Henry Cardinal King of Portugal died the same hour in which he was born 68 years before had finish'd his Life The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus and Caius Marius c Paterculus says that he was Consul eleven times and refused to be Consul any more Book 2. Chap. 89. Now Marius had been Consul seven times and Corvinus six both together that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power without Intermission 37 Years had been saluted Emperor d That is Victorious General or Great Captain Tacitus says that 't is an honour which Armies formerly gave to their Captains when they were over-joy'd for having gain'd a Victory So that at the same time there were many Emperors who did not take place of one another At the end of the 3 Book of his Annals one and twenty times Besides a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him or invented for him But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life after another manner Some said that his filial Piety to Caesar the necessity of Affairs and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War 1 We must not always ascribe to Princes the Cause of publick Evils for sometimes the Times contribute more to them than the Men. A Prince who at his accession to the Throne finds the Kingdom in disorder and upon the brink of ruine must of necessity use violent Remedies to give Life again to the Laws to root out dissentions and to set the Government upon a right foot which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice though the Cause was honest That he had consented to many violent proceedings of Anthony and e 'T is true says Paterculus they reviv'd again the Proscription which had been begun by Sylla but this was not approved of by 〈◊〉 though being single against two he could not oppose the Fury of 〈◊〉 and Lepidus joyn'd together Lepidus 2 Sometimes Princes shut their Eyes that they may not see the Oppressions and Crimes they would be obliged to punish if their Eyes were open There are times when rigour wou'd be pâ—ejudicial to their Affairs and particularly in the midst of a Civil War when 't is dangerous to encrease the Number of Male-Contents because he had need of their assistance to revenge the Murther of his Father That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life Anthony drown'd in his debauches and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens there was no other Remedy left in Nature but the Government of a single Person which notwithstanding Augustus had never taken up the Title f Paterculus says that Caesar was become odious from the day he assisted at the Feast of the Lupercalia when Mark Anthony his Coleague in the Consulship put upon his Head a Royal Diadem for Caesar refused it in such a manner as shewed that though the Action was rash yet it had not much displeased him Hist. 2. Chap. 56. Besides he happen'd to say before that they must take care how they spoke to him for the future and that he meant what he said should be a Law Suetonius in his Life of King 3 A Prince ought to forbear to assume new Titles and Honours for instead of gaining by the new Power he pretends to he runs the risque of losing that which no body denied him Augustus a wise Prince was cautious of taking the Title which a Thought of only cost his Predecessor his Life or of Dictator 4 The Dictatorship being an image of the ancient Regal Power Augustus would never accept it to shew that he avoided whatsoever had made his Uncle odious Ovid makes the reign of Augustus and Romulus to oppose each other as Liberty and Sovereign Power Tiâ— domini nomen says he to Romulus principis ille gerit but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate That the Empire was owing to him for being surrounded by the Ocean g The Roman Empire was bounded on the West by the Ocean on the North by the Danube and the Rhine on the East by the Euphrates and the Tygris on the South by the Mountain Atlaâ— and remote Rivers 5 The greatest Contests which happen among Princes arise upon the subject of limits especially when their Lands lie one among the others as those of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua in Montferrat of the King of Spain and of the Dukedome of Venice in the Milaneze of the same Republick and of the Grand Signior in Dalmatia and in the Islands of the Levant On the contrary when Kingdoms are divided by the Sea by Mountains or by strong Forts which hinder a Passage Princes have less disputes with one another That the Provinces the Legions and the Naval Force were well united the Citizens obedient to the Laws the Allies in terms of dutiful respect and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force but very rarely and always for preservation of the Publick Safety h Paterculus says that Augustus was resolved to refuse the Dictatorship when the People offer'd it to him Chap. 89. On the other side it was alledg'd that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth were only his pretext 6 The actions of great Princes have always been liable to the Peoples censure how wise soever they may have been the Speculative have ever been able to give probable reasons for their conduct nor do the Male-contents and the Envious ever want matter to deâ—ame them When Philip II. caused his Son Don Carlos to be arrested all the Courtiers spoke of it as their inclinations led them for the Father or the Son Some call'd him Prudent and others Severe because his Sport and his Revenge met together Cabrera Chap. 22. the 7th Book of his History Commines paints Iohn II. King of Portugal as a Cruel and Barbarous Prince because he kill'd his Coâ—in-German the Duke of Viseu and cut off the Head of the Duke of Bragance Brother to the Queen his Wife Chap. 17. of the last Book of his Memoirs On the contrary Mariana says that he was a lover of â—ustice and the Great Men of the Kingdom hated him because he seiz'd the Criminals who withdrew for shelter into their Territories and Castles And as for the Dukes of Viseu and Bragance who had both conspired against the Person of the King and his Kingdom I believe Commines would have agreed with Mariana if he more narrowly examin'd this matter Chap. 23. of the 14th Book and the 11th of the 26 Book of the History Where by the way we may observe that the Resemblance between Vice and Virtue often causes the Common People to confound and blend 'em together giving to both the Name which belongs to its contrary that through an insatiable desire of reigning he
this Family within thirty years last past Memoirs L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Menippe had reason to say that the House of Austria do as the Iews and lie with one another like May Bugs They allow'd him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius and Vedius Pollio 8 Princes are reproach'd not only with their own Vices and Irregularities but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour his Minors and also of having given himself up to be govern'd by Livia 9 Where is the Difference saith Aristotle in being govern'd by Women or by Men who leave the Management of affairs to Women Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7. a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity with the Pomp of Images Priests and Sacrifices That for the rest he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him 10 A Prince who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor instead of augmenting effaces the Glory of his Reign for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person To leave a good one saith Cabrera after the younger Pliny is a kind of Roman Divinity Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill interpreted after their Deaths as Tacitus sheweth by the Example of Augustus whom they railed at with so much Liberty they have Hatred enough to bear without loading themselves also with that which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them not out of any Affection which he bore him nor out of any Consideration for the Publick Good but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory by the Foyl of that Comparison as having a perfect Insight into his Nature and knowing him at the bottom to be Proud q Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus Suspicio saith the first quosdam tenuit consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis â—um qualis esset cognescenâ—â— successorem ordinatum quo magis ipsius gloria floreret Lib. 56. Nec iâ—â—ud ignore saith the other aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut â—ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours censures all at once these three Roman Historians when he speaks thus Is it probable that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Germanicus for no other Reason but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince such as Tiberius was with himself his Predecessor For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans 't is visible enough that the Reflection is his own as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus for having put in his Will amongst his Heirs the principal Persons of Rome of whom the greatest part were odious to him that he had put them in I say through Vanity to make himself estemed by Posterity Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser If this Reflection is Tacitus's own it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians And consequently we may say of Pere Bouhours what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History and many others that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus than to justifie Augustus For although Sâ—eton saith Raphael declares in the place forementioned that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius 〈…〉 Livia veteres quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit And by the Words which he saith Augustus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius crying out Unhappy is the People of Rome who 〈◊〉 to fall under such heavy 〈◊〉 Sueton therefore may say as much as he will that he cannot believe that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted but seeing he consellâ—â— that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice câ—p 4. of his Astrolabe of State and 11 In Princes the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribuneship for Tiberius although he knew he had many Personal Vices because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them Commines after having observed in several places of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh his Inquietude his Iealousie his Levity in Discourse his Aversion to great Men his Natural Inclination to Men of mean Birth his Insincerity his Cruelty concluded notwithstanding that God had made him wiser and more virtuous in all things than the Princes who were contemporary with him because without flattering him he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King than any Prince that he had â—ver seen lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain he saith That he was a great Tyrant but Honourable l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal saith That he had the Virtues of a Priest and the Faults of a Prince which was as much as to say That he wanted the Qualities that are necessary to a King cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip Iâ— There have been saith the same Author Princes and Governours who notwithstanding great Vices have been Venerable for having had Qualities that deserve Reverence as Eloquence Liberality Civility the discernment of good and bad Counsels the Art of governing Cities and commanding Armies and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones whence arise great Advantages which make the Persons who are the Authors of them highly Esteemed and Respected It is for this Reason that some have said by way of Proverb A bad Man makes a good King A severe Prince who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws is never called a Tyrant The Imperious Majesty of King Francis I. although it was excessive was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son who authorised Vice and Licentiousness and who by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers converted the Publick Good into Private Interest and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men and never punished the Injustice of his Officers cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History Cruel For not many Years before Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius r
Brother in the most submissive manner he begs Pardon of Tiberius who appear'd not in the least mov'd thereby By and by the Emperor reads the Accusations and the Names of their Authors with such temper that he seemed neither to extenuate nor aggravate the Crimes XXX Besides Trio and Catus there came also two Accusers more Fonteius Agrippa and C. Livius amongst whom there was some dispute which of them had the Right to accuse him but when they could not agree amongst themselves and Libo came without an Advocate Livius declar'd that he would exhibit the several Crimes wherewith he was charged Of which one was That he had consulted with the Astrologers whether he should ever be rich enough to cover the Appian way from Rome to Brundusium with Money and the rest were much of the same nature Ridiculous and Pitiful Only there was a Writing in Libo's hand upon which the Accuser insisted very much wherein were the Names of the Caesars and of some Senators with Dangerous and Mysterious Notes added to them Libo disowning it 't was thought â—it to put some of his Slaves who knew his hand to the Question But because it was forbidden by an ancient Decree of the Senate to examine a Slave by torture against the Life of his Master Tiberius who was ingenious at inventing new Laws 1 There are occasions wherein the Prince for the Safety of his Person or for the Repose of his People is constrain'd to accommodate the Laws to the Necessity of his Affairs Politicians pretend that the Laws consist not in words but in the Sense which the Publick Authority gives them and that they have no force but as far as the Prince lends it them who is the sole legal Interpreter of them Howsoever that be a good Prince ought as much as is possible to avoid coming to new Examples of severity therein for whatsoever the Cause or the Colour may be the Novelty of the procedure makes him pass for Cruel The action of Pope Sixtus-Quintus who order'd a Youth to be put to Death who was under Seventeen years old telling the Governor of Rome that he would give him ten of his own years that he might be of the Age requir'd by the Laws * Leti lib. 1. part 2 of his Life this Action I say ought rather to be forgotten than imitated order'd Libo's Slaves to be sold to the Publick Register that they might be examin'd against him by torture without infringing the Law 2 It ill becomes Princes to use certain tricks and shams of Art to put a colour upon Frauds and real Injustice The manner of the same Sixtus-Quintuâ—'s dealing with the Author of a Pasquinade upon his Sister Donna Camilla is another action that did no honour to his Pontificate We have promis'd you your Life and 1000 Pistols said he to this Unhappy Man and we freely give you both for coming and making the Discovery your self but we reserv'd in our mind a Power to have your â—ongue and both your Hands cut off to hinder you from speaking or writing any more Lâ—ti lib. 2. part 2. of his Life It is of him that the Pagliari speaks in his 210 Observation where he saith We have seen in our days a Prince who did not invent new Laws but who extended the old ones to all cases which he had a Mind to comprehend under them saying that this was the Intention of the Prince who made them althoughâ— these Cases were not expressed in them Not only all Germany but also all Europe detested the Fraud which Charles V. put upon the Landtgrave of Hesse by the help of one word of the Treaty wherein his Ministers slipt in a W instead of an N so that in the Copy which the Landtgrave signed it was written Euvige whereas the Minutes or the rough Draught had Einige which entirely alter'd one of the Essential Conditions of the Treaty which was that the Landtgrave stipulated to be sent back without any Imprisonment ohne einige ge fangus whereas the Emperor on the contrary having caus'd him to be arrested by the Duke of Alva said that by the Treaty he was obliged only not to hold him in perpetual Imprisonment as the Word Euvige signifies Heiss. li 3. part 1. of his History of the Empire Don Iuan Antonio de Vera endeavours to 〈◊〉 Charles V by saying that the 〈◊〉 had no reason â—o 〈…〉 that a Promise to exempt him 〈◊〉 perpetual Imprisonment 〈…〉 that he was 〈…〉 But this doth 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 to the Letâ—◠〈…〉 written in it yet he can't he excused from breaking his Word seeing he knew that the Landtgrave and his Mediators Maurice Duke of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburgh had agreed and capitulated for the Contrary Upon which Libo having desir'd that he might have time given him till the next Day for his answer went home and sent by the Hands of his Kinsman P. Qâ—irinius his last Petition to the Emperor whose Answer was that he must address himself to the Senate XXXI In the mean time his House was beset with Soldiers who made such a Noise in the Porch as if they desir'd to be taken notice of so that perceiving what he was to expect he was Melancholly at this last Feast which he had made to take his farewell of Pleasure and called for some body to kill him laid hold on his Servants and put a Sword into their Hands but they trembling and drawing back threw down the Light that stood on the Table and the Horror of the Darkness suiting with his design he immediately gave himself two stabs in the Belly His Freed man hearing him groan as he fell ran to him and the Soldiers retired at the sad Spectacle The Accusation was still prosecuted in the Senate with the same Heat However Tiberius swore that he would have interceeded with the Senate for his Life notwithstanding his Guilt had he not prevented him by a Voluntary Death XXXII His Estate was divided amongst the Accuâ—ers and his Praeâ—orship was given to some of the Senate before the Assembly was held for the Election of Officers At the same time Cotta Messalinus moved that Libo's Image might not be carry'd in the Procession of the Funerals of his Kindred Cneius Lentulus that none of the Family of the Scribonii might take the Sirname of Drusus 1 The Names of Traytors ought to be bury'd in Eternal 〈◊〉 To bear their Name is to partake of their Infamy with them and in some sort to approve of what they have done Iohn II. King of Portugal giving to Emanuel who afterwards succeeded him in the Throne the Conâ—iâ—cation of the Duke of Viseu his Brother's Estate made him take the Title of Duke of Beja instead of that of Viseu that this young Prince might not bear the Name of a Trayâ—or who would have kill'd his King Mariana Cap. ult Lib. 24 of his History And since that time there have never been any Dukes of Viseâ— notwithstanding Emanuel and
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
〈◊〉 his Slave who had a piece of Silver with 〈◊〉 Image upon it 〈◊〉 Vie d'Apollonius and Patrons with Words and Blows Therefore C. Sestius a Senator spoke to this Effect That indeed Princes were like Gods but the Gods heard only just Prayers That neither the Capitol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes 1 Sanctuaries were instituted for those who desire the help of the Law but not for such as make it their Business to injure others There was an end of the Laws if Anna Rufilla whom he Condemned for Fraud might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it because she had Caesar's Image before her f Suetonius says The Senate forbid their laying hold on the Statâ—es and Images Condemning those to the Mines that should do so to injure otherâ— Daâ—s la Vie de Tibere Chap. 37. Others delivered themselves to the same purpose but some with warmth beseeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her so she was called for Convicted and Condemned to Prison XXXIX At Drusus's Request Considuus Aequus and Celius Cursor two Roman Knights were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus the Praetor of High-Treason These Matters were to Drusus's Honour 2 A Prince cannot gain himself more Love and Respect than by speedy Iustice. There cannot be a better Action than that of Iohn III. of Portugal who being before the Altar to Communicate a Gentleman coming in cried out aloud to the Priest that held the Host to dâ—fer the Communion till the King had heard him and done him Iustice and this good Prince did not Communicate till he had done it See the Treatise Intituled Audiencia de Principes for by his means Conversation was made free and safe and his Father 's secret Designs qualified They found no Fault with his Riots thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shews g It is in Latin Aediâ—â—cationibus but the Commentators think it ought raâ—â—er to be Editionibus and the Night in Revels than to live Solitary 3 Solitudo does Princes no good especially when they are young It only makes them cruel â—antastical untractable and averse to those Duties that belong to Sovereigâ—ty I cannot give here a better instance of the mischief of Solitude in the Education of Princes than that of Iohn II. King of Castile according to the Description of the judicious Mariana All the Virtues of this king says he were obscured by the little care he took of his Affairs and the Government He gave no Audience willingly nor never any but in haste He had no great Capacity nor a Head fit for Affairs of State That brought his Courtiers into Favour and particularly Alvaro de Luna who began to be more familiar with him than all the rest Queen Catherine his Mother had good Reason to drive this Favourite from Court and send him back into his own Country but sâ—ewed little Wisdom in keeping her son shut up in a House for six years together without suffering him to go out or any Person to visit him besides some Domesticks of the Court. Whereby she pretended to prevent the Grandees making themselves Masters of him and Innovations in the Kingdom A misâ—rable Education for a King an unworthy thing not to allow a Prince liberty to speak to see or be seen but to keep him in a Cage to make him cruel and violent and to mew him up that was born for Labour and the Fatigues of War Why would she soften and emasculate his Courage who ought to be day and night on his guard and watch over all the Parts of his State Certainly such an Education will bring great Mischiefs upon the Subjects of any Kingdom For the Prince's manly Age will be like his Infancy he will pass the best of his Days in dishonourable Pleasures and Idleness as Iohn II. did For after the Death of Queen Catherine his Carriage was always like a Child and as if he had never seen Light The multitude of Affairs troubled him and perplexed his Head Therefore he was always governed by his Courtierâ— to the great prejudice of his States which were in perpetual Commotions Mariana says too he was subject to Startings which would take him all of a sudden and his Caresses were all out of Season so that he was more despised than feared Chap. 11. du 20. liv de son Hist. d'Esp The Life Henry III. of France led after his Minions had persuaded him not to appear any more to his Subjects but to be shut up from them like the Kings of the East had the same Effects His Desires says the Chancellor Chivergny shewed his Iudgment was not as it used to be that he was too much locked up and involved in other Pleasure his Minions had engaged him And I shall take the liberty to say that foreseeing long before his Death 4 years at least how impossible it was for him not to fall into some great Misfortune I often laid before him the great Injury he did himself and the Evil he and his State would undoubtedly receive Daâ—s ses Memoires without Pleasures 4 A Prince should have some Relaxation from his serious Affairs and after he has been at the Head of his Army It is not possible the Soul should be always bent to grave and painful Administrations without any Refreshment or the Diversion of other more agreeable Thoughts Titus who is recommended for one of the wisest Princes ever governed was desperately in love with Berenice but his Love never hindred his Business Harangue de M. d'Aubray dans la Satyre Menippâ—e and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices For Tiberius and the Informers gave disquiet enough Ancarius Priscus accused Cesius Cordus Proconsul of Crete of Extortion and of Treason too a Supplement in all Accusations 5 When all Crimes are turned to Treason 't is a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government and that a Prince sacrifices Iustice to his Interest XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason 6 When a Prince sets up new Accusations against a great Man that the Iudges acquit of what he is charged with 't is plain he resolves to destroy him as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of making War upon us when he had slain his Brother Cotis He was Banished h Aquâ— ignis interdictio was the Phrase used in Banishment which was not a Punishment immediately but by consequence For the forbidding the use of Water and Fire which were necessary for Life the Condemned Person was obliged to leave his Country into an Island 7 The less Evidence there is against a man the more severely is be treated if it be for
Father whose Corps in the mean time he would not forsake s Because Augustus dying at Nola aâ— Tacitus says at the end of the Abridgment of his Life he would in honour accompany his body to Rome and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration was no more than what was reducible to that Edict t Iohn Freinshemius gives another sense to this passage neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare making Tiberius say that by this assembling the Senate he did not pretend to a Superiority over it or over any Senator but only to acquit himself of his duty to his Father and that for the future he would not take upon him to give any more commands And in the Examen of the Translators of Tacitus which is at the end of his Paraphrase he says most Interpreters understand these words abscedere a corpore of the Body of Augustus but I understand 'em of the Body of the Senate In which he had followed Dati who renders them thus Ne voleva egli en cio partirsi dalla volonta de gli altera Senatori And Rodolphus the Master who interprets them in these terms to be inseparably united to the body of the Senate Yet after the Death of Augustus it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts to be attended by Soldiers and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor was wanting to him Whether he walk'd the Streets or went to the Senate his Guards follow'd him He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation unless it were when he spoke in Senate 3 He acted the part of a Republican in the Senate because that was the only place where there yet remain'd any shadow of the ancient Liberty The principal Cause of his dissimulation 4 'T is the Interest of Courtiers to discover the Sentiments of the Prince in the beginning of his Reign to know how to behave themselves towards him but 't is the Interest of the Prince not to reveal or declare any thing in his affairs that may exercise their Curiosity For if they are before hand in discovering what is in his breast he will never come to know what is in their hearts Lleva la ventaja says a Spanish Proverb el que vee el juego al companero was that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions assur'd of succour from all the Allies and lov'd even to Idolatry by the Roman People would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present than to attend it from his Death Neither was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory in these proceedings for he affected to have it thought that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth 5 In an Elective Empire the Prince ought always to declare that he holds the Kingdom from them who have a right to Elect though he obtained it by other means for otherwise he will be accounted an Usurper and a declar'd Enemy to the publick Liberty and by consequence his Life will be always in danger Nothing can be said more judicious nor more agreeable to a Republick or to an Elective State than that which Galba said of his Election to the Empire Under the reigns of Tiberius Caligula and Claudius said he the Roman Common-Wealth has been as the Patrimony and Inheritance of one Family alone but I who have been call'd to the Empire by the consent of the Gods and of Men can say that I have restored Liberty to the Common-Wealth because Election has begun again in my Person and that if the vast body of the Empire could be content to be govern'd by a single Person I should be the Man who would revive the ancient Common-Wealth rather than introduc'd by the Artiâ—ices of a Woman 6 In times past the great Men thought it a dishonour to be obliged to Women for their Fortune as if they had been preferr'd by their Favour rather than by their own Merit But at this day we are not so nice in that respect The Ruelle advances far more than the Sword and the adoption of an old doting Man It was afterwards discover'd also that this Irresolution which he shew'd tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him for he study'd their Countenance and their Words to make them guilty afterwards whom he purpos'd to destroy III. The first time he came into the Senate he would permit no other business to come on than only what related to the Funeral of his Father 1 The Prince who Honours and requires others to honour the Memory and Ashes of his Predecessors gives an example to his Successors which obliges them to pay him the same respect after his death Suetonius relates that 't was said Caesar had secured his own Statues and Images from being broken by restoring the Statues of Sylla and Pompey which the People had thrown down during the Civil Wars In Poland the King elect is not crown'd till the dead King be buried Piasecki in his Chronicle which is probably done out of respect to the dead who surâ—enders not the Crown till he has received burial For the King Elect does not act as King nor Seals the Letters he writes to Foreign Princes with the Arms of the Kingdom till after his Coronation Philip II. King of Spain built and founded the Monastery of S. Laurence of the Escurial to be the burying place of the Emperor Charles V. his Father and of the Empress Issabella his Mother and all their Posterity as he expresly declares in the act of the Foundation reported by Cabrera Chap. II. of book 6. of his History Before he left Portugal he staid three days at the Monastery of Beleâ— which is a little place of Lisbon and caused to be interr'd the Bodies of the Kings Sebastian and Henry and of twenty other Princes the Children and Grand-Children of King Emanuel which had been buried apart in divers Convents being willing to make at least this acknowledgment to twenty two Heirs who had given place to him to succeed in this Kingdom Spanish Relation of the Interment of Philip in Portugal Chap. 16. and Conestagio Book 9. of the Union of Portugal and Castile whose Testament was brought thither by the Vestals By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family and honour'd with the Title of Augusta u That is with the Name of Empress and with the Title of Majesty which she had not while her Husband was living In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children and their Descendants in the third the Greatest of the Romans not out of Affection for he hated most of them but out of Ostentation 2 In Princes Clemency is often an effect of their Vanity or of their good Nature to be admir'd by Posterity x We see here says Pagliari what slips
imitation of the Titian Priests formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t These Priests or Knights were instituted in Romulus's Reign after thâ— Union of the Sabines with the Romans who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions whom the Day before they had Enemies as Tacitus saith Eodem die hostes dein cives habuerit Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation But his Death which happen'd a little time after reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines to preserve the Religion of the Sabines Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot of which Number were Tiberius Drusus Claudius and Germanicus 1 The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth or for their Merit for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them and consequently the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them Tacitus saith That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War believed that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace than to renew the War which would equal to themselves all those to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed Ann. 13. In Portugal it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ although in truth they were as worthy of it as most of those to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it Then it was that the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor u Cabrera well observes that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause that the People of Rome who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently they began to perceive that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation and that their Favour gave them Reputation So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates and afterwards to create Tribunes Aediles and Quaestors At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship and made them thereby equal to the Patricians L. 10. c. 22. of his History So that we have no Reason to wonder if Tiberius who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government had an Aversion to Spectacles and all popular Concourses Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements out of his Complaisance to Maecenas who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus Besides that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince to enter into the 2 As there are certain Days in the Year which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children it is very reasonable that there should be also some on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People Tacitus saith That Nero who was otherwise a very bad Prince made Feasts in the publick Places and shewed himself through the whole City as if all the City had been his Hoâ—se Ann. 15. Wise Princes saith Cabrera assist at the publick Plays to gain the Affection of their Subjects and these Plays or Spectacles are assigned to certain Days to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions which deceive their Trouble Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History Commines saith That Princes who divide their Time according to their Age sometimes in serious Matters and in Council at other times in Feasts and Pleasures are to be commended and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince His Memoirs l. 6. c. 4. Pleasures of his People x Strada saith That Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fiâ—th was a great Observer of this Maxim and thereby was as much beloved by the People as any Prince of his Time Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat effecitque ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur Lib. 9. dec 1. Burnet saith That Elizabeth Queen of England was a perfect Mistress of thâ— Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs and made herself more beloved by her People by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself and to regard the People as she passed the Streets than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands History of the Reformatiâ—n p. 2. l. 3. Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different but he durst not yet subject a Multitude 3 A Prince upon his coming to the Throne ought to make no alteration in Things which he finds to have been of long Establishment the People parting with old Customs with great diffiâ—ulty If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government at least until his Authority be well established He must lead the People through long Turnings and do it so that they may go where he would have them without perceiving whither they are going Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all by desiring to undo all that his Father had done When he came to the Grown saith Commines he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so by acknowledging his Error for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good which was like to have taken from him his Crown C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs When he died he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done Elizabeth Queen of England at her coming to the Crown acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary by whom she had been ill Treated and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome and ordered Karn who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome to make her Compliments to the Pope Burnet's History Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith That Emanuel King of Portugal made some difficulty to recall the
cannot take away and likewise against that of the Publick where more Persons would be gratified and requited if Places were Triennial as in Spain The Fable of the Fox which being fallen into a Pit where the Flies sorely stung and tormented him refused the assistance of the Hedghog who proffered to drive them away Because saith he if you drive away these others will come half starv'd and exhaust all the Blood I have left This Fable I say which Tiberius alledged as a Reason on which his Maxim was founded concludes nothing in favour of Governments for Life because the Fear of being no more employed and the hope of rising from one Post to another more considerable will serve as a Curb and Restraint to Triennial Officers Besides such a frequent Removal inclines People to bear the more patiently with the Governours they dislike in hopes of better e're long Cardinal Richelieu contends for the Custom of France that is to say for Governments during Life but I may say that in this matter he was influenced by the consideration rather of the Ministry he was invested withal than of the Publick for seeing the Governments were disposed of absolutely at his Pleasure 't was his Interest they should be Perpetual because his Relatives and Dependants on whom he bestowed the most Valuable might then render him more puissant and favourable in the Provinces where they commanded than they possibly could dâ— in case their Administration had been only Triennial And this is so true that if we compare the Arguments he offers for one and the other in the Second Section of the Fifth Chapter in the First Part of his Politick Testament it will be easie to discern that the practice of Spain in changing Governours so often did not to himself appear altogether so pernicious for France as he was willing to have it thought in this place Insomuch that had he remained Bishop of Luson or Secretary of State he had been able as well to defend the contrary Opinion which he in part inclines to towards the close of the same Paragraph where he thus speaks I am not afraid to say it is better in this particular to keep to the Usage of France than to imitate that of Spain which nevertheless â—s grounded on such Policy and Reason with respect to the largeness of its Territories that although it cannot be conveniently reduced to Practice in this Realm yet in my Iudgment it would do well to be observed in such parts of Lorrain and Italy as shall continue under the Dominion of France I conclude therefore agreeably with him That since Countries remote from the Residence of their Princes require change of Governours because continuance for Life may make them have a mind to throw off the relation of Subjects or Subordinates and set up for Supream and Masters of themselves the Custom of Spain will become absolutely necessary to France if she go on to extend her Frontiers in the Possession of those Places they held whether Military or Civil r Cato the Censor's saying was That to continue the same Persons long in Offices did demonstrate either that the Commonwealth afforded few that were fit or that they made small account of Magistrates Various Reasons are assign'd for this Some affirm That to spare himself the Care and Trouble of a second Choice he kept constant to the first Others say That it was to advance as few as possible he could 2 A bad Policy this For a Prince who prefers few of his Subjects hath not only few Dependents but always many Enemies that is to say as many as deserve to be intrusted or considered and are not Thus plurality of Places is as opposite to the true Interest of the Prince as plurality of Benefices is to that of the Church I shall here remark by the way That the principal Support of the Regal Authority in France is the great number of its Officers And Augustus of old had never multiplied Offices but the better to secure his Authority by a multitude of Magistrates and Expectants Commines speaking of the last Duke of Burgundy says his Favours were not well placed because he was willing every one should share in them Chap. 9. lib. 5. of his Memoirs Some have believ'd that as he had a quick and piercing Wit so his Iudgment was always in suspence for as he could not suffer the Extremities of Vice so neither did he love extraordinary and shining Virtues Being jealous of his Authority he fear'd great Men 3 A Person of ordinary Parts and a moderate Capacity is more likely to make his Fortunes with Princes than one of a sublime and great Wit For all Superiority being ungrateful to them and they being ambitious to be accounted Chief and Best at every Thing will never love nor consequently prefer a Man whose Understanding seems larger and more penetrating than their own The Letters of Anthony Perez contain a great deal to this purpose Among others there is one directed to a Grand Privado wherein he thus speaks when the Holy Spirit says Seem not wise in the Presence of a King he meant not to say Be not wise but Seem not to be so as if he had used these Words Conceal thy Parts and thy Prudence shew not thy Intellectuals Prince Rui Gomez de Silva the greatest Master in this Art that has appeared for these many Ages told me he learned this Rule from a mighty Favourite of the Kings of Portugal and that in all the Advices he gave and in all the Consultations he at any time had with his Prince he took care to carry himself with all the Wariness and Circumspection he possibly could ... He further added That he so contrived the Matter that the good Success of his Counsels might seem to be only the effect of Chance and not the return of any Care he had to please him or of an intent Application to his Business but he seem'd â—o carry himself like those Gamesters who in Play depend more on the favour of Fortune than their Skill On this Subject continued he the same Prince related to me what passed one day between Emanuel King of Portugal and Count Lewis de Silveira The King having received a Dispatch from the Pope composed with great exactness sends for the Count and commands him to draw up an Answer whilst he himself was making another for he had a strong inclination to be an Orator and indeed was so The Count obeys but first declares his Reluctancy to enter Competition with his Master and the next day he brings his Paper to the King who after he had heard it was loth to read his own but when the Count had prevailed with him to read it the King acknowledging the Count's Answer to be the better would have that sent to the Pope and not his own The Count at his return home orders two Horses to be saddled for his two Sons and went immediately with them And when
three Muâ—al and fourteen Civick had never but one Obâ—idional Crown The Civick was of Oak or Holm and was given for saving the Life of a Citizen and killing him who was going to take it away The Mural and the Camp or Trench Crâ—â—m was given to those who first mounted the Breach or Forced the Enemy's Camp Which was represented by Battlements or Pallisadoes engraved on these Crowns They who obtain'd an Ovation i. e. The lesser Triumph wore a Myrtle Crown on their Heads Paterculus saith that Agrippa Son-in-Law to Augustus was the first Roman who was honoured with a Naval Crown Hist. 2. Ch. 87. This sort of Crown had for distinction the Beaks of Ships engraved round it whence it was called Corona 〈◊〉 The Romans saith Cobrera used Crowns of Grass and Wood and rings of Iron to exclude mercenary rewards by separating Profit from Glory and to engrave the Love of Virtue on their Hearts with the graving Instrument of Honour Ch. 12. of the 8th Book of his History Rewards of this kind saith a Modern Author have no bounds because the Royal Power is a Fountain whence new Honours and new Dignities incessantly spring as Rays of Light every moment emane from the Sun which are so far from exhausting that they increase its light Chap. 9. of the Politicks of France and other Military Hâ—nours 1 It is not the matter of the Gift which is regarded in these rewards but the Opinion which Men have of them Their Esteem is not paid to the Mettal of the Collar of the Crown or of the Cross but to the Reason for which they are given Thus it signifies little whether these Exterior Marks be of Gold Silver Brass Wood or Stuff These are Arms of Inquest which by exciting the Curiosity of those that see them draw Respect and Admiration on him that wears them T. Labienus having given Golden Bracelets a Military Gift which Soldiers wore on the left Arm to a Trooper who had perform'd some great actions Scipio said to this Trooper for whom he had a great Esteem You have the share of a rich Man as much as to say You have not the share of a Soldier The Trooper blushing at this Raillery went and threw this Present at the Feet of Labienus after which Scipio his General having sent him Bracelets of Silver he esteem'd himself highly honour'd therewith An instance that it is easie for Princes to reward their Soldiers and Servants â—t a Cheap Rate and that brave Men set a Greater Value upon that which honours them than upon that which enriches them Sebastian King of Portugal presenting a Sword set with precious Stones to the young Duke of Pastrana the Son of Ruy Gomez de Silva Prince of Eboli this Duke who was but fifteen years old immediately unsheath'd it and touching the Blade without regarding the precious Stones said It is very good Cabrera Chap. 10. Lib. 11. of his Philip II. To conclude Princes give what value they please to things and Iron and Lead are more precions in their hands when they know how seasonably to make use of them than Gold is in the hands of Subjects If the shameful Hair of a Lady of Bruges hath served for the Occasion and Institution of an Order of which the Kings of Spain and the Emperors of Germany think it a Glory to wear the Collar what is there so Base and Vile which may not furnish Princes with an inexhaustible Fund wherewith to recompence Great Men. which Armenius ridicul'd as base prizes of Slavery X. Whereupon they begin to be hot Flavius extols the Roman Grandeur and the Power of the Emperor His Severity towards those that are Conquer'd and his Clemency towards those that submit and that his Wife and his Son were well treated Arminius on the other hand insists on the Rights of his Countrey their ancient Liberty the Tutelar Gods of Germany and adds that it was their common Mother's request as well as his own that he would at last chuse rather to be the General of his own Nation than the Deserter and the Traytor of it They proceeded by degrees to bitter reproaches 1 The Interviews of Great Men do rather exasperate than sweeten their Spirits for there is always something said either by themselves or by those that accompany them whence they take an occasion to part Enemies and had certainly come to blows notwithstanding the River was betwixt them had not Stertinius ran and held Flavius who in a Rage 2 Even those who have renounc'd their Honour and who glory in their Wickedness are offended when they are call'd Traytors Flavius had patiently endur'd the cutting Raillery of Arminius who had reproach'd him with being a Slave of the Romans irridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia but so soon as his Brother call'd him Traytor he could no longer dissemble and had it not been for Stertinius who stopt him by main force he was going to revenge the Affron I cannot omit here the Answer of one Iohn Bravo when he was on the Scaffold to be beheaded at these Words of the Sentence a estâ—s Cavalleros por traidores which the Executioner pronounc'd with a loud Voice he cry'd out You Lie in that and all those who make you say it A Heat which did not indeed discover a Contrite Heart but it shew'd at least one that was but little stained with the Guilt of Treason Which are the words of Don Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitome of the life of Charles the Fifth call'd for his Horse and Arms. Arminius on the other side with a Menacing Countenance was heard to Challenge us to a Battel for he spake several words in Latin having formerly serv'd in the Roman Army as a Commander of some Auxiliaries of his own Nation XI The next Day the German Army was drawn up in Battel on the other side of the Weser Germanicus thinking it not prudence in a General to hazard the Legions 1 A good General ought never to hazard a Battel till he hath put all things in good order To begin to be in a Condition not to be Conquer'd is to begin to Conquer Lewis XI saith Commines understood this Point very well He was slow in Undertaking but when once he undertook he took such care for every thing that it was a very great chance if he did not succeed in his Enterprize Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Prosper Colonna and the Duke of Alva who took him for his Patern would never give their Enemies Battel till they were sure of gaining it Ste thâ— first Note of the 40th Article of the first Book Henry the IV. having sent to demand Battel of the Dukes of Parma and Maine the first answered the Herald they are the Words of Chancellor de Chiverny that the King of Spain had sent him to prevent the Alteration of the Catholick Religion in France and to raise the Siege of Paris As for the Former he had already done it and for the Latter
he had resolved on for the ensuing Battel The Romans said he with good Conduct can fight as well in Woods and Forests as on the Plains for the Unweildy Targats and the long Pikes of the Enemies are not so easie to be manag'd amongst the Trunks of Trees and the Shrubs as your Darts and Swords and your Armour which sits tight to the Body so that you may redouble your blows and make directly at the Faces of your Enemies The Germans have neither Breast-plate nor Helmet and their Bucklers are not strengthened with Iron or Cords and are made only of Osier Twigs or of thin Painted Boards Their foremost Ranks indeed are armed with a sort of Pikes but the rest have only Stakes hardned in the fire or short Darts And although they are terrible in their Looks and vigorous in their first Charge yet they will not stand after they are once wounded but run away without any concern for their own Honour or their General 's Safety They are utterly dispirited under ill-fortune as they are a most insolent People upon Success having regard neither to Divine nor Humane Laws To conclude if being fatigued with long Voyages and Marches you desire to see an End of this War the Elb d The Reason of this was because the Romans would have the Elb the Boundary of their Empire on that side according to the Counsel of Augustus Coâ—rcendi intra terminos Imperii Ann. 1. is now nearer to us than the Rhine and as I follow the Steps of my Father and my Uncle so I do not desire to carry my Conquests farther than they did theirs The General 's Speech was follow'd with the Acclamations of the Soldiers and the Signal of Battel was given XV. Neither was Arminius and the rest of the German Nobility wanting to encourage their Men telling them that these were the fugitive remains of Varus's Army who rebell'd to avoid the fatigues of War of whom some having shameful Wounds on their Backs others their Limbs disabled by storms at Sea were now again exposed to their incens'd Enemies without any hopes of success the Gods being against them Although they had gotten a Fleet and taken the most unknown ways of the Sea that none might meet them as they came nor pursue them after they should be defeated yet when they joyn'd Battel they should find that Oars and Winds would prove but little succour to a routed Army Let the Germans only remember the Avarice Cruelty and Pride of the Romans and resolve either to defend their Liberty or die with it XVI The Germans thus encourag'd and eager to fight Arminius draws them down into a Plain call'd Idistaviso which winds with an uneven space betwixt the Weser and the Hills as the Course of the River gives way to it or the Hills jet upon it behind it grew a Wood of high Trees with spreading tops but with void spaces betwixt their Trunks The Barbarians e Those which Tacitus said joyn'd Arminius possess'd themselves of this Plain and of the Entrances of the Wood only the Cherusci kept the Hills that they might fall down upon the Romans when they were engag'd Our Army marched in this order The Gaulish and German Auxiliaries were in the Front follow'd by Archers on Foot next to whom was Germanicus himself with four Legions two Praetorian Cohorts and the Flower of the Cavalry After them as many Legions more with Light-arm'd Soldiers and Archers on Horse-back and the rest of the Confederate Troops all of them being very careful to march in order of Battel XVII Germanicus perceiving the Cherusci to advance boldly towards us commands some of the best of the Cavalry to charge them in the Flank and Stertinius with another Party of Horse to surround them and to fall upon their Rear promising that he himself would be ready to support them if there should be occasion In the mean time appear'd an auspicious Omen f Don Iuan Antonio de Vera Ulloa relates in the Life of Charles V. that as he was upon the point of giving Battle to Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony there appeared an Eagle which after it had flown for a long time round the Imperial Army at last took his flight towards the North as it were to carry the News of the Emperor's Victory Herrera saith that another Eagle came from the Turk's Camp pitched on the Pavillion of Sigismund Battori Prince of Transilvania and suffer'd himself to be taken and manag'd like a tame Bird Lib. 21. Cap. 21. of the third part of his History It is reported in the Chronicle of Paul Piasecki that the Scholars of the College of Zamoyski playing one day in a Neighbouring Field caught an Eagle about which a Serpent had turn'd it self which was taken for a Presage that the Crown-General Iohn Zaymoyski who departed that day to joyn his Army at Cracow would soon rescue the Polish Eagle out of the Sâ—ares of Maximilian Arch-Duke of Austria Elected King by the Faction of Zborowvi and Gorka who were for annulling the Election of Sigismund Prince of Suedeland 1587. If these Prodigies pass for Truths I know not for what reason that which Tacitus mentions here appear'd fabulous to Lipsius He ought to have remembred that Tacitus saith that as it would be beneath the Dignity of History to entertain the Reader with fabulous Stories so it would be rashness not to give credit to what all People have published Hist. 2. eight Eagles were seen to fly into the Wood which as soon as Germanicus observ'd he cry'd out That they should march and follow the Roman Birds which were the Tutelar Gods g The Romans had so great a Veneration for their Eagles that they 〈…〉 God 's and even preferred them before the other 〈…〉 saith Tertullian in his Apology sigâ—â— veneratar 〈…〉 of the Legions 1 It is Prudence in a General of an Army always to interpret Prodigies to his advantage for nothing should be said to Soldiers how Brave and Warlike soever they are which may discourage them Besides a General who lets his Army know that he presages ill from any appearance or casual Event is suspected to be himself under fear which always produces bad Effects The Infantry charg'd them and the Detachments of Horse that were sent before at the same time attack'd them both in the Flank and Rear and which was most surprizing two Bodies of the Enemy â—led counter to one another they who were posted in the Wood â—led into the Plain and they who were drawn up in the Plain betook themselves to the Woods The Cherusci who were posted betwixt these two Bodies were beaten from the Hills amongst whom Arminius who might be distinguished by the motion of his Hand by his Voice and by his Wounds bravely maintain'd the Battel He charges furiously on our Archers and had broken them if the â—aeti h The 〈◊〉 Vindelici i The Bavarians and the Gaulish Cohorts had not supported them however
his Son Iohn III had a great many Children The Family of Valieri at Venice is as they say a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers which changed the first Letter of their Name to shew that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge Marin Falier who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State Pomponius Flaccus that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance Lucius Publius Gallus Asinius Papius Mutilus and Lucius Apronius that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter to Mars and to Concord and that the 13th of September being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers and Magicians out of Italy of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone Publius Martius according to the ancient Custom s Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off was executed without the Esquâ—line Gate the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet XXXIII In the next Assembly of the Senate Q. Haterius who was a Consular Person and Octaviâ—s Fronto who had been Praetor spoke much against the Luxury of the City and a Decree pass'd that for the time to come none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold nor should Men wear t A very Rich and Costly Silk much different from ours in which the Great Men of Rome so magnificent in their Habits would have thought themselves poorly clad Indian Silk Fronto went farther and mov'd that Silver Plate Furniture and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd Gallus Asinius oppos'd this saying That the Empire being enlarg'd the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd and that this was no new thing but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio 's than what had been in that of the Fabricii and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times When That was little the Romans liv'd in little Houses but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate Equipage and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life but from the Riches of the Possessor That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights not for any natural difference that was betwixt them but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind or the Health of the Body 1 It is but just that Princes who have so great Cares and such laborious Employs should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body that one might not be a Burthen to the other The nature of Affairs of State saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited continual labour would in a little time exhaust them It allows all sorts of honest Diversions which do not take off the Persons who make use of them from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament Sect. 5 Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People it is their Mind that measures them and not their Body They keep a certain Mean by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body and consequently to continue still Princes For in effect they are not so when Health fails them seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd Audiences not given their Designs broken or suspended and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement Whereupon follow Complaints Murmurings Change of Minds Tyranny in the Ministers and Despair in the Subjects In short nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health since without it there is no true Pleasure and with it any labour is supportable Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History And in another place he saith that it is Health that makes great Kings whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them And from this Principle he concludes that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body and is the Cause that most of them die in the Flower of their Age Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Epâ—rnon who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life under a Pretence of taking care of his Health he saith That on the contrary there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy and â—hristian IV. King of Denmark both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe and both threescore and ten years old Happy was that King of Portugal Alphonso who having spent some days successively in hunting met with Counsellors at his return who took the Liberty to tell him that at the Hour of his Death God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear * In a Spanish Treatise Entituled Audiencia de Principes Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes unless they would have the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares and be expos'd to more Dangers and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives and secure their Persons Gallus with these specious Colours gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way which however was no better than a Confession of their Vices 2 Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions Laâ—dibus arguitur vini vinâ—sus Homerus saith Horace Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19. Tiberius added That this was not a time for Reformation and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared the State should not want
Vain-Glorious Bounties must be supply'd by ill practices 5 The Liberality of Princes iâ— oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counterâ—eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions Augustâ—s gave you Money Hortalus but without importunity and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you If Men have no reliance on themselves Industry will flag and Laziness will grow upon them and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others they will do nothing for themselves and be a constant Burthen to us 6 An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do or are capable of doing service to his State Machiavel saith that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects Cap 21. of his Prince It hath been a saying That Princes ought not to keep Fowls which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons This Speech though it met with Approbation from those whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong whatsoever the Emperor said or did yet many mutter'd softly and others by their silence shew'd their dislike 7 As it is dangerous to blame Princes and shameful to flatter them when they do ill honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty which is Silence which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough 8 When Courtiers keep Silence it is easie for the Prince to perceive that they approve not that which they durst not condemn Witness the Young Italian who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him at first â—ight gave it against him without hearing the Reasons on either side And the Cardinal asking him why he judg'd so before he knew the Fact Because said he if you were in the Right all these Gentlemen pointing to the Company â— culd have immediately given it for you whereas no body â—urst speak his Opinion â—â—â—ause you are in the Wrong and therefore after a little pause he added That he had given Hortalus such an Answer as he thought his Speech requir'd however after all if the Senate thought sit he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece 9 When â— Prince gives â— little and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth it is a sign that he gives unwillingly and consequently that no more is to be expected from him There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial but who in revenge give such small Gifts that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons as if they gave nothing Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal The History of the Union of Portugal and Castilâ—e Lib. â— The whole Senate thank'd him only Hortalus said nothing either out of Fear or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty XXXIX The same year the bold attempt of one Slave if it had not been timely prevented had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War 1 A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose Anthony Perez saith That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock and the Elephant to see a Mouse is an Example which reacheth Princes that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames In his Aphorismâ— He was a Slave of Postâ—umus Agrippa u In the last Age one Cornelius Hock who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such and to hearken to the Proposals which â—e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague 1583. Herâ—era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14. named Clemens who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia whither he was Banish'd and to convey him to the German Army But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd made him too late for this Design Posthumus being kill'd before he came which however put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x In Toscany near Porto-Hercole a Promontory of Etruria he conceal'd himself in desart Places till his Hair and Beard were grown long intending to Personate Agrippa being much about his Age and not unlike him y In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova and the Son of a Tile-maker the other named Matthew Alvarez a Native of the Isle of Tercera and the Son of a Stone-cutter both Hermites and drawn out of their Hermitage to be imaginary Kings of Portugal When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men which fell in that Battel he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King who hath lost a Battel The Country People who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led suspected that this might be King Sebastian Thâ— first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde who received the Alms that were given him and had set down the Names of all those who gave to the end said he that Sebastian might recompence them when he should return to Lisbon This Bishop was hang'd and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him and to undeceive themselves by seeing him for he was not at all like King Sebastian Herrera Cap. 18. Lib. 1â— of the second Part of his History As for Matthew Alvarez in the beginning he was sincere telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian because he had the Air of his Face and brown hair as he had that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter but when he saw that his words were interpreted
with safety When Ferdinand the Catholick came to take possession of his Kingdom of Spain he said to Doâ— Antonio de la Cueva who notwithstanding he had receiv'd many favours from him preferr'd Philip I. King of Castile before him Whâ— could have thought Don Antonio that you would have abandon'd me on this Occasion But Sir reply'd La Câ—eva who could have thought that a very old King had longer to live than a Young one and that Philip fresh and blooming like a Rose was tâ— wither and die in three days â—Such is the Method of all Courtiers they adore the Rising and turn their backs on the Declining Prince Epitome of the Life of Charles V. and Lib. 3. of the Life of the Great Captain But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal that he would pardon him upon his Submission 4 Princes who have been neglected despised or persecuted by the Favourites or Ministers of their Predecessors rarely forgive them when they come to reign As soon as the Cardinal Henry of Portugal came to the Throne he abandon'd all the Ministers of King Sebastian and all the Principal Officers of the Crown who little thinking that he who was so old would survive Sebastian who was Young and who had no great Esteen or Affection for him had not paid him that respect which was due to his Rank Hist. of thâ— Union of Protugal with Castile Lib. 3. He not suspecting Treachery or not daring to shew his suspicions if he did for fear of the Emperor's Power hastens to Rome when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius and an Accusation against him in the Senate he soon ended his Days whether by a Natural or a Voluntary Death is not certain not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him which were meer â—ictions but because he was broken with Age and Grief and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery 5 Things that are tolerable appear insupportable to Kings and those which are really rough and hard to bear are almost always mortal to them Commines comparing the Evils which Lewis XI had made many persons suffer with those which he suffer'd himself before his Death saith that his were neither so great nor of so long continuance but besides that he was in a higher Station in the World than those he had treated ill the little that he suffer'd against his Nature and against what he was accustom'd to was harder for him to bear And four Pages after speaking of his Physician who handled him in the rudest manner This was saith he a great Purgatory to him in this World considering the Obâ—dience which he had had from so many good and great Men. His Memoirs lib. 6. cap. 12. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province and Tiberius declar'd that by the Addition of the Revenues of it Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Penny e Establish'd by Augustus about the Year 760. 〈◊〉 is â—poken of at the â—nd of the first Book of the Annals impos'd on all Commodities that were sold and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena and of philopator King of Cilicia which happen'd both about the same time produc'd great disorders in those Nations some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own others to be Subject to the Roman Empire The Provinces of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Taâ—es petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them XLIV He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs and with the State of Armenia of which I have given an account before telling them withal that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus 1 When a Great Man iâ— so belov'd of the People that the Prince is Iealous of him but dares not shew his resentment of it the most common expedient is to give him some remote Government or some splendid Embassy to with-draw him from the Eyes and the Applause of the People under a pretence that none but he is capable of that Employment For if the Prince hath â— Design to destory him he easily finds ways for it by the advantage of his distance which prevents the People from knowing the Orders that he sends who was the fittest Person for this Expedition Drusus being too young and himself in his declining years 2 There are some Employments for which a good Understanding with a long Experience is sufficient but there are others for which vigour of body is also necessary Philibert-Emanuel Duke of Savoy said that a General of an Army ought to be of a middle Age betwixt Manhood and Old Age that he might be capable of being sometimes Marcellus and sometimes Fabius That is to say to know how to wait for Opportunities as the Latter and to fight as the Former Charles V. said of a Count of Feria that by his Prudence 〈◊〉 commandâ—d as a Captain and that his Vigour made him sight as a Common Soldier Epitome of his Life Upon which the Senate decreed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas with a more absolute Power than those Governors who obtain'd them by Lot or by the Prince's Nomination But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria because he was ally'd to Germanicus 3 There is nothing more dangerous than to give two Neighbouring Governments to two Men betwixt whom there is a Close tye of Kindred Friendship or Interests for it is to give them an opportunity to act by concert and to rebel against the Prince Lewis XI having agreed by the Treaty of 〈◊〉 to give for Appanage to his Brother Charles Champagne Brie and some neighbouring Places was careful enough not to accomplish this Treâ—ty which left him to the Discretion of Charles and of the Duke of Bâ—rgundy For the situation of Champague and Brie was convenient for them both and Charles might upon a Days notice have succours from 〈◊〉 the two Countreys joyning together So that Lewis chose rather to give him Guienâ—e with 〈◊〉 although this Partition was of much greater value than that of Brie and Champagne being resolv'd that his Brother and the Duke should not be so near Neighbours Comminâ—s lib. 2. cap. ult of his Memoirs by the Contract of the Daughter of the Former to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter and had put Cneius Piso in his Place a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Caesar when it was reviv'd in Africk who follow'd the Party
to be the truest Reading for Piso having answer'd with so little respect to Germanicus whose dissembled anger he could not be ignorant of Germanicus had no reason any longer to dissemble his Anger towards a Man who did not dissemble his towards him After which Piso came seldom to Germanicus's Tribunal and when ever he did assist he appear'd with a â—our Countenance and always dissented from him in his Opinion 4 It is a strange thing that Princes must suffer for the Misunderstanding that is between their Ministers and that the Publick Affairs must be sacrific'd to their Private Quarrels Are there not frequently seen in a Council Persons who give their Opinion not to counsel the Prince but to contradict their Rival not to follow a good Opinion but to make an ill one pass if they can Princes are very much concern'd to remedy this Disorder And when they were invited by the King of the Nabathaeans to a Feast at which Golden Crowns of great weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippiâ—a and light ones to Piso and the rest of the Guests He said aloud That this Feast was made for the Son of a Roman Prince a Tacitus hath said in one of the foregoing Paragraphs that Piso hardly gave place to Tiberius and that he look'd on his Sons as his Inâ—eriors So that nothing could affront him more than to make so great a Difference betwixt Germanicus and him And by saying that Germanicus was the Son of a Roman Prince and not of a Parthian King He intimated that Tiberius was no more than a Prince of a Common-Wealth and not a Sovereign as the King of the Parthians and that consequently Germanicus transgress'd the bounds of an Aristocratical Equality by accepting a Crown of greater value than was given to the rest of the Guests and not of a Parthian King And throwing aside his Crown inveighed against Luxury 5 If they had presented Piso with a Crown like Germanicus's we may believe he would not have rejected it nor made an Invective against Luxury But because he was noâ— made Equal to Germanicus he thought fit to take upon him a Mask of Modesty to put a better Colour on his Resentment And observe here the Nature of most of our Censors and Reformers They declaim against Great Men because they can't be as great as they They despise the Honours that are given them because they would have greater than are due to them So that we may say of them what Alexander said of Antipater his Father's Minister That if they are modest in their Cloâ—ths they are all Purple within which Gâ—rmanicus bore with patience though he was sensible of the Affront LIX It was about this time that Ambassadors came from Artabanus King of the Parthians representing that their Master desir'd to renew the Friendship and League with the Romans and that in honour to Germanicus he would come as far as the Banks of Euphrates But in the mean time he intreated that Vonones might not be suffer'd to continue in Syria lest so near a Residence might give him opportunity to sollicite the Great Men of his Kingdom to an Insurrection As to the League betwixt the Romans and the Parthians Germanicus return'd an answer suitable to the Dignity of the Subject but as to the King 's coming and the Honour he had done him he expressed himself with great Modesty and Respect 1 The Audience of Ambassadors is one of the most Difficult things which a Prince hath to do for it is not enough that he hear with Modesty and Attention but it behoves him also to answer with Prudence and Constancy as well to remember what he is himself as what the Prince is who treats with him and to manage the Ambassador so well that of a Publick Witness and a Spy he may make a Friend and a true Mediator of him Commines saith That Lewis XI dismissed Ambassadors with such good Words and such handsome Presents that they always went away pleas'd from him and disâ—embled to their Masters what they knew for the sake of the Proâ—it which they gain'd thereby Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 14. I have read in a History of Venice that the principal Cause which moved that Senate immediately to acknowledge Henry IV. for King of France was the Relation which was sent them by the Senator Iohn Moâ—enique who was their Ambassador at the Court of Henry III. when he was murther'd Commines saith That to give audience to Ambassadors the Prince ought to be well Dress'd and well-inform'd of what he is to say l. 3. c. 8. He remov'd Vonones to Pompeiopolis a Maritime Town of Cilicia which he did not so much to comply with the request of Artabanus as to mortifie Piso 2 There are many Faults and Mal-administrations which would remain unpunish'd if the Officers who commit them were not hated by those who punish them If Germanicus had not hated Piso and his Wife he possibly would never have removed Vonones from Syria who in all appearance endeavour'd by the Presents he made to Plancina to corrupt the Fidelity of Piso to set him at Liberty Witness the attempt which he made for it in Cilicia under favour of a Hunting Match as Tacitus relates in the 69 Paragraph of this Book Which shews that Artabanus had good reason to demand the removal of Vonones to whom Vonones was very acceptable upon the account of the many Favours and Presents wherewith he had oblig'd Plancina The Year 772. after the Building of the City LX. In the Consulship of M. Silanus and L. Norbanus Germanicus takes a Iourney into Aegypt under colour of taking care of the Province but in truth to see the Antiquities of the Country 1 Princes who have large Dominions ought not to travel into other Countreys because they have more work at home than they can ever do and in my Opinion the use of Embasâ—ys was introduc'd to save them this trouble or rather to teach them the Obligation they lie under to provide for the Necessities of their People whose repose absolutely depends on their Presence A Prince who travells into a Foreign Countrey soon loses the Affectious of his Subjects for besides that he neglects the Administration of Affairs they are displeas'd at the great Expences which he is oblig'd to be at to appear Liberal and Magnificent to Strangers A Point of Honour that draws upon him more curses from his own People than he gets applause from those whom he Enriches An able Ambassador of Savoy told me more than once that Duke Charles-Emanuel had been at such excessive Expences in his Iourney which he took into France about the End of the last Age that he was straitned thereby above fifteen years and that if in 1612 he had been Master of the Money which he had left there he would have had thrice as much as he needed to have obtain'd the Empire in opposition to the whole House of Austr a. These were
well my great Folly but I did not perceive it till I was near the Bulwark Memoirs l. 1. c. 13. Meaning Parcâ—ment who amidst all his Iollity suspected nothing but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery he in vain conjur'd him by the Sacredness of his Character as a King 3 Consanguinity Honour and all the Essential Duties of Civil Society are feeble Ties for Princes for they have commonly no other Rule of their Conduct but their Interest and the present Possession of all that is agreeable to them They pretend that there are Privileges which belong only to them and that what is call'd Breach of Faith in Private Men and Subjects ought to be call'd Policy and Reason of State in Transactions between Princes Princes saith Mariana have a Custom to love their Profit better than their Word and their Duty they steer their Course that way where they see the greatest Hopes without being concern'd what Iudgment posterity will pass upon them His Hist l. 15. c. 18. In short we may say of all Princes what was said in Portugal of King Cardinal Henry That as scrupulous as he was he had two Consciences one for what he would have and another for what 〈◊〉 would not Cabrera's Hist. l. 12. c. 12. The same Historian observes as an extraordinary Thing and which many Princes would have stuck at That Philip going into Flanders entrusted the Person of Don Carlos the Sole Heir of the Spanish Monarchy with the Infanta Maria his Sister and with Maximilian King of Bohemia whom she had married Lib. 1. Cap. 2. by the Common Gods of their Family and by the Rights of Hospitality to desist Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace he wrote to Tiberius that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys who was plotting his ruine and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies both Horse and Foot under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastarnians LXVII Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper That if he had used no Fraud he might safely rely on his own Innocence but that neither himself nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong before they had heard the Cause and that therefore he should deliver up Cotys and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him vindicate himself Latinius Pandus Propraetor of Maesia sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger and chusing rather to be guilty of an accomplish'd Villany than of an Imperfect one 1 Great Crimes saith Tacitus are begun with Danger but when they are once begun there is no other remedy but to compleat them Ann. 11. and 12. For saith Machiavel a Man never escapes out of one Danger but by another Danger History of Florence Lib. 3. orders Cotys to be murther'd g Alphonso XI King of Castile dealt with Iohn Lord of Biscay after the same manner as Rhescuporis did with Cotys He invited Iohn to an Enterview in the City of Toro with a Promise to give him in marriage his Sister the Infanta Elconor and to take all suspicion from him he removed from his Court Garci Lasso de la Vega his Chief Minister who as Iohn said was his Mortal Enemy When Iohn was at Toro he invited him to come and Dine with him on All Saints Day Iohn went thither without Arms and without Fear by reason of the Festival and was slain in the midst of the Rejoycings of the â—east and gave out that he had kill'd himself Notwithstanding this Tiberius alter'd not his measures but acted the same Part towards him insomuch that after the Decease of Pandus of whom Rhescuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy 2 It is the common Pretence of Great Men who will not come to Court when they are call'd thither by the Prince to impute their Disobedience to the Fear they have of being oppress'd by his Ministers or by his Favourites Thus the Constable St. Pol excus'd himself to Lewis XI for appearing before him in Arms and with the Precaution of a Rail betwixt them saying That he had not done it but to deâ—end himself against the Count de Damartin his Mortal Enemy Commines he made Pomponius Flaccus h With what Prudence saith Paterculus did Tiberius draw Rhâ—scuporis to Rome who had murther'd Cotis his Nephew and Copartner in the Throne In this Affair he made use of the conduct of Pomponius Flaccus a Conâ—ular Person who was sitted to execute with success whatsoever was desir'd of him that might be done with Honour and who by an unaffected Virtue merited Glory rather than sought for it Lib. 2. Par. 129. Governor of Maesia who was a well-experienc'd Soldier and an intimate Friend of the Kings and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him 3 There is no Friendship which is proof against the Fear of losing the Prince's Favour or the Hopes of gaining it The Order to apprehend the Mareschal de Marillac was carried by one of his near Relations who besides was God-son to his Brother the Keeper of the Seals The Case of Lobkovits Chief Minister to the Emperor was singular who having no tie of Kindred or Friendship with Prince William of Furstemberg now Cardinal gave notice to the Pope's Nuntio of the secret Sentence of Death given against him and which was to have been Executed inter privatos parietes to the end that he might demand him in the Name of the Pope as being under his Iurisdiction as a Bishop Which indeed sav'd this Prelate's Life but was the occasion that Lobkovits was accus'd of holding Intelligence with France and that he was taken off by Poison Memoirs de Chev. de R. LXVIII Flaccus arriving in Thrace prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers notwithstanding his Guilt made him suspicious 1 Suspicion and Distrust are learn'd in the School of Wickedness And according to Tacitus it is very difficult to surprize People who have been a long time wicked Ministris tentare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae Ann. 14. and sometimes to hesitate A strong Guard pretended for his Honour 2 A Prince who has taken refuge in the Dominion of another ought to look upon all those who are appointed to wait upon him when he goes abroad as so many Spies The more Honour this Train doth him in appearance the less Liberty he hath and this is what Henry Prince of Conde one day complain'd of to the Count de Fuentes Governor of Milan who had him guarded with wonderful care under pretence that Kings having long hands it would be easie for Henry IV. whose Indignation he had incurr'd to have him carried away from Milan it self iâ— the Count did not watch for the safety of his Person It is well known how much the Spaniards were troubled at the Manner of M. the Duke of Orleans's retiring from Brussels although the
of Burgundy in Latin Augustâ—dâ—num and Hedâ—â— the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day and if they could but see the Enemy would answer for Victory 5 When Soldiers have a great desire to fight a General should not let it cool for it is almost always a Presage of Victory Twelve miles from the City Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field drawn up in a Line of Battle The Cuirassiers in the Front his own Troops in the Wings and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back riding through their Ranks Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls and how oft they had beat the Romans laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conqueâ—ors and how insupportable their Slavery if Conquer'd 6 Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour Which makes Princes for ever lose those States they might recover if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister XLVIII His Harangue was not long 7 Short Harangâ—es are best for Soldiers who can give no long attention nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd Nothing makes greater Impression upon them than this Imperatoria Brevitas whereby they retain all that is said to them Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France one day when he was going to give Battle I am King says he and yoâ— are Frenchmen and you cannot thâ—â— but Conquer nor pleasing for the Legions drew near in Battle Array and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War could neither see nor understand what they were to do On the contrary though Silius might have spared his pains through the Assurance he had of his Men yet told them That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the Gâ—rmans to be brought against the French as if they were their Equals One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours a few Troops of Horse those of Treves a small Number of theirs those of the Franche Comtâ— These of Autun are richer but weaker and more enervate with Pleasures Conquer them then and look after those that fly The Army answer'd with Acclamations and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy and the Foot engag'd their Front The Wings made little Resistance except the Cuirassiers whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks and these Poor Men unable to help themselves 1 There arâ— no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in Saul having armed David with his Armour he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head put on his Coat of Mail and girded his Sword upon his Armour but when David had try'd these Arms that they were too heavy for him he said unto Saul He could not go with them and took only his staff in his hand and five smooth stones hâ— had chose out of the Broâ—k and put in his Scrip to conquer Goliah 1. Sam. 17. were left for Dead on the Ground Sacrovir retires first to Autun then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village where he kill'd himself and the rest one another having first set fire to the Place that they might be burnt XLIX Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War neither adding nor lessening the Truth ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants and his Counsels And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War magnifying the Greatness of the Empire and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest for the Rebellion of one or two Cities But now that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing he would go and settle that Province The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return with other Honours Cornelius Dolabella when he endeavour'd to exceed others fell into an absurd Flattery proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania Upon which he writ to them that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours 2 When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation they despise false Honours because their Glory needs it not and what their Flatterers give them serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus telling the Author when he read it to him it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying Prusias King of Bithynia was despis'd by the Senate of Rome for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia in his old Age for taking the Air near Rome L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate Sulpicius Quirinus 3 There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude because he did not forbear according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions appearing in Publick that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome and all the Princes of Italy for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre Dâ—me in Paris and of Nostre Dame in Rouen he having chiefly promoted his Absolution And 't is a wonderful thing says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat that out of Spain from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure Sollicite Direct Advance and Perfect what the Spaniards most deprecated Letters 24 and 80. might have publick Funerals He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii but born at a Free City q In Latin 't is render'd Municipium called Indovina and having served Augustus well in the Wars r The Latin has it impiger militia acribus ministeriis was honoured with the Consulate and after with a Triumph for taking the Castles of the Homonadenses in Cilicia Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes 1 To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their
S. Galba by Cato the Censor and P. Rutilius by M. Scaurus a very unlikely thing Scipio and Cato should ever take such Revenges or Scaurus Great Grand-father to this Mamercus who dishonour'd his Ancestors by so infamous an Action Iunius Otho who formerly taught School and afterwards was made a Senator by Sejanus's Interest brought his obscure beginning into Reproach by these Villanies 1 Great Men have no worse Enemies than those that have raised themselves from a mean Birth to a share in Publick Affairs It were odious and unnecessary to give Domestick Examples of this Kind every Man has a hundred before his Eyes The Cause of this Hatred according to Tâ—â—itus is Quiâ— minorâ—â—us 〈◊〉 aâ—m dandi cura Hist. 4 Because these little People are naturally ill-disposed to them But there is another Reason has a better Foundation becauâ—e few of them but have received somâ— ill Usage â—rom Great Men or have been oppressed by them So that scarce any of them â—ise without Resâ—ntments A Man is an Enemy to the Law because he lost a Tryal and the like Instances hold in other Cases Brusidius was a Man well qualified and if he had taken a right Course might have come to Preferment he was too impatient which made him first endeavour to outgo his Equals then his Superiors and at last even his own Hopes Which hath been the ruine of many good Men who have hastned to gain that before their time which they might have had with a little Patience and possessed with Security 2 A wise Spaniard says He that will not obey another takes the way not to command himself The Means should be suitable to the Ends we propose We would have Passive Obedience be taken for a Principle in us when it is often only an impudent Pride When a Man has once gain'd Honours his manner of rising to them is forgot Suffering much to arrive afterwards to great Employs is neither Meanness nor want of Spirit but Discretion There are those can wait for nothing which proceeds from their Excessive Ambition for they will almost at the same time out-go their Equals then their Superiors and out-strip even their own Expectations Push'd on by their natural Impetuousness they neglect the surest means as too flâ—w and embrace the shortest though most hazardous The same thing commonly happens to them as to Buildings erected in haste without giving time to the Materials to settle they fall down presently Those Trees that upon the first warm Weather put out their Buds soon lose them not staying till the Severities of the Winter are past He never reaps any Benefit from his Affairs that precipitates them his Impatience makes them abortive and serves only to hasten Danger Saavedra empresa polit 34. In less than an Year N ... Mâ—â—got was Master of Requests First President of Bourdeux Secretary of War and Keeper of the Seals but as he understood little of this last Place they were forced to restore the Seals to Monsieur du Vair his Predecessor The Duke of Beausort lost his Crediâ— with the Queen-Regent for pretending too much to her Favour and Conâ—â—dence in him For not being satisâ—ied to rest upon the Pretensions the Duke of Vendosâ—e his Father had to the Government of Brâ—tâ—gne he supported those also of all the Great Men that suffer'd under Richelieu's Ministâ—y to make himself Creatures and to give such clear Testimonies of his Power that every one might ascribe to that whatsoever could satisfie his Ambition and Vanity Memoires de M. le Duâ— de L. R. LXVIII Gâ—llius Poplicola and M. Paconius one Silanus's Treasurer the other his Lieutenant encreased the number of Informers There was no doubt he was guilty of Cruelty and Avarice but many other things were accumulated dangerous to the Innocent For besides so many Senators that were his Enemies he was to answer himself the most Eloquent of Asia that were pick'd out to be his Accusers he was ignorant in Pleading and in dread of his Life which was enough to have confounded the ablest Person Tiberius refrained not pressing him with hard Expressions and a severe Countenance he ask'd many Questions but gave him not Liberty to answer or reply he often confess'd what he might have denied that Tiberius might not seem to ask in vain And his Slaves were sold that so they might be examin'd upon the Rack And he was also accus'd of Treason to make it necessary for his Friends to be silent and leave him He desir'd a few days then let fall his Defence and had the Courage to send Letters to Tiberius mixed with Prayers and Complaints LXIX Tiberius to justifie the Proceeding against Silanus caus'd the Records of Augustus against Volesus Messala Pro-consul also of Asiâ— to be read and a Decree of the Senate against him 3 When Princes would do an hard thing they are used to seek for Examples to authorise or at least excuse their Injustice After P. II. of Spain had arrested Don Carlos he sent his Officers to Barcelona to take out of the Archieves the Process against Don Carlos Prince of Viana Eldest Son of Iohn III. King of Arragon which he caused to be translated into Spanish to be a President to him in proceeding against his Son Cabrera chap. 22. du Livre 7. de son Histoire Then asked L. Piso's Iudgment who after a long Discourse of the Prince's Clemency 4 No Princes are so much commended for Clemency as those have least of it Piso according to Tacitus's Character of him in his Sixth Annals was a very wise Man and hated base Flattery yet commended Tiberius for a Virtue he wanted not to â—latter him but to make him in love with the Reputation of it and thereby to make him more merciful For this Prince knew very well Quae â—ama clementiam sequeretur Ann. 4. concluded he should be banish'd to the Island Gyarus The rest agreed with him only Cn. Lentulus thought it fit that the Goods of his Mother Cornâ—lia for he was by another Woman should be separated from the rest and given her Son to which Tiberius consented But Cornelius Dolabella to flatter more s This was the same Man was â—or Tiberius's entring Rome in Triumph which Tiberius expos'd in his Letter to the Senate that it was not fit for him to accept a Triumph for taking the Air. after he had blamed Silanus's Morals added That for the future no Person of a Scandalous and Infamous Life should draw Lots for the Government of the Provinces and that the Prince should be Iudge thereof 1 This is one of those Counsels appear well but under colour of encreasing the Prince's Power in effect destroy it Dolabella would have furnished Tiberius with a way to exclude from Government all that displeas'd him but on the other side it expos'd him to the Hatred of most of the Great Men if he expected it Cardinal Richelieu speaking of the Selling of Offices concludes it better to continue
Donna Anna the Queen of Spain that Philip II. had disappointed her of the Regency by the Will which he had made at Badajoz this Princess who thought her self excluded for want of Love and Esteem did not cease to make complaints which soon after cost Don Antonio his Life Cabrara in his History Chap. 3. Lib. 12. and c. 2. l. 13. He must never trust a Secret to a Person who is infinitely below him for such is the case of Great Ones that they reckon it a dishonour to stand in awe of their Inferiors and a ridiculous Folly to be afraid of disobliging him to whom they told a thing which may be for his advantage to reveal Antony Pepez says that the Tongue is that part of Man which the Ladies are most set against because of the Secret which they wou'd have kept and which they are afraid shou'd be discover'd Men have more reason to be cautious but especially they who live at Court or who converse with the Court Ladies ought to be more jealous of a Womans Tongue and even of their own Wife's than of their most dangerous Enemies But however it was Tiberius was scarcely enter'd into Illyria when he was speedily recall'd by Letters from his Mother and it is not known for certain whether or no he found Augustus yet living m Paterculus says that Tiberius came to Nola before the Death of Augustus and that they had also some discourse together Chap. 123. when he arriv'd at Nola. For Livia had order'd the Corps du Guard to be all under Arms at every Avenue of the Palace and the Town and caus'd reports to be hourly spread of the Emperor's amendment till having all things in a readiness which the present Conjunction cou'd require She declar'd at once the Death of Augustus n Suetonius says that Tiberius wou'd not publish the Death of Augustus till he had caused the Young Agrippa to be assassinated In Tiberio and the Accession of Tiberius to the Empire o At the Age of Fifty five years The Reign of TIBERIUS Beginning in the Year of Rome 767. I. THE first Action of the New Reign was thâ— Murder of Agrippa Posthumus 1 A Prince who sheds the Royal Blood gives an Example of most dangerous consequence The Queen of Naples Ioan I. says Ammirato when she caus'd Andrew her Husband to be strangled taught Charles III. when he had it in his power to strangle her also And after he had taken from the Queen his Mother her Crown and Life he also lost his own Crown and Life by the hands of the Hungarians who were taught by the example which he had given them Discourse 7. of the 17 Book of his Commentary upon Tacitus There are many Politicians says Cabrera who say on the contrary that 't is difficult to keep in Prison Princes of the Royal Blood and that when they are dead they don't bite which is the reason why Charles of Anjou that is Charles I. King of Naples put to death Conradin the Nephew of Manfrede his Predecessor But Aragon did not want Heirs who happily recover'd the Kingdom and who condemn'd to death the Son of Charles And though this Sentence was not executed for Constance the Eldest Daughter of Manfrede and Wife of Peter III. King of Aragon was more generous than Charles I. yet the innocent Conradin was reveng'd by that mark of Infamy which his blood imprinted upon the House of Anjou Philip II. provided for the safety and preservation of Queen Mary of England his Wife in opposing the execution of the Sentence of Death given against Elizabeth his Sister-in-Law for the Prince who puts those of his own blood into the hands of the Executioner whâ—ts the Sword against himself Chap. 10. of Book 1. and 5 of Book 2. of his History of Philip II. Henry IV. would never consent to the Death of Charles of Valois Count of Aâ—vergne who conspir'd against him saying that he ought to have a respect for the blood of Kings and Mr. Villeroy one of his Ministers said well to the same purpose that when the Question was put concerning the Life of Princes of the Blood the Prince ought for Counsel to hear nature only Burnet has declared that the Death of the Queen of Scotland was the greatest Blot of Queen Elizabeth's reign And I wonder that Pope Sixtus V. who knew so well how to teach others to give respect to Royal Majesty should envy this Queen the Happiness and Honour to have a Crown'd Head fall at her feet And never was a Dream more full of instruction than that Ladies who usually lay in the Chamber of Queen Elizabeth and who the Night before that Execution awak'd in a Fright crying out that she saw the Head of Mary Stuart cut off and that they would also have cut off the Head of Queen Elizabeth with the same Axe Lâ—ti Book 3. of part 2. of the Life of Sixtus V. who unarm'd as he was and wholly Ignorant of the design was not without some difficulty slain by a Centurion hardned in blood Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate feigning a Command from his Father Augustus wherein he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man immediately after his own decease 'T is undoubted that Augustus had often and that with bitterness complain'd in the Senate of his Manners and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty as to compass the Death of any of his Relations Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law The suspicion fell more naturally on Tiberius and Livia for hastning the Death of a Young Man obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitor o Paul Piasecki says in his Chronicle that Constance of Austria the Second Wife of Sigismond III. King of Poland used all her Interest to get her Eldest Son Iohn Casimir to be chosen King and her Son-in-Law and Nephew Uâ—adislaus excluded who being the Eldest Son of the King according to the Law and Custom of the Country was to be preferr'd before all others Another Polonian says Nec unquam committunt quin hic eligatur cui ipso jure debetur successio Krzistanowiâ— in his description of the Government of â—â—land and of the last through the inbred malice of Step-mother When the Centurion according to Military Custom told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders his answer was that he had given him no such Commission 2 'T is the Custom of Princes in hurtful cases to throw the Odium upon their Ministers Anthony Perez who found it so by sad experience in the Murder of Iohn of Escovedo which Philip II. gave leave to be enquir'd into says that Princes are advis'd to keep a Council of State to clear themselves of all unlucky accidents Queen Elizabeth imprison'd the Secretary
who dispatch'd an Order to hasten the Execution of Mary Stuart Queen of Scots saying that she was surpris'd when she sign'd the Warrant Leti that the Officer should be answerable to the Senate for his offence which coming to the knowledge of Sallustius Crispus who was the confident of all his Secrets and who had issued out those orders to the Centurion He fearing that the Murther would be charg'd on him and knowing that it was equally dangerous in his case either to confess the Truth or divulge the Secret to approve himself either Innocent or Guilty 3 That Minister is unhappy who is forc'd to accuse his Prince to prove his own Innocence or who must be Criminal to make his Prince to be reputed Innocent For if he keeps the Secret the Iudges condemn him if he does not keep it his Masteâ— sacrifices him as an unfaithful Servant Besides the Prince is always glad to rid himself of one who may be a Witness against him advis'd Livia that care should be taken not to expose the Secrets of the Imperial House or the Counsels of Ministers 4 Princes would often want Counsel if it was dangerous to give them Counsel Dâ—â—uturos qui suadâ—â—nt sâ— suadere periculum sit Curt. Lib. 7. When a Prince keeps a Secret says Câ—brera we freely tell him everything that may do him hurt which often preserves his State and Person Philip II. was ignorant of nothing because every one told him what he knew and 't was certain he would never discover what ought to be kept secret Chap. 3. of the 12 Book of his Life or the Names of the Soldiers whom he privately employ'd to execute his orders For Tiberius would certainly weaken the Government if he permitted his actions to be scan'd in the Senate 5 'T is the Destruction of a Republick and introduces a Monarchy to commit the Sovereign Power to one alone and 't is the Overthrow of a Monarchy to give this Power to many This was the mistake of Philip II. after the death of Lewis of Reqâ—â—sen Governor of the Low-Countrys in committing the Administration of the 〈◊〉 of Flanders to the Council of State of that Country For the People when they saw themselves delivered from the Yoke of a Spanish Governor were not afraid of a Power which being divided among many seem'd unto 'em a kind of a Republick Besides the Interest and Advice of those who were of this Council never agreeing the People had a fair pretence not to obey standing neuter among so many Masters who did not know how to command 'T is almost impossible says Commines that many great Lords of the same Quality and Estate should be able to hold long together unless there be one Superior to command 'em and 't is necessary that he should be Wiâ—e and well Approved whom they must all obey And a little after he gives this reason for it Because says he they have so many things to dispatch and agree among themselves that half of the time is lost before they can conclude any thing The last Chap. of Book 1. of his Memoirs Cabrera says that a Prince has need of Counsel and of Ministers to assist him in the Government for though he be an able Prince yet he can't know every thing but they must not be his companions in the Government because being only his Instruments 't is â—it he should use 'em as he pleases Chap. 7. of the first book of his History Arbitrary Dominion being of that nature that the Performance of a Command from a single Person can be accountable but to him alone p Mary Queen of Hungary Sister of Charles V. shew'd her self of the same opinion when taking her leave of the Low-Countrys which she had govern'd 23 years she used this Expression If I have fail'd in any thing I may be excus'd since I have done the best I could but if any are dissatisfied with what I have done I regard it not since the Emperor my Brother is satisfied and my care was only to please him Brantome disâ— 4. of brave Women II. In the mean time at Rome the Consuls Senators and Knights endeavour'd to out-strip each other in the â—ace to Servitude And they who were the most Noble and Illustrious made the greatest speed using so specious a behaviour that without shewing any exterior gladness for the Death of their late Emperor or any discontent for the Succession of the New q Don Iohn Antonio de Vera speaking of the Ceremony of the Abdication of Charles V. says that they who assisted at it gave publick testimony of their sorrow but however in such a manner as without displeasing the Prince they received shew'd what a Prince they lost Epitome of the Life of Charles V. their Mourning was mingled with their Ioy and their Tears with expressions of Flattery Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius then Consuls were the first who took the Oath of Fideliâ—ty to Tiberius and gave it afterwards in his name to Seju-Strabo Captain of the Pretorian-Guard and to Cajus Turranius Commissary-General of the Publick Provisions after these to the Senate to the Forces and to the People For Tiberius affected to begin all publick Functions from the Consuls 1 Because Liberty began with the Consulship he affected to propose all things by the Consuls to amuse the People and even the Senate by an image of the ancient Republick Arcanum enim novi status imago antiqui as in the ancient Common-Wealth and as if he were yet doubtful whether or no he would assume the Government Even the Edict it self by which he summon'd the Senate to the Court was short and modest declaring that he exercis'd this Right but only in vertue of the Tribunitial Power r Under the ancient Republick the Tribunes of the People had oftentimes assembled the Senate so Tiberius acted popularly in convoking them 'T is true the Tribunes had usurp'd this Power for in the beginning they could only vetare aut intercedere i. e. hinder or oppose whereas the Consuls had a right to command Consules jubent which was vested in him by Augustus 2 The Edicts of a Prince ought always to be short for they are Laws and Commandments of which it belongs not to Subjects to examine the reasons 'T is the business of a Doctor to alledge reasons but not of a Legislator who ought to make himself obey'd by Authority and not by Persuasion If reasons were given to Subjects they would examine them and this Inquiry would carry 'em to Disobedience when they did not think those Reasons good The force of a Law does not formally consist in the Iustice of it but in the Authority of the Legislator and therefore Kings who are the Supreme Legislators must be obeyed because they have establish'd such and such Laws and not because their Laws seem just to us and in order to deliberate on those funeral Honours which were to be paid to his
He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus before his 〈◊〉 to Rhodes Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99. had cast out some Words concerning his Humour and the Oddness of his Manners which seeming to Excuse did in effect Reproach them 12 This manner of Accusing while we Excuse is very much in fashion with Courtiers who according to the Florenâ—iâ—e Proverb have Honey in the Mouth and a Razor under the Girdle V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him and that being done earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius who on his side spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities Saying That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs 1 The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things doth himself an Honour in exalting him for besides that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the â—mitation of him he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects when he equals him or excels him Tiberius was not inferior to Aâ—gustuâ— in Understanding and Experience The Day that Charles the Fifth had â—bâ—icated the Kingdom of Sâ—ain his Son Philip said in his Speech That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty were it not to contribute to thâ— Preservation of so invaluable a Life Concluding that â—e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtueâ— since to imitate them all was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World Cabrera lib 1. cap. 7. oâ— his History and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour 2 It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig◠〈◊〉 if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them I mean those who are to succeed them for from whom shall they learn the Art of Government if not from him who Governs And how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance to render themselves more necessary and who to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten will never let him see Aâ—â—airs but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business On the contrary a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King I don't pretend to say that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor Majus aliquid exceâ—sius a Principâ— postulatur But setting Iealouâ—ie aâ—ide he cannot fairly dispense with himself from tâ—aching him 〈◊〉 Maxims which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis And as the Children of Sovereign Princes saith Cabrera have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them there are none but their Fathers who have the Authority to command them and the Means to make themselves obeyed cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History he was sensible by his own Experience how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government That in a City which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one since Publick Functions were better exercis'd when many join'd their Cares and Labours 3 It is very necessary for a Prince saith Commines to have several Persons of his Council because the wisest sometimes err and they help to set one another right l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities But there was more of Ostentation than of upright Meaning in these Discourses And besides if Tiberius whether by Nature or by Custom spoke obscurely even on those Subjects where he had no occasion to dissemble his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts Then the Senators who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning broke out into Tears Complaints and Vows holding out their Hands to the Gods and to the Image of Augustus and embracing the Knees of Tiberius till he commanded a Register s Sueton calls this Registry Ratâ—â—narium i. e. an Inventory or a Iourâ—al to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus 4 Although Princes have Secretaries whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana that on the contrary it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another There is no Secretary nor Confident whosoever he be that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets A Prince who is guilty of this Oversight will become precarioâ—â— to such a Subject Edward the Sixth King of England wrote himself the Iournal of his Life whereof the three last Years are extant So that if this Prince who died at Sixteen had lived longer and continued his Labour he would have proved a very great Man In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon dâ— puridade as much as to say The Writer or Register of the Confidence or of the Secrets And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense when he saith Communicar sus consejos y puridades As this is the most important place of the Kingdom and which hath never been held by any other but by the chief Minister it is probable that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet and thence to prepare Memoirs of State Iohn the Second King of Portugal and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille wrote them themselves and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies which serv'd in the Armies of the Tributary Kingdoms of the Conquer'd Provinces of the Naval Strength of the Imposts and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth To which Augustus whether out of Fear for the Empire which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany or out of Iealousie lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits
Slaves of Blesus being put to the Torture persisted to deny the Murder the General was in immediate danger of Assassination In the mean time they forc'd the Tribunes and the Praefect of the Camp to â—ly for their Safety they plunder'd their Baggage and kill'd Lucilius the Centurion to whom they had given the Nick-name of â—edo alteram because when he had broken his Baton s The Roman Soldiers were chastized with a Wand of a Vine and the Foreigners in their Service with Blowâ— of Cudgels on the Back of any Soldier he was wont to call for another to continue the Correction The rest of the Centurions absconded excepting only Iulius Clemens who was sav'd as being one who for his ready Wit was thought a proper Man to execute the Commissions of the Soldiers 2 As Soldiers commonly exercise their Hands more than their Minds and consequently understand how to Fight better than how to Speak they set a great Value upon a Man who is able to Speak well and Negotiate especially when they have Complaints to make at Court against their Generals or Favours and Rewards to sollicit which there is some difficulty to obtain There were two of the Legions the Eighth and the Fifteenth who were ready to come to Blows with one another concerning one Sirpicus a Centurion the Eighth demanding him to be produc'd and put to Death the other defending him If the Ninth had not interpos'd and partly with Prayers partly with Threatnings brought them to Reason on either side XVIII These Things coming to the knowledge of Tiberius constrain'd him as expert as he was in dissembling his Temper and concealing all ill News 1 Princes take great care to conceal ill Success from their Subjects because they have the less Veneration for them when Fortune is against them The Army of Lewis the Eleventh having taken several Towns in Burgunâ—y and defeated all the Forces that opposed them the Duke who was then in Picardy caused a Report to be spread in his Camp That his Forces had had the better for fear lest his Army should Revolt if it should know the News of Burgunâ—y Commines l. 3. c. 3. of his Memoirs But of all Evils a Sedition or a Revolt is that which Princes are most concerned to keep the Knowledge of from their Subjects because it is an Example which never stops at the place where it begins It is a Civil Contagion which spreads from Province to Province and whose Progress is so much the quicker as it finds every where many Incendiaries and very few Physicians to send away his Son with all speed to Pannonia without other Instructions than only to act according to the present Necessity and as the juncture of Affairs 2 There are knotty Affairs in which Princes cannot take certain Measures Seditions are of this Nature Severity and Mildness being equally dangerous towards People who must neither be altogether exasperated nor wholly satisfied When the Evil is pressing the best Expedient is to send them a Person of eminent Quality with Power to act according as the Occasion shall require without expecting farther Orders which would retard the conclusion of the Accommodation But Commissions of this nature ought never to be given but to Persons of approved Fidelity And it was for this Reason that Tiberius sent his Son and his Favourite to the mutinous Legions requir'd He gave for his Attendants two Praetorian Cohorts reinforc'd with a Recruit of select Soldiers with a great part of his Cavalry and the Choice of his German Guards sent in his Company the principal Men of Rome and appointed for the Governor of his Person Elius Sejanus his Favourite 3 When a Prince gives a Governor to his Son he ought to chuse a Man of Authority to the end that the young Prince may have an Awe and Respect for him Education saith Cabrera is the Source of all the good and bad Qualities of a Prince and consequently of the good or bad Fortune of his Subjects For want of good Education the Prince in stead of being the Father and the Shepherd of his People becomes the publick Scourge and the universal Plague The inward Counsel of a Prince comes both from Education and Nature which opens the first Windows to the Understanding and displays there more or less Light according to the disposition of the Constitution which gives the first Lineaments to the Manners and Actions ... A Prince's Son is born with no more Understanding than a common Man's he is a Diamond that is hard to cut but which casts a great Lustre after it is polished l. 4. c. 2. of his History Mariana â—aith That Peter King of Castile Sirnamed The Cruel had a mixture of great Virtues and of great Vices that at his Accession to the Throne which was at the Age of fifteen Years and a half he shewed a Mind a Courage and Qualities which gave great Hopes that his Body was indefaâ—â—gable and his Courage invincible in all Difficulties but that with these Virtues there began to appear Vices which Age encreased and Time multiplied and which were owing to the ill Education which he had had under Aâ—phonso d'Albuquâ—rquâ— the Governour of his Childhood Insomuch that his Reign almost in every thing resembled Nero's for he put to Death two of his Natural Brothers with their Mother his Wife Blanche of Bourbon to gratifie his Concubine the Queen of Arragon his Aunt by the Mother's side the Infant Iohn of Arragon his Cousin-German Ioan of Lara his Sister-in-Law and many more Princes and Lords c. 16 c. l. 16 17. of his History of Spain then Praefect of the Praetorium t This Office was new having been created by the Emperors Some are of Opinion that the Praefectus Praetorio was much the same with the Magister Equitum or the General of the Horse under the ancient Common-wealth For as this General held the first Place after the Dictator to whom he was properly Lieutenant the Praefectus Praetorio was the second Person of the Empire especially after Seâ—anus thought fit to lodge in one Camp all the Praetorian Cohorts or Companies of Guards which were before dispersed in several Quarters of the City Tacit. ann 4. Mâ—de 〈◊〉 speaks properly in saying That he was as the Constable of the Empire His Authority grew so great that there was no Appeal from his Iudgments whereas there lay an Appeal from those of the Consuls to the People when Rome was a Commonwealth In the Year 1631 Urban the Eighth having created his Nephew Dom Tade Barberino Praefect of Rome this Lord by virtue of this new Dignity which was but a Phantom of the Ancient would have the Precedency of Ambassadors to Solio and Collegue to his Father Strabo in that Office Employ'd particularly on this Occasion to promise Rewards to those who should submit and threaten Punishments to such as should persist in their Rebellion On the approach of Drusus to the
neither Strength nor Courage to defend himself if they should attack him that the Ambassadors which he sent to them spake to them sometimes as from an Equal to an Equal and that in short his Dominions were a Retreat to as many as revolted from their Obedience to the Romans After all this he stuck not to address himself to Tiberius to support his Fortune shock'd by an Unfortunate Battel who before this Battel boastâ—d that he was the Arbitrator of Peace and War After the Battel of Granson the Duke of Burgundy sent the Lord of Contay to Lewis XI with a Submissive and Obliging Message which was not his custom so much was his Temper or his Courage chang'd in an hours time Commines cap. 2. lib. 5. of his Memoirs We ought therefore to conclude with him that if Great Men were always wise they would be so modest in their words in time of Prosperity that they need not be constrain'd to change their Language in the time of Adversity Ch. 21. of the same Book And this is what Charles V. intimated to Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony his Prisoner of War hearing him call'd him Most Powerful and most Gracious Emperor he answer'd You were wont to call me otherwise reproaching him thereby with the Nick-name of Charles of Ghant which the Protestant Princes of Germany of whom the Elector was the Head gave him heretofore in their Manifesto's Don Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitomy of his Life who answer'd at first That it was unreasonable for him to expect assistance from the Roman Arms when he had never sent any to them when they were engag'd in a War with the same Enemy k Henry III. King of France returned much the same Answer to Deputies from Flanders in 1579. How dare you saith he to demand succours of me against your Prince when ye would give me none against my Subjects Cavriana However Drusus was sent as I said before to make a Peace l Tiberius had quite another design as will be seen in the 63 Paragraph XLVIII The same Year twelve famous Cities of Asia were overturn'd by an Earthquake in the Night which was the more Fatal the less it was foreseen nor could the People save themselves as many use to do in this Calamity by running into the Open Fields for they were swallow'd up in the Cleâ—ts of the Earth It is said that Mountains were levell'd Plains raised into Mountains and that Fire flash'd out amidst the Ruines As the Sardians were the greatest Sufferers so they drew the greatest Compassion towards them for Tiberius promis'd them 100 thousand great Sesterces m 250000 Crowns and remitted all their Taxes for five Years 1 Inundations Fires Earthquakes Famine and other Publick Calamities are so many Occasions for a Prince to signalize his Magnificence and to perpeâ—uate his Name Private Men may do good to Private Men but there is none but a Prince who can do it to a whole People A Prince ought not to desire these Occasions but he ought to take the Advantage of them when they offer Debet esse major propensior in calamitoâ—os liberalitas saith Cicero 2. of his Offices Magnesia which lies at the Foot of the Mountain Sipylus was reliev'd in proportion to its loss which was next to that of Sardis Temnis Philadelphis Aegea Appollonia Mosthena the Macedonian Hircania Hierocaesarea Myrina Cimes and Timolus were discharged from all Taxes for the same space of time and it was resolv'd to send a Senator to view and to repair the Ruines They Deputed M. Aletus of the Praetorian rank because the Governor of Asia was a Consular Person to prevent any Emulation or Contest which might arise betwixt Equals 2 It is not easie to determine whether is more fit to be sent as a Commissioner into a Province an Inferior or an Equal to him that is Governor of it For according to Tacitus himself Iealousie is stronger in an Inferior than in an Equal quia minoribus major aemulandâ— cura Hist 4. I know not saith Pio Mutio whether Tiberius did prudently to send into Asia a Minister that was of an Inferiâ—r Rank to the Consular Person who govern'd it for this Inequality drew after it not only that Emulation which he would have prevented but also Envy which is the fruitful Source of Disâ—entions and Quarrels And some lines after If the Emulation be good it makes each of the Rivals more Diligent and Punctual whereby the Prince is the better serv'd Witnesâ— what Titus Livy makes Papirius Cursor the Dictator say A laevone cornu victoria incipiet dextrum cornu Dictatoris acies alienam pugnam sequetur i. e. Shall the Victory begin in the Left Wing And shall the Right Wing where the Dictator is only assist the other in the Fight Because the General of the Horse who commanded the Leâ—t Wiâ—g had broken that of the Enemy Consider 121. on the 2. lib. Cabrera saith That the Triumviral Government of the Cardinal of Trent the Marquis of Pesquera and of Iohn-Baptist Castaldo whom Philip II. had sent to Naples to oppose the Designs of Pope Paul IV. was prejudicial to his affairs because these three Ministers were near Equal in Authority Cap. 3. Lib. 3. of his History The Cardinal de Richelieu hath clearly decided this Question Divers Experiments saith he have made me so knowing in this Matter that I should think my self accountable in the sight of God if this Testament did not in express terms declare that there is nothing more dangerous in a State than divers Authorities equal in the Administration of Affairs What one unâ—â—rtakes is cross'd by the other and if the Honestest Man is not the Aâ—lest although his Opinion be the 〈◊〉 it will be always Eluded by him that hath the greatest Parts As the Diseases and Death of Men procâ—ed from the Discord of the Elements wheâ—eof they are compos'd so it is ceâ—tain that the Opposition and Disunion which is always found amongst Equal Powers will disturb the Quiet of the States which they shall Govern and will produce divers Accidents which will in the End râ—ine them As several Pilots do never set their hâ—nds all together to the Helm so no more than one ought to hold that of the State He may very well receive advice from others 〈…〉 also sometimes to ask it buâ— it belongs to him to examine the Expediency thereof and to turn the Hand on one side or the other according as he thinks it most convenient to escape the Storm and to make his course successful Section 6. Cap. 8. of the first part and retard the Business XLIX After he had been thus Magnificent in Publick Bounty he was Liberal to Private Persons in a Way that was no less grateful The rich Possessions of Aemilia Musa who dying intestat and without Heirs were escheated to his Treasury n By the Law Iulia. he gave to Aemilius Lepidus because it was probable that she was
hinder it There was amongst the Gotones a Young Nobleman named Catualda who having been banish'd by Maroboduus attempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune 3 Observe Tiberius's Policy After he had made use of Maroboduus to give a Check to Arminius the sworn Enemy of the Romans he made use of Catualda to ruine Maroboduus and afterwards of Maroboduus's Faction to expel Catualda whereby he compleated the ruine of Germany King Lewis XI saith Commines better understood this Art of dividing Nations than any other Prince whom I ever knew He spared neither his Money nor his Pains not only towards the Masters but also towards the Servants Lib. 2. Cap. 1. With a Hundred and twenty thousand Crowns of Gold he divided the D. of Burgundy from the Dukes of Normandy and Brittany and forc'd his Brother to renounce his Right to the Dutchy of Normandy for a Pension of twenty thousand Crowns Cap. 5. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him he forces the Palace and the Castle that stood near it where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi and Cooks and Traders of our Provinces whom first Freedom of Commerce afterwards desire of Lucre and at last Forgetfulness of their own Country had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil LXIV Maroboduus being deserted on all sides had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Province of Norica e Now Bavaria he wrote to Tiberius not as a Fugitive or a Petiâ—ioner but like one that had not forgot his former greatness 1 How Unfortunate soever a Prince be it always becomes him to remember his past fortune neither to do nor say any thing which may give People reason to believe that he was unworthy of the Rank that he held or worthy of the Evils that he endures Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony falling into the hands of Charles V. spoke to him to give order that he should be treated as a Prince of the Empire and so far was he from humbling himself to the Emperor who spoke to him in menacing terms that he put on his Hat and answer'd That it was in vain that his Majesty went to fright him and that by becoming his Prisoner he did not cease to be a Prince That although several Nations had courted him as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers Tiberius answer'd him That he should have a Safe and Honourable retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere he should go with the same Liberty that he came 2 There is no Prince who doth not rejoyce to receive another into his Dominions for besides the Honour of the Hospitality he may draw thence very great advantages in due Time and Place And consequently 't is no wonder if ordinarily their Departure is not so free as theiâ— Entrance If the late Duke of Orleans had not deceived the Marquis d'Aytone President of the Council of State of the Low-Countrys he had run a great risque of continuing a long time in the hands of the Spaniards to serve as a Pretence for War against France But he afterwards told the Senate that he had been a more Formidable Enemy than ever Philip was to the Athenians or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans 3 The more Illustrious the Conquer'd is the more Glorious is the Conqueror If I had made no resistance said Caractacus to the Emperor Claudius my Defeat and your Victory would never have been talk'd of Ann. 12. His Speech is yet extant wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Person the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dangerous and so near an Enemy to Italy f Paterculus saith that Maroboduus had so far enlarged his Power that he was become formidable to the Roman Empire that all the Male-contents who withdrew themselves from obedience to the Romans fled for Sanctuary to this Prince who maintain'd an Army of 70000 Foot and 4000 Horse That he had reduc'd under his Obedience all his Neighbours either by Force by making continual War on them or by Treaties which obliged them to declare for him that he was in particular formidable by the situation of his States which had Germany on the Front and on the Left Hand Pannonia on the Right and Norica on the Back so that they fear'd him on all sides as a Prince who was ready to fall upon them Add hereto that his Frontiers were not but 200 miles or a little more distant from the Alps which serv'd as Boundaries to Italy Cap. 108. 109. The last Duke of Lorrain seems to have follow'd the Steps of Maroboduus as they may easily observe who will compare them together Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return 4 There is nothing that Rebels are more afraid of than to fall again under the Power of a Prince whom they have dethron'd The People of Liege who upon the Instigation of Lewis XI had revolted from the Duke of Burgundy seeing their City besieged by these two Princes in person purposed saith Commines to hazard all for as they knew that they were undone and that if they must die in the Execution of such an Enterprize which was to make a Sally out of the Town with the Bravest of their Men and to kill the King and the Duke in their houses they should at the worst have a Glorious End and they wanted but little of having succeeded in their Design His Memoirs l. 2. c. 12. Thus nothing is more advantageous to a Prince who hath dangerous and unsteady Neighbours who have revolted than to give their Prince a Retreat to awe them by the Fears of his Restoration if they should at any time grow Insolent But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life 5 A Prince who hath long survived the loss of his Kingdom gives occasion to People to believe that he is little affected therewith and that consequently he had not the Qualities which were requisite to make him worthy to possess it nor the Courage which was necessary to keep the Possession of it Don Pio Mutio becomes an Advocate for Maroboduus against Tacitus who ascribes to a Poorness of Spirit the Care which this King took to prolong his Life Let us leave saith he this Itch of Dying to the Stoicks and use the Means to preserve that Life which God hath given us to assist our Relations and our Friends and to
and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces of which the Governors and Principal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders These Ofâ—â—cers deserve double Punishment First for the abuse of their Power and Secondly for the Danger to which they expose the Prince by authorising with his Name and pretended Will such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant which is an Injury to him that can't be repair'd but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People they will either not be believed or not acquitted His Friends taking him by the right Hand as he was ready to expire swore they would lose their own Lives but they would revenge his Death 11 The Christian Religion commands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends when Iustice and the Laws are on their side The Gospel obliges us to the First and Civil Society to the Latter LXXIII Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife he beseech'd her That if she had any regard to his Memory and to the Interest of their common Children she would lay aside her haughty temper and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune lest at her return to Rome she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her 1 We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Favourites or Ministers It is better to retire from Court than to enter the Lists with them If the Prince saith Cabrera hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds and according to the Influence which he hath on his Prince It is advantageous to make him a Friend and on the contrary it is dangerous to judge whether he deserves the Place and Authority which is given him Remember the Brazen Image which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Feeâ— and those words of Tacitus We adored the Collegue of your Consulship and him who represented your Person in the Administration of the Empire For otherwise there is no security for high Birth nor for great Merit which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites And it is not enough to say I will live at Court without Ambition without any Pretensions without Employment and without having any thing to do with any one for none that hear this believe any thing of it His History Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds that the Duke of Alva put in for the Government of the Low-Countries for no other reason but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa and Prince Râ—y Gomez whom â—avour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit although they were inferior to him in abilities Notwithstanding Cardinal Briconcet the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII had very small abilities and understood nothing at all of Military Affairs however saith Commines who knew much more of it than he when I was ill-treated in the beginning of this King's Reign I durst not intermeddle that I might not make any of those my Enemies to whom he gave Authority Memoirs Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money on which Princes set what value they please end consequently we must receive them according to their currency and not according to their intrinsick value Thus much he spoke publickly and something more in secret 2 When we speak of Princes we must speak of them with the utmost Caution It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present we ought also to distrust their Eyes who read in the Countenance and the Looks all that of which they make a Mystery to them soon after which he expir'd to the great regret of the Province and the adjacent Countreys Foreign Kings and Nations Enemies as well as Allies lamented him 3 The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince is to be lamented by his Subjects and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations the Former for his Clemency and the Latter for his Courtesie His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew respect and although he retain'd an air of Majesty 4 A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweetness and Severity for Soldiers contract a sort of Fierceness which often carries them to Sedition if they are not restrain'd by an air of Authority which strikes an awe upon them The Roman Historians have observed That this Mixture in Hannibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation suitable to his high Birth and Character yet he never incurr'd Envy nor the Suspicion of Arrogance LXXIV His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Images and Pomp but with publick Praises and the Commemoration of his Virtues 1 The Name of Princes is always immortal by reason of the Greatness of their Office which is the Cause that all their Actions good or bad are written on the Records of Posterity But there is this Difference betwixt those who have abused their Power and those who have discharged the Duties of their Station that the Memory of the Former is Inâ—amous for ever whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous for the Memory of their Virtues in Eternal and their Monuments are as many in number as there are People who read their History and as there are Princes who follow their Example And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander 2 In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been compared with Alexander as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conqueror He must saith a Learned Prelate be found in all our Panegyricks and it seems by a sort of Fatality glorious to his Name that no Prince can receive Praises but he must have a share in them M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Coâ—de for his Beauty and his Age the Manner of his Death and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd For they were both very Handsome and of Illustrious Birth Neither of them lived much above thirty Years and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own People m Strada reports That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness for Years which were 33 for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places bordering on Holland for having been both suspected by their Princes and for having ended their days by an untimely Death History of Low-Countrys Deâ—ad 1. Lib. 10. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends moderate in his Pleasures contented with one Wife 3 Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes â—s
to the Universal Hatred by openly rejoycing at the Death of a Great Man whom all the People lament What did Piso and Pâ—ancina mean who did not conceal their Ioy for a Death which they were believed to be the Authors of and which their Enemies already began to revenge This shews that Hatred is the most indiscreet of all Passions and Plancina who was yet morâ— insolent left off the Mourning upon it she was in for her Sister and put on a Gay Habit n Ann of Boulen Second Wife to Henry VIII King of England did the same thing when she received the News of the Death of Queen Catherine whose place she had taken Burnet's History of the Reformation Part 1. Book 3 The Duke of Maienne had the Insolence to take the Green Scaâ—â—â— in token of Ioy the Day that he heard of the Death of Henry III. LXXVII The Centurions coming to him assured him That the Legions were at his Devotion and that therefore his best course was to return to the Province of Syria which was now without a Governor and whereof he was unjustly dispossess'd Whereupon consulting what was best to be done his Son Marcus Piso was of Opinion That he ought to hasten to Rome o We shall see in the following Book that Piso deeply resented that he had not follow'd this Wise Counsel Uâ—inâ—m ego potius filio jâ—â—â—eni quam ille paâ—râ— sâ—ni cessissâ—t That there was nothing done yet which might not be answer'd That slight Suspicions and uncertain Reports were not to be fear'd That his Differences with Germanicus 1 It is easie to justifie ones self to the Prince for being at Variance with a Great Man whom he hath always hated When the Noblemen at Court fail'd in their respect to the Duke of Alenzon which happen'd every day Henry III. more willingly heard their Excuses than the Complaints of his Brother to whom he had a Natural Aversion deserv'd perhaps a Reprimand but not Punishment especially since he had given his Enemies the Satisfaction they desir'd by quitting Syria But to return thither in opposition to Sentius would be to begin a Civil War 2 How good a Right soever a Man hath he ought to beware of maintaining it when Damage may ensue thence to the Prince and Trouble to the State wherein he could not rely much on the Fidelity of the Captains and the Soldiers who had the Memory of their Beloved General Germanicus fresh in their Minds 3 A Governor or a General of an Army ought not to expect much Fidelity from an Army which hath been wholly devoted to his Predecessor and which knows that he is accus'd of the Death of him whom they lament and an indeliable Affection for the Caesars LXXVIII His great Confident Domitius Celer was of a contrary Opinion and represented to Piso That he ought to make use of the Occasion That Piso and not Sentius was the Rightful Governor of Syria That to him only the Legions and the Fasces with the Authority of Praetor had been committed If any acts of Hostility should ensue who could with greater Iustice take Arms than he who had received his Commission of Lieutenant-General and his Orders immediately from the Emperor That time dissipates false Reports 1 There is not a more Sovereign Remedy against Calumnies than Time which sooner or later discovers the Truth When any one is Calumniated to the Prince by Persons in Authority it is safer for him to keep at a Distance than to come to justifie himself before passionate and preposâ—ess'd Iudges and that Innocence it self is oftentimes over born by Envy in its first heat 2 Innocence is not a sufficient Guard against the People when they have hated a Man a long time The Voice of the People hath oftâ—n oppressed Innocent Persons without any other ground but that of a Superstitious Opinion which is rooted in the Minds of many that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God For one time that the People have spoken Truth it will be found that they have a Hundred times maintain'd Injustice and Falshood but if he were at the head of an Army and augmented his Forces 3 It is a common saying That whosoever hath Strength iâ— commonly in the Right Chance might bring many things to pass which could not be foreseen 4 There are occasions where the Nature of Affairs allow not time for Deliberation it is necessary to take a sudden Resolution and to leave the rest to Fortune But why are we in such haste to get to Rome Is it that we may arrive there together with the Ashes of Germanicus and the Lamentations of Agrippina that you may be torn to pieces unheard and undefended by the first fury of the giddy Multitude 'T is true Livia is your Accomplice and you are in favour with Tiberius 5 Princes take no great care to skreen the Ministers of their Cruelties from Iustice and the rather because by abandoning them they give occasion to have it believed or at least doubted that these are the true Authors thereof Besides they do not desire to see them again whose presence can't but reproach their Injustice It was for these Reasons that Philip II. abandon'd his Secretary Anthony Perez and suffer'd him to be try'd for the Murther of Iohn de Escovedo but they 'l not dare to protect you openly and none will mourn for Germanicus with greater Ostentation than those who rejoyce most at his Death 6 Princes and Courtiers are more dextrous in dissembling their Ioy then even their Hatâ—ed When any one is suspected by them or gives them Iealousie their Countenance oâ—ten betrays their Thoughts because the Emotion of the Heart difâ—uses it self to the Eyes which according to Polybius are the Interpreters of our Passions but when they are deliver'd from their Enemies it is not difficult for them outwardly to act that Part which Policy dictates Eliâ—abeth Queen of England after she had caus'd the Queen of scots to be beheaded lamented her Death as it she had had no hand in it and order'd magnificent Obsequies for her at London and at Peterborough where she was buried beside Queen Katherine the first Wife of Henry VIII Posâ—cki's 〈◊〉 ann 1588. Madam de Nevers saith Queen Margaret being come with us to the Lodgings of the Queen of Navarre who in her life time had hated her above all people and betwixt whom no reconciliation could be made approach'd the Bed where the Body of the Deceas'd lay and after many humble and great Reverences taking her hand kiss'd it Her Memoirs Lib. 1. LXXIX Piso who was naturally inclin'd to violent Counsels was without any great Difficulty gain'd to this Opinion 1 To sound Men's Hearts and to know their Nature to the Bottom we need only observe what Counsâ—ls they are govern'd by Upon which he wrote Letters to Tiberius wherein having accused Germanicus of Luxury and Pride and of
continuing her Voyage notwithstanding the Severities of the Winter and Storms at Sea arrived at last at Corfu an Island opposite to the Ports of Calabria She staid there a few days to quiet her Mind divided betwixt Grief and Impatience Upon the News of her coming Germanicus's Friends and the Soldiers that had served under him and many Strangers also some out of Duty and others following either for Company or Curiosity flocked from the Neighbouring Places to Brindâ—si a Or Brundusium an Archiepiscopal City in the Kingdom of Naples wâ—â—ch has a strong Castle and safe Harbour and lies upon the Adriatick Sea where she was expected as the nearest and safest Port. As soon as the Ships were discerned at Sea not only the Haven and Shores but the Walls Houses and other Places as far as could be seen were filled with Mourners enquiring oâ—ten whether they should receive her with Silence or Acclamation Neither were they determined which was properest when the Fleet came in not rowing briskly as they used to do but slowly and with Sorrow in their Countenances When she came with her two Children on Shore carrying her Husbands Urn and her Eyes fixt on the Ground there was an universal Lamentation so that you could not distinguish the Grief of Relations from Strangers nor the Mens from the Womens only theirs who met Agrippina being fresh exceeded those came with her which a long Affliction had spent II. Tiberius sent two Companies of his Guards to meet them ordering the Magistrates of Apulia Calabria and Campania to pay their last Respects to the Memory of his Son The Tribunes and Centurions therefore carried the Ashes the Banners were rolled up and with the reversed Fasces went before In all the Colonies as they passed the People in Mourning and the Nobles in their Purple Habits according to the Wealth of the Place burnt Perfumes and other things that add to Funeral Solemnities Those that lived out of the Road met them in great numbers and shewed their Grief 1 However magnificent and extraordinary the Funerals of a Prince are nothing does more Honour to his Memory than the Grief of the People that lament the loss of him The History of Portugal says That upon the Death of Iohn II. all the Kingdom went into Mourning and at Lisbon the Barbers were â—orbid Shaving any Person for 6 Months which was never done for any King before Dialogo quarto Varia Historia c. 11. not only by their Lamentations and Confused Cries but by their Sacrifices to the Infernal Gods Drusus went to Terracina with Germanicus his Children that were at Rome and Claudius his Brother The Year of the City 773. The Consuls M. Valerius and M. Aurelius who then entred on their Office with a great number of the People filled the way without observing any order 2 At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affliction when the great Men and Magistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Officers and to adjust the Disputes among Great Men than in all the other Parts of their Office So that Princes Funerals are oftner memorable for the Disorders that happen at them than for the Universal Affliction every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good for there was no Flattery in this Mourning and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death tho' he pretended to be troubled for it III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in publick believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve publickly 3 The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Mankind Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbecoming them provided it does not degenerate into Weakness nor Excess Henry III. of France in my Opinion little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne in the Habit of a Penitent and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites Iournal de son Regne 1578. or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulation b Cabrera speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos says That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service pretending himself indisposed tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King who was not sorry for his Death The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History I find not in any Registers of the City or our Histories that Antonia had any particular share in this Solemnity tho' Agrippina Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations It may be she was prevented by Sickness or so overcome with Affliction she had not the Courage to see the Funerals of her Son 4 Of all the Duties of Nature there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe than that of assisting at her Son's Funerals Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only encrease her Sorrow or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd when it will bring her natural affection in question tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia that they might seem all equallyâ—afflicted and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Example 5 A Prince that is not afflicted but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret acts more wisely in not appearing at his Funerals for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only â—eigned or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb there was sometimes a profound Silence and at others great Lamentation the Streets full of People and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches The Soldiers in Arms the Magistrates without their Habits the People ranked by their Tribes cryed out All was lost beyond Recovery and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governors c In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings 't is said Saul began to hate David mortally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his overcoming Goliah and their using these Words Saul hath killed his Thousands but David his Ten Thousands Why have they said he ascribed unto David Ten Thousand and to me that am their King only a Thousand and what can he have more save the Kingdom This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else What Mortification was it to Henry III. to understand that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines and that Heresie Triumphed not