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A33698 An account of the court of Portugal, under the reign of the present king, Dom Pedro II with some discourses on the interests of Portugal, with regard to other sovereigns : containing a relation of the most considerable transactions that have pass'd of late between that court, and those of Rome, Spain, France, Vienna, England, &c. Colbatch, John, 1664-1748. 1700 (1700) Wing C4991; ESTC R20800 212,299 370

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they should share in the Power they had given him partly moved thereto by the frequent Remonstrances of the Jesuits who are in great Credit with his Majesty and as some ill-natur'd People give out are set on by the Ministers to be ever and anon suggesting to him that he is oblig'd in Conscience to take this Course But most People are so well satisfied of his Majesty's Prudence and Justice as to think that Things would go much better than they do if he would take a greater part of the Government upon himself This Council as it imitates that of Madrid in other things so it is seldom guilty of any great Precipitation in its Proceedings but People complain rather of its Slowness and want of Dispatch and some who love to make the worst of things say That when a Business is brought before Them they shall sit upon it four or five Times each Session lasting five or six Hours and after all the Matter be oftentimes more perplex'd and intricate than before and the King who loses all this time waiting for their Resolution be as much to seek as ever But such as talk after this rate seem to have that Opinion of the Chapter which is very different from what the World has entertain'd of the Canons as will appear from the Characters of some of those excellent Persons that compose this Council As first of Dom Manoel Telles de Silva Conde de Villar Mayor Marchese de Alegrete I name him first not because of his Quality for tho' he be most Nobly descended yet he gives place to others whom I shall mention afterwards but because He is in effect the Prime Minister of State Affairs of the greatest Concern being chiefly intrusted to his Management This Lord having born Arms for some time in his Youth apply'd himself afterwards with extraordinary Diligence to the Study of Letters and made a very considerable Progress therein insomuch that he is esteem'd for one of the most Learned Men in the Nation It is said that he was much admir'd in Germany for his Readiness in speaking Latin and I suppose it was to exercise himself in the same Tongue that in the time of his Embassy into that Country he set himself to write in elegant Latin the Life of John the Second Sir-nam'd The Perfect Prince which hath been publish'd since In this Piece the Noble Author hath attempted to follow the Stile and Method of the Ancients How far he hath attain'd to either I will not pretend to judge but I believe most candid Readers will think he hath succeeded to admiration considering at how low an Ebb Learning hath been in Portugal for this last Age But by this Application to his Studies he qualify'd himself for much Greater and more Honourable Employments than that of an Author At Twenty-four Years of Age he was made one of the Infante's Camarists and is supposed to have had a great hand in the last Revolution and he hath been ever since one of the nearest to the Person of that Prince After some Overtures had been made of a Marriage between the King his Master and the Princess of Nieubourg this Lord was pitch'd upon as the fittest Person to carry on so important a Negotiation which he brought to a happy Conclusion and conducted the Royal Bride with him into Portugal Nor was that the only Service the Conde did on this occasion he gain'd an Honour for his Master which the Emperor excepted no Crown'd Head in Christendom had ever attain'd to before For before he made his Publick Entry into Heidelberg he so adjusted Matters in a Preliminary Treaty that he was to have the Precedency of the Elector and the Place of Honour on all Occasions This say the Portugueses had never before been granted by an Elector the Ambassador Extraordinary of any King tho' some of the greatest had been seeking it with much Earnestness But the Reputation of his Majesty's Grandeur say they so worthily represented by this Great Minister together with his Excellency's great Prudence and Dexterity gain'd for this Crown that singular Prerogative When his Excellency made his Publick Entry the two Princes Frederick and Philip waited to receive him in the Court of the Castle and the Elector himself went down some of the Steps that are open to the Court to meet the Ambassador as he came out of his Coach his Electoral Highness desiring his Excellency to be covered gave him the Right-hand let his Excellency go before him through every Door and when he had conducted him to the Place of Audience gave him the most Honourable Seat This was so very great an Honour that it had been deny'd not only to Ambassadors but to a King in Person For when Henry Elect of Poland afterwards the Third of that Name in France call'd at Heidelberg in his way to his new Kingdom there was not a Man to be seen in this very Court where the Conde de Villar Mayor had Princes to wait upon him at his Portiere and the poor King was so out of Countenance that he was fain to step aside on pretence of making Water 'till some Body might come to shew him up Stairs at last the Rhinegrave accompanied with two Gentlemen that had escaped from the Butchery of Saint Barthlemi met him half way on the Steps excusing the Elector his Father Frederick the Third that he came not to do this Office by reason of a certain Pain that he had in his Leg but the old Elector invited King Henry the next Morning to take a Walk with him and by no less than Thirty Turns in his Great Hall like that at Westminster he so breath'd the young King as fully to convince him that what his Son had said was but a meer Excuse But Henry came then just reeking from shedding the Blood of Innocents and the old Elector who otherwise entertain'd him like a Royal Guest had a mind to let the young King see how much a Prince falls from his Dignity by becoming guilty of such Barbarities So that I confess this Precedent ought not to be much insisted upon in the Case of our Ambassador Extraordinary As for the late Elector Philip William he it seems was resolv'd not to stand upon Ceremonies with his Excellency he not only gave him the Upper-hand at his first Reception but likewise at Meals The Lord Ambassador always wash'd first sat in the best Place was serv'd first nay the very Electoress her self and the Princesses her Daughters would needs have his Excellency take the Precedency of them too but he was more a Gentleman than to insist upon his Punctilio's with Ladies And so it was contriv'd that at Conferences with them there should be no Canopy in the Room and consequently no Distinction between the Right and the Left-hand and that of two Rows of Chairs opposite to each other the Ambassador should take the uppermost on the one side and the Electoress on the other with the Princesses her Daughters after
Nature and Grace being a Consequence of the Author's Principles contained in the Search together with F. Malbranch's Defence against Mr. de la Ville and several other Adversaries All English'd by J. Taylor M. A. of Magdalen-College Oxon and Printed there The Second Edition with some Additions communicated by the Author QVARTO A Critical History of the Texts and Versions of the New Testament In two Parts By Father Simon of the Oratory A Discourse sent to the late King James to perswade him to embrace the Protestant Religion By Sam. Parker late Bishop of Oxon. To which are prefixed two Letters the first from Sir Lionel Jenkins on the same Subject the second from the Bishop sent with the Discourse All Printed from the Original Manuscripts A short Defence of the Orders of the Church of England By Mr. Milbourn Sermons and Discourses upon several Occasions In Three Vol. By Robert South D. D. Sermons and Discourses upon several Occasions By G. Strading D. D. and late Dean of Chichester Sermons and Discourses upon several Occasions By R. Meggot D. D. Of the Reverence due to God in his Publick Worship In a Sermon before the King and Queen at White-Hall By the Right Reverend Father in God Nicholas Lord Bishop of Chester Three Sermons upon several Occasions By the Right Reverend Father in God William Lord Bishop of Oxford Two Sermons one before the House of Commons the other before the Queen By W. Jane D. D. and Dean of Gloucester Three Sermons before the Queen By Nath. Resbury D. D. Five Sermons upon several Occasions By Mr. Francis Atterbury Two Visitation-Sermons and one before the Societies for the Reformation of Manners By Mr. William Whitfield The Certainty and Necessity of Religion in General or the first Grounds and Principles of Humane Duty Established In Eight Sermons Preached at St. Martins in the Field At the Lecture for the Year 1697. Founded by the Honourable Robert Boyl Esq The Certainty of the Christian Revelation and the Necessity of Believing it establish'd in opposition to all the Cavils and Insinuations of such as pretend to allow Natural Religion and reject the Gospel Both by Francis Gastril B. D. Preacher to the Honourable Society of Lincolns-Inn A Conference with a Theist In Four Parts compleat By W. Nichols D. D. Mr. Luzancy against the Socinians In Two Parts A Discourse of Religious Assemblies for the Use of the Members of the Church of England By G. Burghorpe Rector of Little Gaddesden in Hertford-shire A Discourse of Schism address'd to those Dissenters who conform'd before the Toleration and have since withdrawn themselves from the Communion of the Church of England By R. Burscough M. A. The Inspiration of the New Testament Asserted and Explained in Answer to Mr. Le Clerc and other Modern Writers By G. Lamothe The Lives of all the Princes of Orange from William the Great Founder of the Commonwealth of the United Provinces Translated from the French by Mr. Tho. Brown Monsieur Bossu's Treatise of the Epick Poem containing many curious Reflections very useful and necessary for the right understanding of the Excellency of Homer and Virgil. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus the Roman Emperor concerning himself treating of a Natural Man's Happiness wherein it consisteth and of the Means to attain it Translated out of the Original Greek with Notes by M. Casabon D. D. To which is added The Life of Antoninus with some select Reflections upon the Whole By Monsieur and Madam Daceir Never before in English The Art of Glass Shewing how to make all sorts of Glass Crystal and Enamel likewise the making of Pearls Precious Stones China and Looking Glasses To which is added The Method of Painting on Glass and Enameling also how to extract the Colours from Minerals Metals Herbs and Flowers A Work containing many Secrets and Curiosities never before discovered Illustrated with Sculptures Written originally in French by Mr. H. Blancourt and now translated into English With an Appendix contaning Exact Instructions for making Glass Eyes of all Colours Jacobi Patriarchae de Shiloh Vaticinium a depravatione Johannis Clerici in Pentateuchum Commentatoris Assertum Opera Studio Sebastini Edzardi Accedit Ejudem Dissertatio de nomine Elohim Aurocti Judicii de R. Simonii Historia V. Test Critica opposita An Essay concerning Self Murther Wherein is endeavour'd to prove That it is unlawful according to Natural Principles With some Considerations upon what is pretended from the said Principles by the Author of a Treatise intituled Biathaenatos and others By J. Adams Rector of St. Alban's Wood street and Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty The Pretensions of the several Candidates for the Crown of Spain discuss'd and the Necessity of the King of Portugal's being declared Successor to his Catholick Majesty prov'd In a Letter from a Spanish Nobleman to a Counsellor of State at Madrid OF THE INTERESTS OF PORTUGAL With Relation to other SOVEREIGNS CONTAINING An Account of the most Considerable Transactions that have pass'd of late between that Court and those of Rome Spain France Vienna England c. PART II. Of the Interests of Portugal with Relation to Rome OF all the Courts with which this of Portugal hath any Intercourse that of Rome challenges the Pre-eminence and not without Reason considering what great Interest and Power the Pope has within the Kingdom for however He may be slighted in other Countries accounted Catholick he hath hitherto made shift to maintain his Authority in this by virtue of the extraordinary Devotion of the Portuguese Kings towards the Holy See which his present Majesty has inherited from his Ancestors together with the Title of The most Obedient Son of the Church It is well known what Power Popes have had in former Ages in other parts of Christendom and by what means they procured and maintained it notwithstanding the Opposition they almost every where met with from Princes who were perpetually strugling to preserve or recover their Liberty But the Case of Portugal seems peculiar in this respect That as it hath brought its self into a greater subjection to the See of Rome than any other Kingdom so it can plead the Merit of a voluntary Obedience Other Nations have shown that they were in a State of Violence while the Soveraign Pontiffs were exercising the Plenitude of their Power over them since all of them have in some measure more or less eased themselves of the Oppression while the Portugueses who doubtless might have gone as far as any towards the recovery of their Liberty do to this day bear the Yoke It is indeed with some Impatience for they are not insensible of its weight and smart and see plainly that its like to lie heavier upon them still Alfonso Henriquez their first King refused to accept of the Crown till it was made Tributary to his Holiness John the 2d who in other Cases knew as well as ever any Prince did how to assert the Royal Authority exceeded his first
Predecessor in his Respect and Deference to the Holy See for he gave the Pope an uncontroulable kind of Soveraignty within his Dominions granting that his Bulls should be Publish'd for the future without being examin'd by the Chancellor or any other of the King's Ministers which was the former practice of this and is still observed with great exactness in other Kingdoms to prevent incroachments upon the Civil Power When that Magnanimous Prince John the 3d. had been treated with the utmost Indignities by those of Rome and they conscious to themselves of their Offences were apprehensive of his Resentments Inigo Loyola Founder of the Jesuits could assure them that he knew the King of Portugal to be so good a Catholick that he would suffer his very Beard to be trampled under feet by his Holiness without showing the least sign of Disobedience The Brave Sebastian when the Pope to flatter his desire of Glory bid him choose what Title he pleased answered That he was ambitious of no other but that which his Ancestors had so well deserved viz. That of The most obedient Son of the Church This great Devotion of the Portuguese Kings toward the Romish See hath given the Pope the advantage to establish an Absolute Dominion within their Kingdom It s true his Holiness hath the Title of Soveraign only in Spirituals but he so manages the matter that Temporals fall in of course in Ordine ad Spiritualia he is not indeed at the trouble nor the charge of maintaining the Civil Government but then he has the Power and the Emoluments of a Temporal Soveraignty He has his Nuncio always residing at Lisbon with a Legantine Power and wanting only the Title of Vice-Roy exercising his Jurisdiction in his own Courts whence there is no appeal but to Rome over the whole Body of the Clergy who with their Dependents may well be reckon'd one half of the Kingdom They are commonly supposed to have much above two thirds of the Wealth the secular Clergy who are more exempt than the rest from his Dominion are yet his Tributarys great summs are extorted from them for Collations to Benefices and Bulls for Bishops There goes to Rome as I have been informed no less than 90 Thousand Crowns before an Archbishop of Evora can be setled in his Chair and all the rest may be supposed to pay in their Proportion As for the Regulars they are his more immediate Vassals or Soldiers rather its true they are not in his Pay for they live upon free Quarter and keep the Country under Contribution and his Holiness comes in for a share of the Spoils by continually draining them of what they scrape from the People every Monastery having always some Business or other depending before the Nuncio or their Agents at Rome to procure Privileges or Indulgencies or Composition for unsaid Masses that have been paid for of which they will sometimes be behind hand for many thousands but upon Composition made at Rome one high Mass said at a privileged Altar will serve for all or to make the Ministers of that Court acquainted with their Squabbles among themselves And on all these occasions the Money of the Kingdom is carried to Rome to be dispos'd of there by underhand Conveyances as well as open Practices for when a Fryar is to pass the Mountains he is furnished with Bills for Secret as well as Publick Service and it is not impossible that the Holy See may by this means undergo greater Scandal than it deserves for the Fryars Account is allowed of upon his own word so that should he convert a considerable summ to his own use he cannot be discovered unless it be by a very rare Accident indeed and yet it is no unheard of thing at Lisbon for one to be found out in reckoning some Thousands of Crowns for Bribes which never were expended in the Service But these are not the only ways by which the Riches of Portugal are drawn to Rome his Holiness hath his Apostolical Collectors for so they are called to raise Tribute from the King's Subjects as well as his own and to receive his share of the Taxes which the King levys in his own Dominions by his Holiness's Permission Dispensations for Marriages must necessarily bring him in a very considerable and constant Revenue the forbidden Degrees being so very many in the Roman Church whether upon the account of Consanguinity or Spiritual Relation that one would think there could scarce be a Wedding among Neighbours or People that have for any time been acquainted without a Dispensation and it rarely if ever happens that a Match is broken off for want of one supposing the Parties will come up to the price of it if they apprehend any difficulty in it it is but beginning the Marriage at the wrong End and then the Dispensation is granted of course and the Price being rais'd according to the Quality of the Persons and nearness of the Relation great summs are continually drawn from Families of the better sort who commonly marry within themselves and some of them intrench so far upon the Laws of Nature that the House of Austria in the last Age was not more confounded by the various Relations of its several Branches to each other than some Noble Families in Portugal are at this day In fine Portugal is so beneficial a Province to his Holiness that could a just Computation be made there is no doubt but his Revenues from thence would be found to exceed the Kings by far the necessary Charges of the Government deducted They are so great that if some sudden stop be not put to them the Kingdom is like to be exhausted in a very short time which gives thinking People here a sad prospect of the approaching Ruin of their Country This may appear strange to the rest of Europe considering the vast advantages that must necessarily have accrued to this Kingdom from an undisturbed Peace of above Thirty Years continuance during which time all other parts of Christendom have been more than once engaged in Expensive Wars one would think that during the last War at least which among many other advantages brought hither so great and gainful a Trade with England as took off all the Commodities the Country could vent and that too at prodigious Rates I believe I may safely say above double to what they formerly sold for one would think I say by this time that Riches and Plenty should have abounded every where But they that have travelled the Country of late beheld another Face of Things and at the late Assembly of the Cortes the Mouths of the Deputies were full of complaints of an Universal Desolation and Poverty and I have been told that some of them were sensible enough of the cause of their Misery but I have not heard that any Motion was made in their Publick Meetings for a Redress to this their greatest Grievance Having given some Account of the State of Portugal with respect to Rome it
the Pope might as he was bound both edify in Spirituals and preserve the Kingdom of Portugal to its lawful Soveraign at the same time That in the present state of things there were three sorts of People of the Portuguese Nation and that the receiving of an Ambassador from Portugal would manifestly turn to the prejudice of them all First the Rebellious and Obstinate who would believe him to be their lawful King whom Christ's Vicar should declare for such and thereby be confirm'd in their Rebellion Secondly the Timorous and Wavering who would go over to their sentiments whom before they took for Rebels arguing that a King receiv'd and approv'd of by the Pope ought not to be rejected by any Christian Thirdly the Constant and Loyal that were now at King Philip's Court who either drawn by their Love to their Country or wearied out by the inconvenicies they were under might come to some desperate Resolution so that by this Action of his Holiness the Kingdom of Portugal might be put out of a possibility of being conquered by King Philip wherefore to obviate these Inconveniencies they thought it to be the duty of his Holiness to thunder out his censures against the Duke of Bragança to the end that the Rebels might be reclaim'd the Timorous take courage and the good Subjects confirm'd in their duty The Nuncio thought That Censures in this case would do no good but turn to the prejudice both of the Pope and the King of Spain of the Pope because his Apostolical Authority might be slighted for the Duke of Bregança took himself to be either the lawful King or the Usurper of Portugal if the former he could never value an unjust Excommunication for what he had justify'd to his own Conscience and it would have less effect upon him in case he took himself for an Usurper it being plain that he would never renounce the Kingdom to the loss of his Life and the ruin of his Family Than an Excommunication would be of no benefit to the King of Spain for if the Duke and the People of Portugal should despise and take no notice of it as it was likely they would the probable and almost necessary consequence would be the introduction of Calvinism or of some other Heresie by reason of the Neighbourhood and Correspondence of that Kingdom with the Northern Nations in which case the conquest of Portugal would become the most difficult for all Sectaries being to be chastised not with ordinary Punishments but according to the Rigor of the Canons the Portutugueses seeing themselves branded with a perpetual mark of Ignominy would grow desperate and choose rather to die than in any case put themselves into the Power of King Philip. But here the Spanish Ministers took him up short and told him that these were Sophistical Subtilities and not fair Arguments without vouchsafeing them any further answer The Nuncio seeing that this way of arguing would not serve the turn betook himself to another quoting Precedents from the proceedings of former Popes in the Cases of Princes whose Titles were disputable and thereby demonstrated it to have been constant practice of the Holy See to acknowledge such as were Kings de facto without any regard to right alledging to this purpose a saying of Pope Pius the 2d Moris est sedis Apostolicae eum Regem appellare qui Regnum tenet and the practice of the same Pope both in the Case of Matthias Corvinus and the Emperor Frederick the 3d. contending about the Kingdom of Hungary and of Ferdinand and Renè about the Kingdom of Sicily to which Renè pretending while Ferdinand was in Possession was put off by the Pope with this Answer Siquid juris competit ablatum est Ferdinando Regni Principes Duces Comites Populares omnes obediunt eumque sibi Regem constitui expetiverunt But the Nuncio not content with one Example brings in that of Pope Zachary who being consulted what account was to be made of the Kings of France the later Kings of the Merovignian Race they having the Name and Dignity but others the Mayres of the Palace the Power determined the Question with this Answer That he ought to be stiled King and held for such who was found Reigning and who as King had the supreme Authority of the Common-wealth in his hands Of John the 22d who received the Ambassadors of Robert Bruce he being in Possession of the Kingdom of Scotland Of Innocent the 8th who received in publick Consistory the Ambassadors of Richard the 3d. of England as he did likewise those of Henry the 7th when they came to pay Obedience to the Holy See He show'd likewise that the same thing had been done for Alfonso Henriquez and John the 1st Kings of Portugal notwithstanding the great Opposition and Power of the Kings of Leon and Castille for Henry of Castille the Murtherer of his King and Brother Don Pedro against the consent and right of Constança Pedro's Daughter and for Ferdinand and Isabella to the Prejudice of D. Joanna the only Daughter of Henry the 4th These Instances were all home to the Point supposing the King of Portugal's Title to be as bad as his Enemies would have it for let him be a Traytor Usurper Tyrant or what the Spaniards pleased there had been as bad or worse acknowledged for lawful Kings and highly caressed by the Holy See But the Spaniards had another way to deal with the Nuncio than disputing they offered indeed at something of an answer to all these Instances affirming without the least grounds that the greatest part of the Princes now mentioned sent their Ambassadors not to pay their Obedience but to plead their Cause and justify their Pretensions and in that case granted it to be lawful for the Popes to receive them But to admit of an Ambassador from Dom John as King of Portugal after that the Kings of Castille have been in Possession of that Kingdom for the space of 60 Years and sworn to as lawful Sovereigns was they said a manifest injury to their cause They thought that there was no account to be made of any thing done or said by Pius the 2d because that Pope was guided only by his Interest and varied in his Sentiments every day and as for the Kings of France that were acknowledged by Pope Zachary they must needs say the Spaniards have been Rightful and Lawful Kings since the Oracle of the Holy See had pronounced them for such for otherwise this grand Absurdity would follow that Popes were no better than Incendiaries Instigators of Rebellion and Usurpation and instead of promoting Equity and Virtue gave encouragment to the most abominable Practises and in conclusion they told the Nuncio that the Pope had best consider well what was just and convenient for otherwise they should take such Resolutions as might not be well pleasing to his Holiness but to sweeten the menace a little they added that however they should always retain that most humble
Devotion which the Catholick Kings above all other Princes have ever born in mind and testify'd by their Actions towards the Apostolical See Their meaning was understood well enough at Rome and this Intimation of what they should do gave a strange force to their Arguments and so confirm'd the wavering Pope that he remained ever after steady to their Interest The Portugueses had apparently all the Right on their side but the Spaniards were Masters of Milan Naples and Sicily From this time forward Pope Innocent turned a deaf Ear to all that could be said in Favour of King John of Portugal and could never be brought to grant him that which was never deny'd to an Usurper That Prince had his Agents continually soliciting for him at Rome in his own Name and in behalf of the Clergy and of the three Estates of the Kingdom but all to no purpose The French made the most pressing Instances in his behalf but the Pope did not mind them at that time for France being embroil'd with intestine Dissentions He was sure they could do him no harm Great Court and Application was made to Donna Olympia as we are told by the Conde da Ericeyra who observes that she seldom used to fail in any Temporal Business that she undertook alluding I suppose to a Saying to that purpose which was current at that time in the Courts of Popish Princes where upon any Disappointment of their Affairs at Rome the Nuncio's were sure to be told That if the Business had been solicited by Donna Olympia it had never miscarried But on this occasion Donna Olympia her self could do no good for either she did not heartily espouse the King of Portugal's cause or if she did all her Artifices were ineffectual upon the obdurate Pontiff All the answer that could be got from this and the former Pope besides those frivolous Complaints before mention'd for which satisfaction was still offered was that the Pope as the common Father of Christendom thought himself bound to carry it equally between Castille and Portugal and not acknowledge or oblige one Son when it could not be done without offence to the other but the Portugueses could not perswade themselves that in this case He in any sort acted the part of a common Father whilst to gratify the unreasonable Ambition of the one he did not stick wholly to cast off the other and to use him in a more barbarous manner than he could have done an Infidel But in short the Spaniards were very rugged in their Threats and that stood them in stead of Right and Merit the Portugueses valuing themselves upon their blind Obedience to the Holy See kept within the terms of Respect which instead of gaining ought upon those of Rome gave encouragement to their Insolence Had King John but follow'd the Spaniards Example or come to any vigorous Resolution he had doubtless soon brought his Holiness to a compliance or he might have had a fair opportunity to vindicate his Country's Liberty in a yet more glorious manner than he had done already by shaking off the Spanish Yoke For we must know that all these Applications to the Court of Rome were not made to the end only that his Title might be acknowledged there but in order to have the vacant Sees in his Dominions supplied with Bishops for in a few years after the Revolution there was but one Bishop remaining in Portugal and he not Resident upon his Diocess being obliged to attend the Court and there was a like want of them in the East and West-Indies in the Madera and Cap Verde Islands and upon the Coasts of Africa the Portugueses therefore laboured all they could to make his Holiness sensible of the miserable state of their Churches thus destitute of Pastors petitioning for a supply the King according to the Practice of his Ancestors proposing the Persons for that end and to remove all Objections he agreed that his Nomination of the Bishops should be admitted with the Clause sine Praejudicio Tertij notwithstanding its being a clear Maxim in the Rota and confirmed by the practice of the Roman Church That the simple possession of an Inheritance City or Territory that has Jus Patronatus annext to it gives the right of Presentation to the Possessor but neither the reason of the thing nor the desolate condition of the Orphan Churches could have any weight upon the obstinate Pope He was more apprehensive of the Spanish Threats than the loss of Millions of Souls all that could be got from him was that He would appoint Bishops for Portugal on condition that he might name them de motu proprio he offered indeed another very strange Concession which was that the Bishops he chose of his own mere motion should be the very same Persons that the King had named But the Portugueses could not agree to this Proposal for this among other Reasons that the Popes might make it a Precedent for assuming to themselves a Right of nominating Bishops in after times which would prove a great grievance to the Nation since the Benefices that were already at his Disposal were generally the worst supply'd Things being thus at a stand the Gallicane Church undertook the cause of her Sister of Portugal and took the liberty to mind the Holy Father of his Duty in a Letter written by the Prelates assembled in a Synod which was presented in their Name by Cardinal Francisco Barbarini but the Pope at that time had as little regard to the French Church as he had to the French Coutt The Clergy of that Kingdom sent their Agent to Rome to take care of the concerns of the Portuguese Church as well as their own the Bishops whom King John had nominated sent their humble Petition to his Holiness that they might be admitted to the Exercise of their Charge and their Petition was rejected with scorn the Cardinals of the French Faction did all the good Offices they could but to no purpose Este signalized himself in a very particular manner on this occasion the Pope taking notice that he loytered about the City more than became him ordered him one day to his Diocess saying That it went against his Conscience to see him absent from it so long the Cardinal who was Young and Resolute answered That his Holiness had a great deal of reason to be thus scrupulous but being so much concerned as he was for one single Church he ought not wholly to neglect so many as there were in Portugal unprovided of Bishops and therefore he conjur'd him before God and in the Name of the King of France from whom he had Commission so to do that he would speedily grant Bishops to that Kingdom The Pope not a little surpriz'd at so brisk an Attack was going away without making any other reply than saying I shall pluck the Cap from off that Boy 's Head Este turns to him again and crys If you do I shall put on another of Iron and thereupon retires
Peace and consequently in establishing the Portuguese Throne was such that he could desire no better He hath taken some Particulars about the intended Match between the late Infanta and the Duke of Savoy as it was transacted at Turin from the famous Gregorio Leti But he hath spoken dubiously of them tho' if that Writer be of any Credit he may be believed as to things done at Turin he having lived so long as he did in the Neighbourhood There are some things likewise in the Chapter of Spain borrowed from him Leti pretending to a Personal Acquaintance with the Duke of Giovinazzo In the Chapter concerning the Ministry and elsewhere he hath made some use and but little of a Memoir in French which was handed about in Manuscript at Lisbon written as 't was said by a German that was Secretary to the late Queen but he is too severe in his Censures to be much follow'd by one that would not be thought satyrical He hath cause to fear that his Account of the Customs and Taxes is neither so exact nor so full as he could wish he being little acquainted with those Matters however he shew'd it to one whose Business it was to know them better who did not discover to him any Error in it Some may think that the Portuguese Money is set against our English at too low a Rate the Exchange of late Years having run much higher on the Portuguese side but he is assured by those that are more skilful than himself that he hath justly reckon'd it according to the intrinsick Value There is nothing material said concerning the Croisade Bull that is not taken out of the Bull it self and the Papers publish'd by the Commissary by Authority from the Pope this and another Bull with some more Authentick Papers should have been placed at the End of the Book had there been room for them But they shall be forth-coming whenever it is thought convenient The Transactions between Xavier and her late Majesty have been related upon the Credit of the Authors mention'd on that occasion The Jesuits Address is faithfully translated only it was forgot to give necessary Directions to the Compositor to put Breaches in several places the Orator making a great many more Flourishes to the like purpose with those set down but they are past over lest he should appear tedious however this Omission hath occasion'd little or no alteration in the Sense great care was taken in the Translation not to pervert his Meaning by the least Turn of Expression tho' in one Passage it cost some Pains to make him speak English in modest Terms The Relation of the Deceased Prince's Investiture in the Vniversal Monarchy is wholly Padre Vieira's own It is indeed very much contracted but 't is hoped that his Sense is not much obscured and it is given for the most part in a literal Translation of his own Words The Reader may wonder to see this Father brought in upon the Stage so often as he is which in truth is so very often that his Name is sometimes suppressed And some may think it unfair to insist so much upon the Whimsies of one Man since from Relations of this kind People commonly form their Notions of the general Character and Genius of a whole Nation But the Author is far from being Conscious to himself of any disingenuous Dealing in this respect one great Reason why he thought fit to single out Padre Vieira from amongst several other of the famous Preachers in Portugal whose Works are now by him was because he wou'd give for a Specimen the very best of the kind as Padre Vieira is generally acknowledg'd to be by his Country-men insomuch that perhaps there never was a Preacher so universally or so highly approv'd of in Portugal by all Orders and Degrees of Men and the Reason commonly given for his being so much esteem'd is because he was one of the least guilty of those prodigious Extravagancies which Strangers are so much astonish'd at in the Sermons of other Preachers tho' the Truth is one wou'd take that particular Instance now mention'd to be both an Original and a Nonsuch AN ACCOUNT OF THE Court of PORTVGAL UNDER THE REIGN Of the Present KING Dom Pedro II. THIS present Account of the Portuguese Court is confin'd to the Royal Family and such of the Ministers as are suppos'd to have a more than ordinary Share in the Direction of Affairs Other Matters being reserv'd for a more General Account of the Kingdom and Government The Subject of this is commonly the most taken notice of in Relations from Foreign Countries and will therefore be more enlarg'd upon than hath been usual in Works of a like Nature For which as it is hoped the Dignity of the Persons to be spoken of and the Importance or at least the Novelty of the Matters to be related may serve for an Excuse There will perhaps be occasion for some such Apology in several of the following Chapters but if it be any where needless it is certainly in the first The KING since his being setled in the Government having obtain'd a Character in the World that is so Fair in it self and stands in so little need of Shading that none can with Reason think amiss of an Endeavour to draw it at full Length and to set it in a just Light Of the KING HIS Title is The High and Mighty Prince Dom PEDRO the Second by the Grace of GOD King of Portugal and of the Algarves on this and on the other side of the Sea in Africa Lord of Guinè and of the Conquest Navigation Commerce of Aethiopia Arabia Persia and of India with an c. He was born the 26th of April 1648. He took upon him the Government with the Title of Prince-Regent the 23d of November 1667 when King Dom Alfonso the Sixth his elder Brother was Dethron'd and he succeeded to the Crown at the Death of that King which hapned on the 12th of December 1683. He is of a robust and vigorous Constitution tall of Person somewhat above the ordinary size and proportionably big of wonderful Strength and great Activity of Body as appears still by the Proof he makes of both at his ordinary Exercises and Diversions He is of a grave and comely Aspect hath nothing of Haughtiness in his Looks but on the contrary such an Air of Modesty as may be thought unusual in Persons of his Rank He appears somewhat uneasie when gaz'd upon by a Multitude and one may discern a little Disorder in his Countenance when he is Speaking in Publick to such as he is not used to He wears a long black Perruque and when he appears in Publick is always habited in Black with a Cloak and long Lace-Band which is the common Wear among People of any Fashion about the Town At other times he goes without a Cloak and in colour'd Cloaths made after the French Mode unless it be whilst a Pragmatica prescribing the Fashion is
Advantages by a free Trade during the late War yet the Money being convey'd out of the Kingdom by such ways as shall be mention'd in another place their Condition is not much mended thereby That this is the present Case of the Kingdom will appear from two Instances of a very fresh Date The King is as all the World knows at this time putting his Kingdom in a Posture of Defence to this end among other things it was thought convenient to secure St. Julian's Castle which stands upon the Bar of the Tagus and guards the Entrance into the River and is in effect the main Bulwark of Lisbon or rather the Key to the whole Kingdom It is strongly built after the Modern Way and well fortified with Guns but hath this Disadvantage that it may be commanded on one side from a Rising Ground that is near it It was therefore debated in Council Whether it were cheapest to level that Ground or to raise a small Fort upon it But after the Place had been survey'd it was at last concluded That both Ways were too chargeable either of them requiring a greater Expence than the State could well bear and so neither way was taken From this Instance which came from a good Hand it appears that the Exchequer must run very low at this time And that the People can afford but small Supplies will appear from hence The King to enable himself to augment and maintain his Army summon'd the Cortes or Parliament to meet at Lisbon the First of December 97 All that he demanded of them was an Additional Revenue of 600000 Crowns a Crown in Portugal is scarce worth Half a Crown English The Parliament considering the Occasion could not but acknowledge the Request to be reasonable but then how to raise the Money was a matter of insuperable difficulty In short they sat down as hath been said the First of December 97 and were sitting in July 98 and were considering all the while of Ways and Means and had made no Progress in the Affair but at last they referr'd it to the King to lay the Tax as he should judge convenient For their parts tho' none could be insensible of the King 's great want of a Supply yet they found the People so burden'd already that they knew not how to lay on them any further Weight without danger of their sinking under it The King as hath been reported since has laid the Tax upon Tobacco which the Merchant thinks is the ready way to destroy that Trade and consequently the best and clearest part of the Revenue The most considerable Transactions of this Reign will fall under some of the following Heads and therefore I have nothing further to add in this Chapter but that the King of Portugal is an Absolute Prince having the Legislative as well as the Executive Power in his hands For the Royal Edicts have the Force of Laws and a Collection of these is much the same thing there as our Satute-Book is in England when these fail the Civil Law takes place There are indeed certain Constitutions chiefly relating to the Succession called the Laws of Lamego made by the Cortes at the first Institution of the Government which cannot be dispens'd with but by Consent of the Three Estates It belongs likewise to the Cortes to lay Taxes upon the People tho' certain Imposts that are now upon Flesh and Wine and were given for a limited time have been continued by the King's Authority and the Pope's together the manner in which this was done shall be told in the following Chapter Of the Publick Revenues and the Forces of the Crown by Land and Sea BEfore I speak of the Revenues c. it is requisite to give an Account of the Money currant in this Kingdom All considerable Sums are here reckoned by Millreis i. e. Thousand of Reis sometimes by Crusado's or Crowns which consist of 400 Reis a piece Tho' great Payments are commonly made in Spanish Pieces of Eight which are reckon'd at 750 Reis There is no such Piece as a Millrei nor indeed a Crown at present for that which was last coyn'd for a Crown-piece is now rais'd to 480 Reis Lesser Coyns in Silver are a Teston 100 Reis a half Teston 50 Reis a Vintain 20 Reis The Gold Coyn called the Moeda de Ouro contains 4800 Reis of which there are likewise Half and Quarter-pieces The Portuguese Money according to the intrinsick Value answers to our English Money thus   s. d. q. A Millrei i. e. 1000 Reis to 05 10 00 A Crown 400 Reis 02 04 00 A Teston 100 Reis 00 07 00 A half Teston 50 Reis 00 03 02 A Vintain 20 Reis 00 01 01 ⅗ The Moeda of Gold 4800 Reis makes 28 s.       The Revenues arise chiefly from Customs Taxes Monopolies Rents belonging to the Orders of Knighthood and Moneys raised purely by the Pope's Bulls The Customs paid here are excessively great all Foreign Commodities excepting some few sorts of small Bulk and easie Conveyance pay no less than 23 per Cent 20 for the ordinary Custom and 3 for a certain Duty call'd the Consulado which last is likewise paid for all Goods exported whether by Natives or Foreigners They are indeed set at a favourable Valuation except Fish from Newfoundland which pays 22 per Cent in Specie Goods brought hither in order only to be transported to other Countries pay 4 per Cent. But it is believed that nothing of all this comes to the King or indeed to the Publick the Consulado excepted which is appropriated to the building of Ships and buying in of Stores The Taxes are 7 Reis per Pound upon all Flesh brought into the Market and as much per Canada upon Wine sold in by Retail few People here keep any in their Houses A Canada holds something less than Three Pints Fresh Fish which is caught here in great abundance in the River and on the Sea-Coasts and is the best part of the Peoples Food pays no less than 47 per Cent and that exacted with great Rigor and paid commonly in Specie At the Sale of Lands Houses Cattle of all sorts and indeed of almost every thing that is known to be bought and sold 10 per Cent of the Price goes to the King A great part of these Taxes were granted by the Three Estates in Cortes to King John the Fourth in 1641 and at other times towards the Charges of the War with Spain but after the Peace was made the Cortes in the Year 1674 rais'd them to what they are at present by giving the Prince a Supply of a Million of Crowns per Annum one half whereof was to be rais'd by an Additional Impost upon Flesh and Wine But this was then given only for Six Years yet it hath been paid ever since The Court in the Year 1675 thought convenient to procure the Pope's Consent to this last Impost that the Clergy might have leave to pay their share because as it
to talk of calling to account such as were possest of any Lands belonging to former Queens and more than this to interpose in Affairs of State and Matters of Government giving the Ministers to understand that she expected to know how things went and she made her self to be obey'd so far that nothing of Moment was transacted in the King's Council but Her Majesty was consulted about it Not content with all this she seemed to have a further Aim still and to design no less than a Total Change of the Ministry in order to engross the whole Power to her self or impart it to such as she should engage in her Interests The Great Men of the Kingdom were at this time divided into Two Irreconcileable Parties neither of which could be safe but by a Total Overthrow of the other the one consisting of those that had been in the Government in the late Queen Mother's time or had done their utmost to continue her Regency and were at this time wholly broken driven from Court or deprived of their Charges and the Principal of them Banish'd into several remote parts of the Kingdom The other was of them that were then in the Ministry or had been instrumental in placing King Alfonso on the Throne in opposition to the Queen his Mother and obliging her to retire into a Monastery The new Queen presently after her Arrival publickly declar'd for the vanquish'd Party at least did that which in effect was the same thing for she openly sollicited the return of the Duke of Cadaval and his re-establishment at Court This Duke was the chief Person of the whole Party and had shewn himself the most active of them all in the Queen Mothers Service and thereby had drawn upon himself the largest share of the King's Displeasure Besides the Conde de Castelmelhor who was then the Prime Minister and the Principal Man next the King at Court had reason to look upon the Duke as his most formidable Antagonist and to apprehend his Return as a Step towards the Ruine of himself and his whole Party especially if it were obtained by the Queens Sollicitation which would have engaged that Great Man to her Service and it might prove impossible for him to hold out against their united Interests There had that passed between the Duke and the Conde that the Court could not well hold them both as it cannot to this day for they are both still alive the Duke is now in the Ministry and for that reason some give it for the only reason the Court for this last Reign hath remain'd shut to the Conde But to put things in their due light I find it will be necessary to look back to the time of the late Queens Regency and give a brief account of some former Transactions particularly those wherein either of these two great Men were concern'd Donna Luisa Francisca de Gusman who by her Courage had animated Duke John of Bragança her Husband to take upon him the Crown which she is said to have preserved likewise upon his Head by her Counsels was left by that King at his Death which happened the Sixth of November 1656 Regent of the Kingdom and Tutress or Guardian to the Princes their Children but her Regency was not like to continue long should the Young King her Son be reckoned to be of Age at the usual time of Majority it having been customary for Kings of this as well as of other Nations to be declared Majors at Fourteen and Dom Alfonso was near the end of his Thirteenth Year at the King his Father's Death for he was born the 21st of August 1643 so that should former Presidents be observed in the present Case she was like in a short time to be forced to let go the Power out of her hands and see a Kingdom which she had contributed so much to procure and preserve for the Family committed to the discretion of a Child or entrusted by him to she knew not whom for he once declared Major would be at liberty to chuse his own Ministers The best-established Governments in such a case must necessarily be exposed to many great Inconveniencies but that of Portugal which was then new and unsettled and struggling as it were for life in a War with the Spanish Monarchy would be in danger of utter Ruine For these considerations as we may well suppose the Queen resolv'd to prolong her Regency for some Years beyond the ordinary time to this end she conferred all Offices of Trust upon Creatures of her own or such as she could conside in and took such ways to engage those in Power as should make them more apprehensive of a Change than her self and in effect she so manag'd Matters as to remain possest of the Government till the King was within a Month of Nineteen and had not the Conde de Castelmelhor by an unexpected Surprize broken all her Measures she might in all likelihood have kept it in her hands as long as she pleas'd and her Enemies used to say That by her good will she had never parted with it while she lived And in truth her Conduct in regard to the King her Son may have given some colour to this Aspersion the Education of that Prince in his tender Age was such as has been now described It s true the Queen Mother took notice with what Scandalous Companions he associated himself and made grievous complaints of it but still they had access to him even while he was of those Years when one would think his Governours should be responsible for his Carriage As the King grew bigger he became guilty of such Excesses as might be expected from a Youth so Bred and left to his own Liberty without a Curb He took great pleasure in walking the Streets a Nights in Company of his Braves to haunt the Houses of leud Women and sometimes he would order the Prostitutes to be brought to him to the Palace he is reported likewise to have committed several Outrages upon those he met with in his Night-Walks nor did he wholly abstain from those Pranks in the Day-time several Instances of this nature are reckoned up by those that have made a strict enquiry into his Faults but I do not find that he ever did any great mischief He often endangered his Person indeed and began to loose himself much in the Peoples Opinion The Queen Mother made loud Complaints of these disorders but then she took such a course as might make her Enemies suspect she desired that the People rather than her Son might become sensible of his Faults she exposing them in as Publick Manner as was possible in order as some imagine to make her self thought more Necessary and him less capable of the Government One time she contriv'd it so that all the Counsellors of State should wait upon him in a Body and let him understand how his Person and the Kingdom were in danger by the Courses he took The young Duke of Cadaval
Duke of Cadaval was sent to give the Infante an Account how things stood and nothing was further done till towards the Evening which as it is pretended was to give the King time to change his mind but as 't is more likely to perswade the Infante to finish what they had begun He at last Night drawing on accompanied by the Magistrates of Lisbon the Nobility of the Party and a great Concourse of the People went to the Palace where he was received by the Council of State and at the Head of this Company went and lock'd up the King in his Chamber securing all the Passages through which he might escape A Form of Resignation was then drawn up read and approved of by the Council which before they broke up was sent to the King for him to Sign and accordingly it was brought back sign'd by him but it is not known by what Means he was prevailed upon to do it The Prince takes up his Lodgings that Night in the Palace he had no sooner thrown himself upon the Bed it being very late but a Message came to him from Alfonso to desire that John the Dog-Keeper might be sent to keep him Company the Message drew Tears from the Prince's Eyes 't is pretended that he wept in commiseration of his Brothers weakness and little sense of his Condition tho' 't is not improbable but the Dethroned King took this way to make his Brother sensible of the ill Usage he had met with perhaps from their hands that had been sent to make him Sign the Resignation which but the same Morning as hath been shown the most Brutal Menaces could not extort from him The King being thus Deposed the Prince Signs the Writs that had been prepared for Summoning the Cortes before they assembled it was debated Whether it might be convenient for him to take the Title of King but it pass'd in the Negative in a Committee of Judges and other Ministers to whom the Matter was referred and it was carried that he should content himself with the Title he then used viz. that of Curator of the King's Person and Governor of the Kingdom The same Question was afterwards long debated in the Cortes which met on the 27th of January 1668 but in the end it was concluded That he should have the Kingly Power with the Title of Prince Regent In the mean time the Queen having commenc'd her Process against Alfonso the day before he was deposed upon his Confinement was at liberty to prosecute the same with the utmost vigour There being no Bishops at this time in Portugal the Cause as hath been said was brought before the Chapter of Lisbon I shall for many reasons forbear giving a particular account of the Proceedings tho' there be no want of Materials but in short Alfonso after a few Days Confinement was as 't is pretended brought to sign an Acknowledgment of what the Queen had declared concerning the Nullity of their Marriage contrary to what he had asserted to the Infante when he signify'd her Declaration to him the Day after her Retreat while he was yet at liberty It fell out happily for the Queen as she thought at least that her Uncle the Duke of Vendome lately made a Cardinal-Deacon was at this very time commissioned by the Pope to represent the Person of his Holiness as Godfather to the Dauphin then seven Years old at that Formality of a Christning which is used for the Children of France For this end the Cardinal-Duke had the Title and Patent given him of Legat a Latere To him as invested with the Plenitude of the Pope's Power Monsieur Verjus who was sent as hath been said into France upon the Queen's first leaving her Husband applied himself for a Dispensation that the Queen might marry with the Infante The Cardinal was no doubt willing enough to oblige his Niece and to do for her whatever was in his Power but then he question'd much whether it was in his Power to help her out in this Case as well he might For who cou'd think that a Proxy to be Godfather to a Child in France should enable him to make it lawful for a Woman in Portugal to marry with her living Husband's Brother But Monsieur Verjus having satisfied the French King about what the Queen of Portugal had been doing the Dispensation was obtain'd without much difficulty for he and Monsieur de Lionne reading the Cardinal's Bull of Legate found out that it contain'd some Clauses that did as it were point to the very Case in Hand and to give the Cardinal as ample Powers as they could wish and so the Dispensation was granted without more a-do And in truth they in France were a little too hasty in this Business for the Dispensation was obtain'd there before they were ready for it in Portugal it bears Date the 17 Calends of April i. e. the 16th Day of March and in it 't is supposed and affirmed that the former Marriage had been declared null by Course of Law But the Chapter of Lisbon were not so very hasty for they did not pronounce Sentence 'till the 24th of March tho' considering how long Causes of Divorce between Royal Persons used to depend which we in England have good Cause to remember none will accuse them of dilatory Proceedings They at last by their Delegates appointed to examine and determine the Matter pronounc'd the former Marriage to be null by reason of Alfonso's incurable Inability to consummate it occasion'd by his Sickness during the time of his Childhood of which Inability as 't is affirm'd in the Sentence there was more than sufficient Proof and at least a Moral Certainty so that as they said there was no need of Inspection of Trial for 3 Years or any other limited time The Queen was now talking of nothing but returning into France by the Fleet that lay in the River to carry off the French Troops that had been in the Portuguese Service with this Design she made the three Estates of the Kingdom acquainted desiring that the Portion which she had brought with her might be return'd her The doleful News of her intended Departure saith the Writer employ'd to give the World an account of these Transactions was with great Grief heard by the States and they entring into politick Considerations in the midst of their Affliction find that this Princess on account of all the Conveniencies of State all the Endowments of Mind and all the Perfections of Nature was the most ready most convenient most worthy and most lovely Spouse that a Prince could wish for went all in a Body to the Nunnery saith another Writer of the same Stamp to supplicate her Majesty with Tears in their Eyes That she would not abandon them but stay and marry with the Prince because they were neither able nor willing to return her Portion But the Queen would give them no positive Answer then they went in a Body to the Prince begging of him to save
Antonio Bento Bernardo the King 's eldest Son living born the 22d of October 1689 and sworn Heir to the Crown by the Three Estates of the Kingdom assembled in Cortes held at Lishon Decemb. 1. 1697 a Prince as they who frequent the Court report of a sweet and mild Disposition and likely to inherit the King his Father's Vertues as well as his Throne Dom Francisco born the 25th of May 1691 a Prince of great Vivacity and Spirit as appears by many pretty Stories of him which the Portugueses entertain themselves withal He is designed for a Knight of Malta at least to hold the Grand Priory of Crato the richest Commenda in Portugal or perhaps in all Spain of which he is at present in Possession Dom Antonio born the 15th of March 1695 He was cloath'd in a Jesuit's Habit upon his first coming into the World which he still wears or did at least not long ago her Majesty having devoted him to her St. Xavier and if the Jesuits are to be believ'd he is design'd to be of their Order Dona Theresa Francisca Josepha born the 24th of Feb. 1696. Dom Emanuel born the of 1697. Another Princess born in the beginning of this Year 1699. If I remember a-right her Name is Dona Maria Xavier Josepha Besides these his Majesty hath acknowledg'd one Natural Daughter whose Mother is reported to have been imploy'd about the Palace to sweep the lower Rooms This young Lady hath been bred up in a Monastery 'till the Year 1695 when the King bestow'd her in Marriage upon the Eldest Son of the Duke of Cadaval to the great Dissatisfaction of the Nobility insomuch that few or none of them would appear at the Publick Reception of the Bride I never heard that their Discontent proceeded from an Opinion that this Marriage of the principal Person among them was a Disgrace to the Fidalguia In other Countries perhaps and in former Times so Illustrious a Body might think their Blood debased by such a Match But their Dissatisfaction was said to proceed from another Cause they thought the Honour was too great for any Subject the Duke of Cadaval not excepted and that he was raised thereby too much above their Level tho' it be confess'd by all at the same time that next his Majesty his Excellency hath the greatest Authority and the greatest Estate and is of the Noblest Blood in the Kingdom Yet he is not of equal Quality to them on whom the French King hath bestowed his Bastards for they to whom his Most Christian Majesty hath done so very great an Honour are such Princes as are the nearest to his Blood much nearer than the Duke is to the King of Portugal no wonder then if so great a Value is put upon the like Honour in smaller Courts the Authority of the French being in this Age sufficient to alter if not the Nature at least the Appearance of Things and make Things look glorious in our Days which in former Times had another Aspect In one Particular the Portuguese Court seems to have out-done the French on this occasion that is in the Title given to this Lady upon her being first own'd For as I was inform'd at the time it was ordered that she shou'd be treated with Altesa Real whereas I do not find that the French King 's Natural Children have as yet got above Altesse Serenissime and this may possibly be the Reason why Monsieur L'Abbe d'Estrees the French Ambassador forbore to visit her 'till he had express Orders for it from France For his Master having been for some time used to prescribe Rules for the Ceremonial he might perhaps think it a kind of Usurpation for any others to take upon them to alter it But the Portugueses did not altogether innovate on this occasion for they had a Precedent at the Court of Madrid where the late Don John of Austria took Royal Highness upon him which perhaps may have been the cause why the Court of Portugal which is resolved in all things to swell up to the Grandeur of Spain gave the same Title to this Lady It is now commonly said in Portugal that the King 's Natural Children have a Right to succeed him in the Throne in default of his lawful Issue But I believe this Opinion to be as ill grounded as 't is derogatory to the Honour of that Nation Had Royal Bastards a Right to the Succession John the Second who ruled with a more Absolute Power than any King of this Nation either before or since would doubtless have left the Crown to his Natural Son Dom Jorge Duke of Coimbra Progenitor of the Dukes of Aveiro now in Spain he having laboured all he could to obtain the Succession for him but all in vain For he was forc'd before his Death to acknowledge for his Successor Dom Emanuel then Duke of Beja whose Brother that King had slain with his own Hands When Dom Antonio pretended to the Crown after the Death of Henry the Cardinal he had put an end to the great Controversie at that time on foot about the Succession had Bastards a Right thereto But he himself was far from thinking they had and therefore he grounded his Claim upon a supposed Marriage between Dom Luis Son of Emanuel with his Mother It was a Prejudice to him indeed that some suspected Judaism to lie lurking in his Mother's Blood However the Judges constituted by Henry to determine this Controversie alledged his Illegitimacy as a sufficient and the only Cause of his Exclusion The only Bastard that ever Reign'd in this Kingdom was John the First yet he never pretended a Right of Succession to the Crown but came in by Election of the Estates assembled in Cortes at a time when the Throne was declared vacant the other Pretenders being at that time Prisoners in Castille and what is more declared Illegitimate by the Cortes whether justly or not is another Question so that Bastard for Bastard it was thought fit in this Case of Necessity to Elect Dom John before any other Of the MINISTRY ALL Publick Affairs of Importance and such as immediately concern the King are here managed by a Sett of Ministers as many or as few as the King pleases to appoint who together are called the Council of State and as Members of this Body they are all treated with Excellency The Reason I suppose is because that Title is given to the Counsellors of State at Madrid tho' another Reason was given by one of their Number who said It was their due because they had all of them been Ambassadors To this Council the King refers all Matters of Moment seldom or never resolving upon any thing before the Affair has been considered and debated among them 'T is said the Reason why the King pays so great a Deference to this Council is partly because it consists of those who had a great hand in advancing him to his Brother's Throne He for this Cause thinking it but reasonable that
of Savoy in their Interests and by his secret Practices so countermined their designs upon Casal that he kept the Place from being delivered up to them for some years after the bargain had been made with the Duke of Mantua the preservation of which place was so entirely ascribed to him that when he left Turin it became the common talk of Europe that Casal was infallibly lost His Conduct at Turin made him esteem'd at Madrid for the ablest Person to deal with the French Ministers and for that reason he was in the beginning of the year 1680. sent Ambassador into France but for the same Reason King Louis thought him the most improper for that Court his Ministers had it seems such a dread of the Man that they put their Master upon an Action that will not be reckon'd among the Glories of his Reign for after the Duke had arrived at Paris and continued there for five Months he was obliged to return as he came without having been admitted to Audience the King declaring That if he did not leave the Kingdom he would force him away by Violence an Indignity never before put upon the Representative of a Crown'd Head yet such as Spain in its low condition was forced to digest but the Duke had now a fair opportunity to mortify the French in his turn by defeating their defign upon Spain and Portugal Upon his Arrival at Lisbon Prince Peter more generous than to insult over an yielding Adversary show'd by his Proceedings that his own inclinations had not prompted him to make his advantage of his Neighbour's weakness for instead of prescribing Laws to the Spaniards who 't is thought would at this juncture have submitted to any terms of Accommodation he was content to treat with them upon the Square and appointed the Duke of Cadaval and other Commissioners to confer with the Duke of Giovinazzo who soon brought them to his own terms by an Address peculiar to himself which was by turning things into Ridicule and Rallying them into an Agreement the Prince though sufficiently sensible that what they had concluded upon was much to his disadvantage yet suffer'd himself to be perswaded by the Duke to confirm the Treaty it may be supposed that he began by this time to Relent and that he show'd himself more easy to make some amends to the Spaniards for their hard usage It is said indeed that the Duke had a particular Talent to accommodate himself to the Humours of those he had to deal with and by that means to gain upon the affections of this Prince who was not to be imposed upon as his Ministers were for the Duke's Jests were not like to take with him and therefore in his addresses to his Highness he gave another turn to his Discourse Haranguing him on all occasions upon his admirable Prudence and greatness of Mind and Praises having this common with Reproaches that they seldom fail of their effect when there is ground for them the Prince Regent is reported to have told those about him after an Audience given to the Duke That he knew very well that the fine things this Man had said tended only to deceive him who however had got the secret to please him and therefore he did know how to deny him any thing The Agreement made at this time had the Title of a Provisional Treaty because it did not determine the Right on either side for that was to be done at a more convenient Season It was so contriv'd that by the Articles one would think it was design'd to give the Portugueses some satisfaction in appearance and all the real advantage to the Spaniards It was agreed that by Order from the King of Spain the Governour of Buenos Aires should be punished according as the manner of his Proceedings had deserved which Order the Duke of Giovinazzo delivered afterwards to the Prince Regent who sent it to his Minister at Madrid with a Command to intercede in his Name with the Catholick King that the Execution of it might be suspended All Arms Artillery c. with whatever else had been taken from the Colony were to be restor'd and the Planters suffer'd to return and if any were wanting as many others to settle there in their room But then they were not to fortifie themselves nor so much as build Houses of any durable Matter nor were they to be supplied with fresh Men though in never so small a Number nor have any sort of Intercourse or Commerce with the Indians under Obedience to the Spaniards Whereas the Spaniards were to have the same use of the River the Isles thereof and Territories adjacent as they had before so that had this Provisional Treaty continued in force the Portuguese Colony must necessarily in a very short time have fall'n away to nothing and the Spaniards remain confirm'd in the Possession of a Country to which their Title was at best but Dubious It was indeed agreed at the same time that Commissioners on both sides should meet finally to determine this Affair and that in case Matters could not be adjusted by them it should be referr'd to the Pope's Arbitration but considering how seldom Conferences of this kind come to any Issue and how easy it is for the Spaniards to make proceedings at Rome to go heavily on one would think they had small cause to fear that any thing in this Article should deprive them of the Advantage they had got by the rest and if things succeeded not afterwards to their minds it was perhaps because they could not have a Duke of Giovinazzo always at Lisbon The Composure of this Difference made way for a more solid and lasting Friendship then hath been usual between these or perhaps any other bordering Nations that hostile Disposition which in former Ages was always observ'd in these towards each other and had been exasperated by a late War of 27 years continuance seem'd now to be worn away on a suddain and they began to familiarise themselves with each other for the Duke of Giovinazzo while he so happily acquitted himself to his Master's satisfaction in a Negotiation that was thought to be attended with insuperable Difficulties manag'd Matters so that he was no less pleasing to the Portuguese Court then to that of Madrid rendring himself acceptable to all and gaining the Universal Esteem of the Prince Nobility and People and as he was highly carress'd during his stay at Lisbon he was as much regretted at his Departure There is no doubt but the Marriage of the Q. of Portugal's Sister to the King of Spain contributed not a little to perfect the Harmony that is at present between the two Crowns and perhaps her want of Children much more for it being now apparent to the World that King Peter hath enter'd his Name among the Candidates for the Spanish Crown it is natural to suppose that his endeavours are not wanting to keep up the good Correspondence yet were we to judge of the inclinations of
the Spanish Court from the most obliging Carriage of the Marquis de Castel dos Rios their late Minister at Lisbon one would think that Spain expected to reap all the advantage from the good amity little would one guess from the Conduct of this Minister that the King of Portugal was not many years ago lookt upon as his Master's Rebel there being scarce a Gentleman in Portugal more intent than he in making his Court or more careful to render himself acceptable He to gain their Majesties Favour hath during the whole time of his Residence that is for about seven years together on every Birth-night of the Eldest Prince entertained the Nobility and Foreign Ministers with a new Opera of his own Composure and acted by his own Family and all to Celebrate the future Glorys of his Highness It would perhaps seem trifling in any other times but ours to draw Consequences from any thing of this kind but in our Age Persons of his Excellencies Character do every thing by Prescription and the lightest matters of Ceremony are exactly weighed It does not yet appear what advances the King of Portugal hath made at Madrid towards the making good his Pretensions to the Succession the publick Relations of the Proceedings at that Court do as yet give but a slender Account of his Success however the frequent Couriers that pass and repass between the two Courts upon every alarm of the King of Spain's Indisposition show that his Agents there are busy in carrying on his Interests and his late Levies raised and maintained at an expence which his Kingdom is so little in a condition to bear are an Argument that he is resolved to make One among the Competitors as indeed it concerns him much to be considering the apparent danger of his own Crown in case he miscarries in his design upon that of Spain for whether a Prince of the House of Austria or of France shall inherit that Crown he 'll be Heir at the same time to Philip the 2d's Title to Portugal which as unjust as it was was strengthen'd by sixty years Possession and the Approbation of several Popes and whosoever reflects upon the Conduct of the House of Austria in the last Age or of the French King in this will find that very slender Pretences have served the turn when either of them hath had a fair opportunity to invade his Neighbour and see cause enough to be afraid for the House of Bragança should it ever have the misfortune to ly at their Mercy as it almost infallibly will do when either of them shall be in quiet Possession of the Spanish Monarchy for Spain upon any change of Government will almost necessarily recover so much of its ancient Vigor as to be overmatch for Portugal This small Kingdom may perhaps have some cause to hope that its destruction will come on more slowly in case it hath to deal with an Austrian Prince but whether it will be therefore the less sure is a question soon decided when we consider what a close Union there hath always been between the two Branches of that House each espousing the Interest and Quarrels of the other and making them its own how great a part the Spaniards had in the German Usurpations in the business of the Palatinate and the Catholick League and how far the German Line interessed it self in behalf of the Spaniards upon the Revolt of Portugal when to revenge their Quarrel the Imperialists contrary to all Faith and Honour the Right of Nations and the Laws of Hospitality seiz'd upon Prince Duarte the King of Portugal's Brother and made him end his days in a Prison Now when a Prince of the same House less Religious than his present Imperial Majesty and one of his Character does not arise in every Age shall come to have Portugal in his power can we think it likely that he will so far forget the Maxims of his Ancestors as to cherish a Race that hath occasion'd so many disgraces to a Family But if the King of Portugal hath little cause to expect security from that House he would have less reason to think himself safe should he fall under the Power of France 't is true indeed if words of Friendship could insure him he would be freest from danger while the French are putting themselves in a Condition to destroy him who till they are ready to give the Blow are always lavish of their kind Promises which such as have trusted in them have found to be the forerunners or the means rather of their Ruin Should a French Prince become possess'd of the Spanish Monarchy if Philip the 2d's Title will not do there are a great many others now dormant that will quickly be started up the Kingdom of Portugal will soon be found to have been a Dependance of Castille and it is but erecting a Chamber of Re-union to annex it thereto again or a Right of Devolution may be pretended by the forfeitures which the Kings have incurr'd they having been formerly Feudatorys to those of Leon or the Great Monarch may think it will be for his Glory or his Convenience to order his Generals to take Possession of this small Kingdom and that as appears from some Presidents may be thought right sufficient It is not to be imagined that the Court of Portugal is at this time of the Day insensible of the Dangers they are threatned with the Agonies that the Ministers were in not long ago during his Catholick Majesty's Sickness could scarce be thought to proceed from any other Cause and a Paper lately published in English shows that they have been setting their Wits at Work to find out means for their Preservation that is to make good their Master's Claim to the Succession which as they seem to be perswaded is the only visible way to secure themselves at this Juncture The Author of that Paper seems to have left nothing unsaid that may make for his Master's Cause and he hath gone a great way to prove him to have a much better Right than any other Pretender if it be true as he intimates that there is such a Fundamental Law in Spain as excludes Forreigners from the Succession and I believe there can be no Instance given of any such that have succeeded in a regular Way except it be Charles the 5th who was yet Son to the immmediate Heiress and possess'd of the Crown in his Mother's life-time As for his Son Philip the 2d and the rest that came after him they were all natural born Spaniards which Privilege must be granted to the Kings of Portugal while Portugal is allowed to be a part of Spain and it is certain that they are descended from Donna Maria Daughter to Ferdinand and Isabella and Sister to her who brought the Crown into the Austrian Family so that if there be any such Law as the aforesaid Author hints at the King of Portugal may have a very fair Title the Dauphin as 't is asserted by
both Parties here were insuperable Difficulties to obstruct the Peace and a Peace the Cardinal was resolved to have as well for his own private Conveniencies as to settle the state of the Nation that was then as he thought or pretended breaking out into new Disorders The Spaniards on their side were as willing to end the War as the French could be so as it might be done with their Honour safe they were sensible enough of their own feeble Condition they saw that two or three Campagnes more were like to prove the total Ruin of their Monarchy Besides they were impatiently eager to be turning the whole force of their Arms against Portugal which they made sure of over running with ease could they be once at liberty from the French and they were the more hasty to come to an Accomodation with them for that the Pope began to be troublesome The Ears of Alexander the 7th were a little more open than those of his Predecessors to the Bleatings of Portugal and he gave notice to the Cardinals of the Spanish Faction that something must be done to end the Dispute or he should be forc'd to acknowledge that King who succeeding a Father that had reign'd sixteen years could not be made to pass with the World for an Usurper Thus were the minds of both Parties disposed for a Peace but how should they come by it Who could remove the Obstacles that lay in the way and satisfy those irreconcileable Pretensions from which neither Party would recede To bring all this about the Cardinal had his Wits at work he now began on a sudden to be mighty Zealous for the poor King of Portugal whose Ruin was thought infallible should the French forsake him and therefore his Eminence would seem for some time to be as earnest for his Preservation as the Spaniards were bent upon his Destruction both Parties agreeing in this that should Portugal be excluded from the Peace it would of course fall into the Hands of the Spaniards so that in effect this Orphan Prince and all that belong'd to him seem'd to be now wholly at the Cardinal's Disposal since to exclude them from the Peace was then thought to be the same thing in effect as to give them up to the Spaniards and these he had to set against the Prince of Conde and the places demanded by the Spaniards and he made his Advantage of them For in all the Negotiations in Order to a Peace when the Spaniards thought much of yielding up their Towns and Provinces the French sometimes would mind them of a whole Kingdom and the Dominions thereunto belonging which they were ready to give in Exchange for their Conquests When the Spaniards interceded for the Prince of Conde the French when other Arguments fail'd would speak for the King of Portugal But there was this Difference between them the Spaniards always began with the Prince of Conde the French answered Portugal in their own Defence the Spaniards got conditions for the Prince not such as they pretended to but very Honourable considering how ill the Prince had deserv'd at the hands of his King The Cardinal engaged his Master's Word his Faith and his Honour that Portugal should be utterly abandon'd for him The Spaniards to the very last were passionately Urgent to get something more still for their Friend the French surrendred us theirs at the first Overtures of a Treaty the Spaniards were in earnest the French had only a Turn of their own to serve The first Advance that appears to have been made to any purpose on either side towards a Peace was in 1658. when the Marquis de Lionne was sent to Madrid to treat with the Ministers of that Court what Monsieur de Lionne's Instructions were Mazarin best knew who in a Letter to the Pope concerning this Affair told his Holiness That if Spain by his Authority could be brought to abate of their Pretensions in favour of the Prince of Conde the Peace was upon concluding since all other points were adjusted Monsieur de Lionne having orders to abandon Portugal in case Spain would not be so obstinate in behalf of the Prince but Spain could not not be prevail'd upon and so that Treaty was broke off I have seen no particular account how this Business was manag'd at the Treaty of Madrid perhaps it was then that the Offer was made by the French to restore their Conquests and re-establish the Prince in his Governments on Condition that the King of Portugal should remain in peaceable Possession of his Dominions for that such an Offer was made some time or other we must believe because it is so affirm'd in the 60th Article of the Pirenean Treaty but whenever it was made the French were assur'd it would not be accepted as I believe I shall presently make appear The Treaty of Madrid broken off by the Spaniards persisting to Espouse the Prince of Conde's Interests the French on their side were for sticking close to their Allies and gave out that they were resolved never to abandon them For the Marquis de Lionne a little after declar'd publickly at the Diet of Francfort that the King of France neither could nor would make any Peace without the Intervention of his Allies viz. of England Portugal Savoy and Modena and in effect they were about renewing their League with the Rump Parliament of England then restored to their Seats after Cromwell's Death They were likewise treating about a Match between their King and Madam Margaret Prince 〈…〉 and seem'd to be so much in earnest 〈…〉 an interview between the two Cou 〈…〉 the King appeared to be so much taken with the Lady that many thought a Marriage was like to ensue About the same time the Count de Cominges Ambassador Extraordinary from France at Lisbon was Negotiating another Match between the same King and the Infanta of Portugal and that was likewise in such great forwardness that Preparations were making for the Wedding and several things got ready which served afterwards when that Princess was Married into another Country and all this to bring on a third Match between the same King and the Infanta of Spain which had been in Treaty ever since the first Overtures of Peace were made and both these Treaties with Spain viz. of Marriage and Peace had such a mutual Dependance on each other that they were necessarily to proceed or break off together The Advances that the French made towards a conclusion of the Match with Savoy startled the Court of Madrid for should they go on there could be no hopes of a Peace and France in all probability would in that case enter into new Engagements with Portugal wherefore Don Antonio Pimentel was sent Post to Lions whose presence there presently broke off all other Treaties and revived those with Spain The Spaniards yielding at last to the necessity of their Affairs and accepting of the French Proposals in relation to the Prince of Conde which were that he should
himself into as many shapes to gain his ends as the Spaniard They that know any thing of Cardinal Mazarin's former Conduct would surely have expected a great deal more of this from him than from a Person of Don Luis de Haro's Character and Quality It s true his Eminence was at this time at the very heighth of his Greatness and Glory and might think it beneath him to be playing over his old tricks he would now be thought to have put off the Italian and pretended much to the Promptitude and Vivacity of a Frenchman but then had he any concern for his Allie he would surely have receiv'd some warmth from all that heat He observed in Don Luis at least that natural Vanity of his which was at this time encreased to as great a height as the station he was in could raise it should have put him upon doing something for a Prince who had no other Dependence but upon him and what could there have been more Glorious for this proud Great Man who had a Crown'd Head for his Client being so sensible as he was that the Eyes of all Christendom were upon him Princes and Nations expecting their Fate in the Issue of his Proceedings than instead of wrangling and squabbling about the exchange of every little Bicocque to be pleading the Cause of a Distressed and Orphan King But alas he did not lay the Cause of Portugal to heart at all nor concern himself for its Preservation He had used that People before so basely that he seem'd to desire their Destruction no less than the Spaniards themselves He contented himself sometimes to repell the most lively instances of Don Luis for the Prince of Conde by telling with all the Coldness and Phleme imaginable That his Master was so desirous of Peace that he had no such Considerations for the King of Portugal as he expressed for the Prince and that his Master might in Justice use the Prince of Conde in the same manner as the Spaniards intended to serve the King of Portugal It s true that in one of the first Conferences when he had no other way to put by the Importunities of Don Luis he told him knowing very well as he saith himself in his Letter to Mr. Le Tellier that he should not be taken at his Word that since he was so very Passionate for the Interests of the Prince he himself had one Proposal to make and would desire the King his Master's Consent which should be more advantageous to the Prince than any thing Don Luis had yet desired The Spaniard over joy'd at this News was impatient to know what the Proposal might be the Cardinal told him He would desire the King of France to restore the Prince and his Son the Duke of Anguien to all their Charges and Governments on Condition that the Catholick King would leave Portugal in the state it was then in The Offer was rejected with all the Indignation that the Cardinal look'd for and had he not thought as much it never had been made for as his Eminence saith to Mr. Le Tellier when he made this bold or hardy Proposal as he calls it he knew it would not be accepted Now if the French did not think it worth their while to rescue the Kingdom of Portugal from apparent Ruin at so small an Expence as giving the Prince of Conde his Employments again it is more unlikely still that they should be wiling both to do that and yield up the many strong Towns and some entire Provinces that they had possess'd themselves of in a five and twenty years War and this it is that tempts me to believe that the Proposal mention'd in the 60th Article of this Treaty was never made in earnest the Cardinal in the same Letter gives a little more light into this Mystery he saith there That he made these offers to let Don Luis see what vast Advances his Master had made towards a Peace and of what consequence his yielding in the point of Portugal was since rather than do that he would be content to restore the Prince to his Governments and give up all his Conquests and it is a great Ease to me continues he that when Don Luis is reckoning up the great Advantages the King gets by this Peace counting the Places and Provinces that remain to his Majesty that I can answer him again that all he said was nothing in Comparison to the Concession we make in the Article of Portugal though he gives a hint to Mr. Le Tellier by the by that for certain Reasons unknown to the Spaniards all this was no such great matter neither as he endeavour'd to make them believe I do not find by his Letters that he made this Hardy Proposal as he calls it any more during the whole time of the Treaty but I find him afterwards directing Mr. De Lionne to word the Preamble of the Article in the same manner as it now stands the Body it seems was adjusted before at the Treaties of Madrid and Paris so that possibly the Preamble had no better grounds for it than the occasional Discourse of which I have now given an account let the Reader then judge what we are to make of this formal Declaration vid. the 60th Article of the Treaty of the Pirenees That his most Christian Majesty desiring with an extreme Passion to see the Kingdom of Portugal enjoy the same Repose that other Christian States acquire by this present Treaty had to that end propos'd a good number of Ways and Expedients which he thought might be to the satisfaction of his Catholick Majesty among which notwithstanding as hath been said that he is under no sort of Engagement in this affair he hath gone so far as to be willing to deprive himself of the Principal Fruit of that happy Success which his Arms have had during the course of a long War offering besides the Places which he restores by this present Treaty to his Catholick Majesty to surrender up all the Conquests in general that his said Arms have made in this War and to re-establish entirely Monsieur the Prince of Conde provided and on condition that the Affairs of the Kingdom of Portugal might be left in the state they are in at present c. I cannot pretend to tell what the many Ways and Expedients here mention'd were finding little or nothing said of them in the Accounts of the Treaty that are yet extant or in the Cardinal's Letters who seems to have given an account of all the most material Passages and yet he mentions but one expedient as propos'd by himself and he saith too that he offered that rather to divert Don Luis from pressing him in behalf of the Prince than out of hopes that it would be accepted He made it on this occasion Don Luis had been very urgent with him that since the Prince could not be restored to his Charges and Governments in France he might be allow'd to accept of a
of their Forces drawn from all parts of their Dominions and Don John of Austria was about that very time in the Bowels of the Kingdom and expected every Day at Lisbon at the Head of a more numerous Army than had been on foot since the beginning of the War But upon the Conde's coming to the Government a sudden Check was given to the Enemy and Victory declared it self so frequently in favour of the Portugueses that this King notwithstanding his Deposition is still and perhaps ever will be distinguish'd by the Title of Alfonso the Victorious The People were much eas'd of their Taxes and the Soldiers better paid than before Pretenders at Court who us'd to be put off with Delays had all reasonable Satisfaction given them and many worthy Persons preferr'd to Employments in a word the Conde's Administration during the five Years of his Government gave so general a Satisfaction that such as converse with the Portugueses will find that tho' they have all the Veneration for his present Majesty that he justly deserves yet they seldom speak of the Conde's Times without regretting the want of him in the Ministry at present they accounting him the only Person able to support the declining State But of all other Alterations none was more taken notice of than that which People saw or thought at least they saw in the King as they did not look on him now with the same Eyes as formerly so without doubt his change of Condition and Company must have had a like effect upon him as it has on all other Men. He was now attended and respected by his Nobility and had Men of Sense and Honour about him whose Business it was to inform and help him out upon Occasions and to raise him in the Peoples Esteem and so he must needs make a very different Figure from what he did in that vile Company he before conversed with and while he was kept under and discouraged by his Mother whose Creatures holding their Places by the Opinion People had of the King's Incapacity were ready enough we may be sure to catch at any thing that might serve to expose his Weakness But it was observ'd that such of these as still kept in at Court and were us'd to be the most ready to cry out upon him for want of Common Sense were generally the most forward to admire the vast Improvements he had made in so short a time which were such that they could hardly take him for the same Person at least they could think nothing less than that he was alter'd to a Miracle they now thought he spoke Sentences like one inspir'd and they were seldom without some of his Sayings in their Mouths And that which astonish'd them the most was how it should enter into their Thoughts that this Prince was unfit to govern Portugal for now they discover'd him to be of so exalted a Genius as qualified him for the greatest Empire in the Universe And I make no question but they that talk'd at this rate were the first to trample upon that poor Prince at his Fall But there were still about the Court some ill-natur'd People that had been unhappily engag'd in the same Party who could never be brought over by the Turn of the Times to change their Sentiments but affected rather the contrary Extream to these fawning Parasites as thinking it perhaps scandalous to be so much as in the Right with such Company They had so often talk'd of the King's Lameness in his Right-side that notwithstanding all Demonstrations to the contrary they were resolv'd to believe it still and to hold that it must have weaken'd him to that degree as to make him unfit for Government they agreed with the Compliers so far that in case the King of himself did or said any of those Fine Things that were told of him it must needs have been by virtue of some very miraculous Change indeed but they could not be perswaded that he acted of his own Head They thought indeed that he was inspired but that it was by the Conde and his Creatures whom they make the Authors of every thing that was well said or done by him And the Reason was that tho' he began a Discourse well enough and spoke to the purpose when any address'd themselves to him in case he was inform'd of their Business before-hand yet if they answer'd him again these Malecontents pretended that he was at a loss for a Reply or faultered or grew mute When Instances were given of his discreet Behaviour on Occasions when he could have no Instructions given him they would say He might perhaps have his lucid Intervals Or they would put it off with a cold Jest then current among them That they allow'd one half of the King to be still hale and sound and when he spoke a good thing they us'd to say it came from his Majesty's Left-side but generally speaking they thought all that he did or said came from the Right The Jesuit might think himself more witty when having occasion some Years since to mention Alfonso's Victories he told the People in his Sermon That one half of a Portuguese King was able to beat the great Monarch of Spain But as great as this Change in the King really was it was no thorough Reformation For tho' in the beginning he seem'd to take up and apply himself to the Business of State being constantly present at Councils Dispatches Audiences c. yet he was under some Constraint all the while and notwithstanding all that the Conde could do he would have his Sallies and sometimes break out into as great or greater Extravagances than before And that he might act with greater freedom he long'd to have his Conti near him again He had been advised for Vindication of his Authority to order this Man back from Brazil but withal to save his Credit with the People by the Conde's Perswasion he forbad him coming near the Court. His Inclinations towards his old Favourite were soon discovered by the adverse Party who ready to serve themselves of any Instruments engag'd Conti in their Interest and a Plot was laid to supplant the Conde and restore the Queen in order to which Conti was to perswade the King to recal the Exiles He had his Correspondents at Court who waiting their opportunity when the Conde was out of the way contriv'd it so that the King had two Interviews with Conti near Alcantara But the Conde who had his Spies abroad soon div'd into the bottom of the Plot and laid it open to the King who was so incensed thereat that Conti was banish'd to O Porto and the Conde had no further trouble with so unequal a Rival One of those two Noblemen who had been of the Party at the Acclamation as it was call'd of Alcantara was found to be in the Conspiracy and was banish'd likewise from Court The other was dead and had been in Disgrace some time before upon pretence that he had drawn
the Kingdom by marrying the Queen protesting they would never suffer him to marry any Body else for there was a Match about the same time propos'd between him and the Princess of Austria with great Advantages to the State the Prince told them That he for his part was willing provided they could but gain the Queen's Consent Then they return'd again in a Body to the Queen and with repeated Entreaties beseeched her to Consent Her Majesty at last preferring the Welfare of the Kingdom saith my Author to her own Satisfaction put off her Return to her own Country and by a heavenly Inspiration gave Consent that they should treat of the Marriage The Match was soon made up for the Sentence of Divorce pass'd but on Saturday the Eve of Palm-Sunday and on Wednesday in the Passion-Week the Duke of Cadaval her Proxy was married in a private Oratory of the Palace to the Marquess of Marralva who represented the Prince On Easter-Monday the Prince with a numerous Attendance fetched the Bride from the Nunnery and carried her to Alcantara where the Marriage was consummated Poor Alfonso sending his Complements upon it to wish Joy as 't is said to the new-married Couple They will have it likewise that he acquiesced all along to the Proceedings in the Cause of his Divorce and that by the Advice of two Dominicans and a Jesuit he confess'd the Inability objected to him by the Queen and at last submitted to the Sentence declaring that he would not appeal But he was a Prisoner all the while This dethroned Prince after he had been confined some time in the Palace was sent to the Terceira Island one of the Azores but having been kept there for some Years he was for greater Security brought back to Portugal and shut up in the Castle of Cintra formerly a Royal Palace where he ended his Days the 12th of December 1683. After Consummation of this Marriage between the Infante and the Queen the Pope was applied to to dispense with it which he did by a Breve dated the 10th of December 1668 directed to the chief Inquisitor and others impowring them in case they found the Allegations of the Petitioners true to annul the former Marriage and confirm the Second which was done accordingly the 18th of Feb. following This Bull hath some very extraordinary Clauses in it inserted I suppose Ex abundanti cautelâ which yet it will not be amiss to mention here if for no other Reason than to see how far the Plenitude of the Pope's Power reaches in such Cases By it the Commissioners are impowred and commanded to cancel dissolve and annul Alphonso's Marriage even without his Consent or in case the said Marriage did appear or should be found to have been valid and commands them to dispense with the Second Marriage notwithstanding the Impediment Publicae honestatis or any other Impediment of what nature soever that may arise or appear decreeing That altho' the said King Alfonso or any other Persons concern'd have neither given their consent appear'd been cited or heard and altho' the Causes for which these Letters were granted be neither sufficiently proved nor justified that all this notwithstanding the said Letters and the Contents of the same shall never be call'd in question retracted or violated for any lawful Cause or any defect how great or substantial soever that no Person shall obtain Relief against them upon any Plea of Right Fact or Favour and in case Relief be obtain'd it shall be of no benefit tho' granted de motu proprio with full Power and Apostolical Authority but that they shall be for ever valid in all respects without limitation to the said Prince c. So that the Pope had a great deal of reason to tell the Prince as he did afterwards in his Letter That in this Cause he had certainly shewn him all the Favour that the sacred Canons would permit Of this Marriage was born within the first Year the late Infanta of whom I shall speak anon but never any other Child tho' the Queen liv'd with the Prince for above 15 Years She departed this Life the 17th Day of Decem 1683 after having languish'd in great Misery for the space of six Months together under the Distemper that occasion'd her Death After having mention'd so many Particulars which seem to bear hard upon the Memory of this Princess common Equity requires that I should enlarge a little upon what is said in her Commendation She was much celebrated for her great Understanding and Insight into Affairs of which I think there can be no better Proof than this the Prince her Husband for he had not the Title of King 'till a little before she died had so high an Opinion of her Judgment as to consult her upon all occasions of moment and never came to a Resolution in any Business of Importance before he had first taken her Advice which may perhaps be one Reason why he regretted her loss so much as that he remain'd inconsolable for some time and as it 's said could not be perswaded to think of a Second Marriage 'till Pope Innocent XI by his Paternal Admonitions in a manner oblig'd him to it They are not wanting who make large Encomiums upon her other Vertues I have two Sermons now before me preach'd in her Commendation by two of the most famous for Eloquence in Portugal the one a little after her Second Marriage and the other upon her Death and I have consulted both these in order to give her Character to the best advantage The former speaks in general Terms of many wonderful Things that might be said in her Praise but when he comes to Particulars he falls a trifling He highly magnifies her Noble Birth chiefly because she was descended from a Bastard-Son of Henry IV. and reckons up the Titles that were related to the Family and among others the Prinpalities of Anet and Martignes the Duchies of Pontievre and Tampis the Marquisats of Sansorlem and Sasors He tells her Majesty for he preached before her That she was a very great Beauty and he hoped would be as handsome when she came to be 90 Years old as she was at 20. He thinks it was discreetly done of her Parents to Christen her with three Names since one was not enough to express her Merit For Astrologers call the finest Star in the Firmament Venus Lucifer and Vesper Speaking of her forsaking her Husband which he calls leaving a Crown to keep her Conscience unblemished he profanely compares it to Moses's refusing to be call'd the Son of Pharaoh ' s Daughter chusing rather to suffer Affliction with the People of God than to enjoy the Pleasures of Sin for a Season And hence he infers That this Princess ought to be excepted from that general Maxim of Tacitus which represents the Female Sex as ambitious and greedy of Power The other is no less copious in her Praises but speaks a little more to the purpose he highly extols her great
Prudence speaks much in commendation of her Magnanimity and Patience in bearing the Disgrace when the Match was broken off between the Infanta her Daughter and the Duke of Savoy which she had set her Heart very much upon and for her other Vertues he would have her pass for no less than a Saint but he intimates that her Piety was best known to her Confessor and compares it to the Sanctum Sanctorum which was visible only to the High-Priest and indeed I do not find that it was much known to the People it being very little talk'd of amongst them Certainly if it was so very great as this Orator represents it her Majesty's Confessor had a great deal of reason when he us'd to tell those he convers'd with That the Portugueses did not know how good a Queen God had sent them Of the late QVEEN MAria Sophia Elizabeth Daughter of Philip William late Duke of Nicubourg and Elector Palatine of the Rhine by Elizabeth Amelia Daughter of George Lantgrave of Hesse d'Armstadt was born the 6th of August 1666 and Married to Dom Pedro the II. King of Portugal the 11th of August 1687 the day of her Arrival at Lisbon to which place she was conducted by a Squadron of English Men of War under the Command of the late Duke of Grafton This Princess was of a middle Stature exceeding Fair and a graceful Person I do not know whether they that are Judges in these Matters will allow her to have been a Perfect Beauty but no doubt all Strangers will agree that she appeared with great advantage among her Ladies one cause of this perhaps may be her neglect of those Arts which they have recourse to to set themselves off for the Portuguese Women of all Ranks do so discolour their Faces with Red Paint that it renders them a very disagreeable Spectacle in the Eyes of Strangers It was observed That her Majesty did seldom or never concern her self with the Affairs of State contrary to the Practice of the former Queen It is said that her Confessor Father Leopold Fuess a Jesuit who came along with her from Germany advis'd her not to meddle with the Government They tell indeed of one Design of hers which I may speak of in another place which she was put upon by the same Jesuit her Confessor it being a Matter wherein as 't is said the whole Society have concern'd themselves for some time and that was to bring the Conde de Castelmelhor into the Ministry again but if her Majesty ever had any such Design it is certain that nothing came of it for the Conde keeps from Court still and the Duke of Cadaval is since more firmly establish'd there than before But the Principal Parts of her Majesties Character are her great Piety and singular Devotion according to the Religion in which she had been educated she was a constant Hearer of the Fathers of the Cratory an Order of Men who some Years ago were famous for Preaching of true Christian Morality whereby they became and were it not for some very mean Compliances their prevailing Adversaries have extorted from them they had continued still the Glory of the Roman Church nor are they yet so far degenerated but People still take notice that their Sermons are the least stuft with those Fooleries wherewith Preachers of other Orders affect to raise Mirth in the Audience It is I suppose for this cause that notwithstanding the large Share the Jesuits have in her Majesties Favour she honour'd them so often with her Presence and that the Street where their Church stands was every Sunday in Lent crowded with Coaches for her Majesties Example seems to have had a mighty Influence over the whole Court especially among those of her own Sex It is a usual thing to see Ladys of Quality with their Prayer-Books open in their hands as they are carried along the Streets in their Litters and I have observed some of the younger sort as they were going to a Wedding of one of their Companious very hard at their Devotion in the midst all their Gayety I need not I suppose tell that her Majesty is zealously addicted to what is now so commonly called the Catholick Religion it is enough to make the Reader sensible of that to say she is of the House of Nicubourg The Princes of that Family by the very extraordinary Methods they take to promote their Religion have made their Zeal sufficiently remarkable to the World But as well instructed in Catholicism as she was in Germany her Majesty seemed to be much improved since her coming into Portugal especially in those smaller Devotions as the French call them of which good Catholicks are so very shy in Countrys where Hereticks are in sight and so mightily addicted to where they are at their own Liberty But it would be very difficult for one that is of another Religion to give an account of these Matters without being suspected of Misrepresentation or in the present case of disregard to Majesty I shall therefore give but one Instance of the Queens Devotion and concerning that I shall say nothing but what I have from the Jesuits who were her Majesties Directors and are at this day reckon'd among the most refin'd Courtiers in Europe and therefore may be supposed to understand best what is most fit for the World to know From these good Fathers then I learn that above all the Saints in the Roman Calendar the Queen had a singular and most devout Affection for the famous St. Francis Xavier I need not I suppose at this time tell who this Saint is since his Life has been written by the elegant Pen of Pere Bouhours and translated into English by our famous Laureat or 't is enough to let the ordinary Reader know that he was one of the first Set of Jesuits that appear'd in the World and that he is frequently address'd to by such as want Heirs to their Familys and is believed by his Devotes frequently to procure Relief in such cases The first occasion taken notice of by my Authors of the great Friendship between this Saint and her Majesty was this Soon after her Marriage the Viceroy that came from Goa brought along with him a certain Cap that had formerly belong'd to Xavier The greatest Treasure saith the Famous Jesuit Vieira that ever came from the Indies since the Arm of the same Saint that 's now at Rome was brought from thence This Cap her Majesty possibly prevail'd upon to comply with the Bigotry of those about her put upon her Head on the 21st of Nevember 1687 which in the Roman Calendar is the day of the Presentation of the Virgin and she happening to be with Child soon afterwards they would needs have it that she received great Benefit by the Cap but the Jesuits have made strange work of the Matter On which day saith the Jesuit Duarte Her Majesty amidst the sweetest transports of her Heart received for the first time the Sacred
things ready for putting the same in execution the Duchess who as yet had heard nothing of the Matter returns from the Country but it was not long before she discovered the whole Intrigue For as soon as she alighted from her Coach she went directly to the Duke's Apartment where she found the poor Prince pensive and melancholy and scarce able to look his Mother in the Face she surpriz'd at this alteration began to caress the Child and enquire what the Matter was He for some time instead of answering her fell a crying but she resolv'd to know the Business caressed him so long 'till she got it out of him so at last he told her all both what he had done and who they were that had put him upon it The Duchess tho' in no small Astonishment at this News had yet her Wits about her and with an extraordinary Presence of Mind ordered the Guards about the Court to be doubled got the principal of them that had plotted her Imprisonment to be Arrested and to bring over the People on her side gave out That the Prisoners and their Accomplices had conspired to seize upon the Duke's Person in order to deliver him up to the Spaniards In the mean while the Portuguese Fleet under Command of the Duke of Cadaval arrives at Nizza but it seems the Duchess tho' she had provided for her present Security began to gather from this Mutiny of the Nobility that she was like to have but an uneasie Government of it and that she should be forced to a greater Dependance upon France and be more at their Discretion than she had at first imagined which might render her Authority much more precarious than if the Duke her Son remain'd in the Country wherefore she found it necessary that his Highness should be very much indispos'd during the stay of the Portugueses and not in a Condition to go on Board So that the Duke of Cadaval with the rest of the Fidalgo's were forced to return as they came how well pleas'd at their Disappointment let the Reader imagine Presently upon their Departure the Duke recovered of his Indisposition and the Prisoners were never prosecuted for their pretended Plot which makes some People to be of Opinion that this Commotion of the Nobility was from the very beginning contriv'd by the Duchess her self who presently after the Conclusion of the Match might begin to consider the ill Consequences likely to ensue upon it which may have made her resolve to break it but wanting a plausible Excuse to stop the Mouths of the Portugueses and French by her secret Intrigues caus'd all this Bustle in order only to cast Dust in their Eyes But howsoever this was the Portugueses when they came to themselves especially after their King's Second Marriage were as well satisfied with the breaking off of the Match as the Savoyards could be so that in Conclusion the French remain'd the only Duppes who thought to have imposed upon them both This is the most tolerable Account that is given of this mysterious Affair for such it is still confess'd to be by those that have penetrated the deepest into it The World tho' most of the foregoing Particulars were publickly discoursed of at the time continuing still to wonder how it came to pass that the court of Savoy should thus unexpectedly depart from a most solemn Engagement for his Royal Highness was then so very young that he did nothing of his own Head he was meerly passive all the while indeed had this Affair been of a later Date and transacted some Years after the Duke came of Age and had appear'd upon the Publick Stage to act for himself the Wonder in all probability would not have been so great 2dly Louis the Fourteenth King of France his Pretensions to the Infanta were the Publick Talk and not without some Grounds after the Death of his Queen Donna Maria Theresa de Austria who departed this Life in 1683. This Match must have been very advantageous to that King if for no other Reason than that it would give him Footing in Portugal by which means it would be more easie for him to seize upon the rest of Spain upon the Catholick King 's Decease and 't is not doubted but there were some Overtures made by the French Ministers at Lisbon tho' not in so vigorous a manner as to give occasion to the Report that went current amongst the Portugueses it being commonly believ'd by that People that his Most Christian Majesty had so violent a Passion for their Infanta that he was coming to fetch her away by force of Arms For on the contrary it was observed at the Court of Lisbon that the French were not so warm in this Negotiation as to oblige them to come to a Resolution or give any positive Answer which perhaps proceeded from that King 's prudent Consideration that this was an Affair wherein he was like to be oppos'd either openly or under-hand by all Princes in Europe and perhaps most of all by the Portugueses themselves who do not seem over-desirous to come under the French Government this might make him loth to run the hazard of being deny'd For which Reason perhaps it was that his Ministers and Partisans at Lisbon seem'd to do little more than feel the Pulse of that Court without directly putting the Question or if they went so far they suffered themselves to be put off with very slender Excuses if it be true as 't is reported that the Court of Portugal desired time to consider 'till France had fully concluded the Peace with Germany and Spain and deferr'd giving their Answer on account of the Death of King of Alfonso hapning about the same time But the Death of that poor Prisoner made little or no alteration in the Publick Affairs especially in what related to the Infanta so that these Excuses only shew'd that the Court of Portugal was wholly averse to the Match and the Negotiation as it was but coldly carried on so in a short time it came to nothing 3dly The Prince of Tuscany was another Pretender and the Match with him seem'd once to be in great forwardness but it was broke off at last as it is said by the Grand Duke's insisting That in case his Eldest Son had Issue by the Infanta of Portugal the Children of this Marriage should succeeed only to that Crown and his Estates in Italy should be settled upon his Second Son Prince John Gaston but this the Portuguese Court could not be brought to agree to 4thly Charles the Second King of Spain presently after that King became a Widdower the Princess of Portugal had a great Party in his Council who were for having her to supply the place of the deceased Queen and for some time there appeared but one Rival in competition with her viz. the Princess of Tuscany against whom she carried it clearly For Spain could propose to it self no greater Advantage from the Marriage of that Princess than a
Philip the Second was then possess'd of Portugal It was received by the Spaniards with great Satisfaction for in truth it seem'd to give them a Divine Right to the Crown of Portugal For who could think otherwise but that Philip was the Person design'd in the Promise that it was he who had been pitch'd upon by Providence so many Ages before to supply the Default of Alfonso Henriquez's Off-spring which in his time had suffered so great a Diminution that Sebastian the 16th was the last of the Male-Line he was surviv'd indeed and succeeded by his old decrepid great Uncle Henry the Cardinal who was the 16th King excluding Alfonso Henriquez but he did nothing else in his short Reign than secure the Crown to Philip. And this diminution of the Royal Family was the more remarkable for that of the nine Sons of King Emanuel whereof six lived to be Men there was no lawful Issue of the Male-Line remaining at Henry's Death So that this Paper made so much for Philip's Purpose that none question'd its Authority among the Spaniards their Writers whereof a considerable Number might be cited look'd upon it as unquestionable and great use was made of it in the great Controversie about Precedency between the Catholick and the French Kings insomuch that Valdes who by Command from the former wrote the Treatise De Dignitate Regum which was presented to the Pope lays a mighty stress upon his Master's being King of Portugal which in his Opinion ought to give him the Right of Precedency since that Kingdom was as he asserts of a Divine Foundation proving his Assertion from the Authority of this Paper whereof he produces a Copy But when the Portugueses in the Year 1640 revolted from the Spaniards and began to turn the Prediction against them finding that John Duke of Bragança was the Person design'd by it they then changed their Note and question'd the Authority of the Piece yet having so often allowed of its Antiquity they did not flatly deny but it might be as ancient as the Date but thought it was a Device of Alfonso Henriquez upon whose bare Word or Oath the Credit of the Vision relies for it is not pretended that any saw it but himself and that this Prince might feign the Story to establish his Authority and make himself more reverenc'd by the People Should I pursue this Matter ae far as it would go it would engage me in a long History of the Sebastianists and Fifth Monarchists of Portugal for which I have now neither time nor room But my present Business is with the great Vieira Upon the Revolution in 1640 the Portugueses almost to a Man the Sebastianists excepted saw clearly that the Duke of Bragança was the Person in whom the new Empire should have its Rise For tho' Sebastian was the 16th King yet this Duke was of the 16th Generation and therefore his Pretensions were more agreeable to the Letter of the Prediction but yet to make him of the 16th Generation they were fain to include Alfonso Henriquez for one which the Spaniards thought a very material Objection However Vieira shews how that it was ordain'd by Providence that the Dukes of Bragança should supply the defect of the Male Line For he proves that a like Method was follow'd in the Kingdom of Judah the only Kingdom of Divine Foundation besides that of Portugal his Argument is drawn from these Words of Jacob Non auferetur Sceptrum de Judah Dux de femore ejus donec veniat qui mittendus est Here he would have us mark well that the word Sceptrum signifies Kings and the word Dux Dukes and so the Text declares that there should be no Failure of Kings and Dukes of the Descendants of Judah and accordingly after the Kings had fail'd in the time of the Captivity the Dukes succeeded such were Zerubbabel and the Maccabees And in the same manner when the direct Line of Portugal fail'd the Kingdom was to be supply'd by the Dukes viz. the Dukes of Bragança But he thinks that what was said concerning the Diminution or Attenuation of the Royal Off-spring was to be accomplish'd in the Sons of John the Fourth As First By the Death of Dom Theodosio the Eldest and next in Alfonso and that partly by the Sickness he had in his Childhood for the Father had been a great Stickler for the Party which held Alfonso to be lame and maim'd all over his Right-side and was one of the first that were banished at that Prince's taking upon him the Government being suspected to have drawn up the Remonstrance read to him by the Secretaty of State and yet he tells his Auditors by the way That one half of a Portuguese King should be able to beat the greatest Monarch in the World But the Diminution was compleated at Alfonso's Death for then the Royal Family was reduced to one single Male viz. his present Majesty Dom Pedro whom he makes to be the Proles attenuata of the 16th Generation upon whom the words Ipse respiciet videbit were to be fulfilled Now he asserts that Respicere videre in the Prediction signifies to give a Son because Hannah saith 1 Reg. 1 Cap. Si respicieNs videris afflictionem famulae tuae dederisque sexum virilem Adding that it is not to give one but many Male-Children For we read in the same Chapter Donec sterilis peperit plurimos But during the time of the King's Marriage with his first Queen this Prophecy was like to come to nothing since in all that time he had but one Daughter whereas Respicere videre plainly signifies to give a great many Sons and the King's want of Male-Issue could not be supply'd by the Infanta's Marriage with the Duke of Savoy For the King being the Off-spring of the 16th Generation was himself the 17th Generation and the Infanta the 18th so that the Promise could not reach to her Issue And if the Crown had been settled as 't was intended upon her the Prophecy could never be fulfilled Hence as the Father thinks it was that the Match with Savoy was broken off in so surprizing a manner and that his Majesty's first Queen died to make way for his Second Marriage by which he had this Son to whom we are now to return Upon the Birth of this Child the Father mounts the Chair and takes for his Text these words Respexit vidit proves by Arguments not worth repeating That Xavier was the shining Ray that was seen by Alfonso Henriquez before the Crucifix appear'd to him shews how Xavier procured the Kingdom for John the Fourth and this Son for the present King He demonstrates that since King Peter is the diminish'd Off-spring of the 16th Generation This must be the Child promised by Ipse respiciet videbit He then goes on to shew how that the Child was to be an Emperor because the Crucifix in the beginning of his Discourse spoke only of a Kingdom and the Title of a
King but after mention made of the 16th Generation he changes his Language and speaks of Empires Ego enim aeidficator sum Regnorum Imperiorum and Volo in Te in semine tuo Imperium mihi stabilire Now this Empire he says is not to be the Empire of Germany but one greater than any that hath been before and Universal over all the World that is to say it must be the Fifth Monarchy That there shall be such an Universal Monarchy he brings the Common-place Proofs He allows that this Fifth Monarchy is to be the Kingdom of Christ but shews that it shall be this young Prince's nevertheless For it is said I will establish to my self an Empire in Thee and in thy Seed Volo enim in Te in semine Tuo Imperium Mihi stabilire So that the Empire was to belong to Christ and the Prince of Portugal at the same time He thinks this Promise is much alike to that made to St. Peter Tu es Petrus super hanc Petrum aedificabo Ecclesiam meam And that as the Universal Church tho' it be Christ's is yet St. Peter's too and by being St. Peter's is nevertheless the Church of Christ In the like manner this Empire shall be of Christ and of the Prince of Portugal at the same time and in effect the Jesuit had so ordered it that this young Prince was to be Christ's Vicar and have a Sovereign Power over the whole World in Temporals in the same manner as the Pope Christ's Vicar in Spirituals hath an Universal Jurisdiction over the Church this Monarch being the Person spoken of in that place of Daniel Ecce quasi filius hominis veniebat ad Antiquum dierum pervenit dedit ei potestatem honorem regnum omnes populi Tribus Linguae ipsi servient For since Christ is called Filius hominis this Quasi filius hominis must be Quasi Christus i. e. Christ's Vicar his Vicar in Temporals as the Pope is in Spirituals That this Emperor must be a King of Portugal is plain because Hannah concludes her Song with these words Dominus judicabit fines terrae dabit Imperium Regi suo i. e. to the King of Portugal For tho' all Kings may in some sense be said to be from God yet other Kings are made by Men whereas He of Portugal is made immediately by God himself and so is more properly called His King Et dabit Imperium Regi suo and he makes it plain that his Imperial Majesty must be the New-born Infant for that he was given to the diminish'd Off-spring of the 16th Generation from Alfonso Henriquez When the Father had thus provided for the young Prince he soon after received an Account of his Death which doubtless would have put any other Teller of Fortunes into no small Confusion but it had no such effect upon Padre Vieira for he was a Jesuit and was so little apprehensive of the Raillery of his Auditors that he published his Sermon joyning thereto an Apology wherein he proves after his manner that this Quasi filius hominis or Christ's Vicar in Temporals was to die as the Prince did in order to take possession of the Universal Monarchy which he could not do any where else but in Heaven For doth not the Text expresly say Ecce cum nubibus Coeli quasi filius hominis veniebat usque ad Antiquum dierum pervenit in conspectu ejus obtulerunt eum dedit ei Potestatem Honorem c. He supposes that Christ's first Vicar in Temporals should go to Heaven in order to take Possession of his Government over the Earth for the same Reason that the first Vicar in Spirituals had the Keys of Heaven delivered to him here on Earth For when St. Peter had the Keys of the Church given him on Earth Christ was himself then on Earth but he being now in Heaven it was convenient that his Vicar in Temporals should go to Heaven in order to be instated in the Government of the Earth and this after the Example of Vice-Roys and Governors who when they pay Homage for the Kingdoms and Provinces where they are to exercise the Power and represent the Person of the King do not perform this Ceremony within the Kingdoms and Provinces committed to their Charge but in the place where the King then is whether he be at Court or whether he be absent from it Now Heaven is Christ's Court and because he was in the World and absent from Court when his first Vicar did Homage for the first Universal Empire which is that of his Church It was done on Earth in like manner when this his second Vicar was to pay Homage for the second Empire which is that of the World he was to do it in Heaven because Christ is now at his Court in Heaven And this he concludes to be the Reason why the Prince was to die so soon after he was born But since the Prince is gone to Heaven to take Possession of the Universal Empire who shall have the Administration of the Government here on Earth Shall the Prince who hath taken his leave of us with so much haste return again to take it upon himself No he hath taken Possession and the Prince that is to be born after him shall have the Benefit of Primogeniture and succeed him in the Empire insomuch that the same Empire shall be common to both the Brothers the Eldest that is dead is gone to take Possession of it in Heaven and the Second who is to live shall administer it on Earth I confess saith the Father this looks new and admirable to make one only Heir of two Brothers that the first Brother shall take Possession and the other come after him and be the Possessor But to him altho' it was wonderful yet it was no novelty he thinks he hath a like Instance at the Birth of Pharez and Zarah Sons of Judah the Father and Founder of the Royal Tribe Zarah put forth his Arm and when he had a Purple Thread tied thereto he drew it in again and let Pharez be born before him and so yielded to him the Right of Primogeniture by which means Zarah took Possession of the Purple that Pharez afterwards put on and enjoy'd Thus saith the Father was the Succession to the Kingdom of Judah founded and thus was the first Foundation laid of the Empire of Portugal The Prince that was born and presently after withdrew into Heaven was like Zarah who only took Possession of the Purple and then drew back his Arm the Prince that is to be born shall be like Pharez and succeeding in the Place yielded to him by his Brother shall enjoy the same Possession cloath himself with the same Royal Purple and stretch forth his Arm to grasp the Scepter He bestows some other Thoughts upon the Parallel to make it more exact which I do not think convenient to Translate Dom Joaon Francisco
the Portuguese Princes who placed their Glory in their Obedience to the same See But Clement the 9th's Pontificate lasted not long enough to give him time to bestow all the Favors that were designed for Portugal the Confirmation of the Bishops being reserved for his Successor Clement the 10th for that was not done till 1670. In 1671. to oblige the new Princess before Queen of Portugal the Purple was bestowed upon the Bishop of Laon her Kinsman better known since by the Title of Cardinal d'Estrees He being advanced at the Nomination of the Crown of Portugal and to enhance the Favour by making it particular the Great Sobieski had the like denied him when he interceded for the Bishop of Marseilles though he pretended to the disposal of a Cap as a Right enjoyed by his Predecessors upon their coming to the Crown but he was denied upon pretence that the Person named was none of his Subject so that Cardinal d'Estrees owed his Promotion purely to his being a Kinsman to the Princess of Portugal Innocent the 11th Successor to Clement the 10th after having been baffled in the Business of the Inquisition at his grand Promotion could not forget the Merits of the Portuguese Court and a Cap was bestowed upon Dom Verissimo de Alemcastro the Person that had been set on by the Court to put his Holiness at Defiance and after that Cardinal's Death another was sent by Innocent the 12th to the Archbishop of Lisbon in consideration I suppose of the many Contrasts he hath had with the Nuncio's so that his Portuguese Majesty seems now to be in Possession of a Right to dispose of a Cap as well as his Catholick or his most Christian Majesty and the Ministers here having resented it that the Nunciature at this Court hath not been an immediate step to the Cardinalat as it is in those of France and Spain his present Holiness has equal'd the King of Portugal to them in this particular likewise by advancing the late Nuncio Cornaro to the Purple at the same time as he did the Archbishop at the Promotion which was made for them two only So that by this time the Court of Portugal seems to have discovered the secret of gaining Favours at Rome and indeed they appear to be somewhat sensible that it must be a quite different method from that formerly used that will procure the Holy Fathers Esteem and work him into a Compliance They begin to tast and relish much the French Maxims thinking belike that there can be no better Pattern for the most Obedient Son of the Church to follow than that of his Eldest Brother insomuch that I find it in a Memoir said to have been drawn up for the Instruction of a Nuncio laid down as not the least necessary if not one of the hardest parts of his Task to beat out of the Ministers heads their fond admiration of the French King and the opinion they have taken up of his infallible Maxims with respect to Rome But the Ministers at present do not content themselves with admiring that Great Monarch they have made several attempts to copy after him its true they follow him as yet at a very great Distance but they may mend their Pace in time I have not heard that they have formally annulled the grant of John the 2d by which the Pope's Bulls are free from a Revision in Portugal and which seems to be the very Basis of his absolute Power in the Kingdom yet by what the Marquess of Alegrete saith in his History of that King it appears that they are not wanting who call in Question the validity of the Grant though his Lordship speaking there in Quality of an Historian leaves the matter to be disputed by the Lawyers but as a Minister of State he does that which in effect amounts almost to as much for upon a Nuncio's arrival his Patent of Legat is call'd for in order to be Examined by the King's Council and it hath been detain'd for above six Weeks to gether and at the restoring of it the Nuncio hath been told with an Air of Authority That the King is not well pleased with the Ample Powers contained in that Patent and expects that the Nuncio do not exercise it to the full but keep himself within Bounds and the Nuncio's under this Reign have had the Discretion not to exert the utmost of their Authority but it mortifies them that the Court would have it thought that they oblige them to this Moderation whereas they would fain seem to use it of themselves But there is one thing in difference between the two Courts which his Holiness lays much to Heart and by his Good-will is never like to desist from his Pretentions it being an affair which as all the World agrees by this time is of the last Importance at Rome for in truth it is a Money Business His Majesty hath at several times thought fit to raise the value of the Coin so that the same Pieces are now reckon'd at a third more than they were at the beginning of his Reign Now his Holiness thinks it but reasonable that the summs payable to his Bankers at Lisbon should be augmented in the same Proportion but the Ministers of this Court are of another Opinion and seem resolved never to be convinced of their Error the Nuncio's for some years have been labouring with all their might to undeceive them Cardinal Cornaro when he was just upon his departure press'd the matter home to them but all to no purpose he left them as obstinate to Conviction as he found them and it seems they will not be brought to understand otherwise but that the same Piece that before went but for two Testons is now worth three in the Payments made to his Holiness Now since it is not imaginable that the Court of Rome can be easily brought to desist from a pretension of this kind this Business may its feared sometime or other disconcert the good Harmony that is between the two Courts But there are other instances to show that the Portuguese Ministers do not make it their Business to manage his Holiness they are grown so hardy of late years that they will not stick upon occasion to break in upon the Ecclesiastical Immunities insomuch that in this Reign a Convent is not near so safe a shelter for Villains as it was formerly the Civil Powers assuming to themselves a liberty to judge what Crimes have the benefit of Sanctuary and in case they think the Crimes to be very heinous indeed the King's Officers shall make nothing to break into a Monastery and fetch the Criminal out by force in order to the Execution of Justice I confess they are still somewhat tender in this Point and if it shall be made appear that they are mistaken in the nature of the offence the Offender shall be returned again Being once at a certain place that hath the Privilege of an Asylum one of my acquaintance there coming
home told me that he had been to wait on the late Cardinal de Alemcastro to engage him as Protector of the Society to solicit the restoring of a Person whom the Officers had violently taken out of the House I asked what the Man's Crime was and he told me it was only for killing his Wife and upon further enquiry I was informed that he had not done it out of Jealousy for in that case he had been acquitted of course but having married an old Woman he grew weary of her and enticing her one day to a Country House he took occasion to cut her Throat and going about his Business he heard a Servant who by chance found the Woman weltring in her Blood crying out that her Mistress was a dying he hearing that she was only a dying whom he had left for dead return'd and dispatcht her out-right and then betook himself to Sanctuary and it was found upon second thoughts that his Crime was not of so deep a dye as to deprive him of the benefit thereof and so he was return'd again and after some time he sued out his Carta de Seguro But the violation of their Sanctuary is not the only Grievance that the Fryars and consequently the Nuncio have to complain of their Immunities have been attempted in a yet more sensible part it being pretended that their Estates shall be liable to the King's Duties several advances have been made towards bringing this about and great violence used as 't is pretended in the now mention'd Memoir where I find this reckon'd among other things wherein the Court is resolved to Copy after his most Christian Majesty This change of Conduct has as experience demonstrates contributed not a little to raise the credit of Portugal with the Court of Rome but the Treasure of the Nation is still flowing thither in so many Currents that it will be soon exhausted if a speedy stop be not put thereto so that the King must of necessity come to a more vigorous Resolution than has been yet taken there is no doubt but that whensoever he shall attempt to save his Country he will meet with all the opposition that Rome and its Creatures can raise against him But he may turn a deaf Ear to their Clamours the Nation by this time is sufficiently sensible of its approaching Ruin and begins to see from what Quarter it is coming upon them and there is all reason to hope that His Majesty if he be not wanting to himself may carry his Point and in the end see himself as much respected and rever'd at Rome as any Crown'd Head in Christendom OF THE INTERESTS OF PORTUGAL With Relation to SPAIN NExt to the Court of Rome that of Madrid seems at present to be in greatest consideration at Lisbon on account both of the near Neighbourhood of the two Kingdoms and of his Portuguese Majesty's Pretentions to the Succession of Spain All former Animosities seem now to be utterly forgotten and a sincere Friendship and close Correspondence is maintain'd between the two Courts which as we may well suppose the Sister Queens have not been wanting to preserve and cultivate the King of Portugal no doubt leaves nothing unattempted on his part to procure the good-will of the Spanish Court considering the melancholy Prospect he hath before him in the manifest Ruin of his numerous Family should the Succession be dispos'd of to his disadvantage and possibly there may not be wanting among the Spanish Grandees who think is to be for their Countrys Interests and their own that his Pretensions should succeed But the good Correspondence that is now between the two Courts seems to be of a latter date than the conclusion of the Peace in 1668. they who then laboured all they could to hinder them from coming to an Agreement have not been wanting in their Endeavours to embroil them since and it was certainly none of their fault that these two Kings have never come to a Rupture their Artifices having so far prevail'd that in the year 1681. a day was fixed on the Portuguese side for the Declaration of a War the Difference arose upon this Occasion The Governour of the Rio de Janeiro in Brazil had in the year 1680. Peopled and Fortified a Colony of Portugueses on the North-side of the Rio da Prata over against the Isle of St. Gabriel supposing it to be within the bounds of the Portuguese Dominions according to the famous Repartition of the whole World made by Pope Alexander the 6th and his Successors between the two Crowns but the Governour of Buenos Aires not liking the Neighbourhood of the Portugueses and pretending that both sides of the River with the Isles therein and parts adjacent had fall'n to the share of the Spanish Crown got together a body of Indians as well as Spaniards and upon the 6th of August the same year fell upon the new Planters killing several of them and taking Prisoners the Governour with all that were in Arms seizing likewise upon the Artillery Ammunitions c. When the news of this Action came to Europe they whose Interest it was to have the two Nations go together by the ears made their advantage of it and blew the Coals into such a flame that the Prince Regent of Portugal ordered home his Ambassador from Madrid commanding him to make this Protest at his Departure That if within the space of twenty days reckoning that for one on which the Protest was made the Spaniards did not make full Reparation for this Insult it should be understood that a War was declared without any other Formality Such Language as this having been unusual till of late years between Crown'd Heads and not heard of even in our times but from one single Court we may well guess from whence it came and that the Prince Regent did not of himself put it into his Ambassador's Mouth for Portugal being at that time as little perhaps in a condition to bear the Expences of a War as Spain its self it is not likely that the Prince would talk at that rate unless he were made believe that he had some other Power besides his own to back his Threats withal They at Madrid at least seem'd to be of this Opinion for they presently took the Alarm insomuch that in stead of losing time in Consultation according to their ordinary Custom they with all the hast imaginable sent the Duke of Giovinazzo away post to Lisbon with full power to give the Regent satisfaction But had they spent never so much time in deliberation they could not have pitch'd upon a fitter Person either for spoiling a French Design or managing the Portuguese Court for matters of this sort had been the Dukes business for many years he had served the Crown of Spain with great Dexterity and success in affairs of the greatest Importance while he was Ambassador Resident at Turin where he broke all the measures the French had taken to engage Madam Royal then Regent
Compensation elsewhere and that the Catholick King might bestow upon him either the two Calabrias with the Kingdom of Sardinia or the Government of the Low Countries with the same Authorithy and Emoluments as it was possess'd by the Cardinal Infante and some places for himself on the Frontiers but the Cardinal would consent to nothing of all this saying That the Prince must resolve to be wholly French or wholly Spanish that is have no dependence upon the King of Spain or have nothing to do in France Yet since the King of Spain was so willing to part with these Countries he desired that the Kingdom of Sardinia might be given to the King of Portugal and he would desire his Master to agree to it so as that the Portugueses should have cause to be satisfy'd This saith he to Don Luis is the finest Expedient in the World both to content the King and let the World see that my Master seeks to get a handsome Retreat for his Ally for if the King of Portugal shall embrace this Expedient the Catholick King will be put in Possession of several Kingdoms the least of which is more considerable than that of Sardinia I do not find that the Cardinal propos'd any other Expedient besides this and this is enough to show what an extream Passion he had to serve his Master's Ally he would have him surrender up all his Dominions for that poor and little Kingdom of Sardinia which the Spaniards on several such occasions have offered to give away but could never get any one to accept of it and yet it seems the Cardinal thought this was too much for the King of Portugal for he propos'd it as he saith himself without any hopes of succeeding There was indeed another Expedient offer'd at but it came from Don Luis which was That on condition the Prince might have some Place of surety given him such as Havre de Grace the Duke of Bragança should have Olivença bestow'd on him be re-establish'd in his Estate and Honour and have over and above the Office of Constable of Castille But this Expedient was laught at by the Cardinal he thought that what Don Luis offer'd was too dear at the price of Havre de Grace and therefore he would bid nothing at all When he was brought to consent at last that the Prince of Conde should have the Government of Burgundy with the Castle of Dijon and the Duke of Anguien his Son the Place of Grand Maitre he did not so much as pretend to an Equivalent for his Ally of Portugal but screw'd from the Spaniards avesness for his Master and the Restitution of Juliers for the Duke of Nieubourg As for the King of Portugal he was to surrender up all his Kingdoms and Dominions and content himself with his Paternal Estate and a Pardon for what was past which as the Article saith was all that his most Christian Majesty by his powerful Offices could procure for him but in case that he did not accept of the same within three Months after the Ratification of the present Treaty his said Majesty promis'd engag'd and oblig'd himself upon his Honour in the Faith and Word of a King for himself and his Successors not to give to the said Kingdom of Portugal in common or to any Person or Persons therein in particular of what Dignity Estate Quality or Condition soever any Aid or Assistance Publick or Secret Directly or Indirectly of Men Arms Ammunitions Provisions Ships or Money nor any thing else either by Land or by Sea or in any other Manner and that he would not suffer Levies to be made in any parts of his Kingdoms or Estates nor grant Passage to such as might come from other States to the Assistance of the said Kingdom of Portugal so that hitherto the House of Bragança hath not been very much obliged to France But before I proceed further I find my self obliged to justify the Cardinal's Memory from a most horrible crime which the French men themselves do not stick to charge him with for they among others pretend that at the making of this Solemn Promise he had already resolv'd to violate his Faith and that he was intending to send those succors into Portugal which afterwards arriv'd there from France at the very time when he was obliging his Master who was then but a young Man and under his Direction to swear the contrary but I think there is Cause to believe that so detestable a Perfidy had not as yet enter'd into his thoughts It s true what he saith to Mr. Le Tellier That for some reasons unknown to the Spaniards his yielding in the point of Portugal was not so advantageous to them as he made them believe would look very suspicious were it not a usual thing with him on all other occasions to affect being thought a greater Fourbe than he really was for we find him bragging in most of his Letters how he cheated the Spaniards in making them think more highly of almost every one of his Concessions than they deserved whereas they took his Eminence for the Duppe all the while But I do not in the least Question but that he really did design to abandon Portugal to the Spaniards at this time according as he was now obliged by all that is Sacred among Men I will not urge for a Reason that he all along most solemnly protested to Don Luis that in case the Portugueses submitted not to the conditions offer'd them by this Peace he would perswade his Master to hold them for his Enemies for I believe few will give much heed to Protestations made by his Eminence on these occasions but he spoke his mind without doubt in another Letter sent by him to Mr. Le Tillier to be communicated to the King wherein he represents the affairs of Portugal to be in so deplorable a State That the Queen Regent was neither in a condition to defend her self nor in any terms of accommodation with the Spaniards so that as things stood both she and her Son were in great danger not only of their Crown but of their Persons But notwithstanding all this he doth not advise the King that the Troops should be ready for a Voyage to Portugal against the signing of the Treaty in order to preserve that Crown and save the Persons of the distressed Queen and her Children had he any such design in his head at that time we should in all probability find him giving some hints of it in these Letters But to put this matter out of doubt he talks of sending to that Princess to let her know That he thought it most expedient for her to submit her self to the King of Spain from whom he was perswaded she might obtain an Equivalent to advantage elsewhere for what Estate she and her Son were possess'd of in Portugal since he had been often told by Don Luis that his Master in order to compleat the Peace would not stick to bestow on her Son the
but lately come out of the destructive War that they had been prosecuting against each other took the Alarm and together with the Swede made the famous Triple Alliance in order to oblige his most Christian Majesty to lay down his Arms. This made that King begin to show some Deference to Pope Clement the 9th's Solicitation for a Peace and it was agreed upon by the Parties concern'd that a Congress of their Ministers should be held in order to adjust all Differences of this Agreement the French King gives notice to his Ally the Prince Regent of Portugal to the end that he should send thither his Plenipotentiary to act in concert with the French Minister And now to all appearance were the Portugueses in much the same condition as they had been at the Pirenean Treaty having no other hopes of a Pea 〈…〉 e but what the French should procure for them and what reason could they have to think otherwise but that they should be sacrificed in the same manner as they were then and sold for some of the controverted Places in Flanders Philipville and Marienburg were their Price then as such of their Writers that are most partial to France have declar'd to the World possibly the Spaniards might bid higher for them now and how could the Portugueses be sure that they would not be taken at their Word They had the French Faith indeed for their security and that engaged to them by the late League in a more solemn manner then formerly but not in so solemn a manner as it had been given before to the Spaniards when it was sworn in the manner before related That France would wholly Cast them off and not afford them the least Succors They were promis'd its true that if they would but put themselves wholly upon the French and leave them to make their Peace they should have such Conditions got for them as were both advantagious and honourable but then if France should think her self oblig'd to have greater regard to her own Interest and Conveniency then to all other Engagements and that such a thing was possible some former Transactions had sufficiently proved In that case why might the little Kingdom of Sardinia be once more thought to be a pretty convenient Retreat for a King of Portugal or the Office of Constable of Castille an honourable Employment for a Duke of Bragança But in case France should think it convenient to continue her self or keep Portugal embroil'd in the War then all that the Spaniards could give or the Portugueses ask might not be thought to be either honourable or safe it was not thought so upon Tryal as shall be made appear anon But however the Portugueses had now their Hands tied up and could do nothing towards their own Relief To the French they had given themselves and for any thing they saw to the French they must Trust The Prince was consulting about the choice of a Minister whom he should send as his Plenipotentiary to Aix la Chapelle when on a sudden they receiv'd an unexpected Deliverance from these their pretended Friends brought them by the same Hand that had rescued them from their Victorious though perhaps less Dangerous Enemies but this likewise must be spoken of in another Chapter These are the most memorable Transactions that have passed between the two Crowns since that of Portugal hath been in the House of Bragança and they afford us one Single instance of the so much talkt of French Friendship viz. the sending of their Troops into that Kingdom upon conclusion of the Pirenean Treaty an action which the French or all People in the World should be the last to remember they were ashamed as they had a great deal of reason to own it at the Time and the success that attended their Auxiliaries hath given them little cause to glory in it since but this kindness if it was meant for such has been more than out balanc'd by the hard usage which the Portugueses have met with at their hands for certainly never were People so trick'd abus'd and trifled withal as the Portugueses were during the whole course of Mazarin's Ministry never were Allies so dishonourably sacrific'd as they were to an enrag'd Enemy at the Pirenean Treaty for I think I have made it plain that they were then design'd to be utterly abandon'd and as for this last Business of the League and Treaty of Peace the French could have no other regard to Portugal than to make that Kingdom to its own great Prejudice subservient to all their designs So that it must have been by other means than Offices of true Friendship that the French have all along supported their Interest in Portugal and many are of Opinion that their Money hath had as free a course into this Kingdom as into any other part of Europe But other Instruments are likewise made use of and those of two very different kinds from each other but considering the Genius of the Portuguese Nation it is very hard to determine which of them are the most likely to succeed These are 1st the Ladies that are continually sent hither to marry with Persons of Quality who when they match out of their own Families do usually supply themselves with Wives from France and to say the truth they have been furnish'd out of some of the best Houses in that Kingdom and 't is reported that the French King to encourage these Alliances between the two Courts allows every Lady a Portion which perhaps contributes not a little to render them acceptable to the Portuguese Nobility who for the most part are not very easy in their Fortunes and when they marry among themselves have seldom any Money with their Wives for in Portugal Blood serves instead of a Portion It is hard to give a particular account what services these Ladies do for the Crown of France but the Portuguese Writer that sets forth his King's Pretensions to Spain gives a broad hint of what may be expected from them for he says that of the several methods used by the French to gain their ends upon those they have to deal with that of sending French Wives to govern them is the most infallible and that they have found this a surer way to succeed than all inveigling Perswasions or specious appearances of Advantage and that it excels the force even of secret Bribes for as he saith they in Consequence of their having married French Women shall be so bewitched that seeing and knowing they shall seek their own Ruin as if led thereto by a fatal kind of Necessity It is true this Portuguese speaks in the Person of a Spanish Noble Man and lays the Scene in that Court where I believe there are as yet but very few if any such Marriages so that there is cause to suspect that he speaks so feelingly from the Experience of his own Country However by his leave one that looks upon things at some distance may be tempted to question whether
the force of these Syren's Charms be altogether so irresistible as he makes it for Portugal it self where they are more numerous than in any other Country stands yet undestroyed since their first coming in which is now more than thrice ten Years and indeed should we suppose the Sex to have never so ardent a Zeal for the Grandeur of their Monarch one would think it should be not a little cool'd in such as are thus sacrific'd to his Interests and sent in perpetual Banishment to so hideous a Country as Portugal must needs appear to them that have been accustomed to the Gallantrys of a French Court But granting that the great Monarch by procuring Husbands for these Ladies doth most strongly engage them to his Service he by the same means disobliges a great many others and renders them highly disaffected to His Majesty viz. the Ladies of the Country who as 't is said do not spare to make most bitter Complaints of the wrong done them by this intrusion of Foreigners and Jealousie together with those other Passions that usually accompany it have no doubt as great an Influence upon them as Loyalty and Gratitude have upon the others And the Portuguese Women if they do not belie their Character are as subtle and intriguing as the French can be Should they in revenge once take to Politicks why may they not Cabal together and form their Faction too Did they once set about it there is no doubt but they have power enough left to make a Party of their own amongst the Fidalgo's that shall be able to make head against that of their Rivals Together with the Ladies the Jesuits are reckon'd most zealous Promoters of the French Cause these Fathers as the World knows very well have been always Men of Intrigue since their very first appearance and the greatest Monarchs have thought fit to make use of them in carrying on their Desins In the last Age the Spaniards had them wholly at their Devotion and Philip the 2d was much obliged to the Society on many accounts and more particularly for their clearing his way to the Throne of Portugal had it not been for them it is thought that K. Henry the Cardinal had according to Justice and his own Inclinations settled the Crown in the House of Bragança but King Philip was then more in Favour with the Society and therefore was the Crown reserved for him But as the whole Order hath sometimes since chang'd Sides and come over to the French these in Portugal have not been behind the rest and are now supposed to serve that Party in this Court with as much Zeal as any of their Order do elsewhere some may perhaps be apt to accuse the Society of Inconstancy on this occasion but if any do so it is certainly without Reason for these Fathers are still what they were from the very Beginning The Fortunes of Spain and France are alter'd but not the Jesuits they continue firm to their Principles it was for the Interests of the Society in the last Age as it is in this to gain the Favour of such as had the greatest Power the Spaniards had it then and the French have it now and therefore Louis the 14th is to them what Philip the 2d was Since the Spanish Monarchy hath been falling to Ruin it was time for them to make their Court elsewhere for it is not to be thought that they have less Sagacity than those Animals who are ready to quit a decay'd Building when its fall is at hand But that which is most to be admired in the Conduct of these Fathers is that notwithstanding their being look'd upon as little better than Spys to those aspiring Princes that have bid fairest for the Universal Monarchy they have yet manag'd their Affairs with that Dexterity as to maintain their Ground as long as they thought convenient in all other Courts even those not excepted that were like to suffer first when ever the Design should take effect several instances might be given of this admirable Address of theirs in keeping in with all Parties both in the last and the present Age were I not to confine my self to Portugal In this Court they have enjoyed an uninterrupted Reign from the time of Simon Rodriguez one of the first Companions of Loyola and the first Jesuit that enter'd Portugal He getting into Favour with John the 3d. laid the Foundations of their greatness in this Kingdom in Sebastian's time the Jesuits govern'd all and the Blame is laid at their doors I know not how justly of the lamentable Destruction wherein that ill advis'd Prince involv'd both himself and his Kingdom yet notwithstanding this King Henry the Cardinal was wholly at their Devotion When the Spaniards got possession of this Crown none were more zealous in their Cause than the Jesuits Yet when Fortune began to frown upon them and the present King's Father regain'd his Right the Jesuits were ready immediately to assert his Title and that not only to this Crown but to all the World besides by way of Prophecy I mean for in Effect they are doing what they can to procure their so much talk'd of Fifth Monarchy for another Prince and in all the Revolutions and Turns of State that have happened since it was sure to be their Side which soever it was that chanc'd to come uppermost In the present Court their Power is certainly very great they having all along had the Direction of the Kings and both the Queens Consciences so that considering how religiously disposed his Portuguese Majesty is and his misfortune in having been so Educated that his improvements in Knowledge have not kept pace with his other great Accomplishments their Advice must necessarily go a great way with him I find in a Memoire written by one who seems well acquainted with the Secrets of this Court that the Jesuits have a great Influence not only over His Majesty but over the Ministers likewise who are said to be obliged to these Fathers for the great share they have in the Government and that one who hath the Address to get into Favour with their Reverences which is done by enlarging on the Praises of the Society may makc a very good use of them in any Business depending at Court provided that it doth not clash with the Interest of France for it seems they have always an eye to that which is now the grand concern of the Society My Author gives one signal Instance of their Zeal and Affection to the French Party which shows them to be capable of any thing in order to promote that even to the sacrificing of all other Interests it being of a Design which had it taken effect must have outed the present Ministers from Court or at least abated much of their Power for it was to bring the Conde de Castelmelhor into Business again and that because they know him saith my Author to be well affected to France I cannot tell upon what
his time he wrote in the Year 1600. I have seen a large Collection of Priviledges granted by the several Kings of Portugal to the English beyond those enjoy'd by the Portuguese Subjects I know not whether I may call them Charters These were copied from the Archives of the Kingdom in the Torre de Tumbo but the most ancient was of King Ferdinand whose Reign began not till 1367. There are several of John the 1st his Successor some of which refer to others granted by his Predecessors By this it appears that the English had a great hand in setting up the Kingdom of Portugal and if the Historians of this Country deceive us not they had as great a share in Protecting and Securing it as often as it hath been brought into Danger by a Foreign Enemy Twice it was like to be wholly over-run by the Castillians who had possed themselves of the greatest part of the Kingdom and gain'd a numerous Party of the Nobility over to their side and had been very near taking Lisbon it self the first time in the Reign of Ferdinand the last of the lawful Descendants from Alfonso Henriquez the other time while John the 1st from whom all that have succeeded him derived their Titles was strugling for the Crown and they have been as often reliev'd by the English and enabled to carry the War into the Enemies Country our Princes of the Blood condescending to go in Person to their Assistance first Edmund de Langley then Earl of Cambridge and afterwards John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster And if after the several flourishing Reigns that succeeded they were at last reduc'd under the Spanish Yoke it was because they were wanting to themselves the English having sent out a Gallant Fleet and Army to their Rescue under Dom Antonio whom they had made their King but they would not accept Deliverance and so they remain'd under the Power of their Enemies In the last War after the French had given them up or assisted them in such a manner as they should not own without Confusion when all Europe looked upon their Ruin as inevitable some of the most considerable Persons in the Kingdom being so far of the same Opinion that they thought it now high time for them to save themselves and make their Peace with the Spaniards as the Duke of Aveiro and their Ambassador in Holland who went over to them Cardinal Mazarin making himself merry with our Locker at the Folly of all the rest for not doing the same and for thinking it possible for them to hold out longer Don Luis de Haro who was not accounted Sanguin making nothing of the little Expedition that his Master was about against the Duke of Bragança for after this rate he is reported to have talk'd to King Charles the 2d at the Pirences Those small Forces sent by King Charles after his Restoration by their unparallel'd Valour soon put an end to the Quarrel and the Victories obtain'd by their Means being seconded as they were by the Vigilence Dexterity and Conduct of the same King's Ministers recover'd Portugal and restor'd it to the condition in which it now remains These Forces consisted of about 3000 Men formed into three Regiments two of Foot which made near 2400 and one of Horse of about 800. They were at first Commanded by the Earl of Inchiquin but his Lordship returning to England before they took the Field they were by Commission from the King of England put under the Conduct of Count Schomberg who had himself the immediate Command of one of the foot Regiments They arriv'd in Portugal soon after Don John had made an end of that successful Campagne before mention'd in 1662. and were dispos'd of into Quarters till the following Spring when they joyn'd the Portuguese Army in order to relieve Evora but in their March towards that City they were met with the News of its being surrender'd without Resistance in a manner and upon very Dishonourable Terms though it had in it a Garrison of 7000 Foot and 700 Horse and was provided with all things necessary for a stout Defense till such time as the Army should come up and attempt to raise the Siege The News of this loss so struck the Commanders of the Army that 't is no wonder it should put the People into that consternation before described The Conde de Villa Flor the Gen. was so discouraged that his concern appear'd to the very Soldiers in his Looks which our Men who had been used to see their Commanders so Dejected observ'd with Indignation A Council of War being called it appear'd that the Army was in no condition to fight the Enemy and it was resolv'd not to attempt it as bad as their Case was Something might have been done had Evora held out they relying upon the Garrisons fallying at the same time when they should attack the Besiegers But the Garrison was now made Prisoners of War so it was resolv'd that they should encamp themselves at a Place call'd Landroal which lay so between the Enemies Frontier Places that they might cut off any convoys of Provisions coming from thence Don John in the mean while having possess'd himself of so Great and Populous a City in the very heart of Alemtejo became thereby Master in a manner of the whole Province and was providing for his Army at his Enemies Cost by putting all the Country under Contribution for which end and to gave the greater Alarm to Lisbon whereby to increase the Tumult there he sent that large Detachment before mention'd as far as Alcacere do Sal. The Court at this time apprehending no less Danger from the Multitude then the Enemy and seeing the Affairs of Portugal to be in all respects desperate was continually sending Orders to the Commanders to fight at any rate the Army at last being reinforc'd with what Troops other parts of the Kingdom could send or the Garrisons spare march'd towards the Spaniards hoping to find them divided but not being able to hinder their Detachments from joyning the main Body they were for retiring again Don John follow'd at their Heels to give them Battle but they had pass'd a small River call'd Degebe before he came up with them and they had posted themselves so advantageously that there were but two Passes through which he could come to Attack them That where the Portugueses thought the greatest Danger was it being in its self the easiest to be forc'd was defended by one of the English Regiments Don John made his greatest Efforts to gain it and there ensued a very hot Dispute for at several times he sent in fresh Troops to renew the Charge which were as often repulsed with loss so that he was oblig'd at last to desist from the Attempt Don John found now that he had other Enemies to deal with then those he had hitherto been used to Being frustrated of his Design he put a Garrison into Evora and began to march towards the Frontiers where he
commanded them to Retreat which they did in so gallant a manner as rais'd a Noble Emulation in the whole Army And since they that were neither Kill'd nor Wounded deserved no less Honour by what they did 't is fit it should be known who they were Of the first Regiment were Captains Francis More William Love Henry Boad and Andrew Maynard af the second besides Colonel Person were Lieutenant Colonel John Bellasise Major John Rumsey and Captains Richard Heafield and Charles Langley Certainly the English have behaved themselves with extraordinary Valour and to great satisfaction since their coming to assist us in this War and that which they are particularly esteem'd for is their orderly carriage towards the Portuguese Peasants in their Quarters On the second of this instant July enter'd the Port of Lisbon 150 foot Soldiers arrived from England which may in some measure repaire the Number of those that died in Valença but not satisfie our Regret for the loss of such Companions While the King of Englands Soldiers were fighting the Battles of Portugal his Ministers were no less busy in securing the Effects of their Victories by Negotiating the happy Peace which that Nation now enjoys King Charles had so great Commiseration for the Portugueses when in their most deplorable Condition that Sir Richard Fanshaw his Ambassador at Lisbon had Instructions from him in the beginning of the Year 1663. to interpose his good Offices and use all possible means in order to make their Peace with the Spaniard but the Spaniard was then Triumphant and could think of nothing but making a quick dispatch of the War When the Condition of Portugal began to mend Sir Richard was sent upon the same Errand to Madrid where 't is true he did not meet with that success as was expected in his Embassy for though upon Notice of his Arrival such Preparations were made for his Reception that the like had scarce ever been done for any Ambassador at that Court yet upon his coming near Madrid he found the Ministers mightily alter'd all of a sudden insomuch that it was six Weeks before he made his Publick Entry and the Court prov'd so untractable and unwilling to accommodate their Minds to their Fortunes that it was two Years before he could gain any thing upon them and when he had brought them to consent to a Treaty at last his Negotiations did not keep Pace with the Victories obtain'd in Portugal as appeared by the great disappointment he met with at Salvaterra in the beginning of the Year 1666. About the same time when our Ambassador was preparing for his Journey from Madrid to Portugal Sir Robert Southwel was sent as Envoy from King Charles to this latter Court to assist at the adjusting of the Peace between the two Crowns Upon his Arrival in Portugal he heard that Mr. de S. Romain had just got before him which made him hasten to Salvaterra where the Court then was His Instructions were of a fresher Date then the Ambassadors and consequently more accommodated to the state of the Portuguese Affairs at that time but the Ambassador being not yet come he found the Ministers unwilling to enter upon any Business before his Arrival they expecting from him such Conditions as should give them intire satisfaction The Ambassador not answering their Expectation but on the contrary highly disgusting them with the Title of his Project of Peace while Mr. de S. Romain was most profuse in his Promises of the mighty things that his Master would do for them the Treaty was wholly broke off for that time However Sir Robert Southwell applying himself to the Conde de Castelmelhor the next Morning after the Council had sent that hasty Answer formerly mention'd though he found him in a very great Heat yet had the Address to pacifie him and were it not that the Case was soon alter'd at Madrid he might have brought the Treaty on again The Conde expressed himself highly dissatisfied that it should be thought that they would ever Treat with Spain but upon equal terms saying That the Spaniards might perhaps conquer Portugal but should never conquer the Portugueses who for their parts would first leap into the Sea before they would come to any Accommodation unless it were made between King and King But the Envoy soon brought him to a Temper by representing that what the Ambassador had offer'd was only the first and rude Draught or the Embrio as it were of a Treaty so that there was little reason for him to be offended at the Inscription which was a thing of no Consequence it signifying nothing what Name or Title was given it now since No body ever Christen'd a Child before it was Born The Conde as he was pleased with the conceit so he would not deny but that it was apposite to the case in hand and the Envoy having assur'd him that his Instructions were ample enough to procure for Portugal all reasonable satisfaction it was agreed that a new Project of a Treaty should be drawn up which was done accordingly by the Ambassador and the Envoy together It contain'd the very same Articles which with some small alterations are now in force between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal With this they both took a journey to Madrid but the War newly broke out between England and France made that Court believe there was no such necessity as before of a Peace with Portugal and so nothing could be done then for that Year By the beginning of the next Year the Portugueses had concluded and sign'd their League with France It s true the Conde de Castelmelhor the supposed Author of that League on the Portuguese side was the same Year removed from the Ministry and the Court but this together with the other Changes that succeeded was brought about by the Queen and her Party who were more strongly ingaged in the Interests of France the Queen was so ingag'd both by Birth and Inclination and perhaps much more strongly yet as she hoped to be countenanc'd by the French Court in what she had done and was doing against her Husband and in her further design of marrying with the Prince so that the French Faction became now more predominent at Court then ever and they seem'd there not only averse to all thoughts of a Peace but afraid least any Overtures should come from Castille to put the People in mind of it wherefore the Frontiers were strictly guarded to hinder all Communication between the Subjects on both Kingdoms The precaution perhaps was needless for the Spaniads whether it was that their thoughts were wholy taken up with the War they had then with France or that they hoped when a Peace was made with that Crown by the Intervention of other Princes that they should be able after all to deal with Portugal made no Advances towards a Treaty This backwardness of the Parties concern'd was enough to make a Mediator out of love with his Office and might have given any
Commotions acting as it were the part of a Massaniello by Law Great things are told concerning those that bore this Office during the War King John the 4th being observed to be a little remiss in the Affairs of Government and too intent upon his Sports 't is reported that he once going to ride out into the Country to Hunt the Juis do Povo laid hands on the Reigns of his Horses Bridle and oblig'd his Majesty to stay at home and mind his Business nor will this seem strange if his Power were so great as they say it is to this Day that he could at a Words speaking raise the whole Posse of the Commonalty The Envoy found the Person that was then in Place to be an honest well meaning Man and ready to concurr with him in his Design on which as one of a moderate Capacity might easily be made to understand the Happiness of his Country depended and this Man showed himself so very Zealous and Industrious to promote it that his Picture is to be seen at this Day amongst theirs who were more immediately concern'd in making the Peace The Envoy took care likewise to have his Party amongst the Peoples Representatives in Cortes which were assembled some time after Alfonso had been Deposed his Table was open for the Members and he had his Cabals with them the Effects whereof appear'd as soon as the Business came under Debate The Letters of the Spanish Noblemen were answer'd with Powers from the Queen Regent to the Marquess de Eliche to enter upon a Treaty with the Prince of Portugal to the intire satisfaction of that Kingdom Letters to this purpose were no sooner come but care was taken to have the Contents of them publish'd every where both in City and Country the News was welcomed by the People who now hoped to see a speedy end of their Miseries with such Publick Demonstrations of Joys as it deserv'd which the Court in vain laboured to suppress Mr. de S. Romain had now great occasion to bestir himself but he found the People so prepossessed already that all his Artifices were like to have no effect upon them he therefore sets forth a Memorial directed to the Prince the Ministers and the Cortesoens or Members of Cortes wherein he Declares That the Prince could not break the League with France and consequently not make Peace with Spain both because in taking the Government into his hands he took upon himself the Obligations of the Crown to maintain the Treaty made between his Brother and the King of Spain and in consideration of the great Benefits confer'd on Portugal by His Most Christian Majesty who had given innumerable Demonstrations of his Friendship to that Kingdom having spent his Treasures and the Blood of his Subjects in its Defenec and likewise because it was impossible for an advantageous Peace with Spain to be made with security in the form Proposed since the Intervention of the King of France was wanting wherein alone consisted the certainty that the Promises and Conditions of the Treaty should be kept That the Castillians whilst they dreaded the Armies of France and Portugal would indeed to free themselves from the Danger they were in submit to any Terms that the Prince as a Conqueror should impose But a few days of Delay could be no loss in this Conjuncture and since France was not far off he advised the Prince to send thither a Copy of the Spanish Proposals and when he had received an Answer from thence he might then consult what was most conducive to his Subject's Good As for the Spaniards they minded nothing but their own Interests and as they had shown upon several Occasions would never stand to the Treaty but while they were under an Impossibility to carry on the War That their Ancient and inbred Hatred was now mightily increased by the Miseries which the Valient Portugueses had brought upon them and therefore they in all future Ages would be indeavouring either by Force or Art or Alliances to reunite the Crown of Portugal to Castille and all this in order to take their Revenge in so cruel a manner as to destory the very Memory of the Nobility by scattering over the face of the Earth such of them as should escape their Tortures and Poisons and to impoverish the People to that Degree that they should have nothing left to enable them any more to shake off their heavy and Tyrannical Yoke The Marquess de Eliche who had his Agents abroad was one of the first that got a sight of this Memorial and he immediately drew up an Answer to it which he took care to have dispers'd throughout the Kingdom In it he sets forth That the French Artifices to augment their own Power by weakning their Neighbours were Notorious to the World of which there was no need to go far for a Proof none doubting but that they had succour'd Portugal in this last War to the end only that by other Mens Hands they might beat down the formidable Power of Castille in order to become themselves too strong for both Parties That this and no other was their Design was demonstrated by their Proceedings after the Peace made at the Pirenees where the King of France in Person gave his Word to King Philip the 4th and confirm'd the same in the Capitulations of Marriage between him and that King's Daughter that he would give no Succours to Portugal against Castille and at the same time assisted that Kingdom with Money Generals Officers and Soldiers that having obtain'd an Advantagious Match with the Princess of Spain under an Obligation containing the most binding Clauses the Law could afford and confirm'd with the most dreadful Oaths that neither he nor his Successors would make any claim of Inheritance to the Kingdoms or Dominions of Castille he was now contrary to his Promise and the Treaty making War against that Monarchy That he laboured to obstruct the Peace with Portugal in order to divide the Forces of Spain that he might the more easily seize upon that Crown in case the Succession should fail That he might with the same injustice attempt the Conquest of Portugal under the same Pretext that he used in breaking with Spain viz. it s not being in his Power to Defraude his Successors of their Right That though he now oppos'd King Philip's Right to that Crown he would doubtless make use of it hereafter as a Colour for his unjust Invasion That the Prince did not make the League with France which as 't was Notorious was clapt up upon some secret Designs without the Peoples consent That if the King of France could make War upon Castille on pretence of his want of Power to deprive his Heirs of the Succession belonging to them with how much greater Reason was the Prince oblig'd not to deny his People the Blessings of an Advantageous and Honourable Peace after a cruel War of Seven and Twenty Years which had hitherto been carried on for