those who have Articles The first Class we may sub-divide into those who have quarter verbally promis'd them and those who submit to the mercy of the Victor Of all these and each of these I shall say one word in general that though quarter be promis'd by inferiour Officers or Souldiers or that the vanquish'd hoping for mercy yield without any such promise he who commands in chief provided he be on the place may put all those Prisoners to the Sword for quarter given by the Inferiour signifies nothing till it be confirm'd by him who commands on the place and then the Prisoners have quarter That chief Commander may order them all to be kill'd without any imputation of breach of Faith or Justice as not being tyed by any promise his inferiour hath made and this he may do by the Law of War and that is grounded on the law and custome of Nations and if you will believe Cyrus and the Ahtenians it is grounded on the Law of Nature by which Prisoners of War may be used as the Victor pleaseth And Grotius says In Captivos quicquam impune fieri and Captivi Jure Belli occidi possunt What a General may do with Prisoners of War Suppose still that no quarter hath been promis'd by him who commands in chief on the place But though I say a General may do this by the Law of War yet he cannot do it without the imputation of horrible cruelty and inhumanity except in some cases And though Jure Belli they may be kill'd yet without invincible reasons to kill men in cold blood is not the part of a man for they cast up their account that the bitterness of death is past and therefore they should not be put to death unless he who inflicts it can produce as good a warrant for it as he could who hewed the King of the Amalekites in pieces after Saul had given him quarter The Heathen Tacitus could say Trucidare deditos saevum It is cruelty to kill those who submit Yet you will Cruelty to kill Prisoners in cold blood see anon that Christian Prisoners of War have been put to death in cold blood by Christian Princes and Generals without any other Authority for their so doing than what the Law of War gave them But after Quarter is confirmed or granted by the General the question is Whether upon the emergency of three several accidents they may not be put to the Sword The first is if an Enemy rally after a Battle is won and make Whether Prisoners may not be killed after Quarter given them by the General In three cases or offer to make a fierce onset the victorious Army not being so strong to oppose the charge and guard the Prisoners from whom also danger is to be expected This was Henry the fifth of Englands case at Agencourt where for the same reasons 6000 French Prisoners by his order were in an instant put to the Sword Froissard passionately relates to us the sad fate of about one thousand French men who were taken Prisoners and had fair quarter given them by John King of Portugal in a battle that he fought with one of his own name King of Castile the story was briefly this The King of Castile having a just pretence to the Crown of Portugal to which in hatred of the Castillans the Portugueses had advanced a Bastard invades Portugal with a great Army in which were many French Auxiliaries The Portuguese King being reinforced with a considerable number of English Archers resolves to fight The French would needs have the point which was given them with much indignation by the Castillans who lag'd behind them at a very great distance These French valiantly fighting are routed and most of the thousand I spoke of are taken thereafter the Castillans advanced with a resolution to fight the Portuguese seeing he was to fight a new Battle commanded under pain of Death every man to kill his Prisoner which was instantly performed with much pity and compassion and not without the sad tears of those who massacred them The second case is when an Army is retiring and a powerful Enemy fiercely pursuing it will be dangerous to leave your Prisoners behind you and forward you can hardly bring them And the third is When you are reduced to great penury and want of meat whether you had not better kill your Prisoners than let them starve for if you maintain them they insensibly cut your throat by eating your bread All these three cases Grotius comprehends in these words Si Captivorum multitudo oneri aut periculo sit If sayes he the multitude of your Prisoners be dangerous or burthensome in these cases he adviseth rather to dismiss them than kill them I think he speaks like a good Christian but I am afraid that they who lead Armies will think by such mercies they will prove cruel to themselves and treacherous to their Prince and when in any of these cases they are put to death often their numbers occasion their destruction which in other cases the same Gâ—otius would have to be the cause of their safety But the Prince or Generals promise of fair quarter admits â—a salvo for notorious To whom Quarter ought not to be given Thieves Robbers Murtherers such as have deserted their service and run over to the Enemy or have broke their Oath of fidelity ought not to be comprehended in this promise nor can it save them from the stroke of Justice Indeed if they get Articles signed for their lives these Articles should be religiously observed for faith should be kept to the worst of men Neither can the promise of Quarter secure Rebels from that death Rebellion deserves for nothing can save them but the mercy of the Sovereign Prince or State against whom the crime is committed Yet my humble opinion should be That when What to be done with Rebels Rebellion is come to that growth that she is not ashamed to take her mask off and that the success of Rebels hath clothed them with usurped Authority Princes and States should rather suffer Quarter though without Articles to be kept to those of them who are taken Prisoners than provoke them to shed the blood of loyal persons on Scaffolds as hath been done too oft for it is not to be doubted but Rebels will both by their Paper and leaden Bullets vindicate themselves and maintain their Authority to be lawful and roar out these distinctions which yet make our Ears tingle of the Prince his virtual and personal power of his legal and personal capacity Having told you who hath power to give Quarter and having spoken of Prisoners who yield on discretion Prisoners who yield upon promise of Quarter let us speak next of those who submit to the Victors discretion and have no promise of Quarter who certainly may be put to the edge of the Sword without any imputation of breach of Faith or promise yet not without the
imputation of cruel inhumanity They do not indeed transgress against the Laws of War nor Nations who shed their blood but they sin against humane nature which commiserates frailty and against the Laws of Christ The Duke of Alva and his Son Don Frederick Inhumanity to kill them broke no faith nor promise to the Garrison and Inhabitants of Harlem and Narden in Holland who had submitted to their mercy when they beheaded hanged and butchered to death many thousands of them but that horrible action Duke of Alva and his son of theirs hath left an eternal stain of inhumane cruelty on their names as it will do on all those who imitate their bloody example The Duke of Burgundy Charles the Warlike Besieged and Battered Granson a Town belonging to Charles Duke of Burgundy the Switsers the Garrison consisting of 800 men yielded to his mercy which was such as that he put them all to the Sword But here vengeance pursued him close for within a very few dayes he was shamefully beaten by the Switzers who were but a handful of men in comparison of his numerous Army Commonly three reasons are given for putting those to death who yield on discretion Reasons given for it First Obstinacy in holding out Secondly To terrify others Thirdly To use Legem Talionis when the Prince or General of the other party hath formerly used the like severity To the first to hold out gallantly and resolutely so long as there are any hopes of a Relief is not a crime in it self but if accidentally a Garrison have provoked the Besieger to revenge it will be Answer to the first reason more gallantly done to refuse all Parley discharge all Quarter and in the fury put all to the Sword than to kill them in cold blood yet it is frequently done But Torstenson the Sweedish Felt-Marshal did generously when he resolved to put a Danish Garrison of 600 men to the Sword who were in a Sconce of the Dutchy of Holstein he refused all Parley and Treaty and in the Storm killed them every man Yet this action of his smelled too rank of revenge for it was thought all this blood was shed because a Sweedish Admiral called Flemyng was killed with a Cannon Bullet out of that Sconce The second reason to kill men ad terrorem to terrifie others hath no shew of reason in it for why should To the second men be terrified from doing their duty Shall a Governour yield his Fort for fear the Besiegers may kill him if he yield it not when he deserves to be hanged by his own Prince if he should yield it for any such reason To the third reason it is answered That by the Law of Nature in justice and equity To the third Talio can only be used against the person or persons who committed the crime and therefore it is a trangression against the Law of Nature and a high injustice to put a Garrison to the Sword which either doth yield or would yield to mercy only because the Prince or General of the other party did so for none of this Garrison now to be butchered were partakers of that crime But this lex talionis is pretended too often for killing men after they have got Articles and that is worst of all whereof I shall speak hereafter But other reasons may Other reasons alledged and answered be given for this killing of those who submit to discretion which the Germans call genad and ungenad that is mercy or no mercy as when the Prisoners are too numerous a powerful Enemy expected or the Souldiers are apt to mutiny if they get not the spoil To the last I say lives and the blood of men are no spoil nor booty to the other two better have refused as I said before all Treaty and Parley Yet this was the case of San Joseph and 700 Italian Souldiers at Smerwick in Ireland who yielded themselves to the mercy of the Lord Grey Deputy of that Kingdom the Officers had their lives spared all the Irish were hanged and the Italians put to the edge of the Sword and when this was told to Queen Elizabeth that heroick Princess who detested the killing of those who yielded she was exceedingly displeased nor would she accept of any excuses or allegations I have told you in another place how Prisoners of War were used by the Antients let us take a view what usage many of them have met with in our Modern Wars The Mexicans or Tenustitans used to sacrifice their Prisoners to their Idols or to the Sun The Cannibals to fat them kill them and eat Horrible cruelties them A Parthian King took Valerian a Roman Emperour on whose neck that barbarous Prince ordinarily set his foot when he mounted his Horse and at length did fley him quick Tamberlan used Bajazet the great Turk ill enough yet did he suffer him to be his own Bourreaâ— Mahomet the Great took some of Scanderbegs Captains and fley'd them quick and in that â—oâ—â—ent he kept them fifteen dayes alive the like cruelty he used to a poor King of Caraâ—annia He put also to death all who had any relation to the Imperial families of Constantinople and Trapesund But it were well if these cruelties had been only exercised by Heathens and Infidels but it is pity so many Christians have taken licence to themselves to deal mercilesly with their Prisoners even those who profess the same faith in Christ who gave no warrant to his followers to mask cruelty with that Law or Custome of Nations whereof Cyrus spoke to his Captains and the Althenian Embassadours to the Melitans Heathens killed sometimes those who had got quarter so have Christians done too often In the Civil Wars of France it was practised many times by the parties of both perswasions to put Man Woman and Child to the Sword or lead them out to some River and drown them We read of a Protestant Colonel A devilish act who for his sport forced all his Prisoners except one to leap from the top of a high Steeple certainly this mirth of his was mixed with much mischief In these Wars though Commanders in chief might though not without cruelty put Prisoners to death to whom their inferiors had promised Quarter yet I wonder how others below them and of a mean condition usurped that same power and were never either punished reproved or reprehended for it At the Battle of Dreux Saint Andrew Marshal of France had Quarter given him by a Gentleman who mounted him on the croup of his Horse having no other to give him but one Banbigni pretending the Marshal had once wronged him at Court shot him through the head for which barbarous act he was never punished by the Admiral of France who commanded the Quarter basely broke Protestant Army the Prince of Conde being made Prisoner at the same Battle More generous was Prince Portian who though he had received many real injuries from Monmorancy
to pass for Jus gentium or the Of Poyson'd Arrows Bullets Darts Waters or Wells Law of Nations to abstain from all such malefices as shooting poyson'd Darts Arrows or Bullets or from poysoning of Victuals Liquors Waters and Wells observ'd also in our Modern Wars We read it's true of some exceptions from that general custome and that Poyson hath been used in open just and declared Wars but for these perhaps Invincible necessity may plead an excuse The like we may say of Assassination of Princes Generals or Of Assassination eminent Commanders whom a declared Enemy may lawfully kill as Eâ—â—d kill'd Eglon or as Scaevolâ— intended to kill Pâ—rsâ—nna but it is not at all lawful but against the practice of a fair and declared War to suborn exhort or hire any other especially those who belong â—o or are under the jurisdiction of that Prince or General to kill any of them But for all this I do not deny but a Soveraign Prince or State may lawfully set a price on the head of a powerful Rebel against whom they cannot proceed by the ordinary way of Justice This much I have taken occasion to say on this subject that I may not trouble my Reader with it hereafter But to our present purpose I say that the Carrobalist the Onager and the Scorpio are but several species and sorts of the Catapult and Balist And now I come to speak of the Moving or Ambulatory Tower whereof Ambulatory Tower that which Vegetius writes is enough to astonish any Reader who hath not heard of it before but he who will read other Writers will easily believe all Vegetius says on that subject He tells us they were built after the form of Houses thirty forty or fifty foot broad and so high as to equal the height of Towers on the Wall The Tower which our Author describes is three stories high In the lowest he lodgeth a Ram with men to manage it and that when the Tower came within convenient distance batter'd the Wall In the third and highest stage he placed the Velites who afflicted the Defendants with Darts and Arrows and pelted them with Stones out of their Batton-Slings to necessitate them to quit the defence of the Parapets And in the middle Story he placeth a Bridge one end whereof being laid upon the Wall and the other remaining fix'd within the Tower Bands of armed men pass'd safely over and then saith our Author Illiâ—o capta est Vrbs Immediately the Town was taken But he is mistaken for Towns have been defended when Turris Vegetiana three stories high all these things were done This is the Moving Tower which is called Turris Vegetiana If this Tower of his be wonderful enough what shall we say of those Towers which were one hundred and twenty Cubits high that is one hundred and eighty foot and sixty or seventy foot broad in which might Towers twenty stories high be eighteen or twenty several stages or stories and every one of these capable to contain Balists and Catapults and men to manage them besides arm'd Souldiers to handle their Weapons Or what shall we think of that Tower whereof Livy speaks in his thirty second Book which one of the Roman Consuls made of several stories out of which you must suppose by Bridges he sent whole Cohorts of Legionaries one to sustain and relieve another against a Macedonian Phalange that stood in Battel ready to receive them within the Walls and we are to believe that the Roman Cohorts at that time were about five hundred strong and yet the Macedonians made the place good against them all The same Author tells us of another Tower A stupendious Tower which Hannibal made at Saguntum in which he had numbers of armed men besider his great Machines Steuechius tells us that Vitruvius Master of the Machines or General of the Artillery writes of a Moving Tower which weighed three hundred and sixty thousand pounds not reckoning the Men Arms and Engines that were within it And that it could resist the force of Stones shot out of Balists of three hundred and fifty pound But that which is more admirable than all I have yet said is what the same Vitruvius writes of an Engineer who made a Counter-machine within a Besieged Town by which An Incredible Engine he drew one of the Besiegers Ambulatory Towers within the Walls of the beleaguer'd Town Let me say here with Ovid Si sit credenda vetustas These Moving Towers were composed of great Beams Joysts Rasters and Boards cover'd with Raw Hides and some of them were fac'd with Iron They mov'd on many Wheels which were push'd forward below with How the Tower mov'd the strength of many men assisted with Leavers the Tower was open behind that it might more conveniently be thrust forward by those numbers of men ordain'd for that purpose Before it went many Mantlets Vines and Moscles full of armed Souldiers who were both to make way for it and to defend it from those who might sally out to burn or destroy it It was sometimes drawn by Beasts of Carriage but these had Machines before and about them to defend them from the Darts and Arrows of the Besieged This last part being neglected by Vtiâ— King of the Goths when he besieged Rome the famous Bellisarius who was within the City suffer'd the Tower to come pretty near the Walls and then caused to be killed the Beasts with Darts and Arrows this made the Tower stand still and so render'd all its preparations which were very costly ineffectual and the Fabrick it self contemptible and ridiculous to the Besieged Several means were used to frustrate the effects of this dreadful Machine How it was opposed these were First A Desperate Sally by which the Besiegers guards being beaten from the Tower it self became a prey and was easily burnt Secondly They used to undermine the ground which the Tower was to traverse and that was soon seen and perceiv'd before it approach'd the Walls and that indeed was a sure way for the vast weight of it not having ground to support it would quickly make it sink and stick fast Thirdly They used to make such a Tower within the Walls and oppose it to that without This was no doubt a good help but a very costly one And Lastly They endeavoured to burn them with Wild Fire or Fiery Arrows Sometimes these Ambulatory Towers were made with that Artifice that when one of them approach'd the Wall whose height the Tower seem'd not Turriculâ— to surmount suddenly a smaller Tower which was hidden within the greater one of one or two stories high was elevated with Scrues to the great terrour and astonishment of the Besieged City I told you in the fourth Chapter of the Grecian Militia that Demetrius could not be the first Inventer of the Moving Tower though it be very The Moving Tower of an Ancient practice probable he hath added much to it for his
a sight by Proclamation gave them three days to live before their death should be resolved on by him But in vain for an of them dispatched themselves excepâ— such as were by force bonds and chains compelled to live You may read their lamentable Tragedy in Polyâ—â—â— his sixteenth Book and in the thirty first of Titus Livius Nor did the Romans in their Civil Wars give better quarter one to another Romans cruel to Prisoners in their Civil Wars except Câ—sar than they did to strangers Pâ—â—â—â—ius killed those Souldiers of Câ—sar's whom he found in his Camp though Câ—sar spared those of Peâ—â—eiâ—s and sent them back to him Sciplâ— Pompey's Father-in-law put aâ— those of Câ—sar's party to death whom he took Prisoners Syâ—â—â— after all his Victories very cruelly put eight thousand Romans to the Sword in the great hostelery near the City after they had yielded to his Mercy Nor did Aâ—gustus keep himself within the limits of Mercy when he thought it fit at one time to sacrifice three hundred Roman Knights to appease the incensed Ghost of his Great Unkle Julius Câ—sar But it may be said these had that pretence which all Civil War carries along with it and that is that all who oppose either of the two parties are Rebels to the State whether the party be for the lawful and supreme authority or against it And therefore to say no more of their Civil Wars I find them extream cruel in their Wars with Hannibal to their own Souldiers which that great Carthaginian had taken Prisoners Fabiâ—s the Dictator who saved the Roman State made an agreement with Hannibal for the exchange and ransome of Prisoners of a like quality and for every one of those who after the exchange was made were superâ—umerary they were to pay â—eaâ— eight pounds Sterling At one exchange there were two hundred â—orty seven more Romans than Carthaginians Hannibal demands their ransome Fabius sent to Roman â—enates Avarice the Senate for it who basely refused the money and disowned the agreement what could the good old man Fabius do but send his Son to Rome and sell a part of his Patrimony and pay the money to Hannibal which was near two thousand pound Sterling a vast summ in those days But they dealt worse with those of their own men who were taken Prisoners at Cannae whom they It s Cruelty and Injustice would neither ransome out of the publick Pâ—rse nor suffer the Prisoners themselves or their Friends to ransome out of their private fortunes and estates And though the Senate flattered themselves by calling this act of their own Magâ—animous yet since there was no Justice in it it could carry no generosity along with it for if these Captive Romans misbehaved themselves in the Battel the Senate was bouâ—d in honour to ransome them and punish them themselves and not suffer them to rot in prison with their capital Enemy Assuredly this Action wanted for neither Avarice nor Cruelty for strange it was thus to punish common Souldiers and yet to send out some principal Senators to meet and complement their hair-brain'd Conful Teremiâ—â— Vaâ—â— and thank him that he had not despaired of the Common-wealth and yet by his obstinate and inexcusable folly he had brought the Common-wealth to the very brink of Destruction And why might not Hannibal have used these Roman Prisonerâ— as Livy in his seventh Book tells us the Romans used some thousands of the Tarquinian Prisoners A mercâ—â—ess act of the Romans yet not unjust of whom they chose 358 of the prime Noblemen and Gentlemen all these they first whipped well with Rods and then struck off their Heads in the great Market-place of Rome and presently after put all the rest of the Prisoners to the Sword in cold blood Though this was a very merciless act yet by the law of War they might do it and so might Hannibal have done to their Prisoners and truly I do not see how he could be obliged to â—eed those whom their own Masters would not ransome Let us hear what opinion Polybâ—â—s had of Prisoners of War who was a grave Polybius his opinion how Prisoners of War may be used Historian a great States-man and a good Captain In his second Book speaking of Aristomachuâ— who being a Prisoner of War was tortured to death He saith on that subject that neither Antigonâ—â— King of Macedon nor Aratus Praetor of the Achâ—ans could be called cruel for putting a Captive to death with torments for though Aristomachus had not deserved that usage otherwise yet they might have done all to him that was donâ— â—ure Belli for the Law of Nations and War give the Conquerour power to use his Prisoners at his pleasure And the same Author speaking of the Mantimans who were justly punished for their abominable perfidy and ingratitude in slaughtering those Achaans who were sent to preserve them he saith expressly That though they had committed no such wickedness nor any other crime at all yet the Victor in War Jure Belli might have either kill'd them their Wives and Children or sold them for Slaves at his pleasure Thus far he But this power of Victorious Princes or Generals over the Goods Persons and Lives of their Prisoners is limited and restrained by Treaties Parleys Treaties Capitulations and Articles to the strict observance whereof simply and without fraud or ambiguity all men of what Station Rank or Quality whatsoever or of what Religion or Perswasion soever be he Jew or Gâ—mile Grâ—cian or Barbarian Christian or Mahometan are tyed because Faith and Promises Articles and Promises should be faithfully kepâ— No Enemy to be trusted in time of Treaty are the Sacred and Indissoluble Bonds which maintain Humane Society and whosoever breaks them on any pretence should be look'd on as a Monster and not as a Man In the time of Treaty both parties who treat ought to be careful that a Cessation of Arms be agreed on and sign'd by the Commanders in Chief of both Forces whether it be in Field Town Castle or Garrison and not only so but they ought to be on their guard for fear of â—oul play or some unexpected rupture of the Treaty For both in Ancient and Modern times Cities and Forts have been surpriz'd when those within thought themselves secure by a Treaty and Cessation as Histories of all ages bear witness And many times these Surprizes have been made without either the consent or connivence of either the Commander in chief or his Subordinate Officers meerly by the common Souldiers who frequently think themselves defrauded by Treaties of that which they conceive is the price of their Sweat and Blood to wit the spoil and booty of the place besieged or of the persons of those almost beaten and overcome in the Field Nor should any Treaty give the least interruption to the constant keeping of strict Guards and careful Watches nor should those who treat have liberty to view Guards Camps Magazines
give Conditions and Articles which you may find in the Twenty sixth Chapter of the Modern Art of War I know not whether Amilcar Hannibals father dealt candidly when he Treated and Capitulated with Spendius and Antaritus the Ring-leaders of the Carthaginian Amilcar taxed revolted Mercenaries and made it an Article that it should be in the power of the Senate of Carthage to chuse any ten of the Rebels they pleased and to dispose of them as they thought good and when this was agreed to he immediately seized on them two as two of these ten Sure if they had thought they had been in that danger they had never sign'd a paper tending so directly to their own destruction and therefore that Article was sign'd against the intention of the Capitulators and so perhaps was void in Law Amilcar made also choice of the Ten himself and not the Senate which was against the Letter of the Capitulation The Athenian General Paches had besieged Notium and invited An execrable villany Hippias who was Commander in chief within the Town to come out and speak with him promising faithfully if they did not agree at the Treaty to send him back in safety but did not tell him when The foolish Governour came out Paches immediately storms the secure City takes it and puts most that were within it to the sword but would needs keep his word to Hippias and therefore lends him back to the Town where he was no sooner arrived but by order of the execrable Paches he is shot to death with Arrows This treachery in seeking and laying hold on occasion to break Treaties and Articles was is and ever will be a monstrous crime crying to Heaven for vengeance The Sons of Saul paid dear for their fathers breach to the Gibeonites who with mouldy bread and Joshuah his Piety clouted shooes had cunningly cheated Joshuah to treat with them and give them conditions which notwithstanding he resolved for his Oaths sake Religiously to observe But those examples of Spendius and Antaritus of Carthage and Hippias of No Commanders in chief should Parley in person Notium should teach all Generals and Commanders in chief of whatever quality they are whether in field or Town not to parley in person for if contrary to Parol promise faith Oath or Hostages they be either kill'd or made Prisoners then the Army Town or Castle which they commanded stand for a time amazed which gives a fair opportunity to the deceitful enemy who hath prepar'd himself for it to fall upon them and put them in a fearful confusion if not totally to rout them before they can recollect themselves Julius Caesar I confess had an advantage in his personal parley in Spain with Afranius and Petreius because by his presence and the justifying his cause in his own excellent language and his promises not only of fair quarter but of entertainment he debaucht most of their Army But these very reasons which made his parley with them justifiable render'd their meeting with him in presence of the Soldiers of both Armies which Caesar would needs have altogether inexcusable And indeed Pompey refused on good grounds all parley with Caesar at Dirrachium But there was no such cause of Caesars Personal parley with Ariovistus King of Germany at which I suppose he was made sensible of his error for though he thought he had made the meeting cock-sure on a little hill situated in the midst of a large Plain where no ambushes could be laid and none were to approach that Plain but himself and the barbarous King each of them accompanied with ten Caesars danger by it Horsemen and he had made choice of ten of the gallantest of his Legionaries to be with himself all mounted on good Gallick Horses but notwithstanding all these cautions the Treaty and parley was broke of not without visible signs of treachery And the same Caesar gives a Caveat to all Commanders in chief either of Armies or parts of Armies or of Cities or Castles not to parley in person when he tells us the sad story how he lost one full Legion and five Cohorts of another by the simple folly of his Legate Sabinus first in believing the Intelligence of Ambiorix a profest enemy and next in going in person with his His great loss by it principal Officers to treat and parley with the same Ambiorix upon the bare word or parol of a faithless Barbarian by whom he and his Officers were immediately kill'd and then their forces presently after put to the Sword And take take here a perfidious trick of a Roman at a Parley Comius a Gallick Prince had not been very faithful to Rome Caesars Legate Labienus appoints one Volusenus to Parley with Comius the Gaul having got the accustom'd assurances came to the place where Volusenus by order from Labienus as out of friendship took him by the hand but held it fast till one of his Centurions gave him a deep Perfidy of a Roman Legat. wound on the head but it not proving mortal Comius escaped and swore thereafter never to trust a Roman If Caesar had either cut off his Legates head or according to the Roman custom used in such cases deliver'd him over to the incensed Gauls for this treacherous act then the same Labienus had not afterward perfidiously deserted himself and run over to Pompey Sempronius Gracchus being betray'd by his Host left his command and being Proconsul went in person to Parley with some Carthaginians from the result whereof he expected Gracchus kill'd at a Parley Scipio the African question'd for his Parley with Syphax great matters but he never return'd for he was environ'd and kill'd with all his retinue Scipio the African though an accomplisht Captain no doubt forgot his duty when he left his charge in Spain and went to Africk to treat with Syphax in the midst of an Army and at that time accompanied by Asdrubal a profest enemy to the Roman name and Nation having no assurance for his safety but the word of a Prince whom Scipio himself accounted barbarous And though he escaped that hazard yet did he not escape the severe reproof of Great Fabius who to his face and in full Senate charged him with this inexcusable oversight in very rough and bitter language as you may read in Livies Thirtieth Book Nor do I look on the personal Parley between the same Scipio and the famous Hannibal before their last Battel at Zama but as an extravagant action of two such renowned Chieftains The Enterviews of Kings and Soveraign Princes have seldom prov'd fortunate or gain'd those advantages to either party that were expected But this Discourse belongs to another Chapter To conclude the apprehension of bad quarter and the fear of the breach of Promises and Articles and the suspicion of ill usage hath made many refuse Desperate ways to prevent bad Quarter all quarter reject all Treaties and distrust all Articles and Agreements and by a
it long after the invention of the Pistol Whether the Lance be laid aside as useless in Germany England Scotland France Denmark and Sweden by the command of several Princes or only worn out by time I know not but that it is not used in these places is certain enough And truly I wonder why it should not now rather be used when the nakedness of mens breasts without defensive Arms renders them more obnoxious to the stroke or push of a Lance than in former times when few or no Horsemen were to be seen without a Corslet I shall not doubt but there be strong reasons though I know them not why our European Generals for most part have abandon'd the use of the Lance yet it will not be deny'd but it hath been a serviceable weapon heretofore even since Gun-powder and all manner of Guns were found out I shall The Lance made useless by many Nations give but one instance at that memorable Battel of Dreux fought about an hundred years ago the Prince of Conde and Admiral Chastillon who conducted the Protestant Army by the reiterated Charges of their men of Arms with Lances after strong opposition broke the great Batallion of the Switzers which was composed of Pikemen and was thought Invincible and kill'd on the place seventeen of their Captains After the death of the Marshal St. Andre and the taking of the great Constable Montmorancy two of the French Kings Generals the Prince of Conde was likewise made Prisoner by the Royal party and the Admiral forced out of the field by the Duke of Guise and his Cavalry The Admiral rallies and that night proposed to his German Reuters who had each of them a Case of Pistols and many of them Carrabines to march back and fall on the Duke of Guise then both weary and secure But though that German Body of Horse was whole and intire yet did the Commanders of it A very remarkable passage remonstrate to the Admiral that it was impossible for them to break the French Batallion of Foot which had kept the Field with the Duke and I pray you observe the reason they gave for it Because said they we have no Lances which are only proper for that for the French men at Arms who had with Lances broke the Switzers were then dissipated or over-wearied and all their Lances broken If this be true it would seem that the manner of the Milice then and the Milice now are very different though both Modern A Cavalry then arm'd with Lances acknowledged to be able to break an arm'd Batallion of Foot whereof it gave a perfect demonstration and a Cavalry then arm'd offensively with Carrabine Pistol and Sword and not without defensive Arms declares it self uncapable for it And now the Carrabiners or Harquebusiers are thought only proper for Rencounters and the Lanciers are laid aside as useless But the Lance meets with better usage from other Nations even to this hour Hungarians use the Lance. And the Aâ—yssens As also the Persians The Polonians and Hungarians use it and so doth the Turk The Abyssens on horseback use strong Lances pointed at both ends and great Maces of Iron The Persians accounted the best Horsemen in the world carry Lances very strong they are pointed at both ends they carry them in the middle and manage them with great strength and dexterity Giovio tells us that at Scyrus a Persian Arms excellent great City of Mesopotamia the Persians had many Shops wherein the best Arms of the World were to be sold and that not far from it at Charmaum were Swords and Points of Lances made of so well temper'd Steel that our European Corslets and Head-pieces could hardly resist the stroke of the first and push of the other and that all Arms either for man or horse whether offensive or defensive were of Steel and Iron well boil'd with the juice of certain herbs only known to the forgers which made them so excellent He adds that these Arms are bought by the Turks at excessive rates but truly I think it was no good policy to suffer them to be sold at any rate to so dangerous an enemy and so malignant a neighbour but perhaps no inhibition would serve the turn for Auri sacra fames hearkens to no Law John Petyt tells us in the foremention'd place that the General Estates of the The Hollander rejects the Lance. United Provinces in the year 1599 forbad their Cavalry to make use any more of the Lance but I find in Bentivoglio the use of it was retain'd in the Spanish Armies by Archduke Albert and Marquis Spinola in the year 1612 after the Truce with the Hollanders But the States commanded their Horsemen to wear Coats above their Armour these Coats according to the quality of him or them who wore them were fine rich and glistering and are ordinarily called Coats of Arms. The Grecians call'd them Ephaestries and the Romans Chlamides But now since few men are armed for the Defensive few need Coats of Arms. The Ancients made use of Bow and Arrow on horseback and so in later Archers on Horseback times have the Walacbians and Transylvanians and so did the French till the practice of Hand guns made them useless and yet with them Horsemen arm'd with Pistols are still called Archers An hundred years ago the French Archers who attended the Gens d'Armes carried in their hand a half Lance and one Pistol at their Saddle and a Sword French Arms. at their side the Arms of the light Horsemen differ'd little from these The Harquebusiers had Swords at their sides and Harquebusses at their Saddles the Barrels whereof were three foot long About seventy years ago the Estates of Holland order'd these Horse-men whom they called Carabiners to carry Hollanders Arms for Horse each of them a Piece three foot long and their other Horse-men Pistols at their Saddles the Barrels whereof were two foot long Generally now all Horse-men whether Câ—â—rassiers or Harquebusiers carry Swords at their sides and a case of Pistols at their Saddles and these are mostly all their Offensive Weapons except that some carry Carabines some whereof have Barrels of four foot long but ordinarily only three The Pistol was invented first by Camillo Vitelli an Italian when Ferdinand of The Pistol when invented Arragon reign'd in Spain Charles the Eighth and Lewis the Twelfth in France Henry the Eighth in England and James the Fifth in Scotland not above one hundred and fifty years ago and consequently more than two hundred years after the German Monk had found out Gun-powder The Harquebuss is of an older date The bore of the Pistol long ago was made for twenty It s â—ore Bullets in one pound of Lead but it being found that the Ball enter'd not easily generally they cast one pound of Lead in four and twenty Pistol-ball The half of the weight of powder serves if it be good if not they take two
Lieutenant Colonel eight dishes eight pound of Bread and six measures of Wine A Major or Captain six dishes of Meat six pound of Bread and six measures of Wine A Lieutenant and Ensign each of them four dishes four pound of Bread and three measures of Wine Every Serjeant three dishes of Meat two pound of Bread and one measure and a half of Wine Every Corporal and every Drummer two dishes of Meat two pound of Bread and one measure and a half of Wine A common Soldier or Trooper so much Flesh Bread and Wine as I spoke of before when I told you what Proviant was allow'd him If the Army be not in a Wine-Country then all those I have spokâ— of have a double allowance of Beer This is besides the Hay Straw and Oats the Country is bound to furnish to the Horses not only of the Cavalry Artillery and General Officers but to those Horses likewise that belong to Foderage the Infantry And this grievance of Foderage proves many times heavier than the free quarter all being often eaten up in a short time wherewith the Inhabitants should maintain their Horses and Beasts In these Countries where the Country-people receive a little money for what the Soldiers spend on their Marches in their transient Quarters as for most part in his Majesties Dominions is more tollerable than where they receive no moneys at all though the Hosts of both Foot and Horse must be considerable losers when they get but a Two-pence or a Groat for a nights entertainment Service is that which every Host is bound to furnish either in Town or Country Service to those that are lodged with them whether they be Officers Troopers or common Soldiers whether they be on free quarter or to pay for their Diet. Service comprehends a Bed Lodging Table and Table-linnen Fire Salt and Vinegar It is a grievance likewise because many times the Soldiers are extreamly extravagant in demanding more of those than they need I find in some Histories of France that ninety years ago or thereby this Service was called French Service Vstence and when they got pay they were to seek no other Vstence or Services but a Bed a Table and a Table-cloth and liberty to dress their Meat at the Hosts fire Nor might they invite one another to their Quarters because that prov'd troublesome to their Landlords But when moneys were wanting then the Soldiers were to have free Quarter which was so well regulated that none might demand any other entertainment than what the Host was pleased to give them provided that was sufficient to satisfie nature And withal five Shillings sterling in money every month wherewith to buy shoos or other small Necessaries And truly this was a better order for free Quarter than any I have yet spoken of A very especial care was taken to punish all such who transgrest any of these Ordinances And about that same time I find that the Protestants pay was very frugal the Foot was paid thus A Captain had every Month a hundred Protestant pay eighty or ninety years ago French Livers the Lieutenant had fifty the Ensign thirty the Serâ—eant fifteen every Corporal Pipeâ— and Druâ—mer twelve and the common Soldier had nine CHAP. IX Of Military Laws and Articles of Courts of War of the Judg-Marshal and Provost-Marshal-General THE Laws of God and Nature would not be sufficient to keep wicked man within the bounds of his duty if the Municipal Laws of the Land were not superadded and those would signifie but little too if the punitive execution of them did not follow the transgressors of them I know not indeed why Souldiers should not be governed by those same Laws whereby other subjects of that same Prince and State are if it be not for two reasons First an Army being in the field and making no long abode in one place Reasons for the severâ—ty of Military Laws Criminals and other guilty persons cannot be so formally and legally conven'd before the ordinary Judges of the Land as the constant Inhabitants may especially when an Army is out of a Prince his own Dominions as many times it is Secondly it is found not only fit but necessary that more severe Laws be made in Camps than in Cities for I know not by what authority for what reason or by what instinct men who follow the War assume to themselves a greater liberty to sin than other Mortals do as if the entering themselves in a Militia did let them loose from all Civil bonds and tyes of humane Society and that which in a Commonwealth is a Capital crime were but a venial Peccadillo in an Army That some Armies are better govern'd than others is easily granted and that fewer gross crimes are committed in some than in others will not be denied being some Generals are more just more exact and more severe than others are and which is more than that some Armies are better paid than others be for Theoderick King of the Goths said well Disciplinam non servat jejunus exercitus A hungry Army observes no Discipline But that the Roman Armies in ancient times and some since their decay were so well govern'd and all the members of them so orderly is but a dream their terrible disorders and extravagant deportments are to be seen in History and some of them I have touched in the beginning of my Discourses of the Roman Militia And if in an Army some offences be not instantly punisht it will be found peradventure within a few hours impossible to punish them at all Hence it is that a Commander in the War is not only permitted to do that which the Civil Judg may not do but is lyable to censure if he does it not as to inflict present death either by his particular order or with his own hand without formal process as in the Soldiers in some cases may be put to death without process case of mutiny to kill one in the beginning of it and so to terrifie others from prosecuting it or in the case of disobedience when the appearance or pursuit of an enemy will not suffer the Delinquent to be legally proceeded against or upon a march when an enemy is either in Van reer or flank a Marshal-General may be order'd to hang all without process whom he finds at such a distance from the Army without his Coloneâ—s Pass and in this last case Officers may kill those Soldiers that stragle or lag behind But I should advise all Commanders not to make themselves Boureaus and to be very sparing to kill with their own hands except in extraordinary cases These reasons have given a just rise to Military Laws which ordinarily are called Articles of War there are or at least should be as many several Military Articles of War Constitutions as there are Princes or States who wage War for every one of them hath his several Laws and Statutes yet all or most agree in these following particulars
Tabaco and all manner of Meats according as he receives directions from the Provost-Marshal General And if the Victuallers Sutlers and Mark-tenters transgress he is to make price of those Wares in venting whereof any of them did fail the half whereof belongs to the Judg-Marshal and the other moiety to the Princes Procurator Fiscal and he hath an allowance of every Hogshead of Wine Ale Beer and Brandy The Chirurgeon must be skilful in curing all manner of wounds so they be Chirurgeon not mortal for many brave Gentlemen get their bones broken with Bullets which would not so frequently prove deadly to the Patients if they were attended on by good and experienced Artists The Chirurgeon should be a sober man and ought to do his duty warily and carefully since the lives of both Commanders and Soldiers are often in his hands Besides his monthly pay he should have his Surgeons Chest furnisht with all manner of Necessaries for curing Wounds of all kinds and this Chest is to be furnisht at the Princes charge and all Wounds received in the Prince or States service he is obliged to cure if he can without demanding any thing from the Patients but all other got accidentally or by quarreling and Duels he is not obliged to cure but for payment in which the Officers are bound to assist him The Preacher be he Priest or Minister whether Lutheran Reformed or Roman Preacher Catholick his Office is well enough known there is much respect to be paid him and the Laws of War provide severe punishments to those who offer any injury or offence to his person or charge His duty is to have Curam Animarum the care of Souls and it is well if he meddle with no other business but makes that only his care The Quarter-master should be an understanding man he it is that should receive Quartermaster provision from the Proviant-master General and divide it proportionably out to the Fouriers of the several Companies according to their strengths having first receiv'd orders for it from his Colonel for properly his business is not with money If the Regiment march alone he is to go before and take the Fouriers along with him and he makes Quarters and gives the Billets of the several Companies to these Fouriers which they ought to draw by lot but he His Duties is obliged to deliver out of his own hand the Billets to the Field and Staff-Officers If the Regiment march with an Army or a part of it he is to receive such Quarters as the General Quarter-master assigns to him and divide them proportionably to the Regiment But if the Army be to encamp he is to receive from the Quarter-master General such a proportion of ground as the strength of his Colonels-Regiment requires which plot of ground he is immediately to mark at the four corners of it with four long staves upon which should be some cognizance whereby to know for which Regiment that Quarter is design'd and then the Quarter-master is to divide that piece of ground taking first so much as ordinarily is allow'd for the Colonel and all his Regiment-staff and then measuring to each Fourier as much ground as is allow'd for a Company with all its Officers he is to see the Fouriers mark the ground assign'd to the particular Companies with four lesser staves at the four corners of the design'd Quarter and then subdivide that ground into so many parts for Huts and to mark every Hut at its four corners with four little sticks or twigs and for all this he and his Fouriers should have measures such as are appointed by the Quarter-master General and approv'd by the General all which shall be spoke to more fully in my Discourse of Castrametation But the Regiment Quartermaster must see all these things done himself and not trust the particulars to his Fouriers who oft-times are very careless or ignorant or both and indeed our His Qualifications Modern Armies produce but too many Quarter-masters of little better stuff though you see they should be men of metal who have learned some Arithmetick and have some skill of Castrametation Formerly the Eldest Captains and Ritmasters in Swedish Regiments used to be their Quarter-masters but that custom is worn out at home our establishment joins the Quarter-master and Proforce their charges in one person which conjunction agrees not with all humours In some Establishments a Wagon-master is one Officer in a Regiment-staff Wagon-master for which there may be very good reason of him I shall speak in my Discourse of the Baggage of an Army There is another inconsiderable Staff-Officer in most Armies yet necessary enough in all Regiments of Foot and that is the Drummer-Major the French call him Colonel-Drummer He is to receive his directions from the Major of Drummer-Major the Regiment at what hour he is to beat to the watch when the Dian and when the Taptoo wherewith he is to acquaint the several Drummers of companies and appoint them by turns for these Beatings he is also to order them in what divisions each of them shall beat when the Regiment marcheth and they are to obey all his directions punctually In some places he gets a third more of pay than other Drummers but here at home we acknowledg no such Creature The Major of a Regiment is both an Officer of the Field and of the Staff Major It is fit he be an understanding person and experimented of a quick apprehension to receive his Orders and a ready dispatch in delivering them he should be vigilant and of a body able to endure toil He it is that marshals the Regiment and appoints every company its due place according to the Precedency they have one of another He orders the Captains Lieutenants and Ensigns to lead Divisions in a march according to their Dignity In the Field he receives the word and all other orders from the Major-General and when he comes back to the Regiment he is to give no orders out till first he hath imparted them to his Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel and received their directions likewise he is to call one Serjeant of every Company together at the setting of the watch is the proper time and deliver the watch-word and all his other orders punctually to them that they may carry them to their several Officers He is not only bound to give the Orders but to see them obeyed for he is frequently to visit the Guards and where he finds his directions either disobey'd or neglected he is to bring those to an account who are accessary to the oversight or contempt The Inspection the Major hath of the Guards hath got him the title in Latin of His Duties Vigiliarum Praefectus If he be in Quarters where the Regiment lyes alone far from the General he receives his Orders from his Colonel in his absence from his Lieutenant-Colonel in a Garrison from the Governour The French Discipline admits him not to command
the one or other is the head of the Army Now as I said before where the greatest trust is there is the greatest honour and consequently the Infantry are more honourable than the Cavalry These things were well enough known to the Grecians and Macedonians he that commanded the whole Phalanx that is the whole Army stayed with the heavy armed Foot so did all the Artillery and Ammunition of the Army And certainly they had Detachments as well as we have and the Suntagmatarch of a Foot Phalanx had under his command two hundred and fifty six men with Colours and suitable Officers how would the merry Greeks have laughed if this Suntagmatarch whom our Captains sixty years ago in many places when Companies were three hundred strong did represent had been required to submit himself to the command of an Elarchos who was Captain of sixty four Horse and represented our Ritmasters now adays for sometimes the Grecian Troop of Horse was one hundred In the Roman Art of War a Legion was commanded by Tribunes by turns or as we call it from the French by toures he whose six month it was to command had ordinarily four thousand two hundred sometimes five thousand and sometimes six thousand Foot under his command the Horse ordained to attend this Legion were but adjectitious and were seldom above three hundred sometimes not so many The denomination of any Officer is à majori parte from the greater part and therefore the Tribune was a Colonel of Foot and yet commanded these three hundred Horse as absolutely as he did any Centuriate in the Legion Hence it is that with reason I aver that in the Roman Discipline the Horse were constantly commanded by Officers of Foot and peruse all the Roman Histories you shall not find that ever any Officer of Horse pretended to the command of any of the Foot With the Roman Infantry were intrusted their Balists Catupults their Battering Rams their Ambulatory Towns their Bridges and all the Materials whereof these were composed Now these were the Artillery of the Ancients with the Roman Infantry were intrusted the Treasurer and Treasure of the Army all Provisions for Man and Horse their Altars and places of Devotion and though the Troops of Horse had their petty Standards and Vexilla yet the Eagle which was mounted on a long Pole and was the great Ensign of the Legion was constantly intrusted to the keeping of the first Centurion who was a Foot-officer With the Foot the Consul march'd lodg'd and fought All these being intrusted to the Roman Foot and not to the Horse shews that these Conquerours of the World esteemed the Foot-service more honourable than that of Horse for still I say the more trust the more honour It is true the Roman Horsemen were all elected of Gentlemen for so I interpret the Equestris Ordo and therefore I doubt not but they had a Precedency at door and Table before the Legionary Soldiers who were all levied out of the Commons but that gave them no Superiority or command over the Foot which is the thing now pretended to Nor will the Roman Discipline which order'd the Horse to ride the Rounds about the Guards of Foot as you have it in the twenty second Chapter of the Roman Art of War entitle these Horsemen to any Superiority or command over these Guards of Foot no more than a Gentleman who is sent to go a Round with Musqueteers to attend him will evince that he hath the command of these Guards or any Centinel of them both the Ancient and Modern Rounds being only obliged to give an account to those who sent them in what posture they found the Guards and Centinels yea these four Roman Horsemen who were to ride the Rounds were commanded to lye at the door of the Hut or Tent of a Centurion of Foot which I think denoted their subjection to him Thus I think it is clear that with these ancient Romans to whose arms and discipline of War most of the world paid homage the Foot-service was more honourable than that on Horseback To confirm this I hope it will be granted me that where the greatest danger is there is to be expected the greatest honour Now very often the Roman Consuls where they saw the Enemy prevail in Battel they called the Cavalry or a part of it thither but mistake it not it was not to fight on horseback but to make them alight from their Horses and fight on foot with the Legionaries which encouraged the Foot when they saw the Horse could not ride from them And therefore since the danger was greater to fight on foot than on horseback the Romans thought fighting on foot more honourable than fighting on horseback and consequently the Foot-service more honourable than that of Horsemen Julius Caesar the greatest Captain that ever was practised this in the greatest Battel he ever fought which was against the Helvetians now called Switzers To shew good example he alighted first from his horse and then caused all his Cavalry to alight and as himself tells us caused all the horses to be driven away a great way from that place of Battel And so did several of the Roman Consuls before him And I think you need not doubt but the horsemen being on foot were marshal'd by the Tribune as the Foot were and so the Decurions who were Captains of horse received their orders from the Centurions each whereof commanded sixty Footmen whereas the Decurion had but the command of thirty So here we see Officers of Horse commanded by Officers of Foot but never the contrary I find Abâ—er Joaâ— Amasa fight still on foot and so did their Master David King of Israel so did Saul before him and most of the Kings of Judah and Israel after him except some who fought on Chariots to their small advantage but none fought on horseback I believe Absalom fought on foot though after his rebellious Army was routed he mounted on a Mule to carry him away with more haste than good speed Many Kings in the Modern Wars since Gunpowder made a noise have fought on foot Edward the fourth of England fought nine Battels on foot our Kings of Scotland did so frequently And if King James the fourth was kill'd at Flowdon he was slain fighting on foot and all these were Princes who trac'd the path of honour and studied both to shew their own valour and to overcome their enemies which they conceived they did more properly on foot than on horseback Since the best govern'd Kingdoms and States both ancient and modern have given the honour to the Foot and not the Horse by intrusting them with their chief strength their Treasure their Artillery Provisions Ammunitions Towns Castles and fortified places I cannot enough admire what new light the Commanders of Horse of our time have got that can move them to demand a superiority over the Officers of Foot of equal quality with themselves If they say because they can be sooner at an
his Master King Joram and slew him with his own hands and beheaded seventy of his Brethren Pekah a Captain conspir'd against King Pekaliah kill'd him and made himself King Prophane Story will furnish more examples of this kind than are necessary to be rehearsed The Emperour Mauritius was forc'd to see his Wife The Empire and Childrens heads struck off and then receive the same measure himself by his General Phocas who usurped the Empire How Pepin and Hugh Capet both France 〈…〉 Majors of the Palace and Generals of the forces used two Kings of France by disburdening their heads of their two Crowns and clapping them upon their own are stories well enough known to any who hath read the French History The Caliphs of Egypt and Babylon had their Estates and Dignities and some of them their lives taken from them by their Soldans who were their Captain Generals In our own time Ferdinand the Second Emperour of Germany Wallenstein was like to pay dear for making Wallenstein Generalissimo of all his armies for by that power that haughty Captain General went fair to have rooted out that branch of the House of Austria in Germany which hath chain'd the Roman Eagle in that family for some ages and to have made himself King of Bohemia to boot On the other hand a subject would be very wary and cautious to undergo a Subjects would be wary to undertake this great charge charge so burdensome and dangerous as that of the Supreme command of all armies belonging to either Prince or free State for though he hath not been wanting to his Duty yet if in the managing of his charge he have miscarried by chance or misfortune he may make account to pay dearly for it unless he have to do with both a just and a merciful Master And if he be so fortunate to do those exploits which extend the Dominions and add to the honour and benefit As very dangerous of the Prince and State whom he serves he hath done but his Duty and can crave no reward but ex beneplacito nor needs he expect any except from a Gracious Prince nay it is well if he come off without some dishonour or disgrace put upon him if not worse some Princes not loving to look on men who have done them extraordinary services because they may pretend to these extraordinary rewards which they intend not to bestow upon them In bad Some free States unjust to their Generals Requitals free Republicks have shown themselves most unjust to many of their best deserving Captains as Sparta to Agis and Cleomenes Athens to Themistocles Miltiades Cimon Phocion and Pericles Rome to Coriolanus Camillu◠and both the Scipio's Nor have some Princes forborn to stain their honours by being injurious to Captains who have done them the most signal services How basely dealt Tiberius with Germanicus How cruelly did Nero use Corbulo And with what inhumanity did Justinian use the famous Bellisarius who was the supporter Some Monarchs also of his Empire How ungratefully did Ferdinand of Arragon requite Gonsalvo di Corduba the great Captain to whose Valour Conduct and Indefatigable labours he ow'd the Kingdom of Naples So true is that observation of Philip of Comines the greatest services are often requited with the greatest ingratitude Boccalini in one of his Raguagli hath a shrewd hint at this He tells us Boccalini that on a time the news at Parnassus were that Doria was appointed with his Fleet to fall upon Hariaden Barbarossa at a place where he could hardly either fight or get away having made Shipwrack of some of his Fleet Doria sent privately to Barbarossa advertis'd him of his danger and advis'd him to get him out of his way One of Dorias's Captains who was his Kinsman not knowing of this came to him and desir'd him not to lose so fair an opportunity to ruine the Arch-Pyrate Doria perceiving his simplicity drew him aside and told him he was not well seen in the Affairs of the World for said he my fortune is so strictly joyn'd with that of Hariaden that if he be totally routed I perish because I shall be altogether useless for I would have you know said he and learn it of me since you are but a young Captain that Princes use Military men as they do broad Hats and thick hoods which in wet weather they wear to save them from the Rain but cast them away so soon as the Sun shines But if great Captains who have done Princes or States great service be rewarded Presumption of Captains or at least be not ill used they should be aware of another rock and that is presumption upon which they run when they think the glory of those Actions they have done intitles them to a liberty to do what they will For they should remember that good services are but Duties which they owe and which are not to be rewarded but according to the pleasure of the Prince but Crimes are punishable by the Laws of the Land where they live and upon Ruins many of them this shelf many brave Captains have split themselves and suffered Shipwrack So did Pausanias the Famous Spartan King and Alcibiades the Valiant Athenian and so did the Roman Manlius who saved the Capitol from the Gauls so did Biron Duke Paire and Marshal of France under Henry the Great Sir William Stanley under Henry the Seventh of England and the Earl of Essex under Queen Elizabeth The like did the great Captain Wallenstein Duke of Friedland whom I mention'd a little before who stained all his fair actions and eminent services with the black and infamous Crime of Treason Instances against one of those Emperors whom he had served so well and who had given him so great a trust This was likewise Joabs inexcusable fault who presuming on the greatness of his Office rather than that of his services was many times too saucy with his Prince And though Abner deserved a worse death than that he got yet he deserved it not from Joab Davids servant and no doubt it was intolerable presumption in Joab to revenge his Brothers Death on a man with whom his Master had but just now entred into League And though perhaps the same Joab had enough of reason of State on his side for killing Absolom yet it was his duty to have used him as the King bad him for Princes love to be served in their own way and obedience should be the Glory of Subjects This presumption of his moved David to leave him a bloody legacy on his Death bed which Solomon did not scruple by any pretence of devotion to cause to be executed even at the Horns of the Altar where he had taken Sanctuary Nor can Generals excuse their Revolts Treasons or Rebellions by any Affronts or Injuries they can pretend to have received from their Princes And of this Narses was guilty though wronged by the Emperor Justine so was the Duke of
that thereby the Roman army might recover the honour Instances for it of ancient times of the Field well near lost and so they being bravely mounted rode among the thickest of their enemies where valiantly fighting both of them were kill'd which made Victory presently turn over to the Romans But we must not believe with Livius that the Consuls bequeathing themselves so heartily to the Devil was so acceptable a sacrifice to heaven or so supererogatory as to move the Gods to reward it with success to their party no it was that excess of valour which they shew'd in the action that encourag'd the flying Romans to turn head and follow their Generals in that desperate Charge and I doubt not but the deaths of their Consuls exasperated them and put an edge on their revenge and that procur'd them the Victory The same Author informs us that a Roman Consul one Petilius Laetus fighting bravely against the Ligurians was kill'd to revenge whose death the Romans fought so well that they chac'd their enemies out of the Field Polybius in his second Book speaks of a very remarkable Battel which two Roman Consuls fought with two Gallick Kings the two Consuls having marched with two several armies two several ways by a strange Chance met in such a manner that one of them began the skirmish with the Van of the Gauls army when the other began to attack their reer but at the first shock one of the Consuls was kill'd to revenge whose death his army charg'd and fought thorough the Gauls routed them totally kill'd on the place forty thousand and took ten thousand with one of their Kings The Theban Epaminondâ—â— got his mortal wounds at Mantinea whereof he died that night yet was his army victorious But to come nearer home and our own days Maurice Duke of Saxe in the Emperour Charles the Fifths time was kill'd in that Battel he fought with Albert Marquess of Brandenburg yet his army got the victory A little before Instances for it of later times that time the Duke of Bourbon was the first man that was kill'd at the assault of Rome which did so enrage the army whereof he was General that it never gave over storming the Walls till they enter'd them and then sackt the City The Prince of Orange who succeeded that Bourbon in the command of that same Imperial army was kill'd in a hot encounter with the Florentine General Ferrucci yet his army was Victorious The great King of Sweden Gustavus Adolphus was kill'd even as the Battel of Lutzen began yet did his army fight bravely the whole day and forc'd the Imperialists to go out of the field at night I knew Feltmarshal Kniphausin a good Commander while he was marshalling the few forces he had at Hasalon in the Bishoprick of Munster against one Lâ—aersam Lieutenant General to the Elector of Colen shot dead upon which one Cratzenstein who commanded next the Feltmarshal gave the enemy so gallant a charge that Lutersams little army was defeated and himself taken And to conclude a General may lose more to his Prince by too much care to preserve his own person than by freely hazarding it Now as our General is bound to give proofs of his courage so in time of action he ought to be of an excellent temper for if at that time he be transported with vanity presumption credulity or other perturbations of soul he may either hazard too much or not hazard at all for these or any of these passions may move him to give those Orders and Commands which may easily make him lose the day and with it the service of his Master and his own Reputation for ever CHAP. XV. Of Intelligence Spies and a General Scoutmaster A Man can scarcely speak of a careful General but you will hear him say that he had always good intelligence but I can tell him that no General ever liv'd that had always good intelligence nor is it at all possible But certainly To look for Intelligence the duty of all Commanders it is the duty of all Commanders especially those who lead armies to endeavour to get Intelligence of their enemies designs counsels projects motions and marches their numbers their strength their Artillery the quality of the Soldiers whether young and raw or old and experienced but more especially of the qualifications vertues and vices of him who commands in chief And if a siege of a Town or a Castle be to be formed to know the situation of the place its manner of Fortification Bulwarks Parapets Ditches and outer works what men are within it what provisions what Munitions of War and what Artillery and what Officers particularly what a person the Governour is how the Posts are divided and what numbers of men are assign'd for keeping every one of them and many more particulars that accordingly the General may know how to â—ake his measures whether he shall presently storm it or Block it till he starve the Gaâ—â—ison out of it or if he shall make his approaches and batteries against it Almost every Soldier can tell you that in all armies Intelligence is the life of action but how to get good Intelligence to which a General or any Commander may trust is an Art yet to be found out and I say more it will never be found so long as that remains true and it will remain true till the Heavens To get true Intelligence very difficult be roll'd up like a scroll which Truth it self hath said and it is this That all men are lyars and so long as men are so what Intelligence shall men believe We are not to expect it from Angels and the Devil is a lyar from the beginning Instanced To confirm this by one instance which is unquestionable What Intelligence durst the leader of Gods people trust when ten of these twelve Intelligencers which by Gods appointment were sent to spie the Land of Promise did by their fearful and false relations make the people murmur This truth of the uncertainty of all Intelligence in Military affairs which I assert will best appear if we examine all the kinds of Intelligence that can be had and these I suppose can be no more but two publick and private Intelligence Every one of these will admit of a subdivision for both of them are of several sorts Publick Intelligence is got first by those parties whether stronger or weaker Publick Intelligence by stronger parties whether of Horse or Foot that are sent either from an army a part of it or from a Garrison to learn those things or some of them that I have mention'd in the beginning of this Chapter If the party be to go far it is to be the stronger and to divide some part of it is to stay behind at some pass or strait to secure the retreat of those who advance further Now suppose this strong party meets no opposition but returns safely the Intelligence they bring is either Very
and got him away with all possible speed and made his retreat good notwithstanding Pompey's pursuit at the River Genuso with his Horse mixt with Foot But I find that for the space of four days he retired still sending his Baggage constantly before and following with his Army in the night and what stands he made to face the Enemy behind him were all in the day time Nor have Princes and great Captains in our Modern Wars thought it dishonourable to follow the example of that famous Carthaginian and those illustrous Charles the fifth from the Duke of Saxe Romans in making their Retreats in the Night-time whereof I shall not weary you with more instances than three The victorious Emperor Charles the fifth finding himself not in a capacity to fight Maurice Duke of Saxe who was got very near him before he had any knowledge of his march retired with great silence in the Night time from Inspruck for hast leaving some of his Houshold-stuff behind him Francis the first of France having Victualled the besieged Town of Landrecy in view of both the Imperial and English Francis the first from Charles the fifth Armies marched twelve Leagues baâ—k to Guise where he stayed till the Emperor came in person who marched with a puissant Army to give the King Battle But Francis being sensible of the danger of an ingagement left some Tents and Baggage and many fires and in the Night without Drum or Trumpet retired to places of safâ—ty This was looked upon as one of the bravest actions that ever was done by that Martial King yet some blame him perhaps with reason for staying the Emperors coming after he had relieved the Town which was his only errand Wallenstein Duke of Friedland fought the Sweedish Army at Wallenstein from the Duke of Weymar Lutsen till night parted them and though he knew the King was killed and that his own Forces were more numerous than the Duke of Weymars yet knowing his own wants he resolved to retire and did it that same night without noise of Trumpet or Drum and left some Cannon behind him and though he staid next day at Leipsick yet the night after he got him away and made but short stay at any place till he came to Prague where he put himself in a posture to meet and fight that Enemy from whom he thought it then fit to retire But many who have preferred a vain punctilio of honour to the safety of their Armies have lost both their Armies and their honours Whereof take only two instances After Lautrec Captain General of the French Army had obstinately continued the Siege of Naples notwithstanding that a pestilentious Disease had consumed the best part of his Army and made the rest unserviceable whereof he dyed himself The Marquess of Salusses who succeeded him in the command with the advice of the other prime Officers resolve to quit the Siege and retire to Anversa where a French Garrison lay three Leagues from the Camp in pursuance whereof knowing their danger since the Imperialists were very strong within the City commanded by two great Captains the Prince of Orange and Davalo Marquess of Guast they divide their infirm and sickly Army equally into three parts Foot and Horse mixing the one with the other and with every Batallion appointed three Falconets leaving all the rest of their Artillery and Baggage in their Leaguer as a prey to the Enemy At break of day they march without Drum or Trumpet and a tempestuous Rain falling in the mean time hindered the Imperial Sentinels and Guards for a great while to take notice of the French Retreat yet for all that they are overtaken by 500. Horse and some Harquebusiers on foot and though the last Batallion of the French fired and fought right well yet did the Imperial Horse increasing in numbers fiercely charge them and rout them and immediately after the second Batallion likewise killing and taking all Those Error in the Fâ—ench retreat from Naples of the first Batallion by a speedy march got to Anversa and saved themselves till the Prince of Orange came and made them render on discretion Now it is very clear that if the Marquess had begun his Retreat in the beginning of the night or at midnight for it was in Autumn he had undoubtedly brought his Army safe to Anversa for his Rear would have been sooner by that account at that place than his Van was which came safely though it began not to march till break of day and by the bargain he had saved his own life for there he got his mortal wounds whereof he dyed The second instance is of Piter Strozzi a Florentine who commanded in chief over an Army of French under Henry the second near to Sienna within which Marshal Monluc was Governour An Army of Spaniards under the command of James of Medici stronger by far than Strozzi lay close by him Strozzi resolves to retire to Lusignan but would needs do it in the day time and consulted the matter by Letters with Monluc who disswaded him from it with many reasons and particularly by the fresh example of the late King of France his retreat in the night-time from Guise and so prevailed with him to retire in the Night-time And so soon as day was spent he sent away two Pieces of Ordnance to Lusignan intending to follow with the Army But the haughty Florentine looking upon it as a dishonourable thing for him to show his Error in Strozzi his retreat from Sienna back in the night-time to Medici to whose Family he carried an inveterate hatred would needs make his Retreat in spight of him in the day time and the issue was his Army was routed and himself hardly escaped But that which Monluc writes of this is very observable That he no sooner understood that Strozzi had resolved to retire in the day-time but foreseeing the event of so frantick a resolution he instantly conveened the Podesta the Magistrates and principal Citizens of Sienna and assured them the Army in which they trusted at that very time and hour in which he was speaking to them was defeated and therefore advised them without delay to prepare for a Siege and the event shewed he spoke truly if not Prophetically for that day was the French Army beaten and next day the City was invested by the victorious Army It is true two of King Ferdinands Generals Cazzianer and Rocandolf Retreats should be made in time each whereof lost an Army to their Master of 24000 or 30000. brave Germans retired the first from Esecchio the last from Buda both in the night-time but they did it not soon enough and lost their Armies deservedly because they obstinately continued at these places against all reason and the advice of their principal Officers when they had certain intelligence of the daily march and approach of the Turks I never said nor thought that a Retreat in the Night would infallibly save an Army I
gallantly defended by the Duke of Guise till the Imperial Army moulder'd away and was made despicable by the sword sickness and grievous winter weather and at length was forc'd to make a pitiful Retreat from it after which that great Prince retir'd to a Cloister and from it to another world So did that Emperours Great Grandfather Charles of Burgundy with a great deal of vanity but with a greater deal of loss continue his Siege of Nuise as it were in despight of the Roman Emperour and all the Princes of Germany till he was forc'd to sneak away from it with dammage and dishonour enough So did Rocandolf continue the Siege of Buda notwithstanding all the prayers and perswasions of all his great Officers to the contrary to the utter undoing of a rich and a gallant Army as hath been told you in another place But as in ancient times so in our late European Wars it hath been an ordinary To raise a Siege without taking the place no dishonour thing for brave Generals to raise their Sieges either upon the intelligence of the advance of a strong succourse or some other weighty consideration So did the great Gustavus raise his Siege from Ingolstadt in Bavaria The Swedish Felt-Marshal Banier from Leipsick in Saxony His Successor Torstenson from Birn in Silesia and Wrangle who succeeded him from Eggar in Bohemia So did Instances Wallenstein from the Sieges of both Magdeburg and Stralsund So did Marquess Spinola raise his Siege from Bergen op Zoom upon Count Mansfeld's conjunction with Maurice Prince of Orange and was not asham'd to bury some of his Cannon that he might make his Retreat with more expedition So did that same Prince Maurice raise the Siege he had form'd at Groll upon Spinola's advance towards him And so did his Brother Henry Prince of Orange rise from Venlo upon the approach of the Cardinal Infant But if a General be well provided and there is no sickness in his Army and if he have strong hopes to To march from a besieged Fort to fight an Enemy hazzardous carry the place he ought not to leave it unless it be to fight the succourse that is coming to it This hath been often practis'd sometimes unfortunately and sometimes successfully Take a few instances of both Count Tili left the Siege of Leipsick march'd toward the King of Sweden who came to relieve the Town and fought him but to his great loss So did the Duke of Weymar and the Suedish Felt-Marshal Gustavus Horne leave the Siege of Nordling and march'd Instances to fight the Hungarian King but with the loss of the day and their Army too But that same Duke of Weimar had afterwards better fortune when he besieg'd Brisac from the Siege whereof he rose twice and fought the Armies that were sent to relieve the Town and return'd both times to the Siege crown'd with Laurel So did the Swedish Army leave the Siege of Hameln that Town out of which they say a Piper plaid first all the Rats and next all the Children and of the last none returned and met the Imperial Army which advanc'd to relieve it and sought with Victory So did the French and English leave the Siege of Dunkirk not many years ago and fight Don Juan d'Austria and beat him But if the Besieging Army be well and strongly entrench'd against an Enemy To lye still entrench'd notwithstanding of any succourse both within and without the Town and want for no provisions he should make no such hazzard but lye still and when a succourse comes it must either look on and leave the attempt or storm the Besiegers fortified Camp If the succourse be forc'd to march back without doing his errand then the Besieger is master of the Town or Fort. So did the Duke of Alva when he besieg'd Mons in Henault keep himself within his fortified Camp and endur'd all the bravadoes of William Prince of Orange who came with an Army out of Germany to relieve the Town the Duke knowing well that the Prince for want of Money would in a short time be forc'd to disband his Army If he who comes with the succourse resolves to storm the Besiegers fortified Camp he doth it with as To storm an entrenched Camp often unsuccessful much disadvantage as an Army without shelter can fight with one that is entrench'd and seldome such attempts are successful Hannibal try'd it at the Siege of Capua and though he did it both skilfully cunningly and couragiously yet after he had storm'd the Roman Camp and was beat off he was forc'd to leave that rich and great City to be a prey to it s exasperated Enemy Count Pappenheim though a brave Captain yet gave cause to question his discretion very much when he was so lavish of his Master the Emperours Souldiers at a time when he had so much need of them against the Victorious King of Sweden as to storm the fortified Camp of Henry Prince of Orange at Maestricht where he left not so few as 1500 dead men on the place besides as many more who were wounded The Prince followed a precedent was given him by Spinola when he besieg'd Breda who kept himself within his Trenches constantly when first Maurice and then Henry Prince of Orange and Count Mansfield offered him Battel and beat off likewise some assaults more made on some places of his Camp by that same Prince Henry and Sir Horatio Vere When an Army that hath attempted the relief of a Town hath retir'd and is either baffled or beaten the Governour of the besieged place may with reputation Of rendition yield on honourable conditions which will not be so good as they would have been before but be what they will they ought to be punctually and inviolably kept but of this I shall speak in another place If a Besieger obtain a Victory over the Army that comes to relieve the besieged place some think To drive Prisoners to the Port of a besieged Town he may drive all his Prisoners to the Ports of the Town and if the Governour will not take them in he may suffer them to starve But I can find no reason why the Governour should admit them and far less why the Victorious General should have respited their lives from the Sword to put them to a more merciless Death yet I saw some part of this practis'd at that Town of Hammeln whereof I spoke but just now for after the defeat of the Imperial Army the Swedish General sent all the Prisoners who were no fewer than three thousand to the Ports of the Town but the Governour gave entrance to none of them But I conceive this was done only to frighten the Garrison out of the thoughts of further resistance and to give them within assurance that their Friends were defeated and not to starve those poor Creatures But the matter came not to the tryal for next day the Governour sought a Parley and
death for a Delinquent Souldier is accounted Beheading the next to that is Shooting which commonly is called Harquebusiering if he be a Horse-man with Pistols if a Foot Souldier with Muskets But the Punishments of several Crimes are left by Martial Law to the arbitrement of a Court of War and some of these aggravated by circumstances are made Capital though in themselves they be not such of which demurring to give present obedience if an Enemy be conceiv'd to be near is one and this falls frequently out Military Punishments which reach not to Death are the Strappado hanging Ordinary punishments up by the Thumbs so that only the Delinquents Toes can touch the ground laying Muskets on their Shoulders more or fewer for a longer or shorter time according to the quality of the fault to be kept in Prison so many days or weeks with Irons on them and sometimes to be fed only with Bread and Water in Prison Observe here that without a Sentence of a Court A necessary observation of War no Superiour Commander be who he will can keep an Inferiour Officer or Common Souldier longer in Prison than the imprisoned party calls for a hearing There is also riding the Wooden Horse on which sometimes the Offender hath his hands tyed behind his back and sometimes Muskets or other weights tyed to his feet As likewise to be turned out of the Army by the Hang-man to have their Ears cut off by the Hang-man to be whipp'd by the Hang-man to have their Swords broke by the Hang-man I have known some who thought that Souldiers who are whipp'd at Gatloupe should be turned out of the Army which is a gross mistake for they are appointed to be whipped by their Comerades that they may be kept in the Army for after an Officer or Souldier is put in a Hang-mans hand he should serve no longer in any Army Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden first began it in imitation The original and derivation of Gatloup belike of the custome the Roman Centurions had to whip their Souldiers It is a German word Gaslauf and comes from Gas or Gat which signifieth a Street and Lauffen or Louppen which is to run because he who is to be whipp'd is to run through a Street between two rows of Souldiers The Provost Marshal is to furnish Rods and to give the Delinquent the first lash but if there be neither Provost nor Lieutenant nor Servant of his who is called Stokknecht then the Drummers give the Rods. But there are several cases which require present Punishments to be inflicted In what cases Officers may strike wound or kill by Officers and Commanders without committing the Delinquents to Prison or calling them before a Court of War as in point of obstinacy either in not doing the thing that is commanded or not doing it in that manner that the Officer would have it done the giving undutiful language in presence of a Superiour speaking after silence is commanded standing still after one is commanded to march or go In any of these and many other cases a Sergeant may make use of his Halbert and a Commissionated Officer of his Battoon if the party offending be either an Inferiour Officer or a Common Souldier Nay there be some cases wherein Officers may cut wound yea kill as in a Mutiny whereof I have spoke already In case Souldiers be Plundering and will not forbear when commanded in case two be brawling and fighting together and will not leave off But killing should be used by no Officer but where the service of the Prince or the Vindication of Just Authority make it necessary And therefore to kill Souldiers when they straggle on a march unless they refuse to obey and return to their Companies I think is a crime in any Commander or Officer except in a Marshal or Rumour-master And here I must acquaint my Reader with some nice distinctions that some make of Superiours beating their Inferiours As first that none under a Colonel may kill nay nor thrust with the point Some nice Questions First or strike with the edge of a Sword only they may strike with the broad side of it but in some of these cases which I have mention'd especially Mutiny both Commission'd and Uncommission'd Officers may strike with the edge thrust with the point yea kill with their Swords and if they do it not they may be quostion'd upon their lives Secondly say some A Sergeant should Second beat with nothing but his Halbert and so say I too if he have it by him which he is not always bound to have but if not he both may and ought to do it with his Sword when emergencies require it Thirdly they will tell you a Corporal Third must only beat with a Musket-rest if he serve to foot for Corporals of Horse they grant may beat with their Swords but Musket-rests are now out of fashion and when they were used if a Corporal broke one of them in beating a Souldier who should pay for it the Corporal or the Souldier is a hard question He may therefore beat with his Sword for none under an Ensign-bearer should be permitted to carry a Battoon an abuse too much suffer'd But fourthly many Intelligent Commanders have averr'd that none Fourth but a Major may strike with a Battoon as also that he may beat with it any Officer under a Captain that is both Lieutenants and Ensigns which they say is no affront to them provided the Major immediately throw away his Battoon and draw his Sword Truly there is no new custome but appears strange and bizarre at first till it become common and then it doth not seem strange at all I find by my Lord Carbousen's testimony that this was the ordinary Military custome in France in the latter end of the Reign of Henry the Great not much more than threescore years ago But that whereat I wonder is that a Battoon at that time and yet was not more odious to any people under the Sun than to the French Nation But mark the reason that is given for this custome Because a Major says Louis de Montgomery carried always a Staff three foot and a half or four foot long to measure the length of the Souldiers huts and with that he might strike and with no other A strange reason I know no precedent for this custome except that perhaps Drapers and Taylors may beat their Journey-men and Apprentices with those Ells or Yards wherewith they measure their Cloath But now those whom the French call Marshals of Quarters and we Quarter-masters measure out to the Souldiers their proportion of ground for their huts and ought to have a measure for it may they therefore beat with it I trow not And why a Major should be permitted to strike with a Battoon more than a Lieutenant-Colonel or a Colonel or in France more than a Captain who often commands the Major is more than I can divine The Custome