first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
benefit of their Habeas Corpus and this when there was no Information upon Oath as the Law appoints to justifie such a proceedure And have not the Ministers had all this pardon'd by a Parliament Doctor Welwood does make so many Repetitions himself that I hope he will not redicule me if I now and then repeat the same thoughts and set down here that Parliaments heretofore thought fit to punish and not to skreen such Arbitrary Ministers to make the reparation of the Subject more easie more certain but now they take part with the Ministers to oppress the Subject Another Parliamentary Errour under this Government is that our Legislators don't at the beginning of every Sessions read the Prince of Orange's own Declaration for there are in it some things that deserve their Reflections These are the Words of one Paragraph And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our undertaking but the preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the FREE ENJOYMENT of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Iust and Legal Government I don't know whether the present Gentlemen that meet at VVestminster take themselves to be a free Parliament but if they do here is a very fair Invitation which is also in other places expressed by declaring that the design of his coming should be to rescue the English Government from the Violencies and Disorders which had overturned the whole Constitution Really if this was true our Civil Fabrick wants a great deal of Reparation and if he was in earnest you are to blame that you don't propose solid Securities against Arbitrary Government and to prevent the possibility of Slavery for the future as the Declaration has it in another place But in troth after all I know not whether the Prince of Orange takes the present for a free Parliament because that I can name his Highness some Bills that they have determined very unanimously to be for the happiness of the Nation to which nevertheless King VVilliam has not thought fit to give his assent no he did not think fit to concur tho' some men absolutely attached to his Interest have honestly according to their Principles told him that a Prince who comes in for the sake and upon the Foot of Reformation can never stand long unless he really perform the business and design of his exaltation He has been so far from concurring that it has been observed that every Session he has taken all our Money but followed none of the Advice either of a Parliament or of such whose avowed Principles make them capable to go in heartily with his Government nay he has rejected one Bill that the whole House of Commons passed Nemine Contradicente Mr. Finch excepted â—nd which was not opposed by any body but my Lord Nottingham in th e â—ouse of Lords He hath been pleased to refuse some â—ther Bills that were notwithstanding all the pains â—e and my Lord Portland took to hinder them Voted â—y a great majority of both Houses Methinks the preâ—ent Parliament should enquire what are his thoughts concerning them since 〈◊〉 seems it is not to them that he refers the accomplishments of the ends of â—is Declaration I believe there are some that sit now in Saint Stephen's Chappel that have thought no King of England no Hereditary King of Engâ—and ought to have a Negative Voice and I wonder that no Person of â—hat perswasion disputes the Title that their Elective King has to it but inâ—tead of this now these men are in Places they can as well as other throw â—ut the Judges Bill as soon as the Prince of Orange lets them know his Will â—nd Pleasure They let him carry Absolute Monarchy to a higher pitch then â—hat in which the imagination of Xenophon placed his Cyrus for Cyrus had â—bout him many great men whom he consulted who were called his Eyes â—nd Ears and who were in a sort the Representatives of his Subjects but â—ur present House of Commons are content that our All-sufficient Monarch should â—o every thing by the advice only of that Stranger that Gaveston his Monâ—â—eur Bentinck who has the reputation of too good a Courtier to expostulate â—is Masters Will. Will you give me leave Dr. to repeat another Paragraph of the Prince â—f Orange's Declaration But to Crown all there are Great and Violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those evil Counsellours in order to the carrying on of their ill designs and the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho' there have appeared both during the Queen's PRETENDED Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of suspition that not only WE OUR SELVES but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their doubts Doctor Welwood you must forgive me if I think that it has been at least a great oversight in our Legislators that they have not charged this Crowning Male-administration home upon King Iames. This was a Male-administraâ—ion that was not only to confirm at present but to Crown and perpetuate â—ll the Male-administrations of King Iames's Reign The proof of it would â—ave effectually silenced almost all mankind in the behalf of that King It â—s such an unnatural Male-administration that I should have thought him worse then an Iâ—fidel that had so destroyed the Provisions our Law 〈◊〉 made for his Family for his Daughters I would not only have alloweâ— him insane but a Monster if this had been proved upon him The not proâ—ving this upon King Iames has laid a Foundation for Lancastrian 〈◊〉 on s and for eternal Standing Armies which must remain for a Guard tâ— our Elective Crown Had the Prince of Orange intended to have requiteâ— that most particular Affection and esteem which he says we had formerly testified to him and his dearest Consort the Princess he should not have been willing we should have been left in the dark in this matter Had the Parliament tooâ— any care for our future Security they would have cleared this point Thâ— Prince of Orange was very particularly concerned to clâ—ar it since it was thâ— most Justifiable part of hiâ— Errand hither the Parliament can never have 〈◊〉 better opportunity to be satisfied of the truth of this matter since now they and
Nation called upon him to speak in the House And when he had the misfortune to beat a Foot-man just before the last Sessions within the verge of the Court did not the Court Animals tell about in triumph their Masters Sentiments and how many good Speeches were spoiled by having Iack How upon that hank When King William returned from that Skirmish of the Boyne which is the only time he ever faught successfully did not he threaten the whole Parliament in a Speech But I must confess a man that Pays them so well may take the Liberty to use those Gentlemen a little Scurvily but the Figure they should make and the treatment they then had would have taught Barbarians how little they ought for the time to come to have wished success to King William's Arms. All that I have reckoned up except this last instance are the measures of Adversity but who can guess what would be the Maxims of his Government if he could do those mighty things that he sometimes promises in his Speeches and weak Men and silly Women expect at his hands But I must return to what he does as things are with him at present Was not Mr. Ashton murdered by presumptive Treason and Anderton against the plain sence of many Statutes and without the least shadow or proof and in despite of the conviction and repentance of several of his Jury particularly the Foreman have not many of the Judges hectored the Juries in their Circuits But why should I go on to enumerate all the effects of the Prince of Orange's most Despoâ—ick Rule Thâ—se Instances are enough to demonstrate the Imprudence I had lâ—ke to have said Imâ—udence of these Pamphleteers and are enough â—o verifie Osboâ—ne's Aphorism which I have put upon the Title page and to convince us that what he says is the true reason why we at present bear such infractions of our Antient Constitution The Aphorism is so pat here that it will scarce be lost time to read it over again People endure Oppression with more patience from an Vsurper then one ascending through a long Succession as esteeming it MORE NATURAL and no less then looked for or as acknowledging to have deserved it FOR NOT SEEING WHEN THEY WERE WELL. I will not be so particular as to shew how especially of all their Scriblers â—t little becomes Doctor Welwood to exaggarate matters against King Iames since his discourseâ— about a Dictatorial Power c. brought him for his Arbitrary Doctrines under the censure of the House of Commons A House of Commons wherein some Members have been so notoriously and of a sudden so debauched that when some of them have stood up to speak those that sate next have as I am told instead of crying hear called out hyre him â—f I may believe a Person that I think of credit this is true but I am cauâ—ious of laying down any thing for matter of Fact that is not minutely true â—hat I will not vouch for this Report tho' it is well handed to me Howâ—ver I must confess since Pentions have been so much talked of and so much â—nown I think the promotion of no Test will ever so honourably carry down â—he names of the Authors of iâ— to our Childrens Children as the late self â—enying Ordinance and yet that ought to have been carryed a little farther â—or it were to be wished that every Member should make Oath he received â—o Pay either directly or indirectly from King William and then a reaâ—onable man might know what to say to them and how much soever they â—ould oppose King Iames yet they would certainly take some care of their â—iserable Native Land I am coming Doctor to my third Head which is in Answer to a Maxim â—ou lay down and build very much upon page the 4 th Your Maxim is Neâ—er to trust the Promises of one that has broke with us before especially if those â—ormer were backed with the Religious Sanction of an Oath Doctor don't you â—mell a Rat In good earnest as ill as the Convention provided for our â—ecurity I suppose what I have mentioned may be either found in our new â—ill of Rights or plainly and without straining a point be deduced from it â—nd tell me frankly was it not designed that the Coronation Oath should obâ—ge King William to observe that paultry Bill of Rights and also all our Laws have observed Doctor you have an ill memory and a worse observation and for that reason I must remind you that the Male-administrations in thâ— Reign of King Iames are by your Libel made breaches of his Coâ—onatioâ— Oath I fancy upon reading it that you reckon that notiâ—n the very hingâ— of our Constitution because else sure you can't but know that your wholeâ— Treatise is impertinent what hole then have you for King William to creepâ— out at How shall he go Scot-free But to proceed â—radatim did not theâ— Prince of Orange break his Oath to his own Country-men by taking upâ—â— him the Statholdership and this too when he was of years to be obliged by an Oath for when they first made him Captain Geneâ—al he took an Oath never to take the Power of the Statholdeâ— upon him Well but I will not ramble into the Vnited Provinces I will let him the People of Amsterdam and Tergous alone But did not the Prince of Orange break his Word hiâ— Declaration with us when by advancing his Troops he mad it impracticable for King Iames when a Treaty was on Fâ—ot betwixt him and the King to summon such a Parliament as the Prince of Orange said he would refer every thing to and for which the King had issued out several Writsâ— Nay was the threatening not to say insolent inhumane and unnaâ—uralâ— Mâ—ssage he sent to the King to command his removal from Whitehall aâ—sâ— unseasonâ—ble a time of the Night and to go by conveyance that coâ—sidâ—ring the coldness of the Weather must be so dangerous to his Health agrâ—eable to what he promised to those of the Gentry and Nobilâ—ty who invited him over without design of carrying things so â—ar without design to carry them to any extremity either against the King's Person or the Just Rights and necessary Pâ—erogatives of his Crown Nay farther has King William since he was Crowned kept his Oath with any of thâ—se Kinâ—doms I think it is plain he has not I dare appeal to his Friends of both the Rosâ—s The Rose Tavern at Temple-Barr and in Covent-Garde◠〈◊〉 dare appeal to his Advocates at Richard's Coffee-House and to his activâ— Friend Paschall who delivered his Declaration at the Door of the House oâ— Commons Nay I dare appeal to any man liviâ—g that has Sence and Memory whether he has always kept his Word I am sure England Scoâ—land anâ— Ireland complain of the breach of it I know no body indeed that he haâ— kept it with but the Irish Pâ—pists He has broke it with both Parties in Scotland I will give an account how
he has broke it with the Episcopal partâ— there when I come to shew in what an admirable in how much a more setled condition Secretary Iohnson has left that Kingdom but at present I wilâ— observe how he has kept it with the Parliament of Scotland as I have heretofore how he has kept it with the People of England It is sufficiently known that those who delivered him the Crown of Scotland took a most parâ—ticular care to make the Redress of Grievances and the assertion of their oâ— Rights the conditions of taking it And the Conditions upon which only theâ— gave that Crown I must allow for the honour of that Nation and 〈◊〉 mitiâ—gation of what they did that had they had a Right to do it they acted like wise and serious men they provided Substantial Securities by their claim of Rights and they ordered those who presented their Crown to secure their Liberties by reading first their Claim of Rights then their Grievances both which went to the bottom of things and then to insist upon the exacting of a Promise from him to govern according to the one and to Redress the other before they administred the Oath unto him by which they designed and evidently implyed his being sworn to the performance which Instructions were punctually observed by those that delivered that Crown but within a very short time after that Crown was given tho' it was upon this promise yet notwithstanding the greatest part of that Parliament which placed the Crown upon his Head humbly petitioned the present King for which priviledge of Petitioning they had provided by their Claim of Rights as well as the Prince of Orange had in his own Declaration declared the slighting and rejecting Petitions delivered by Subjects with respect and submission to be a high strain of Absolute Power I say altho' that Parliament humbly Addressed to the present King for his Assent to some Votes which they had passed for Establishing their â—iâ—erties and which were agreeable to their Antient Laws and Priviledges and pursuant to their Claim of Rights they were scornfully and disdainfully refused and rejected Will you giâ—e me leave to mention some of the Laws of Scotland such as were set down in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to that Kingdom According to the Scotch Declaration the appointing of Judges in an unusual manner and giving them Commissions which were not to continue during Life or good behaviour was highly Illegal yet King William after he got the Crown found he was mistaken in that Paragraph and nominated the whole Bench without subjâ—â—ting them to a Tryal and the approbation of Parliament according as Law and Custom required did not think fit to continue their Commissions during Life or good behaviour and appointed them a Lord Presâ—â—â—nt tho' by express and antient Statutes he was to be Elected by the Bench. By the Prince of Orange's Declaration the Imposing of Bonds without Act of Parliament and the permiting of free quarters to the Souldiers are declared to be high and intollerable Stretches of Government as indeed they are by the municipal Laws of that Kingdom but yet under this Government with greater Confidence and less Compassion then ever Bonds have been in Scotland imposed by authority of Parliament as may appear from their publick Proclamations and many thousands of Souldiers have been maintained upon free quarter for many Months together countenanced and abetted in it by the Government and the Funds for the reimbursing the Country which were appointed by Parliament have been otherwise diverted The Commissionating the Officers of the Army to sit as Judges upon the Lives and Estates of the Subjects and the â—uâ—ing People to death without a Lâ—gal Tryal Iury and Record were complained of in the Dâ—claâ—ation wâ—re thought good reasons for Forefaâ—â—â—ing of King Iames and were provided against upon this last settlement of the Crown and yet both the caution given against them by the sentence of Forefaulture in the Person of King Iames and the future provision made by the Estates prove too weak to restrain this Government from practising the same things for Colonel Hill and Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton were ordered and empowered to puâ— Glencoa and all the Males of his Clan under seventy to death which was partly executed upon them without any Legal Tryal Iury or Record Neither can their former enmity and opposition to the Government furnish any appology for so barbarous a Murder since they had all either actually taken the benefit of the Indemnity then granted and so were pardoned or had Protections in their Pockets which put them under the immediate care and safeguard of the Government Will you give me leave now to put you in mind of a matter that concerns both Kingdoms The frequencies of Parliament for redressing of Grievances the amending strenthening and preserving of the Laws with all freedom of Speech and Debates in them was insisted upon and fundamentally established by the States of both Kingdoms when they Elected their present Majesties to the Throne How well this is observed and made good to both Kingdoms is obvious enough I believe it would puzzle Doctor Welwood to give any considerable Catalogue of Grievances Redressed No it is not for Redressing of Grievances amending or preserving the Laws they are assembled but for giving of Money The craving Necessities of the State the pressing circumstances of the Confederates and Forreign Affairs the early Preparations of the French King anâ— honourable Peace the good of the Protestant Religion and Fears of King Iames are become the cruel and everlasting Topicks the common and ordinary Stale whereby the true intent of Parliaments is baffled and the Money-business quickned and finished The last is now so much the business of Parliaments and the first so little that is is an equal Wager that this Court may come at last to plead Prescription against Parliaments as to any other business but Money Bills Doctor I am afraid you will be put hard to assign many redressed Grievances but I can present you with an account of at least six or seven and twenty Millions that we have paid King William a prodigious Sum for five Years besides the Money that we have in that time lost by his management and the vast Sums he owes Methinks our bounty should have made him keeâ— better touch with us have made him perform his Promises I begin to pitty you Doctor for as I said you must not discount for theâ— things by laying the blame upon the advices of Ministers thereby to easâ— the Prince because every Branch of Law is a Breach of Promise by your own Doctrine if such a poor Animal as I can pick out the sence of what you write Methinks you are a little abashed we have been a long time â—very serious Have you a mind to be merry Doctor and I will by repeating a Jest shew you how in a very few Lines you might have given a more effectual answer to thâ—s Declaration The Story
Tryers who must be satisfied of their Gifts and I suppose too according to the usual form of Tryers they must be satisfied they have not too good a Benefice for an Episcopal Clergy-man But I beg pardon for this Note of my own and will go on to tell you that all that have Benefices not submiting to these Conditions are to be deprived and that all others who have none are to be banished if they exercise tho' in private Houses their Ministry so that now there are no remains of Toleration in Scotland The Idolatrous Church of England is so little admitted there that all remains of an Episcopal Party will be rooted out if Iohnston's Ministry and this Government can stand Let us procâ—ed to another Head Because you are a Stranger give me leave to inform you Doctor that so much does not signifie only in our Language and then give me leave to consider part of the eighth and ninth Pages Good Doctor did not the Prince of Orange charge the King with a suppoâ—uious Prince of Wales and his partizans with a French League the Murther of his Brother and the Earl of Essex Did these things contribute towards the King's misfortunes Are they true Or were they false I believe you must allow that nothing contributed so much to the King's Misfortunes and our Miseries as these malitious Calumnies Were they his Friends or his Enemies that set them about I will not name Saint Iones's Grad-Irons nor the Irish Massacree and all the other Stories wherewith the Mobâ— were carried headlong to Perdition Besides this a man without aggravation might say that when the Prince of Orange had Bribed some to put the King upon illâ—m asures he Briâ—ed others even to give a worse turn to them abroad than they as bad as they were deserved and to six Intentions to them which the King never so much as dreamt of You can't but be sensible an ill tâ—ing may be aggravated by Billinsgate flights because Doctor your own Talent lies that way Page the fourteâ—nth you charge King Iames with endeavouring both before and after his Accession to the Crown to advance the exorbitant greatness of France and you say that this is a truth so generally known in Europe that even the Popish Princes lay it at his door with the heaviest Execrations These are heavy Charges but you are pleased to let the proving of them alone and I protest Doctor you are the only man in the world upon whose bare Word I would have believed things of this importance However from these discoveries of yours you infer that the present War is for the defence of our Country our Religion and our Liberties The Protestant Religion and English Liberty are so dear to me that I must consider them first I did never hear that our Religion and our Country were attacked by France I thought we declared War first against France Well! but you will tell us that our Religion and Liberty are concerned in the defence of Flanders as well as in that of our own Country because if Pâ—pish Flanders is lost it is impossible for either our Religion or Liberty to subsist I answer First that Flanders was not attacked until after this Revolution and so the danger of Flanders did not draw us into this War And then Secondly with submission if we had kept out of this War and from the expence of a Land Army in Flanders our Trade would have flourished and our Navy with the fifth part of that Expence we have been at might have been so increased as would have secured our Religion and Liberty from all the Power of France and of the whole World too But farther supposing I should grant that we must be yet more watchful over Flanders are we nevertheless bound to ruin our selves for its defence Is not this to submit at present to a mischief the avoiding of which for the future is the only reasonable and National motive why we should take any care at all of those Provinces But Doctor how does it appear that King Iames has labour'd for the Granduer of France If you know any thing of a French League produce it My Lord Sunderland's Letter Liâ—ens'd in 89. denys his knowledge of it and I think his Evidence may be taken upon this Head The Duke oâ— York's labouring to obtain those Peaces of Aixe La Chapell and Nimegheâ— which were so advantagious for the Confâ—derates are no very good proofs of your assertion King Iames's threatning the King of France when his Army was hovering about the Mase and his sending the French King word when he offered to fall down upon Holland to divert is In asion that brought about this Revolution that if he Invaded Holland he would send his Quota for thâ—ir deâ—ence according to the Treaty of Nâ—meghen is a strong contradiction to what you say and upon the whole I am so far from beiâ—g of your mind that I believe the majority of the Consederates will ascribe the present Granduer of France rather to the Prince of Oâ—anâ—e's want of conduct Government and Oeconomie in their common Affairs tâ—an to any endeavours of King Iames either before or since his accession to the Crown If a man had nothing else to do one might since you insist upon the Security of our Religion by this War make pretty work with that Article of the Confederacy whereby the Prince of Orange engages himself to maintain the Vsurpaâ—ion of the â—opâ— against the Franchises of the Gaâ—can Church and with the â—eclâ—raâ—ion Monsiâ—ur Sâ—hombâ—rg put forth in Dauphin this time twelve Mâ—nth And in answer to what you say of the King 's laying his Crown at the Feet of the Pope which you your self Doctor can't but know it a maliâ—ious anâ— groundless Calumny a man might expose your Master for having so often â—aâ—pered with the Court of Rome for having had so great Friendships with many Popes for being in a direct Confederacy with one nay for having as it were fought under his Banner when he came to be our Deliverer With these things a man might divert the Reader but I don't love to take all advantages of rallying nor to aggravate upon all occasions and I know Correspondencies may be held with a Pope as a secular Prince If you will consider this short Paragraph it may help you to an answer to many Excursions that you make Page the 23 d. you are pleased to 〈◊〉 King Iames for want of gratitude I believe few Princes ever shewed a greater disposition to it He lost his Crowns because he would not shift his Hands after he had put out his Liberty of Conscience neither could he be perswaded to suspect those who had formerly shewed themselves hiâ— Friends tho' in many of them appeared a peevish opposition to Liberty of Conscience it self I never pretended to like the Methods that were then taken to introduce Liberty of Conscience but the thing it self was both wise and Christian and many of those with
is worth your hearing I have been told of a Witty Wagg of King William's own party who when he saw this Declaration at first looked a liltle solmn and cryed out Pox take it this may do mischief but after he had recollected himself he said Now I think of it it will signifie little for King William has taken the best way to make this and all Declarations of no effect for there is no body can name any one Paragraph of his own that he has kept to so that the Nation I hope will never mind Declarations more It was a severe Jest upon the Prince of Orange because the best Friends he has must own it a true one nor can King William plead ignorance in excuse of what he does since the Prince of Orange could so nicely and so Libellously anatomize in his own Declaration every breach of our Laws made in King Iames's Reign and also since the doctrines of this Revolution and Doctor Welwood's Libell make the King of this Kingdom the author of all that is done it Good Doctor what shall we do Shall we ever trust to the Promis of one that has broke his Word with us before Shall we trust a man that has broke Promises that were backed with the Religious Sanction of an Oath Come Doctor be good naâ—ured Advise the World to be good natured to be forgiving and forgetting or King William's Government will be in a dangerous condition But let us not entertain our selves any longer with such dismal Prospects Let us make to the last Head I perceive Doctor tho' not only the Hawkers have carryed Six penny-worth forty pages of youâ— Works through all the City but the Government has industriously spread them through all the Villages of the Country with as much diligence as the Ordinaries do the Fâ—â—st-Prayers yet you Sir are not satisfied that it is King Iames's Declaration Really Doctor I am forty that a man of your Fiâ—ure and Talents ventured to spend so much of your time upon an uncertainty but that you may not too much repent of your labour I will asure you Doctor that I have seen this Declaration Signed with King Iames's own Hand which I will Swear to as much as I will to any Similitude of Hands and belief may serve in this case tho' I think it no evidence in Criminal Causes notwithstanding its being used as such at some Tryals since the Reversal of Sydney's Attainder in which Reversal to do them Justice the Convention was in the Right But to proceed I don't desire the World should take my Word for this matter I believe there are many Members of the House of Commons know his hand as well as I and if they will become Security for my Person on this occasion too I will produce it either to the House or to any Member of it whose Honour I can trust Upon my word Doctor it is in Town Signed with his own hand if I may trust my own Eyes and I will assure you too Doctor as I said â— never saw the King's hand to that former Declaration which you are soâ— very willing should pass for an authentick one Where have you lived Doctor of late You used to be a man of good Intelligence I wonder you have not heard that this last Declaration was in the French Gazette which the other Declaration would questionless have been too had it been more then an unfinished undetermined Scrole If you will be pleased to enquire the French Gazette of Iune the 20 th 1693. I believe you need not put your self to any farther trouble about the reallity of this being King Iames's Declaration but if you are still in doubt there is an Astrologer who is a Prisoner in the Fleet and who was formerly of another Profession to whom you may apply and if he is a Master in his Art he will easily by casting a Figure find that this Declaration has passed the Great Seal at St. Germaines as well as the approbation of many of his Majesties Friends here The Gentleman who studies the Stars can spell his own Name out of this little hint but altho' he fawned upon King Iames in his Prosperity and has been a busie little stickler against him since his Misfortunes and has had a mind to have a flirt at this Declaration yet I pitty the hardships that Gentleman has brought upon himself and wish at last he would mind his own proper Function and not trouble himself any more with Politicks which God and Nature never designed for his Province He will know I ken but I will not expose him who is more miserable already then I wish him were it in my power to make him otherwayes I have said all I think necessary to the general Heads and now shall proceed to those things that have not fallen under them In looking over page the 6 th I perceive Doctor you have a wonderful good opinion of the Face of Affairs in Scotland therefore if you please I will compare Notes with you My Correspondents Doctor assure me that your Country-men are less affected then they were to the present Government which they say appears by the general obstinacy against taking the Oathes the Episcopal Party generally and some of the Presbyterian Ministers themselves refusing and those that have taken the Oaths even amongst the Presbyterian Clergy have taken them with such a Reservation and Explication as plainly shews that they have King William in suspition and that they don't desire to place a Dictatorial Power in the Prince of Orange I think I had best send the explanation it self We do take the Oath of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary in so far as they defend our Religion and our Liberties according to the Claim of Right and their Coronation Oaths I suppose you have heard of Mr. Windram Professor in Divinity at Glascoe Mr. Iohn Ballendine and Mr. Thomas Linnin These men repeated these Words in the name of themselves and the Kirk of Scotland and they demanded and would not be satisfied till they had got Instruments from the Clerk of the Commission who was empowered to adminster the Oaths unto them that upon these terms only they had Sworn the Oaths and Signed the Assurances Now I have repeated their Explanation methinks even these men have not bound themselves Hand and Foot The Claim of Rights the Coronation Oath have been may again be broken by King William and Queen Mary and then the Kirk of Scotland is at Liberty to step out of the way of their Allegiance and by what has been done to King Iames such Sallies as those are brought into president There are prodigious numbers both of Noblemen and Gentlemen who were living Peaceably and willing enough to live peaceably under the protection of this Government some of whom are Imprisoned others Fined in a Years Revenue of their Estates besides many that are Banished and all this meerly for refusing to take the Oaths at all and it is
whom the King was displeased did not only oppose the manner but the Liberty and yet King Iames contiâ—ued them in places of the greatest Trust and was at last Sacrificed by his too great Confidence in their Fidelity Besides this how came you to reproach King Iames with ingratitude since your Master has so signalized himself for it towards those that have served him in Holland England Scotland and Ireland Why should I name the Alâ—rins c. in the Vnited Provinces Halifax Shrewsbury Delamere Wildman Manleâ— c here One of those very men that brought him the Crowâ— of Scotland The Officers of Loâ—donâ—â—rry and Iniskiâ—ling c I say why should I name these when the whole Whigg-Party every day in every Coffee-House charge him with an Ignorance of his own Interest becausâ— he scarse rewards any body but those that have opposed him He seemâ— to have a Green-sickness Palate in that matter and to love Ingratitude aâ— young Wenâ—hes do Dirt and Charcoal because it is destructive to the Constituâ—ion of his Government King William has interwoven with his Pâ—lâ— ticks all the Faults that we complained of in the time of King Iames with out immixing that Oecâ—nomie that good Husbanery that application which must be allowed even by his worst Enemies to be King Iames's Talents and It 's oâ—d not to say Râ—diculous to see the Prince of Orange every where fiâ— the Commissions of the â—eacâ— and the Militia and almost all the Places oâ— Trust with men whose Principles aâ—e diâ—ectly opposite to his own Title anâ— who opposed his Election to the Crown This is as has been formerly saâ— by a Jacobite Pamphletâ—er a Sin against the Holy Ghost of this Revolutioâ— and I am sure is a monstrous and undeniable Instance of the Prince of Orangâ— Ingratitude to those that put the Crown on his Head There remains two or three things still to which I suppose you will eâ—pect an Answer Page the seventeenth you repeat the Words of a Speeâ— the King made to the Parliament 1685. where he told them that he pleasâ— himself with the Hopes that by Gods blessing their assistance he might carry the Râ—putation of this Nation higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any â— his Ancestors These Words of this Speech you think are Synonymous 〈◊〉 this clause He has set it before his Eyes as his noblest aim to do yet more for â— Constitution than the most renowned of his Ancestors Had you taken notice â— the word Câ—â—stitution and not overâ—â—â—ked the next clause of his Declaratioâ— which is and as our chiefest Interest to leave no umbrage in relation to Religioâ— Liberty and Property I say if you had observed the word Constitution as that clause you could not fallen into such a mistake It is plain the Kiâ— designed to make himself glorious and to secure his own Interest by giviâ— us good Laws and did not in his Declaration talk of Campaigning anâ— let me assure you the less a King of England loves Wars abroad the 〈◊〉 it is for his People at home But if it will not take up too much of your time I will give you my Seâ— of that very Expression in the King's Speech 1685. and be not surpriseâ— Doctor if I declare that I firmly believe that all the King said might haâ— been brought to pass if the People of England and particularly the Stâ— Wâ—ïggs had done their part Will you not grant that the Wealth the oâ— fluence of People the greatness of their Trade the number and strength their Shipping together with the plentiful Magazines of Naval and Maâ—tial Stores raise the highest Reputation to Islanders Did not our Conquests â—pon the Continent always cost us very deaâ— in Blood and Treasure And did they not end in loss and disgrace Whilst Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth were making a noise with their Victories poor England was lamenting that vast consumption of its People and Coyn which had very near destroyed this Nation whereas the Reputation which iâ— acquired by an increase of Trade and Riches is much more durable much more extensive and will upon an Island resist with greater vigour the rude and cross shocks of Fortune I shaâ—l make this more evident by compâ—ring the Reigns of three of our â—wn Princes Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth gained many 〈◊〉 glorious Vâ—ctories and conquered several Provinces in France by which they rendred their Names dreadful to France tho' their Influences were scarse felt or feared any where else but what Fruit did England nay even themselves reap from all this The disgraces of the latter part of Edward's Reign almost withered all his former Laurels and England was so drained of Money that its Treasure with that of the Conquered Provinces was not sufficient to pay that Army upon its return which under the conduct of the Black Prince had restored Don Pedro to his Kingdom of Castile neither can we discover any better fruits of the Conquest of Henry the Fifth his Reign was short and upon ballancing of Accounts nothing fell to our share but our loss of our bravest Officers and Souldiers and an immence mass of Money thrown away in that unfortunate War Upon the other hand Queen Elizabeth by applying her Councils and Thoughts to the Shipping and Trade of this Nation did so encrease the Wealth and Strength of it as enabled her to support the whole Protestant Interest to secure Scotland from the French Clutches to recover France out of the very Jaws of the Spaniard to defend and establish the Common-wealth of Holland against all the Power of Spain and at last to break the strength of and to humble that great Monarch to whose aspiring Thoughts all Europe seemed too mean a Quarry and whose Ambition could not be satisfied with less then the Empire of the Universe By these methods she out-did all the bravest Actions of our former Kings and extended the dread and reputation of the English Name hither to confined to our bordering States to the utmost corners of the Earth and hath withal thereby Established such a solid Foundation for our future greatness as hath already withstood without any sensible decay a greater effusion of Blood and Treasure in our last Civil Wars then was spent in France in the Reigns of Edward the third and Henry the fifth which Reigns nevertheless had alalmost anihilated this Nation From all this it doth evidently appear that whensoever a King of England applys his whole thoughts to the encrease of the Shipping and Trade of this Nation he must raise our Reputation Strength and influences proportionable to the advances he makes in them That this was and must be King Iames's design and what he meant in that Speech quoted by you is pretty plain to every body that has any knowledge of King Iames his Genius who is truly a Trading and Navall King and it is as plain to any man that reads Mr Pepy's Memoires which are
submitted to the scrutiny of the Books and challenge the men that are now in the Navy and Admiralâ—y Offices as to the truth of every thing he asserts that King Iames proceeded â—uiâ—aâ—ly to it No Prince was ever more careful to encrease and encourage Trade which he understands better than any Prince in Euâ—ope None more diligent to appoint Convoys or the Security of it and none ever took juster measures in order to those â—nds None ever was more indefatigable in the encreasing of the Navy Royal None ever more industrious in filling the Magazines with Naval and Mâ—litary Stores But above all by his project of Liberty of Conscience our Trade Wealâ—h and People and consequently our Shipping would have been encreased to the envy and terrour of all our Neighbours It was an early discâ—very of those designs and measures of his which would have pâ—oved so fatal to their Common-Wealth that induced the Dâ—tch to forward the Prince's undertaking and did I think the Prince of Oâ—ange had any reâ—ard to any thing besides his own unmeaning Will could I believe he was touched with any love of his Native Soil I should believe that love upon thesâ— Considerations made him also the rather attempt the Revolution he effected I can more easily believe he did it upon that account then upon any of those Motives which were plausibly expressed in some parts of his Declaration Upon the whole those Hopes of King Iames might have been accomplished if â—hey had not been frustrated by the restiness of some the giddiness of others and the artful Treachery of too many with whom he trusted his most inward thoughts They might have been accomplished if the implacable aversion of some men to his Person of others to the Family of the Stuarts joyned with the Flatteries first of the pretended Church of England men and then of Fanaticks had not made him uncertain which way to turn and so given an easier oppertunity to his corrupted Ministers to betray him into such Councils as brought forth this Revolution Which Revolution has fatally diverted the application of our Councils Strength and Treasure into a Channel which will never turn to anaccount and into a sort of War wherein our Trade and Shipping are neglected whereby certain and inevitable Ruin is overtaking us unless we suddainly come to an end of it And notwithstanding Doctor what you say page 13 th time will inform all true English men and lovers of their Country that they ought for the sake oâ— it to set their Hands and Hearts to the Accomplishing the King's Restoration as the only means to secure to us lasting Peace and Happiâ—ess our Religion and our Liberties nor will all the bantering Stuff wherewith you declaim page 19 th and 20 th frighten us from 〈◊〉 Restoring him I have dwelt a little too long upon this Head but before I conclude I must go as far back as Page the third wherein you challenge all the Kinâ—'s Declaratiâ—n-makers to give but one single Instance from History that ever a People who nom a just and recent sence of an invasion made by a limitâ—d Monarch upon their Laws and Funâ—amental Constitution had thereupon withdrawn their Allegiance from him and conterr'd it upon another did ever afterwards willingly and tamely submâ—t to his Government again By this bold Challenge Doctor I find you have not read much History for such instances so frequently occur in the Records of all Countries that I will undertake that if you will be at the pains to search you may find for one instance where a Monarch was excluded for ever six instances where a limited Monarch dethroned by his People for Male-administrations has by the same People either himself been called back if alive or his Children if he was dead neither does the last any thing alter the case for since all these viâ—lent Hurricanes of State occasioned by popular Reformations require it may be sometime to wear oâ—â— the present Fit in that interval the expellâ—d Prince maâ— dye but if the People come again so far to themselves aâ— to restore the Children by the same Revolution of their Inclinations they would unquestionably have done the same thing to the Father if he had been alive But to produce some Instances I shall omit many that might be given from the Emperouâ—s and Princes of Germany the Antient Kings of Macedon and the several Kingdoms of Greece all which were limited Soveraignties I will not menâ—ion Feâ—dinand of Naples Charles the fourth Leuis the fourth and Charles the seventh of France nor will I speak of Sueno and Christopher the second of Denmark or Alphonso the third of Castile I will not insist upon Lasius King of Poland any more then upon those Revolutions that were not long since in Flanders Brabant c. where those People transfâ—rr'd their Allegiance to the Duke of Alanson and being so many distinct and limited Principalities make so many several Instances I say I will noâ— must upon any of these Examples tho' they are all pretty apposite and are still upon the Records of Time as you phrase it unlâ—ss you Doctor have lately razed them But to come to your own Country were not Reuther Donald Bâ—nâ— and Atherick Kings of Scotland expâ—lled by their People for their Irregularities Did not their People transfer their Allegiance to others And were not they afterwards restored by the same People the two first in their own Persons and the last in his Posterity Will you look over what we have done in England Does not Iohn Milion in his History of it tell you that Ethelred when he was expelled and the Allegiance of his People transfered was sent to by his People who declared they preferred none before their own lawful Soveraign if he would promise to Goâ—ern better than he had done I set down the Words of the Historian and if you will look into him you will find his People repâ—ssessed Ethelred upon promise to do so In the same Historian you may find no lâ—ss than two others of the same Name that were expelled and râ—called in Person by their People I will conclude this Head with the Restoration of King Charles the Second was not King Câ—aâ—les the First not only deposed but put to Death by his Subjects and that upon the Allegation of more numerous Crimes and some of them more hainous too than those charged upon King Iames Was not his Son Charles the Second after his Father's Death expelled the Kingdom and the Allegiance of the People of England transferred first to many and then to a single Person under the Name of Pâ—otector tho' in effect a King And yeâ— was not the very same despised calumniated and abjuâ—ed Charles Stuart as they then called him afterwards peaceably and willingly called home by the uniâ—ed desires of the People of England Had the Father King Charles the First been then aâ—ive would not he as cerâ—ainâ—y have been calleâ— home since the revulse of the People was
so strong as to Canonize him a Martyr and to appoint upon the account of his usage a Day of Humiliaâ—ion and Repentance to all after Ages Nay since the Injury done to him has left still such an impression that many men who have had a Hand in this Revolâ—tion yet remember his Blood shed with Horrour and since however contradictory it was to the Principles of this change the Convention it self caused Ludlow to be sent away with a Proclamation at his heels and farther since multitudes of People in all parts of England attribute almost all our Misfortunes to that Vâ—ngâ—ance wherewith God retaliates the Injustice of his Death I say all this considered can it be doubted that King Charles the First would have been bâ— this change of the Peoples temper re-possessed of his Throne had he had the good luck to have gone into Exile From all these Instances and many more that may be met with in Story I think we may infer that nothing is more certain than that the love which People have to the rightful Descendant and Successor of a Family that has a long time held the Reins of Government and which has been submitted to by them will at last prove too hard for any Fascination with which the People may for a while be inveigled by the arts of an Usurper and his Emissaries together with the Billinsgate of such Scriblers as your self That the King will be Restored I don't at all question The Follies the Faults the Unsuccessfulness and Ingratitude of the Prince of Orange make way for his Restoration Our Injustice and his Right enter a strong Claim for him in the Courts of Providence and our own Consciences His own repentance 〈◊〉 the Male-administrations that were committed during his Reign and the â—ecurities he offâ—rs against such Errours for the fuâ—ure corroborate his Title â—â—d will infallibly dispose all mankind to receive him But afâ—er all I must â—onfess that how much soever I have all along been convinced that he will â—ome home and that the Monarchy of England is Hereditary and conseâ—uently that he is our Rightful and Lawful and only King of all which I â—m absalutely convinced I say as much as I am satisfied of all these particulars yet I should have had leâ—s Heart to serve him had I not been well â—atisfied also that Common Proâ—estancy the Church of England as it is Established by Law and our Civil Rights would be all Safe if impartial Liberty of Coâ—science wâ—ich does not imply sharing Ecclesiastical Preferments but freedom to all sorts of People be their perswasion what it will to worship God according to the â—ictates of their own mind withouâ— any Penalty I saâ— Common Protestancy will be safe if such a Liberty is settled The Church of England may make her self now safe by drawing at present proper Civil Securities within the Walls of our Hâ—use of Commons and tendering them in the first Parliament after the Restoration The same promise of raâ—ifying Laws now made might give us uâ—questionable Securities for our Civil Rights if the present House of Commons would think it their duty to provide any Securities for the Nation But farther if these Gentlemen don't think that their business yet we have another paragraph in the Declaration that will if it is not our own fault effectually secure us and I think we need not be afraid of a Revolutionary Parliament under a Popish King In the paragraph I mean the King promises with all speed to call together our Representative Body and therein to inform himself whâ—t are our united Interests and Inclination and with their concurrence to redress all our Grievances and to give all those Securities of which we shall stand in need And in another place he particularly promises they shall chain up your devâ—â—ing Monster explain and limit the Dispensing Power and most effectually secure the Church of England more effectually than that Promise you recite page the twenty ninth could be supposed to secure it before this Dispensing Power was either circumscâ—iâ—ed or defined and before the Power of the Judges to interperet away our Laws was provided against We have not only his Promises the King 's being Sixty and his Son not Six our advantages against him by reason of the King 's being of a Religion that is not popular amongst us but also our own Tenures and tempers and his experience that English men nay that the generality of the Members of the Church of England will not live up to all the stretches of Prerogative and Passive Obedience to proâ—ect us against future Iâ—regularities It will not be the King's fault if any umbrage for Jealousies is left in relation either to Religion Liberty or Property It is not He sees it is not his Interest to leave any and therefore ever since he first heard of the Prince of Orange's intended design of conâ—â—â— and likewise what Jealousies whether well or ill grounded his Peoâ— have had he has been always willing to condescend to ample Securitiâ—â— and in this last Declaration he very plainly invites us to secure our selves 〈◊〉 the future encourages us for the future to Word our Acts of Parliament mâ—â—â— cautiously What Despotick Doctrines may be found in our English Statâ—â— Books And when the Duke of Queensborough one of King William's pâ—â—sent Privy Counsellours was Commissioners in Scoâ—land was not that foâ— of speaking Absolute Power without reserve introduced into their Laws 〈◊〉 was the King the safer for these extravagâ—nt Complements of these Parâ—â—â—ments Did these Flatteries of those Houses subjugate the minds of 〈◊〉 People of these Kingdoms I am glad to see by the wording of the King Declaration that hiâ— Majesty is sensible that soothing exprâ—ssions giveâ— real Power don't establish the Interest of the Câ—own I said some tiâ—â— since that I wouâ—d make no Apology for the Male-administrations of Kiâ—â— Iames's Reign but yet if we would Saddle the righâ— Horsâ—s I think Parlâ—â—ments and Pulpits come in for their share of reproof as well even as tâ—â— King's Ministers and I am sure are more blameable by our Constitutioâ— than the Kâ—ng For was not that Parliament of Scotland more faulty â—oâ— introducing such a luscious Expression into the Laws of their Country thaâ— King Iames or his Minister for using the very Words of an Act of Paâ—liament in the Declaration of Indulgence that was sent â—hitheâ— As I saiâ— in another case Extravagant Acts of Parliament never have the validity 〈◊〉 Laws but yet they may mislead Kings It is happy for Kings when the keep exactly to the Fundamental Constitutions of their respective Kingdoms but sure they are pardonable if not excusable when Representatiâ—â— Bodies tempt them inâ—o Errours unless by sâ—me Declaration of their own they seem to have a thorow knowledge of the Constitution Indeed thâ— Prince of Orange seemed in his Declaration to uâ—derstand our Constitutioâ— so well that he understood even the Chicaneriâ— of our Beautifâ—ux and fâ—â— this
reason and by the doctrines of this Revolution is inexcusable but believe King Iames never heard our Constitution so frankly debated 〈◊〉 men that he might confide in as he has since his Misfortunes Heretoforâ— the men that spoke unflatteringly to were at enmity with him and 〈◊〉 men are with great reluctancy 〈◊〉 their Interest by their avowed Aâ—â— versaries but now it has been laid before him by such as daily hazard theâ—â— selves for his Service and you see the Fruits of such Representatives are 〈◊〉 Royal Word to do more for our Constitution than the most renowned 〈◊〉 his Ancestors which implies that he will give us better Laws even the Edward the third or Queen Elizabeth c. To protect the Church of England as Established by Law and to secure its Members all the Churches â— to recommend Liberty of Conscience to a Parliament To leave the Dispensing Power to that Parliament to consent to every thing nâ—cessary to secure the frequent calling and holâ—ing of Parliaments the free Elections and fair Returns of Members and provide for impartial Tryals and to consent to all things that are necessary to re-establish the Act of Settlement in Ireland And to exchange Chimney-Money or any other part of the Revenue of the Crown for any other easier Assessmenâ— These things are Particularly mentioned and the general Promises imply his willingness to agree to any thing that can contribute to our Happiness tho' he could not in his Declaration enter into all the particulars of Grace and Goodness that he shall be willing to grant some of which particulars are in other mens Letters and some too in Letters I have by me tho' they are not as I said at the beginning proper to be mentioned out of Parliament Those Particulars he promises are so beneficial and I am so confident of his Majesties exact Performance that as much as you and I differ in Politicks and the Rights and Titles of Kings yet I will put the Issue of things upon that and joyn with you in Prayer that God may give him Success in the prosecution of his Right as he sincerely intends the Confirmation of our Liberties I heartily say this Prayer and I wish no more to facilitate the Restoration of the King than that all his Subjâ—cts would say it with as honest a regard both to their Country and the King as I do Then no more Blood would be shed in this quarrel Then these Nations and his Majesties Family would return to their duty Then the Prince of Orange must be soon content to return to his proper Station to his Statholdership in the Vnited Provinces And then we should be delivered from those Tyrannical Oppressions and Buâ—thens with which we have been oppressed and are like to be destroyed I had once thoughts of closing here but I can't forbear making one observation upon the Words of the Declaration cited at the end of my last Paragraph which observation is this The King with a Royal decorum avoids writing Libels tho' by what Doctor you have provoked me to say of the Male-administrations of the Prince of Orange you may see he did not want matter The King thinks it enough to tell his People what he will do for them and not becoming his character to tell the world what the Prince of Orange has done either against him or them He will no more imitate the Prince of Orange in sending over Invectives than the French King will the Dutch in being so mercinary as to expect repayment for what he has or shall do for the King The King declares he will forgive and be reconciled to all his Subjects that don 't after his Landing oppose him tho' they venture neither Life nor Limb for him and which is remarkable there is no expression in this whole Declaration which shews the least unwillingness to be reconciled even to his own Family notwithstanding the ill treatment and unjust usuage he has met with from them to whom he had been so indulgent I pray God that the whole Family may be yet reconciled if it be his blessed Will and Pleasure It is time to end for I have answered all that is material in your Libel and I have tyred my self and I believe my Reader with poring upon it tho' I have avoided in many places ridiculing your tedious repetitions fantastick discoveries c. as likewise giving an exact and full detayle of the Ministers and managements of the present Government When I first scratched down my rough draught I designed to have used you a little familiarly and therefore collected some maâ—erials for railery to which you have very much exposed your self but upon second thoughts I concluded the Times too tedious even for Tragicomedy and too busie for a long Pamphlet If you don't some where or other meet with a full Answer to any thing you value your self for it is because I did not think it of so much weigâ—t as you do I have not urged the third part of what I could say against what you have written but if any body will with care look over what I have said I presume no farther Antidote will be wanting to preserve them from the infection of your Libel Your good breeding Doctor has not been very remarkable your Inferences are very weak and your Ignorance very notorious To pass by forty other instances of either the greatest disingenuity and most impudent falsification or else the most apparent Ignorance that ever appeared in Print can any thing manifest a more notorious want of knowledge in History then what you say page 25 th where you peremptorily affirm that King James made more steps in four Years time towards the reconciling this Nation to the Church of Rome then was made in France it self from the death of Henry the fourth until about three Years before the Edict of Nants was revoked for did not Lewis the 13th who succeeded Henry the 4th attack the Protestants by force of Arms kill many thousands of them in the Field tear out of their hands no less then 300 Walled Cities and Forts Did King Iames make any Steps like these Did he attack the Protestants by Force As a Friend I advice you never to Print again till you have read and thought more since had the Press been free and men had leisure to read Sportive Pamphlets a man might lash'd you most unmercifully After this friendly Advice pardon my taking leave of you without any farther Ceremony than giving you for a subject of your Contemplations a grave observation that Mr. William Prynne made after he had tumbled over all our Annals His observation is Vsurpers of Crowns without Right tho' they court the People with Coronation Oaths and fair Promises of good Laws Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others You see Doctor I have brought you acquainted with Mr. Osbâ—rnâ— Mr. Wilson and Mr. Prynne all men that were never taxed with holding any â—â—â—respondence with your grand and sworn Enâ—my the Old Passive Obeâ—iâ—â—â— Principle I leave you to enjoy their Company and bid you Adieu ADVERTISEMENTS SInce so severe a Critick as Doctor Welwood will not fail reproaching me for being a Plagiary I think it not amiss to break the Stroke of his Accusation by freâ—ly owning that where Great Brittains just Complaint has said things directly to my purpose I ordered the Transcriber for the Press to set them down and many times in the same Words not only because I know not how to cloath them with better but also becausâ— I â—m really of too lazy a disposition to disguise the Stealth tho' a few â—ours would have done it This Reply had been ready against the meeting of the Parliament if it could have been Printed for it has been at the Press above two Months and had it not been so near finished the History of throwing out Mr. Brockman's Bill together with the manner of guelding it would have made a very entertaining Paragraph amongst the Legislative Errours Whatever parts of the Preface or Reply come too late for the reasons of writing them they must be considered with respect to the time in which it was hoped the whole would have been published FINIS * The Bill to ascertain the Salaries of the Iudges * The Triannial Bill The Bill of Mines Prynne's Rights Laws of English free-men