good men have alwaies raigned long and peceably and have beene firme and assured in their estates and the wicked contrary have not raigned long but have violently beene deposed from their estates And as for ideaes and formes of perfect monarchs and commonweales whereof some philosophers have Patterns to imitate must be perfect written they handled not that subject saying there were any such but to propose a patterne of imitation for monarchs and government of commonweales For when a man will propose a patterne to imitate hee must forme it the most perfect and make it the best hee can and after every man which giveth himselfe to imitate it must come as nigh it as he can some more nigh others lesse But a prince which proposeth to himselfe Machiavells patternes such as Caesar Borgia Oliver de Ferme Agathocles how can hee doe any good thing
elected for their cheefetaine the said Giles governour of a great part of Gaule which the Romane emperor then held This Giles called Guiemand to be about him as one of his Counsell because he was reputed a wise man Guiemand dissembled the best he could by the space of nine yeares all which time he was about this Giles yet never forgetting the amitie and fidelitie which hee bore to his king But amongst other things which hee counselled this governour this was one that hee gave him to understand that the Frenchmens natures is to be rudely handled in great subjection and to take great heed they doe not enrich themselves for they are farre better poore than rich and when they are rich and at their ease then doe they incontinent rebell against their prince Breefely by this goodly counsell whereof he desired such issue as after happened hee put in that Romane governours head to lay great imposts and exactions upon the French people and withall to practise cruelties This was the cause that the Frenchmen by the advice and secret handling of Guiemand himselfe called againe their king Chilperick unto whom Guiemand sent the halfering which he had The king returning the French gentlemen met him even at Bar where they dealt with him most honorably The king also forgave them all new tributes and imposts and from thence forward governed himselfe wisely and of a Sardanapalus which he had been before his flight he became after his returne a noble and valiant prince and chased the Romanes from a good part of Gaule which they held and greatly enlarged the limits of the realme of Fraunce Therefore is it evidently seene that the Maxime of Machiavell or the counsell which Guiemand gave to Giles which is one same doctrine is not very good and that the issue thereof cannot be but evill And to argue this point by reason I thinke every man will confesse unto me that The force of a prince coÌ„sisteth in the riches of his countrey it is more expedient for a prince to bee king and lord of a rich and plentifull countrey than of a barren and poore countrey for a withered and poore country cannot nourish any great people Moreover a poore and barren countrey cannot produce and bring forth things necessarie to the tuition thereof as abundance of corn wine fodder money and other things Finally to make a kingdome strong and puissant as well to maintaine it as to augment it there is a necessitie that it bee copious and rich of all things And although Machiavell in a certaine place where he speaketh of warre maintaineth that the common saying is false That money are the sinewes of warre this hindereth not but that which we say may be true For suppose it bee true as Machiavell by his foolish subtiltie maintaines that it is the good soldiors which are the sinewes of the warre and not money yet these sinewes cannot stirre nor bee brought to any great actions without clapping upon the cataplasme of money So that if money be not the sinewes of warre after the foolish subtiltie of Machiavell because they have not of themselves either motion or operation yet at the least are they the meanes which causeth the sinewes to moove and without which souldiors can doe nothing or at least without paiment in equipolent kinds to mony as victuals apparrell and armour And if it be objected unto me that there are some poore nations which notwithstanding are puissant and warlicke as were the Macedonians in the time of Alexander the Great and these were poore in regard of the Greeks Persians and Medes and as at this day are the Tartarians and Scythians and as the Suisses were within this hundred yeares Hereunto I doe many wayes answer That first I will not denie that the nations or poore countries cannot bee but naturally good warriors as commonly all Northernly nations are of which number are the Macedonians Scythians and Tartarians yea the Suisses also the Almaignes hold now of the North But this their martiall vertue proceeds not from their povertie For in Affricke America and in many other places of Asia and in many Islands there are many poore nations yet nothing warlicke But if poore nations which are naturally warlicke become rich in their countrey they will not therefore leese their warlicke vertue As the Suisses at this day are very opulent and rich yet are they nothing lesse valiant in warre than they were in the time of the battaile of Morat about a hundred yeares since which they got against the duke of Bourgoigne in which time they were so poore that many of them could not discerne vessels of silver from peuter as M. de Comines saith The Macedonians also became very rich after that under the conduct of Alexander they had conquered Asia yet remained they alwayes generous and valiant The Romanes also in time of the foundation of Rome were very poore but within a small time they became very rich yet therefore lost not their valour and generositie It is not then the povertie of the country which makes a warlicke people but rather the nature and inclination of the heaven which likewise is much aided when the countrey may become rich If there be opposed unto me also That we see many princes and private persons Riches is more requisit for a generall than particulars which doe evill abuse their riches as Caligula did 67 millions of gold which Tiberius left him and as Caesar did the great treasures which hee heaped up in Gaule and as many others did Hereunto I doe two wayes answere First I say it followeth not that râ—ches and treasures are evill because some abuse them no more than wine is to be condemned because many are drunke therewith And although there bee some princes and other persons which have abused their riches there are also many which use them well I moreover say that the consequence is not good in this case from the particular to the generall For I confesse well that it should be better and more profitable for the commonwealth that in a countrey there were many houses meanly rich than some little number excessively rich because oftenest that excesse proves very pernitious to him that enjoyeth it who is thereby sometimes incited to stray out of the limits of lawes and temperance But suppose it true that great riches is most commonly domageable to particulars it therefore followeth not that they are not nor may bee in a countrey in generall but the more rich a countrey is so much more is it strong and puissant if so be that it be so well governed as the particulars abuse not their richesse which they will not doe especially being under the yoke of good laws and good magistrates if every man have not too great abundance therof but in a mediocritie according to their qualities and degrees for such a meane seemes very requisit and profitable because they are meanes and aids to come unto vertue and to bee
exercised therein but the excesse is often pernitious as it was in many particular Romanes in Caesars time which were so exceeding opulent rich that their excessive riches drew them out of the limits of vertue to give themselves unto all luxurie and to enterprise novelties and changes But when I say that unmeasurable riches are pernitious most often to particular A prince ought not to the sawrize persons I meane also of the person of a soveraigne prince For it is neither good nor profitable that a prince doe treasure up nor make heapes of riches for it serves but for a bait to draw unto him enemies or to engender quarrels and divisions after him we often see that princes great treasures are causes of more evill than good That infinit treasure of threescore and seven millions of gold which Tiberius left after him for what good purpose served it It served to commit a thousand villanies and unprofitable expences full of corruptions which Caligula would never have made if he had not found that treasure And the treasure which Charles le Sage king of Fraunce left behind him wherefore served it but to sowe enmitie and division amongst brethren for Lewis duke of Anjou got it for which the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne bore him evill will and on their sides also to get treasures they caused great exactions to be laid upon the people And what good did this treasure to the duke of Anjou but tended to the destruction of him and his treasure in the conquest of the realmes of Naples and Sicilie The great treasures of king Croesus of Lidia incited him to warre against king Sirus of Persia and Media to his owne destruction The treasures of Perseus king of Macedonie made him put so great confidence in his forces that hee would needs have warre with the Romanes and so lost all together with himselfe Breefely it is neither good nor profitable for a prince to heape up nor to have great treasures and riches enclosed in one place And what then must a soveraigne prince be poore No But contrarie he had need bee rich and very opulent for otherwise he shall be feeble and weake and cannot make head against his enemies but his riches and treasures must be in the purses and houses of his subjects that is to say a prince must so deale that his subjects by good handling The surest treasure of a prince is in the subjects purses and maintenance of good peace may abound and be rich that their townes may be maintained in their liberties and franchises and in free commerce and that the labourer and all others may be comforted and preserved from extraordinarie and excessive imposts and from exactions and pillings of magistrates and of a companie of ruffians and violent persons which under colour that they hold the place of an Archer in the kings militarie ordinances or some horseman therefore will they eat and ruinate the poore labourer and others under colour of a commission to receive tenthes and of others under pretext to receive some taile or money royall and of others under diverse other pretexts For to say true the pettie and inferiour people is as much or more foiled and spoiled by magistrates and such as usurpe the office of magistrates as by the imposts of mony which are destined for the prince If a prince then shoot at this marke that through all his countrey and lands of his obedience his subjects be rich and abundant and that there be the greatest number that can be of good and rich houses then shall there be so many treasurers for him and he shall never want in his need For the nobleman shall servein good order yea at his owne expences if need be in affaires of warre the merchant and laborer shall furnish him with silver and souldiors the Cleargie will willingly contribute their tenthes breefely the prince shall find ordinarily good and assured recourse in his subjects purses which will be the best treasuries he can have for in place to give great wages to other treasurers which can often subtilly steale from their prince without being perceived these treasurers will take no wages of their prince nor steale from him neither will his treasure perish in their hands And truly the true and assured riches of a prince which he cannot lese and which cannot faile him is the richesse of his subjects for other of the princes treasurers may be undone by the povertie of collectors of the princes debts or by some other chance of warre or shipwrack but the treasure that is in all the peoples hands is not subject to hazards And therefore the prince cannot better treasure up wealth and enrich himselfe than by growing rich by good dealing with his subjects The Venetians which are wise Politickes use this For it is a capitall crime in their commonwealth to speake of gathering money for a publicke treasure But their particulars are so rich that the publicke cannot bee poore By the abovesaid reasons it seemeth unto me that the Maxime of Machiavell is Povertie makes men enterprise novelties sufficiently confuted and that it is seene that a prince for the good of his estate ought to maintaine his subjects rich and not poore For to say that poore subjects will be more tractable and obedient and will more easily thrust their heads under the yoke and wil better beare burdens when they are laid upon them it is rather contrarie This was the opinion of the emperour Galba who said when one told him that Vitellius enterprised upon the empire that there were no people lesse to be feared than such as are every day in thought to live and therfore he being such an one was not to be feared But Galba knew well in the end to the losse of his life that his saying was not true and that a person in necessitie will seeke all meanes good bad right and wrong to obtaine his purpose The same cause of povertie made also Otho to enterprise to aspire to the empire For he himselfe said that he had rather die in warre in hazarding himselfe to come to an empire than to die in prison for his debts Therefore said Iulius Caesar to such as were poore and great spenders or which were loadened with crimes that they stood in need of a civile warre meaning that the Sueto Caesar Dict. cap. 1â—1 best meane to put away their povertie was to see pilleries and thefts permitted as they are in civile warres to gather silver and other goods good cheape with little labour And to this purpose is very notable the sentence of Salust Alwaies saith he men of one citie which have no goods doe envie good people doe make most account of such as are naught doe hate the present government and desire a new and disdaining their owne affaires doe studie for a change because povertie cannot incurre any hazard of losse If it were needefull to confirme this by examples to shew
wee come to alledge For they said That men must not stay upon fishing for froggs but men must catch in their nets the great Salmons that one Salmons head was more worth than tenne thousand froggs and that when they had slaine the cheefetaines of pretended rebels that they should easily overthrow the rude and rascally multitude which without heads could enterprise nothing These venerable enterprisers should have considered that which here their Doctor Machiavell saith which also since they have seen by experience That a people cannot want heads which will alwayes rise up yea even those heads which bee slaine If they had so well noted practised this place of Machiavell as they do others so much blood would never have ben shed their tyrannie it may be had longer endured than it hath done For the great effusion of blood which they have made hath incontinent cried for vengeance to God who according to his accustomed justice hath heard the voice of that blood and for the crie of the orphant and widdow hath laid the axe to the root of all tyrannie and alreadie hath cut away many braunches thereof and if it please him will not tarry long to lay all on the ground and so establish Fraunce in his auncient government As for Fortresses in frontiers of countries they have been long time practised and are profitable to guard from incursions and invasions of enemies and to the end such as dwell upon the borders may the more peaceably enjoy their goods Wee reade That the emperour Alexander Severus gave his Fortresses upon frontiers to Lamprid. in Alex. Pomp. Laetus in Constant Magno good and approoved captaines with all the lands and revenewes belonging unto them to enjoy during their lives to the end saith Lampridius that they might be more vigilant and carefull to defend their owne And afterward the emperour Constantine the Great ordained That the said Fortresses with their grounds and revenewes should passe to the heires of the said captaines which held them as other manner of goods and heritages And hereupon some say have come such as the civile law call Feudi 34. Maxime A Prince ought to commit to another those affaires which are subiect to hatred and envie and reserve to himselfe such as depend upon his grace and favour A Prince vvhich vvill exercise some cruell and rigorous act saith cap. 7. 14. of a prince M. Nicholas he ought to give the commission thereof unto some other to the end he may not acquire evill vvill and enmitie by it And yet if he feare that such a delegation cannot bee vvholly exempted from blame to have consented to the execution which was made by his Commissarie he may cause the Commissarie to be slaine to shew that he consented not to his crueltie as did Caesar Borgia and Messire Remiro Dorco THis Maxime is a dependancie of that goodly doctrine which Machiavell learned of Caesar Borgia which although it was very cruell yet meaning to appeare soft and gentle following therein the Maxime which enjoyneth dissimulation committeth the execution of his crueltie to Messire Remiro Dorco as at large before wee have discoursed that hystorie And because we have fully shewed that all dissimulation and feignednesse is unworthie of a prince we will stay no longer upon this Maxime Well will I confesse that many things there be which seeme to be rigorous in execution although they be most equall and just which it is good a prince doe commit to others to give judgement and execution by justice as the case meriteth For as the emperour Marcus Antonine said It seemeth to the world that that which the prince doth hee doth it by his absolute authoritie and power rather than of his civile and reasonable power Therefore to shun that blame and suspition it is good that the prince delegate and set over such matters to Iudges which are good men not suspected nor passionate not doing as the emperour Valentinian did who would never heare nor receive accusations against Iudges and Magistrates which hee had established but constrained the recusators or refusers to end their cause before those Iudges only Whereby he was much blamed and his honor impeached and disgraced For truly the cheefe point which is required to cause good Passionate Iudges cannot judge well justice to be administred is That Iudges be not suspected nor passionat because the passions of the soule and heart doe obfuscate and trouble the judgement of the understanding and cause them to step aside and stray out of the way It is also a thing of very evill example when a prince with an appetite of revenge or to please the passions of revengefull great men dooth elect Iudges and Commissaries that bee passionate and which have their consciences at the command of such as employ them As was done in the time of king Lewis Hutin in the judgement of Messire Enguerrant de Marigni great master of Fraunce and in the time of king Charles the sixt in the judgement of the criminall processe of Messire Iean de Marests the kings Advocate in the parliament of Paris And a man may put to them the judgements given in our time against Amie du Bourg the kings Counsellor in the said parliament and against captaine Briquemand and M. Arnand de Cavagnes master of the Requests of the kings houshold and against the countie de Montgomerie and many others For the executions to death which followed manifested well That the Iudges were passionate men their consciences being at the command of strangers which governed them 35. Maxime To administer good Iustice a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges TO have prompt and quicke expedition of good Iustice saith Machiavell many Iudges must be established for few can dispatch Discourse lib. 1. cap. 7. few causes and a small number is more easie to gaine and be corrupted than a great number And vvithall a great number is strong and firme in Iustice against all men EXperience hath made us wise in France that this Maxime of Machiavell is not true For since they multiplied the Officers of Iustice Multiplicitie of Officers cause of the corruption of â—ustice in Fraunce in the kingdome by the encrease of Counsellours in parliaments by erection of Presidents seats by creation of new or alternative Officers we have processes and law causes more multiplied longer and worse dispatched than before insomuch as by good right and by good reason the last Estates generall held at Orleance complained to king Charles the ninth of that multiplication and multitude of Officers which served not as it doth not yet but to multiplie law causes to ruinate and eat up the people and yet no better expedition of Iustice than before but rather worse and notoriously more long and of greater charges to the parties Vpon which complaint it was holily ordained That offices of Iustice which became vacant by death should bee suppressed and that none should come in their
Office of Censor which was an Office very meete for him because he delighted more to blame and reprehend the vices of men than praise their vertues In the pursute of this Office of Censor hee had many competitors which also demanded this estate not so much for the desire they had to have it For they did well forsee that if Cato were Censor hee would practise a rigorous Censorship and that he would disgrade many Officers and Magistrates as this lay in the Censors power which were far from good And this which feared them most was that Cato himselfe as hee sued for that Office said openly that if hee were chosen Censor hee would bring to their tryall an heape of vitious corrupted Magistrates and would reforme offices by redusing them into the first forme and disgrading inculpable and unworthie officers and that they which opposed themselves to the pursute heereof did it for no other cause but because they feared the touch Bâ—iefely hee did so much that not onely hee was elected Censor but also gave him for a companion in his Censorship Lucius Valertus whom he demanded because he was like humorous as himselfe These two being Censors they failed not to remove many out of their places for they cassiered many Senators and Magistrates yea such as were of great houses and nobilitie They caused their houses to bee demolished and overthrowen which had builded on publike ground They caused divers ponds and lakes to be paved which were full of mudde and durt and to repurge all the gutters sinkes and jakes of the citie They greatly heightened and raised the farmes of the commonwealth hands which before had beene held at a low price by persons which by complots and intelligences had let them out farre dearer Briefely they administred a very lowable and profitable Censorship whereupon Cato was surnamed Censorius Would to God wee had at this day such men and that princes would employ them for the commonwealth stands in great need so to bee purged of so many evills and corruptions as doe infect and ruinate it King Charlemaine and S. Lewis may in this place serve for examples to all kings Annales upon Anno 809. and 2253. and princes For we reade That these two good kings true lovers of good Iustice performing the Office of good Censors sent often in their time commissiaries and enquestors through all provinces to bee informed against the abuses of Magistrates and such as they found in fault and did not well observe all edicts and ordinances they were rigorously punished Insomuch as during their raignes Iustice was exceeding well administred to the great help and comfort of the people The prince ought also in his election of Magistrates to advise himselfe well to chuse officers which in judgement will have no respect of persons For the Magistrate ought to yeeld right egally to the poore as the rich according to the merit of the cause and not after the desert of persons From the beginning of the Romane commonwealth they had either none or few lawes written to end contentions differences amongst them but Iudges ought to haâ—e no acception of persons they were ended as seemed good to Magistrates which alwaies gave a coulour to their sentences by certaine decrees and judgements which they said had ben before given in like cases By this palliation and deceit saying that they had been so before judged they administred Iustice after their owne fantasies yea in such sort as they almost Dion Halic lib. 10. alwaies carried away the gaining of the cause for Magistrates which were at their command supported and favoured them The meanest sort of people perceiving that under coulour of former judgements they were abused and so that they almost alwaies lost their causes against the great men of the citie many beganne to quarrell and complaine Insomuch as that the Tribunes publikely proposed that it was necessarie there were ten potentates elected in the place of two Consuls to administer the commonwealth and write lawes ordinances wherby from thence forward the differences and law controversies might bee decided and not after the fantasies and former judgements of Iudges Magistrates The great men after their custome opposed themselves against this Heereupon there arose a great stirre and sedition within the towne of Rome which neither the Consuls nor Senate could any Good Iustice cause of peace evill cause of Sedition way appease But at the new creation of Consuls it happened that Lucius Quintius who dwelt in the fields in a little husbandry hee had was elected Consul and sent for to his village where they found him at his ploughes taile ploughing his finall possessions This good person was honourably brought as soveraigne Magistrate into the towne as soone as hee was arrived hee beganne to exercise his estate and to administer justice to every man as well poore as rich without respect or exception of persons He in a little time dispatched all ould causes which had long hanged in suspence by the meanes of prorogations which rich men made and behaved himselfe so discreet and just in the handling of all causes as he was generally esteemed a good and equall judge Hee abode all day in the pallace to heare and dispatch causes and hee gave audience to every man very patiently and benignely and used speedie and good Iustice to one and others indifferently having no regard to persons but to the merits and to the Iustice of the cause then in the question onely By this meanes Quintius brought to passe that not onely the great men were no more suspected judges to the meanest but also Iustice was so agreeable and plausible to the people that the sedition ceased and all the people were appeased so that none demanded any more to have new lawes whereby to judge causes but every man greatly contented himselfe to have for a law so good and equall a judge and Magistrate And surely there is nothing in the world which sooner ceaseth seditions and stirres nor that better maintaineth publike peace and tranquilitie than a good Iustice administred by good and equall Magistrates But on the contrary a wicked Iustice is often cause of uproares insurrections and civile warres as poore France can say at this day The example of both these cases appeared certaine yeeres after Quintius was Dion Halic lib. 10. 11. out of his magistracie for they which succeeded him had not that grace nor dexteritie well to administer Iustice insomuch as the Tribunes tooke up againe their determination to create ten Potentates to write lawes and ordinances after which men might bee judged in all causes And indeede the Senate as it were constrained accorded to this creation there were chosenten Potentates which with great deliberation composed the lawes of the twelve Tables which were found very good and equall and not onely they proposed and made in publike places the said lawes and engraved them in Tables of brasse but which more is
they understood how they should administer as a captaine Niger lieutenant of the warre for the emperor Marcus Antonine complained to him But that incommoditie was much more supportable in that time than Spart in Nigro at this day it can bee in Fraunce for the Romane magistrates seldome decided private and particular causes but in Fraunce magistrates must deale in all causes After that the prince hath well established his justice as well by publication of A Prince ought himself to minister Iustice good lawes as by institution of good magistrates yet is he not discharged For he ought himselfe also to deale therin And this is another point of the Counsell which Iethro gave to Moses For after he had counselled him what magistrates hee should establish under him he added more That Moses ought to reserve unto himselfe the knowledge and decision of great affaires which are of consequence And assuredly this is a point very necessarie and which a prince ought not to leave behind for hee is debtor of Iustice to his subjects and ought to give them audience in things wherof he is to have necessarie knowledge for all things are not proper to bee handled before magistrates established by the prince but there are many things wherof the knowledge ought to appertaine to the prince alone as when a meane man wil complaine against some great lord or magistrat or against Publicans and exactors of the princes money or when a man labours for a pardon gift recompence and many other like The prince then ought himselfe either alone or in his Counsell to give often audience unto his subjects For we reade that by the primitive creation of kings Dionis Halic â—ib 1. 5. and monarchs the authoritie which was attributed unto them by the people consisted in three very notable points whereof the first was To minister good justice unto their subjects by causing them to observe the lawes and customes of the countrey and to take knowledge themselves of the injuries which are great and of consequence amongst their subjects The second point was To convocat an assembly of a Senat to handle the affaires of the commonwealth And the third To be the cheefetaine and soveraigne of the warre And for as much as the first dutie of kings consisteth to do good justice unto their subjects the auncient Grecians even Homer calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Distributers of justice This is it wherefore almost all good princes have had their ordinary daies of Audience wherin they took knowledge of the complaints and grievances of their subjects and administred right and justice unto them Iulius Caesar tooke great paine and travaile to heare causes and to administer justice and to cause them to observe lawes which concerned Suet. in Caesar cap. 43. in Aug. cap. 3 in Claud. cap. 15. in Galba cap. 7. 8 9. Domitiano cap 8. the commonwealth as especially the law Sumptuariam which would permit no excesse in bankets nor dissolutnesse in apparell Augustus Caesar likewise kept an ordinarie Audience which he continued untill night yea being evill at ease he in a litter would be carried to the pallace or hold Audience in his house The emperour Claudius also although hee were of an heavie and dull spirit yet held hee his Audience and administred right to parties So did Domitian who how wicked soever he was in other deportments with great industrie and diligence administred good justice unto parties and often revoked decrees from the Centumvirat seat which for favor were given and spared not to punish corrupted Iudges The emperour Galba likewise although he was of the age of threescore and twelve yeares when he came to the empire yet dealt with audience of parties and administred justice So did Traian Adrian the Antonines Severus Alexander and many other Romane emperors give Audience to their subjects and administred justice unto them And very memorable is that which is written of the emperor Adrian namely That one day as hee went into the fields he was required by a poore woman who had watched to speake with him to doe her justice upon a certaine complaint she made unto him The emperour very Dion in Adrian kindly said unto her That that was no place where she should require justice and sent her away till another time The woman replied upon him Sir said she if you wil not doe me justice wherefore deale you to be emperour Adrian was never moved hereat but staied still heard her did her justice If we read the hystories of France wee shall find that it hath yet beene more ordinarie and common with our auncient kings to hold Audiences which men called Lict de Iustice The Bed of Iustice than with the Romane emperours Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour besides Annal. upoÌ„ Anno 809 814 1215. that he tooke great care that Stewards Bayliffes and their deputies should walk upright without abusing their Offices would also that they should reserve unto him all great causes or such as were amongst great lords Then caused hee the parties to appeare before him he heard them patiently and agreed them amiably if he could by any means and so he gave his sentence and good and prompt justice King Lewis the first of that name surnamed le Debonaire because of his good and holy conditions following the traces of Charlemaigne his father held a publicke Audience in his pallace three times in the weeke and heard the grievances and complaints of every one executing to all quicke and right justice But what good came there hereof Even this saith the hystorie that the publicke good in this good kings time was so well governed and administred that there was almost no man found amongst his subjects which complained that any man did him wrong or injurie but al men lived in great peace and prosperitie one not daring to offend another for the feare they had of the kings good justice which he would administer himselfe and so cause his ministers to doe after his example So much could that royall vertue of Iustice doe for the maintenance of peace and prosperitie in a kingdome King Philip Augustus surnamed the Conquerour for his great prowesses and conquests was also a good Iusticer and willingly heard the complaints of his subjects insomuch as one day understanding that Guy Counte de Auverne used greatly to pill and violently to spoile his subjects and neighbours exacting upon them great summes of money against their wils and without the kings consent their soveraigne and having found him culpable hereof condemned him by the advice of the barons of the realme to lose his land and seignorie of Auverne which from that time was united to the crown We may also place here the good justice of the kings Charles le Sage Charles the seventh Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and of many other kings of France Annal. upon Anno 1255 1269 Gaguin in the liâ—e of S.
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any
newes of all those Parliaments was not the kingdome large and flourishing rich in peace flourishing in warre None can deny this without giving the lie to all our hystories which doe witnesse that in the times of Clowis Charles Martell Charlemaigne Philip August S Lewis and of many other kings of France the kingdome greatly flourished in peace and warre Yet was there no newes of all the Parliaments abovenamed And so much there wanted that the gentlemen troubled or ruinated the estate of the kingdome when there was no Parliaments that by contrary they were they which exercised in person the estates of baylifes and seneshals and ministred justice to every man through the provinces and when they were constrained to goe out they appointed themselves a lieutenant to exercise their offices And as for appellations from their sentences they were discussed by a generall meeting of the deputies of provinces and good townes of the kingdome which congregated at a place assigned by the king once a yeere Which assembly men well called a Parliament in the ould French tongue But those assemblies were not formed offices neither in any thing are like the Parliaments at this present but rather are like the assembly of our Estates generall There did sit the deputies of the Short robe whereof the most part were gentlemeâ— which they called Lay men and the deputies of the Long robe which wee call clerkes although since councellors clerkes are onely called Clerkes Lay men they which be married with the Peeres of France when they would sit with them Therefore gentlemen were employed to doe justice to the people not onely in offices of baylifes and seneshals but also as delegates of townes and provinces to assist in the assembly of Parliament which otherwise men called the court of Peeres It is therefore seene that the saying of Machiavell is a meere slaunder and that the Nobilite of France is not such as he makes it although in all estates there be both good and evill and that of all times even before ther were any Parliaments the Nobilitie were employed to maintaine the kingdome in peace repose by their exercise of the charges offices of justice And would to God that yet at this day gentlemen would not give themselves so much to armes but that some of them would studie the civil law that they might exercise offices of Iustice The ancient Romanes made no lesse account of a civile vertue Many of this time despise letters and the noblenesse of vertue Salust in Catelin wherby a man knew how to maintaine peace justice in his country than of the military vertue whereby we are defended from strange oppression And indeede it is a small thing as Salust saith to bee puissant in armes without when within wee have no counsell For the Barbarians as the Scythians and Tartarians are greatwarriors against their enemies and neighbours yet amongst themselves they have no counsell no good policie no well governed justice no letters sciences nor schooles and in summe they are Barbarians though they bee warlike Whereby appeareth how much it serveth to the publike estate of a countrey to have within it a good justice and a good policie and fit and capable people well to manage it But our gentlemen at this day at the least many have letters and sciences in too great despight and doe thinke it doth derogate from their gentry and nobilitie if they know any thing and make a mocke at such as deale with a pen and inckhorne which is one of the greatest vices which at this day raigneth amongst the Nobilitie And if they delighted not in ignorance but would vouchsafe onely to reade hystories they should finde that Iulius Caesar Augustus Tiberius Claudius Adrian Marke Antonine Severus Macrinus and many other emperours were very learned in letters and sciences yea themselves writ bookes Wee reade also in our hystories that king Charlemaigne king Robert Charles le Sage and of recent memorie king Francis the first of that name were princes endewed with good knowledge for their times I say for their times for the time wherein were these ancient kings except the said king Francis were full of barbarousnesse and ignorance and farre from the learned world of the emperours which wee have before named I will also note another notable vice which runnes currant amongst gentlemen at this day which is That they make so great accompt of their Nobilitie of blood that they esteeme not the Nobilitie of vertue insomuch as it seemeth to some that no vices can dishonour or pollute the Nobilitie and gentry which they bring from their ancestors But they ought well to consider that to their race there was a beginning of Nobilitie which was attributed to the first that was noble in consideration of some vertue which was in him If then the Nobilitie and gentrie of race tooke his originall and spring from vertue it followeth that so soone as it houldeth no more of the said spring it is no more Nobilitie nor gentrie no more nor lesse than the water which commeth and springs from a neate and cleere fountaine when it polluteth and corrupts it selfe in filthie boggs carres fennes and miery sinkes shall bee called the fountaine water since it hath corrupted it selfe in filthie mire and clay but shall bee accounted corrupt and stinking water although it runne from a most pure and cleare spring We reade that the emperour Marke Antonine made so great account of the Nobilitie of vertue although hee himselfe was most noble and of an ancient race that in comparison of it hee made no estimate of Nobilitie of race therefore married hee his daughters to persons which were not of great ancient Nobilitie but to such as were wise and vertuous such as none were found like amongst the most illustrious races of Rome Maecenas also was a great lord in the time of Augustus Caesar issued of a royall race yet hee made no account of that Nobilitie of blood in comparison of that true Nobilitie which is of vertue Hee loved honoured praised and enriched learned men yea was very familiar with them and had them ordinarily at his table although otherwise they were of base race This his love and favour which he bore to learning was the cause that his name by them was immortalized and heereupon such as are liberall and love learned men are called Maecenates The Poet Horace greatly praiseth him because hee preferred the Nobilitie of vertue before that of race when hee saith Thou saist truâ— Macenas what matters it to thee Serm. lib. 1. Saâ—ir 6. On what 〈◊〉 is borne so that borne hee bee free Therefore gentlemen of 〈◊〉 ought not to despise such as by their vertue may bouldly say carry themselveâ—â—or Nobles 〈◊〉 â—ught to respect them and acknowledge in them the cause from whâ—nce their Nobilitie of blood tooke their originall commencement They also which are Noble not onely of race but also of vertue ought verily to be