Glocester who had vsurped the crowne of England signing his letters by the name of Richard cruelly murthered the King his brothers two children This King Richard sought the Kings friendship was desirous as I suppose to haue this pension paid also vnto him But the K. would make no answer to his letters neither giue his messenger audience but esteemed him a wicked cruell tyrant For after K. Edvvards death the said Duke of Glocester had done homage to his nephew as to his soueraigne Lord and King and yet immediately thereupon committed this murther and caused in open parlament the said King Edvvards two daughters to be degraded proclaimed bastards vnder colour of a certaine matter which he prooued by the testimonie of a bishop of Bathe who somtime had been in great credit with King Edvvard but afterward fell into his disgrace and was laid in prison and made to fine for his deliuerance This Bishop affirmed that King Edvvard being in loue with a certaine gentlewoman in England whom he named promised hir marriage to haue his pleasure of hir which promise he said was made in his presence and thereupon the King lay with hir minding onely to abuse hir Such pastimes are very dangerous especially when such poofe may be brought foorth But I haue knowne many a courtier that would not haue lost a good aduenture that liked him in such a case for want of promise This wicked Bishop buried reuenge in his hart the space of twenty yeeres But God plagued him for his wickednes for he had a sonne whom he loued entirely and whom King Richard so much fauored that he meant to giue him to wife one of these two daughters degraded from their dignitie at this present Queene of England and mother of two goodly children The said sonne being in a ship of war by King Richard his Masters commandement was taken vpon the coast of Normandie and bicause of the contention that fell betweene those that tooke him led to the court parlament of Paris and there put in prison in the petit Chastellet where in the end he starued for hunger and pouertie As touching King Richard he liued not long vnpunished for God raised vp an enimy against him euen at This error you are admonished of before that very instant being poore hauing no right to the crowne of England as I suppose and of no estimation saue that as touching his owne person he was well conditioned and had endured many troubles For the greatest part of his life he had been prisoner in Britaine to Duke Francis who entertained him well for a prisoner from the eighteenth yeere of his age This Earle of Richmond being furnished by the King with a small summe of money and three thousand men leuied in Normandie of the vnthriftiest persons in the countrey passed ouer into Wales where his father in lawe the Lord Stanley met him with sixe and twenty thousand men at the least And within three or fower daies after he encountred this cruell King Richard who was slaine in the field and the Earle crowned King and raigneth yet at this day in England Of this matter I haue made mention before but it was not amisse to rehearse it heere againe to shew thereby how God hath plagued in our time such crueltie almost immediately after the fault committed Diuers other such like punishments hath he shewed also in this our age if a man would stand to rehearse them all How the King behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health Chap. 10. THis mariage of Flaunders so much desired by the King was thus accomplished as you haue heard by meanes wherof he had the Flemmings at his commandement Britaine which he so much hated was in peace with him but liued in continuall ielousie bicause of the great number of soldiers he had in garrison vpon their frontiers Spaine was quiet and the King and Queene thereof desired nothing more then his amity and friendship for he kept them in feare and continuall charge bicause of the countrey of Roussillon which he held from the house of Arragon being engaged to him by Iohn King of Arragon father to the King of Castile now raigning vnder certaine conditions yet vnperformed As touching the Princes Seniories of Italy they desired to haue him their friend and were in league with him and sent often their ambassadors to him In Almaine he had the Swissers as obedient to him as his owne subiects The King of Scotland and Portugale were his confederates part of the realme of Nauarre was wholie at his deuotion his subiects trembled before him and his commandements were executed incontinent without delay or excuse As touching those things that were thought necessarie for his health they were sent him out of all parts of the world Pope Sixtus that last died being informed that the King of deuotion desired to haue the corporall vpon the which Saint Peter song masse sent it him incontinent with diuers other relickes which were conueied backe againe to Rome The holie viole which is at Reims and neuer had been remooued thence was brought into his chamber to Plessis and stood vpon his cupboord at the hower of his death he was determined to be annointed therwith as at his coronation But many supposed that he wold haue anointed all his body with it which is vnlikely for the said holy viole is very small and containeth not much oile I saw it both at the time I now speake of and also when the King was buried at Nostre-dame-de-Clery The Turke that now raigneth sent an ambassador to him who came as far as Rhiue in Prouence 1 but the King would not heare his message neither permit him to passe any further The said ambassador brought him a great role of relickes remaining yet at Constantinople in the Turks hands all the which he offered him togither with a great summe of money if he would keepe in safe custodie the said Turks brother who was then in this realme in the hands of the knights of the Rhodes and is now at Rome in the Popes keeping By all this aboue rehearsed a man may perceiue how great the King our Masters wisdome and authority was how he was esteemed through the whole world and how all things 2 as well spirituall of deuotion and religion as also temporall were imploied for the prolonging of his life But all would not helpe there was no remedy needes he must go the way his predecessors went before him one great grace God shewed him that as he created him wiser liberaller and more vertuous in all things than the Princes that raigned in his time being his enimies and neighbors and as he surmounted them in all good things so did he also passe them in long life though not much For Duke Charles of Burgundy the Duchesse his daughter King Edvvard Duke Galeas of
vnlike and also bicause the Dukes liberalitie was inferior to the Kings his attempts so impouerishing him that he had not to be liberall of as the King had Whereunto I adde that he made no such account of his seruants as the King did but attributed all his good successe to his owne braine whereby their seruice was the lesse esteemed and the woorse rewarded or rather not at all esteemed nor rewarded for he neuer vsed any mans counsell but his owne so that wise men lost but their time with him Yea Meyer himselfe reporteth him to be Durum asperum ingratum à quo milites maligne admodum stipendia accipiebant raro blande liberaliter appellarentur quanquam multis in locis extremis periculis se obiectarent plurimumque algoris inediae aestus sustinerent If then the Duke were of this disposition towards his soldiers and so euill rewarded them whose helpe he daily and howerly vsed what reward could any wise man looke for at his hands whose aduice he seldome asked and neuer followed Further the Duke was of nature very cholericke and ready to offer his seruants iniurie as for example to the Earle of Campobasso he gaue a blowe which in the end cost him his life and whether any such outrage offered to our Author caused or furthered his departure we knowe not but that aduauncement which was to be looked for at the Kings hands and not to be hoped for at the Dukes was one cause is already as I suppose sufficiently prooued The second cause of Commines departure from the Duke in mine opinion was safetie for the Duke as Commines himselfe reporteth forced not to venture his seruants into any danger were it neuer so great which all men especially despairing of reward of their seruice will seeke to auoide for as our Author himselfe saith in one place of his historie most men by seruice seeke to aduaunce themselues but all men will haue an eie to saue themselues Further Commines being a very wise man foresawe the Dukes attempts to be such as would in the end ouerthrowe both himselfe his subiects and his dominions wherefore he thought it best to dislodge in time and to saue one These in mine opinion were the principall causes of his departure from the Duke which being honest and reasonable and his departure likewise voide of al treason and trecherous practises against the Duke I see no reason why for his departure he should not rather be commended than condemned The last point that we haue to consider is whether he being the Dukes subiect might leaue his Master and depart to the King were the causes of his departure neuer so reasonable and honest Whereunto I answer that Commines was not absolutely the Dukes subiect for Flaunders was held in soueraigntie of the crowne of Fraunce and both the Earle and all the people sworne to beare no armes against the King of Fraunce and diuers examples too long to rehearse are to be read in the histories of diuers Earles of Flaunders that haue been arrested imprisoned and togither with their people fined for breach of this oth Wherefore seeing our author was a Flemming borne and Flaunders held in Soueraigntie of the King of Fraunce and the Duke of Burgundie in-hostilitie with the King of Fraunce contrarie to the oth he either tooke or ought to haue taken and further violating diuers naie I may say all those points whereunto by his allegeance he was bound to the French King I see no reason why Commines might not or rather ought not to leaue an inferior rebellious Lord and cleaue to his soueraign Prince and King to whom he ought a soueraign dutie both by allegeance and oth And if after his reuolt he gaue any aduice to the furtherance of the Kings affaires he did therein in mine opinion the dutie of a faithfull seruant and true subiect Thus much I haue beene forced to speake in defence both of Commines life and historie whereof as the former appeereth to haue beene both honest and vertuous as well by the reasons aboue alleaged as also by the notable discourses wherewith he farceth his historie which breath nothing but vertue and sinceritie so is the latter confirmed by the consent of diuers good histories and approoued by the iudgement of the noblest Princes that Europe bred these many hundred yeers as I trust is sufficiently declared Wherefore our authors credit standeth vpright as well for good conuersation of life as sincere report in historie both the which Meyer no lesse falsely slandereth than he doth in other places of his Annales the noble races of the Kings of England and Fraunce which ignorantly or maliciouslie he reporteth to be more vile and base than any honest eare can endure to heare Thus hauing I trust sufficiently defended the credit of this woorthie writer I will heere abruptly for auoiding of tediousnes staie my pen. A Table declaring the contents of all the Chapters contained in this historie The preface of the Author to the Archbishop of Vienna in Fraunce page 1 Chap. 1 The occasion of the wars between Lewis the eleuenth and the Earle of Charolois Duke of Burgundy page 2 Chap. 2 How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against King Lewis vnder colour of the weale publike page 6 Chap. 4 How the Earle of Charolois encamped neere to Montl'hery and of the battell fought there betweene the King of Fraunce and him page 10 Chap. 4 Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in and how he was rescued page 15 Chap. 5 How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King page 19 Chap. 6 How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge of botes how Iohn Duke of Calabria ioined with them and how they all encamped before Paris page 22 Chap. 7 A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates by the example of the English men page 25 Chap. 8 How King Lewis entred into Paris while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens page 27 Chap. 9 How the Earle of Charolois artillery and the Kings artillery shot the one against the other neere to Charenton and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon botes ouer the riuer of Seine page 29 Chap. 10 A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. page 32 Chap. 11 How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris and looking for the battell supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright page 34 Chap. 12 How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace page 36 Chap. 13 How the towne of Roane by practise was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands for the Duke of Berry and how the treatie of Conflans was fully concluded page 38 Chap. 14 How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the King
but lent him during his fathers life Wherfore minding now to preuent him he said thus Chide me not I acknowledge my great follie but I was hard by the bulwarke before I wist But this notwithstanding the marshal said more to his face then he had spoken behinde his backe and sure he was a faithfull and a trustie knight The Earle answered nothing but held downe his hed and entred into this campe where they were all glad of his returne and commended the Kings faith and sure it is to be thought that both the King and the Earle had great regard of their honor considering that each of them putting himselfe into others hands Yet neither of them receiued harme notwithstanding the Earle neuer after returned vnder the Kings power The Notes 1 That is 118750. pounds sterling How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the the King and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates Chap. 14. IN the end all matters were fully concluded and the next day as the E. of Charolois was making his musters to know what number he had lost suddenly the King accompanied with thirty or forty horse came thither without warning giuen and rid about to view all the bandes one after another saue the marshals of Burgundy who loued him not bicause not long before the King hauing once giuen him Pinal in Loraine tooke it afterward again from him to bestow vpon Iohn Duke of Calabria greatlie to the said marshals damage The King acknowledging his error by little and little reconciled him selfe to the wise and valiant knights that serued the King his father whom he at his first comming to the crowne displaced wherefore they were with the Princes in armes against him Farther it was agreed that the next day the King should come to the Castell of Vincennes and likewise al the Princes that were to do him homage for whose safety the said Castell should be put into the Earle of Charolois hands according to which agreement the next morning thither came the King and likewise all the princes none being absent the porche and the gate being manned with Burgundians well armed there the treatie of peace was concluded 1 The Lord Charles did the King homage for the Duchie of Normandie and the Earle of Charolois for the townes in Picardie aboue mentioned as did also all the rest that had homage to do and the Earle of Saint Paul tooke his othe for the office of Constable but according to the common prouerbe neuer was so plentifull a marriage feast but some departed vndined for heere some had what them lusted and others nothing The King receiued into his seruice certaine gentlemen that were with his brother and also certaine meane persons but the greatest part remained still with his said brother the new Duke of Normandie the D. of Britain who went to Roan to take possession At their departure from the castell of Vincennes they tooke their leaue each of other and returned to their lodgings farther all letters pardons and other writings seruing for the confirmation of the peace were made On one day departed all these three Princes the Duke of Normandy and Britaine first into Normandy and the Duke of Britaine from thence into his owne countrie and the Earle of Charolois into Flaunders But when the Earle was ready to take horse the King meaning effectually to shew how greatly he desired his friendship came to him and accompanied him to Villiers-le-bell a village fower leagues from Paris where both these Princes lodged that night The Kings traine was very small but he commanded two hundred men of armes to follow him to conuey him backe whereof the Earle of Charolois being aduertised as he went to bed fell into great suspicion therof and commanded a great number of his seruants to be in armes Thus you see how impossible it is for two great Princes to agree bicause of the suspicious tales and reports that are daily and howerly beaten into their heads Wherefore two Princes that desire to continue in friendship ought neuer to come togither but to imploy vertuous and wise men betweene them who will encrease their amitie and repaire all such breaches as shall happen The next morning the two Princes tooke their leaue each of other with much courteous and wise talke and the King returned to Paris accompanied with the men of armes aboue mentioned called thither for that purpose whereby he remooued all suspicion the Earle had conceiued of their comming The said Earle rode towards Compiengne and Noyon being receiued by the Kings commandement into all the townes he passed by From thence he marched to Amiens where they did him homage as did also all the other townes vpon the riuer of Somme the territories in Picardy restored to him by this treaty which the King not past nine moneths before had redeemed for the summe of fower hundred thousand crownes as before you haue heard This done he marched incontinent into the countrie of Liege bicause they had by the space of fiue or sixe moneths made war vpon his father in his absence in the countries of Namur Brabant where also they had slain certaine of his subiects 2 but bicause the winter approched he could do no great exploit notwithstanding a number of villages were burnt and diuers small ouerthrowes giuen to the said Liegeois whereupon they made a treatie with the Duke of Burgundie and for performance thereof stood bound to him in a great summe of mony This done the Earle of Charolois returned into Brabant The Notes 1 The treatie was sworne the fift of October the conditions whereof reade in Meyer fol. 337. where he saith that by this treatie Flaunders was exempt from the Kings soueraigntie which saith Degrassalius cap. 1. pag. 6. the King could not grant Quia vltimus resortus alienari aut remitti non potest which also may well appeere to be lawe bicause we reade lib. 5. cap. 17. of our author that notwithstanding this treatie the Chauncellor of Burgundie and Himbercourt being imprisoned and condemned by the citizens of Gaunt appealed to the Parlament of Paris vvhich appeale notvvithstanding vvhether it vvere lavvfull or vnlavvfull or vvhether they appealed to delay the time for safetie of their liues hoping their friends vvould deliuer them or the King happily thereby to recouer his former soueraigntie I leaue heere to discusse Notvvithstanding if any such condition vvere in the treatie of Conflans as Meyer reporteth in my simple iudgement these tvvo vvise men vvould not haue appealed contrary to it and thereby haue made the cause of their death iust though before vniust by violating this priuilege and so infringing the liberties of the state of Flaunders obtained by this treatie of the King 2 The King persvvaded the Liegeois to rebell in Iune 1465. vvhich vvas the same sommer the Earle of Charolois vvas in Fraunce thereby to vvithdravv the Earle of Charolois out of Fraunce home vvhereupon the Liegeois about mid August defied the Duke of
Constable gaue the lie very shamefully to the said Hymbercourt who answered thereunto that he would not beare this reproch at his hands were it not in respect of the Kings honor vnder whose safe conduct he was come thither as ambassador and of the Duke his Master whose person he represented and to whom he would make report of this iniurie done vnto him This onely villanie and outrage so soone done cost the Constable both lands and life as heereafter shall be declared more at large Wherefore those that are in authority yea and Princes themselues ought to take great heed how they iniurie any man by word or deed and whom they iniurie for the greater they are the greater greefe and sorrowe is conceiued of their words bicause they that are iniuried thinke that the great authority of the person that iniurieth them will cause them the more to be marked and noted And if he be their Master or Prince they vtterly dispaire of benefite or good turne at his hands and most men serue rather for the good they hope to haue than for that they haue already receiued But to returne to the point the Kings men practised continually with Hymbercourt and likewise with the Chancellor as well bicause the words spoken at Roye touched him in part as also bicause of the neere friendship that was between Hymbercourt and him And the matter was so earnestly pressed that an assembly was held about it at Bouuines a towne neere to Namur whither the King sent the Lord of Courton gouernor of Lymosin and Master Iohn Heberge afterward Bishop of Eureux and the Duke the said Chancellor and Hymbercourt being the yeere 1474. The Constable being informed that they practised at Bouuines to his cost sent with all speede to both the Princes aduertising them he vnderstood of all their doings and so cunningly he wrought that he perswaded the King that the Duke meant nothing but deceit onely to allure the said Constable to his friendship whereupon with all speed the King sent to his ambassadors at Bouuines commanding them to conclude nothing against the Constable for certain reasons he would declare vnto them but to prolong the truce according to their instructions for a yeere or sixe moneths I wot not well whether But when the messenger arriued he found the treatie already concluded and the writings sealed and deliuered the night before Notwithstanding the ambassadors had so good intelligence togither and were so great friends each to other that they deliuered the writtings backe againe the contents whereof were that the Constable for the reasons therein rehearsed was declared enimie and traitor to both the Princes who promised and sware each to other that whether of them could first lay hands on him should either put him to death within eight daies or deliuer him to the other to do with him at his pleasure It was also therein concluded that he should be proclaimed by sound of trumpet enimy to both the Princes and likewise all that should serue helpe aide or fauour him Further the King promised to deliuer to the Duke the towne of Saint Quintin so often before mentioned and to giue him all the Constables treasure and moouables that should be found in the realme of Fraunce with all such seigniories and lordships as were held of the said Duke and among the rest Han and Bohain which are two very strong places Lastly a day was appointed when both the King and the Duke should send their forces to besiege him in Han. Notwithstanding for the reasons aboue rehearsed this conclusion was cleane broken off and a day and place assigned where the Constable should come to commune with the King vnder safe conduct for he stood in doubt of his person bicause of the late treatie held at Bouuines The place assigned was three leagues from Noyon neere to the towne of La Fere vpon a pretie riuer which no man could passe bicause the Constables men had taken vp all the bridges In the said place was a narrow causey ouerthwart the which a strong grate was built whither the Constable came first accompanied with all his men of armes or the greatest part for he had with him aboue three hundred gentlemen all men of armes and he himselfe ware his quirace vnder a short gowne vngirt The King came accompanied with the Earle of Dampmartine Lord great Master of Fraunce the Constables mortall enimie and with sixe hundred men of armes and better and sent me before him to make his excuse to the Constable of his long stay and soone after arriued himselfe and they communed togither at which their communication were present fiue or sixe of the Kings seruants and as many of the Constables who excused his comming thither in armes bicause he stood in feare of the Earle of Dampmartin as he said To be short in the end it was agreed that all offences past should be forgiuen and forgotten and the Constable passed through the grate to our side of the riuer where the Earle of Dampmartin and he were made friends That night he lodged with the King at Noyon and the next morning returned to Saint Quintin throughly reconciled as he said But when the King had well weighed this matter and heard the murmuring of the people he accused himselfe of great folly in going after this sort to commune with his seruant stomaked not a little that he found the grate shut between them considering that all the Constables men of armes were his subiects and paide out of his coffers wherfore if his hatred against the Constable were great before sure this meeting much increased it and as touching the Constable his proud stomack was no whit abated The Notes 1 This Confessor was the Abbot of S. Iohn d'Angely who died prisoner at Nantes in Britaine in the great tower du Buffoy where he confessed maruellous matters and died very strangely Annal. Aquit 2 These places were those that remained in the Lord of Lescuts hands by the treaty of Caen mentioned lib. 1. cap. 15. A discourse very fit for this place of the wisdome of the King and the Constable with good aduertisements to such as are in credit with Princes Chap. 12. IF a man consider well this action of the Kings he cannot but iudge it to proceede of great wisdome for I am of opinion that the Duke of Burgundy to recouer Saint Quintin would easily haue pardoned the Constable all his offences notwithstanding any promise made to the King of the contrary Further as touching the Constable though he were a gentleman of great wisedome and vnderstanding yet did he very vnaduisedly and it appeered that God had vtterly bereft him of all good aduise in that he came thus disguised before the King his Master whose subiects all the men of armes were that accompanied him and to say the truth his very countenance shewed him to be astonished and abashed thereat for when he came in person to the place and found the grate shut betweene
whom he yeerely entertained with an hundred thousand ducats wherewith this Earle himselfe paied his men of armes besides diuers other great benefits that he had receiued at the Dukes hands And when he first began to conspire his death he was going into Italie with 40000. ducats which as you haue heard he had receiued in prest of the Duke to leuie therewith his men of armes Moreouer the better to execute his traiterous enterprise he practised in two places first with a physition dwelling in Lyons called Master Simon of Pauia afterward with the Kings ambassador in Sauoy as before I haue rehearsed Againe at his returne out of Italie his men of armes lying in certaine small towns in the countie of Marle which is in Lannois he began anew to practise against his Master offering either to deliuer into the Kings hands all the places he held or when the King should be in battell against his Master a priuie token to be between them vpon the sight whereof he would turne with all his companie to the King against the Duke his Master But this last ouerture pleased not the King He offered yet further so soone as his Master should be abrode with his armie either to take him prisoner or to kill him as he went to view the seate of his campe which last enterprise vndoubtedly he would haue executed For the Dukes manner was when he alighted from his horse at the place where he encamped to disarme himselfe all sauing his quirace and to mount vpon a little nagge accompanied onely with eight or ten archers on foote or somtime two or three gentlemen of his chamber in the which estate he vsed to ride about his campe to see if it were well inclosed so that the said Earle might with ten horses easily haue executed his enterprise But the King detesting the continuall treasons of this man against his Master especially this last being attempted in time of truce and further not knowing throughly to what purpose he made these offers determined of a noble courage to discouer them to the Duke of Burgundie and accordingly aduertised him at large of them all by the Lord of Contay so often before named I my selfe being present when he declared them to the said Contay who I am sure like a faithfull seruant reuealed them to his Master But the Duke taking all in euill part said that if it were so the King would neuer haue aduertised him thereof This was long afore he laid his siege before Nancy yet think I that he neuer spake word thereof to the said Earle for he loued him euer after rather better than woorse How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy and how the King of Portugale who was in Fraunce came to see the D. of Burgundie during the said siege Chap. 7. LEt vs now returne to our principall matter I meane the siege the Duke held before Nancy which he began in the middest of winter with small force euill armed euill paide and the most part sicke The mightiest in his campe practised against him as you haue heard and generally they murmured all and despised all his dooings as in aduersitie commonly it happeneth but none attempted ought against his person or estate saue this Earle of Campobache onely for in his subiects no disloialtie was found While he lay there in this poore estate the Duke of Lorraine treated with the confederated townes before named to leuie men in their territories to fight with the Duke of Burgundie lying before Nancy whereunto all the townes easily agreed but the Duke of Lorraine lacked monie wherefore the King sent ambassadors to the Swissers in his fauor and lent him also 40000. franks towards the paiment of his Almains Further the Lord of Cran who was then the Kings lieutenant in Champaigne lay in Barrois with seuen or eight hundred launces and certaine franke archers led by very expert captaines The Duke of Lorraine by meanes of the Kings fauor and monie drew vnto his seruice great force of Almains as well horsemen as footemen besides the which the townes also furnished a great number of their owne charge Moreouer with the said Duke were many gentlemen of this realme and the Kings armie as I said before lay in Barrois which made no war but waited to see to whether part the victorie would incline The Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with these Almaines aboue mentioned came and lodged at Saint Nicholas two leagues from Nancy The King of Portugale had beene in this realme at that present the space of nine moneths for the King our Master was entred into league with him against the King of Spaine that now is Whereupon the said King of Portugale came into Fraunce hoping that the King would lend him a great armie to inuade Castile by the frontires of Biscay or Nauarre For the said King of Portugale held certaine places in Castile bordering vpon Portugale and certaine also vpon the confines of Fraunce namely the castell of Bourgues and diuers others so that if the King had aided him as once he was purposed it is like his enterprise had taken effect but the King altered his minde and foded him foorth with faire words the space of a yeer or more During the which time his affaires in Castile daily impaired for at his comming into France all the nobles in maner of the realme of Castile tooke part with him but bicause of his long absence by little and little they altered their minds and made peace with King Ferrande and Queene Isabell now raigning The King our Master excused his not aiding him according to his promise by the wars in Lorraine alleaging that he feared that the Duke of Burgundie if he recouered his losses would foorthwith inuade him This poore King of Portugale being a good and a iust Prince 1 resolued to go to the Duke of Burgundie his cosin german 2 to treate of peace betweene the King and him to the end that then the King might aide him for he was ashamed to returne into Castile or Portugale in this estate hauing done no good heere in Fraunce and the rather bicause he had taken this iourney vpon him verie rashly and contrarie to the aduise of the most of his counsell Wherefore he put himselfe vpon the way in the middest of winter to go to the Duke of Burgundy his cosin lying before Nancy where at his arriuall he began to treat with him according to the Kings instructions But perceiuing it an impossibilitie to agree them bicause their demands were contrarie in all points after he had remained there two daies he tooke his leaue of the Duke of Burgundie his cosin and returned to Paris from whence he came The Duke desired him to staie a while and to go to Pont-Ã -musson fower leagues from Nancy to defend that passage for the Duke was already aduertised that the Almains army lay at Saint
Nicholas But the King of Portugale excused himselfe saying that he was neither armed nor accompanied for such an enterprise and so returned to Paris where he remained a long time till in the ende he entered into ielousie that the King meant to take him prisoner and deliuer him to his enimie the King of Castile Wherupon he and two of his seruants disguised themselues purposing to go to Rome there to enter into religion But as he iourneied in this disguised attire he was taken by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf Of this his departure the King our Master was both sorie and ashamed and thereupon armed diuers ships vpon the coast of Normandie to conuey him into Portugale of the which fleete George Leger was appointed Admirall The occasion of his war vpon the King of Castile was for his sisters daughter For you shall vnderstand that his sister had been wife to Don Henry King of Castile that last died and had issue a goodly daughter which liueth yet in Portugale vnmaried This daughter Queene Isabell sister to the said King Henry 3 held from the crowne of Castile saying that she was illegitimate of the which opinion were also many others alleaging that King Henry was impotent to generation for a certaine impediment that I ouerpasse But whether it were so or no notwithstanding that the said daughter were borne vnder the vaile of mariage yet remained the crowne of Castile to Queene Isabell and hir husband the King of Arragon and Sicilie 4 now raigning This King of Portugale aboue mentioned labored to make a mariage betweene the said daughter his neece and King Charles the eight now raigning which was the cause of this his voiage into Fraunce that turned so greatly to his damage and greefe For soone after his returne into Portugale he died Wherefore as I said in the beginning of this history a Prince ought to beware what ambassadors he sendeth into a strange countrey For if they had been wise that came from the King of Portugale into Fraunce to conclude the league aboue mentioned whereat I my selfe was present as one in commission for the King they would haue informed themselues better of our affaires in these parts before they had counselled their Master to enter into this voiage which turned so much to his losse and damage The Notes 1 He meaneth a simple Prince of wit 2 How the King of Portugale and the Duke of Burgundy were cosin germans the Pedegree in the end of the worke will declare 3 The Pedegree in the end of the worke will make this plaine 4 Before he calleth Rene King of Sicilie but King Rene had but the title not the possession How the Duke of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men was discomfited and slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the Duke of Lorraine neere to Nancy Chap. 8. I Would haue passed ouer this discourse of the King of Portugale had it not been to shew that a Prince ought to beware how he put himselfe into another Princes hands or go in person to demaund aide But now to returne to the principall matter Within a day after the King of Portugales departure from the Duke of Burgundy the Duke of Lorraine and the Almains that serued him dislodged from Saint Nicholas and marched to fight with the said Duke and the selfe same day the Earle of Campobache to accomplish his enterprise departed from the Dukes campe 1 and reuolted to his enimies with eight score men of armes sorowing onely that he could do his Master no more harme They within Nancy had intelligence of this Earles practises which incouraged them to endure the siege Further one that leaped downe the ditches entered the towne and assured them of succors otherwise they were vpon the point to haue yeelded it And to say the truth had it not been for the said Earles treasons they could neuer haue held it so long but God was fully determined to bring the Duke to his end The Duke of Burgundy being aduertised of the Duke of Lorrains arriuall assembled his counsell contrary to his accustomed maner for he was neuer woont to aske any mans aduise but in all matters to follow his own sense Most of them counselled him to retire to Pont-à -musson being but fower leagues thence to man the places well which he held about Nancy alleaging that the Almains would depart so soone as they had victualed the towne and the Duke of Lorrains mony faile him so that he should not be able in long time to assemble the like force They said further that his enimies could not victuall the towne so well but that before winter were halfe expired it should be in as great distresse as at that present and in the meane time he might leuy men for I haue been informed by those that perfectly vnderstood it that he had not in all his army aboue fower thousand soldiers of the which hardly twelue hundred were able to fight Money he lacked not for in the castell of Luxembourg being not far thence were at the least 450000. crownes and men ynough he might haue recouered But God would not giue him grace to follow this wise aduise nor perceiue how many enimies lodged round about him on euery side so that he tooke the woorst course and by the aduise of certaine harebrained fooles determined to hazard the battell with these few terrified and hartlesse men notwithstanding all the reasons alleaged to him both of the great force of Almains the Duke of Lorraine had and also of the Kings army that lay hard by his campe When the Earle of Campobache was come to the Duke of Lorraine the Almains commanded him to depart saying that they would haue no traitor among them Wherefore he retired to Condé a castell and passage neere at hand 2 which he fortified with carts and other prouisions the best he could trusting that when the Duke of Burgundy and his men fled some of them would fall into his hands as indeed a great many did But this practise with the Duke of Lorraine was not his greatest treason for a little before his departure he conspired with diuers in the Dukes army resoluing with them bicause he sawe no hope of killing or taking his Master prisoner to reuolt to the enimies at the very instant that the two battels should ioine but sooner not to depart to the end their sudden reuolt might the more astonish and terrify the Dukes whole army Further he promised assuredly if the Duke fled that he should neuer escape aliue for he would leaue thirteene or fowerteene trusty fellows behinde him some to begin to flie at the very instant that the Almains should march and other some to haue an eie on the Duke to kill him if he fled which enterprise he made full account to execute and two or three I knew afterwards my selfe of those that were left behinde for that purpose After he had conspired these abhominable treasons he returned
yet after the King our Masters death raise any sedition against the K. that now is the nobilitie and commons tooke they armes against their yoong King went they about to chuse an other sought they to diminishe his authoritie or to bridle him that he should not vse the authoritie of a King I thinke no and to say the truth how could they though diuers glorious fooles said they might But his subiects did cleane contrarie for they all repaired to him as well the Princes as the gentlemen and Burgesses of good townes they all acknowledged him for their King and did him homage and fealtie and the Princes and nobilitie presented their requests in writing humbly kneeling vpon their keenes Further they chose among themselues a counsell of twelue men and the King being but thirteen yeeres of age commanded vpon report of the said counsell Moreouer at this assemblie certaine supplications were made and bils exhibited in the presence of the King and his Counsell in great humilitie for the common wealth of the realme referring all to the King and his Counsels pleasure They granted the King without any deniall all that was demanded and all that was shewed in writing to be necessarie for the maintenance of his estate The summe the King demanded was two millions and a halfe of franks 9 which was ynough and ynough againe yea rather too much than too little without some extraordinarie accident Further the said estates humbly required that at two yeeres end they might assemble againe saying that if the King had not money ynough they would giue him more at his pleasure They promised moreouer if he had wars or that any enimie should inuade him to aduenture their bodies to spend their goods not to refuse any thing for his seruice Are subiects that giue thus liberally to be choked with priuileges whereby the Prince may take what him listeth shall not the King do iustlier both before God and the world to leuie after this sort rather than by extraordinarie will seeing no Prince as I haue said before hath authoritie to command money but by grant vnlesse he will vse tyrannie and incurre the danger of excommunication But a number of Princes are verie beasts not knowing what is lawfull or vnlawfull for them to do in this behalfe Subiects there are also that offend their Prince and refuse to obeie him and succour him in time of neede yea in stead of aiding him when he hath great affaires in hand contemne him and stir vp rebellion and sedition against him contrarie to the allegeance that they owe him When I say Kings or Princes I meane either themselues or such as gouerne vnder them when I say subiects I mean such subiects as haue preheminence beare swaie in the common wealth The greatest mischiefes are wrought commonly by those that are mightie for the weake desire peace quietnes When I say mighty I meane aswell women as men somtime in some places where they haue rule and authoritie either bicause of their husbands affection towards them or bicause they gouerne their affaires or for that their Seniories are their wiues inheritance If I should write of men of meane calling in this world my discourse would be too tedious Wherefore it shall suffice to speake of great estates bicause in them the power and iustice of God is most apparant For although two hundred thousand mishaps chaunce to a poore man no man regardeth them but attributeth them either to pouertie or euill looking to as for example if he be drowned or breake his necke they say this chaunced bicause he was alone so that hardly men will giue eare to it But if some misfortune fall vpon a great citie it is otherwise talked of yet not so much as when it chanceth to a Prince What is the reason then that God sheweth his iustice rather vpon Princes and great men than vpon men of low degree bicause meane and poore men finde ynowe in this world to punish them when they offend yea oftentimes they are punished without desert either for examples sake or for their goods or peraduenture through the iudges fault sometime also they deserue punishment and then it is reason that iustice be done But as touching great Princes or Princesses and their gouernors and counsellors againe as touching prouinces and townes rebellious and disobedient to their Princes and gouernors who wil search out their liues Who wil informe the Iustice of their actions What Iustice will take notice thereof or who will punish their faults I speake of the euill not of the good but few there are of those What is the cause then that mooueth both them and all others to commit these faults aboue rehearsed and many mo which for breuitie I ouerpasse not regarding the power and iustice of God I answer that it is lacke of faith and in those that are ignorant lacke of wit and faith togither but especially of faith which in mine opinion is the onely fountaine of all mischiefes I meane such mischiefes as fall vpon those that complaine that they are troden vnder foote oppressed by those that are mightier than they For if men were fully perswaded the paines of hell to be such as indeede they are and beleeued firmely as we ought all to beleeue that who so hath taken ought by violence or possesseth ought that his father or grandfather tooke wrongfully shall neuer enter into the ioies of paradise vnles he make full satisfaction and restitution of all that he withholdeth from his neighbor whether it be Duchies Earldoms townes castels mooueables medowes ponds or mils euery man according to his estate there is no man liuing be he poore or rich or of what estate and condition soeuer he be that would withhold ought that is not his owne No if all men beleeued this firmely it is not to be thought that there is either Prince Princesse or any other man through the whole world what estate or condition soeuer he be of be he high or low spirituall or temporall man or woman that would wittingly withhold any thing from his subiect or neighbor wrongfully put any man to death hold him in prison take from one to giue to enrich another or seeke to procure dishonesty to his kinsfolks and seruants for his wanton pleasures as for women and such like which is the filthiest attempt that may be made No vndoubtedly we would neuer do as we do if we had a stedfast faith and beleeued that which God and his Church commandeth vs to beleeue vnder paine of damnation knowing our daies to be short and the paines of hell horrible and endlesse Wherefore we may conclude that all mischiefes proceede of want of faith For example whereof when a King or Prince is taken prisoner and feareth to die in prison is there any thing in the world be it neuer so deere vnto him that he will refuse to giue for his deliuerance as appeereth by King Iohn who being taken prisoner by the Prince of
Milan King Iohn of Arragon were all dead a fewe yeeres before him but betweene the death of the said Duches of Austrich of King Edvvard and of him there was no space to speake of In all these Princes there was both good and euill for they were all men but to speake vprightly there were in him many mo vertues ornaments appertaining to the office of a King than in any of the rest I haue seene them in maner all and knew what was in them and therefore I speake not at randon The Notes 1 It was Reims in the French but that vndoubtedly was false the old copie hath Rhine or Rhine others Rins the Italian Ries 2 King Lewis dranke childrens blood to recouer his health Gaguin How King Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others Chap. 11. IN this yeere 1483. the King desired to see the Daulphine his sonne whom he had not seene of long time for he kept him close and permitted no man to come to him both bicause of the childes health and also for feare least he should be taken from the place where he remained and vnder colour of him some rebellion arise in the realme For so had certaine noble men in times past by meanes of himselfe made an assembly against King Charles the seuenth his father he being then but eleuen yeeres of age 1 which war was called la Praguerie but it soone ended for it was rather a broile of court than a warre Aboue all things he recommended vnto his said sonne the Daulphine certaine of his seruants and commanded him expressely not to change certaine officers rehearsing to him how after King Charles his fathers death he comming to the State put out of office all the valiant and woorthie knights of this realme that had serued his father in the conquest of Normandy and Guienne in chasing the English men out of Fraunce and restoring the realme to peace and quietnes for himselfe found it both quiet and rich which his hard dealing with the said knights turned greatly to his preiudice for thereof sprang the war called THE WEALE PVBLIKE in this storie aboue mentioned which had almost set him besides his crowne Soone after his communication with the Daulphine his sonne and the accomplishment of this marriage aboue mentioned he fell vpon a monday into the disease whereof he died his sicknes endured til the saturday after being the 30. of August in the yeer 1483. And bicause I was present at his death I minde to speake somwhat thereof When this disease tooke him he lost his speech as before which being recouered he felt his body weaker than euer it was notwithstanding that he were so lowe brought before that he could hardly lift his hand to his mouth and looked so poorely and miserably that it pitied euery mans hart that sawe him he accounted himselfe now as dead Wherefore he sent incontinent for the Lord of Beauieu now Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law commanding him to go to Amboise to the King his son for so he termed him he recommended also vnto him diuers of his seruants and gaue him the whole charge and gouernment of the yoong King and commanded expressely that certaine whom he named should not come neere his sonne alleaging diuers good reasons on that behalfe And if the said Lord of Beauieu had obserued his commandements at the least part of them for some were vnreasonable and not to be obserued I thinke he should thereby haue benefited both the realme and himselfe considering what hath hapned since in Fraunce Soone after he sent also the Chauncellor and all the officers of the law to the said King his sonne and in like maner part of the archers of his guarde and his Captaines and all his haukes and hounds with all that appertained thereunto Further as many as came to visit him he commanded to go to Amboise to the King for so he termed him desiring them to serue him faithfully and by euery one of them he sent him some message or other but especially by Steuen de Vers who brought vp the said yoong King and was the first groome of his chamber and already aduanced to the bailiwicke of Meaux by the King our Master His speech neuer failed him after he recouered it neither were his wits so fresh at any time as then for he purged continually by meanes whereof all fumes voided that troubled his head In all the time of his sicknesse he neuer complained as other men do when they feele paine at the least I my selfe am of that nature and so haue I knowne diuers others and men say that complaining asswageth greefe The Notes 1 Others write that he was 16. yeeres olde this was was anno 1439. and King Lewis was borne anno 1423. so that he was 16. yeeres old when the Praguerie began and so vndoubtedly it should be read heere A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that King Lewis suffered and those he caused diuers others to suffer with a rehearsall of all that he did and all that was done to him till his death Chap. 12. HE discoursed continually of some matter or other and that very grauely and his disease endured from monday till saturday night Wherefore I will now make comparison betweene the troubles and sorrowes he caused others to suffer and those he suffered himselfe before his death bicause I trust they haue caried him into paradise and been part of his purgatorie For notwithstanding that they were not so grieuous neither endured so long as those which he caused diuers others to suffer yet bicause his vocation in this world was higher then theirs by meanes whereof he had neuer beene contraried but so well obeied that he seemed a Prince able to haue gouerned all Europe this little trouble that he endured contrarie to his accostomed nature was to him a great torment He hoped euer in this good heremite that was at Plessis whom he had caused to come to him out of Calabria and continually sent to him saying that if it pleased him he could prolong his life For notwithstanding all these commandements giuen to those whom he sent to the Daulphine his sonne yet came his spirits againe to him in such sort that he was in hope to recouer and if it had so happened he would easily haue disparckled the assembly sent to this new King But bicause of the vaine hope he had in this heremite a Doctor of diuinitie and certaine others thought good to aduertise him that his onely hope must be in the mercie of God and they deuised that Master Iames Cothier his Phisition in whom he had reposed his whole confidence and to whom he gaue monethly ten thousand crownes in hope he would prolong his life should be present when this speech should be vsed to him This was Master Oliuer his barbars deuise to the end he might
gouernment of his roiall person according to the testament of King Levvis the 11. that the priuy Councell should consist of twelue chosen out of the body of the Nobility by whose aduise all matters should be gouerned and dispatched but all in the Kings name and vnder the signature of his hand Further Iohn Duke of Bourbon was created Constable But by little and little the whole gouernment was deriued to the said Lady of Beauieu bicause the King hir brothers person was in hir hands But Levvis Duke of Orleance being the neerest Prince of the blood royall by the perswasion of those that were about him who gaped for great preferment if the gouernment were committed to his charge and especially by the instigation of the Earle of Dunois named Francis sonne to Iohn commonly called the Bastard of Orleance a man of a subtile spirit and of great enterprise abode still at Paris and entered daily into the councell notwithstanding the decree of the three estates as one that would vnderstand of all that was done there Wherewith the Lady of Beauieu was not a little discontented which when the Prince of Orenge the Marshall of Rieux and the rest of the Barons of Britaine that were at that time fugitiues in Fraunce as heerafter shall be declared vnderstood they came to the said Lady of Beauieu and offered hir and the King their seruice which the Duke of Orleance greatly stomached Further the said Duke sought by all meanes possible to discredit the womanish gouernment of the said Lady but his perswasions little preuailed bicause the Duke himselfe being not as yet fower and twenty yeeres old was vnder the gouernment of his mother and it seemed no reason to commit the managing of the common wealth to him that was vnable to gouerne his owne priuate estate so that the same reason barred him from the gouernment now that excluded his grandfather in times past during the phrensie of King Charles the sixt But this reason satisfied not the Duke nor his friends Wherefore the Lady of Beauieu seeing that the Duke of Orleance remaining in Paris wan daily those that were in authoritie to his side seeking by that meanes to obtaine the regencie of the realme sent by the resolution of the Kings councell certaine to Paris to arrest the body of the said Duke Who being aduertised therof as he was at tenice withdrew himselfe and pretending that he went to his lodging departed in the company of Guyot Pot and Iohn of Louen one of the gentlemen of his chamber whom he greatly fauoured lodged that night at Pontoise The next day he went to Vernueil and from thence to Alençon where he remained a certaine space during the which he practised to draw to his partie the Earle of Angoulesme the Duke of Bourbon and the Lord of Alebret who in the end declared themselues to be his friends and assistants in this enterprise But all these bicause of this their confederacie with him were foorthwith remooued from all their offices and estates and lost al their pensions and their charge of men of armes yet notwithstanding they leuied a great army of the people of their countries and found meanes to win to their side the Duke of Lorraine the Prince of Orenge and the Earle of Foix. Vnder the assurance of all the which Princes the D. of Orleance assembled his army at Blois to marche therewith to Orleance but the citizens of the towne perceiuing that their Duke came thither with a purpose to supprise it and to make it the seate of the wars shut their gates vpon him and would not suffer him to enter in Wherefore with an army of fower hundred launces and a great number of footemen he went to Bougencie accompanied with the Earles of Dunois and Foix an with Carqueleuant and other French captaines where they remained a certaine space and thither the King sent to besiege them But bicause they sawe the place not to be of defence and further that the Malcontents of the realme flocked not to them as they supposed they would they made a sudden peace with the King whereby it was agreed that the Duke of Orleance should repaire to the King and so he did and that the Earle of Dunois the contriuer of all this enterprise should depart the realme which also he did and retired himselfe to Ast But this notwithstanding the Duke of Bourbon and the Earle of Angoulesme who had leuied their armies to succor the Duke of Orleance marched toward Bourges whither the King went with a great army accompanied with the Duke of Orleance who was constrained to arme himselfe against his allies and confederates Notwithstanding by the wisedome of the Marshall of Gie and the Lord of Grauille which two had great authoritie in the Court vnder the Lady of Beauieu peace was concluded betweene the King and his nobles wherein the Lord of Albret was also comprehended and thus departed all these armies without any bloodshed and the K. went to Amboise the Duke of Orleance to Orleance and the Earle of Foix and the Cardinall his brother to Nantes to the Duke of Britaine who had married their sister This tumult was called the mad war and hapned in the yeere 1485. 1485. After al this the Earle of Dunois returned from Ast and went to his owne towne of Partenay in Poitou which was then a strong towne with a double ditch and a triple wall Heerof the King being aduertised and withall that he fortified himselfe in the said towne and knowing the said Earle of Dunois to be full of practise and a man of great enterprise he sent to the Duke of Orleans who was at Orleans holding solemne iusts and turneies to come to him to Amboise And after three or fower messengers the last whereof was the Marshall of Gié the Duke of Orleans went to Blois and the next day being twelfe euen in the said yeere 1485. he departed out of Blois early in the morning with his haukes faining that he went to flie in the If you begin the yeere at Newyeeres day it was 1486. field and without any bait rode that night to Fronteraulx whereof his sister was then Abbesse from thence he went to Clisson and from Clisson to Nantes where he was very honorably receiued of the Duke This was the Duke of Orleans second comming into Britaine as by that which followeth heerafter shall more plainly appeere The King being aduertised of his departure determined to besiege the Earle of Dunois in his towne of Partenay and found meanes before any brute was made thereof to drawe to his seruice the Marshall of Rieux and the other Barons of Britaine that were then retired to Chasteaubrian to the Lady of Laual who was Lady thereof bicause the Duke of Britaine by aide of the Duke of Orleans and the Earle of Dunois sought to auenge himselfe of the said Barons for the death of Peter Landois Treasurer of Britaine whereof I will now begin to speake Of the troubles
Court to high authoritie and estimation the said Duke of Lorraine to haue him for their support and aide for he was a hardie gentleman more than a courtier not doubting but easily to rid their hands of him at their pleasure as also they did when they found themselues strong ynough and the force of the Duke of Orleans 9 and others whom I neede not name so weakned that it was no more to be feared But after the fower yeeres expired they could no longer hold the Duke of Lorraine vnlesse they would put him in possession of the countie of Prouence or assure him of it by writing at a daie and continue still his pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks wherunto bicause they would not condescend he departed the Court greatly discontented Fower or fiue moneths before his departure a good ouerture was made vnto him if he would haue embraced it for the whole realme of Naples rebelled against King Ferrande bicause of his great tyrannie and his childrens so far foorth that all the nobles and the third part of the realme yeelded themselues to the Church Notwithstanding King Ferrande being aided by the Florentines pressed them sore for the which cause the Pope and the saide Nobles of the realme that had rebelled sent for the Duke of Lorraine purposing to crowne him King and so forward the enterprise was that the Gallies and the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula who should haue conueighed him thither staied for him a long time at Genua during the which space he was busied with these broiles in Court and delaied his departure notwithstanding that he had messengers with him from all the Nobles of the said realme earnestly pressing him to come with speede To be short the King and his Councell shewed themselues willing by all meanes they could to aide and succour him and gaue him sixtie thousand franks whereof he receiued twentie thousand but lost the rest and agreed also that he should leade with him the hundred launces that were vnder his charge promising further to send ambassadors round about in his fauoure Notwithstanding the King was now nineteen yeeres of age or more and gouerned by those aboue named who daily beat into his head that the realme of Naples of right appertained to himselfe which I write bicause diuers of meane estate raised great contention about this matter as I vnderstood both by certaine of the ambassadors sent to Rome Florence Genua and other places in the Duke of Lorraines fauor and also by the Duke himselfe when he passed through Moulins where I then lay with Iohn Duke of Bourbon bicause of the troubles in court But his enterprise was now halfe lost through his long delaie I went foorthwith to recieue him notwithstanding that he had deserued no such curtesie at my hands for he was one of those that chased me from the Court 10 with rough and discourteous words yet now he made the most of me that might be lamenting much the gouernment of the estate He abode at Moulins two daies with Iohn Duke of Bourbon and then tooke his iourney towards Lyons To conclude his friends were so wearied and weakned bicause of his long delay that the Pope made peace and the nobles of the realme also who vnder suretie thereof went to Naples where they were all taken prisoners notwithstanding that both the Pope the Venetians the King of Spaine and the Florentines had vndertaken to see the treatie kept and obserued and had sworne and promised the Nobles safetie The Prince of Salerne escaped and came into Fraunce refusing to be comprehended in the treatie as one well acquainted with King Ferrands humor but the Duke of Lorraine returned into his countrey with dishonor and lost his credit with the King lost his men of armes and lost also the pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks which he receiued for Prouence and euen at this present being the yeere 1497. he liueth yet in this estate The Notes 1 King Charles was crowned ann 1484. in Iune 2 This cosin german must be referred to King Lewis 3 For King Rene made Charles his brothers sonne his heire omitting this Duke of Lorraine his daughters sonne 4 The pedegree in the end of the worke will make this title plaine 5 The author vnder the name of Sicilie comprehendeth the realme of Naples also bicause both the realmes bare the name of Sicilie the one beyond the other on this side the far 6 By nephew he meaneth brothers sonne 7 Vnderstand this of the realme of Sicilie and Naples 8 This de Grauille was after Admirall of Fraunce 9 Madam de Beauieu Duchesse of Bourbon was appointed by King Lewis and the three estates gouernor of King Charles hir brother but the Duke of Orleans called after Lewis the 12. withstood the decree and was in armes with diuers noble men demanding the gouenrment as the first Prince of blood as in my Supply is mentioned at large against these they heere named called the Duke of Lorraine 10 For Philip de Commines was a follower of the Duke of Orleans as himselfe writeth in the last chapter of the last booke How the Prince of Salerne in the realme of Naples came into Fraunce and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he sought to perswade the King to make war vpon the King of Naples and for what cause Chap. 2. THe Prince of Salerne fled to Venice where he was well friended accompanied with three of his nephewes sonnes to the Prince of Bisignan 1 There they asked counsell of the Seniorie as the Prince himselfe told me whether it would please them that they should retire to the Duke of Lorraine the King of Fraunce or the King of Spaine They answered that the Duke of Lorraine was a dead man vnable to do them good and that the King of Spaine should be too strong if to the yle of Sicilie and the other places which he held in the Venetian gulfe he should ioine the realme of Naples adding that he was alreadie mightie vpon the sea wherefore they aduised him to go into Fraunce saying that with the Kings of Fraunce 2 that had held the said realme they had euer liued in perfect amitie and friendship and found them alwaies good neighbors But I supose they thought not the enterprise would haue fallen out as afterward it did Thus these noble men aboue named came into Fraunce where they were curteously receiued but their entertainment was small They followed their sute earnestly the space of two yeeres addressing themselues wholy to Stephan de Vers then Seneschall of Beaucaire and of the Kings priuie chamber One day they liued in hope another in despaire but their friends vsed great diligence in Italie specially at Milan whereof Iohn Galeas was Duke not the great Iohn Galeas that lieth buried in the Charterhouse of Pauia but he that was sonne to Duke Galeas and the Duchesse Bonne daughter to the Duke of Sauoy a man of no great sense The said Duchesse
the Duke of Milans hands and held by Master Baptist de Campefourgouse but at this present the Lord Lodouic had recouered it and gaue to certaine of the Kings chamber eight thousand ducats for the inuesture thereof who by receiuing the monie greatly preiudiced the King For before the graunt of the said inuesture they might haue seized Genua to the Kings owne vse if they had would 9 but seeing they meant to take monie for it they ought to haue demanded more for Duke Galeas paide at one time for it to King Lewis my Master fiftie thousand ducats whereof the King whose soule God pardon gaue me thirtie thousand crownes in reward Notwithstanding they said they receiued these eight thousand ducats with the Kings consent and Stephan de Vers Seneschall of Beaucaire was one of those that tooke the monie happily to entertaine the better the Lord Lodouic for this enterprise which he so much both fauored and furthered After audience giuen openly at Paris to the ambassadors aboue mentioned the Earle of Caiazze had secret communication with the King The said Earle was in great credit at Milan but his brother Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin in greater especially in martiall affaires His Master could now dispose of the estate of Milan as of his owne for the which cause he offered the King great seruices and aide as well of men as mony affirming the enterprise to be of no difficultie This done he and Master Galeas Viscount tooke their leaue and departed leauing behinde them the Earle Charles of Belleioyeuse to entertaine the sute who incontinent put himselfe into French apparell and trauelled so earnestly in this busines that many began to like of the enterprise The King sent into Italie to Pope Innocentius to the Venetians and to the Florentines one named Peron of Basche who had been brought vp in the house of Aniou vnder Duke Iohn of Calabria and was maruellously affectioned to this voiage These practises and runnings to and fro continued the space of seuen or eight moneths and those that vnderstood of this enterprise communed among themselues diuersly of it but none thought that the King would go in person into Italie The Notes 1 Antonel of Saint Seuerin Prince of Salerne and Bernardin Prince of Besignan were brethren Guicciar 2 He meaneth by Kings of Fraunce those Kings of the house of Fraunce that had held the realme of Naples to wit the Dukes of Aniou 3 Viscomte in both these places and diuers others is a proper name not a name of honor and signifieth as much as Biscomte that is tvvise Earle bicause the Viscomti were Lords of Angiera and Milan 4 This captaine meant no treason to the children as the others did but consented to this deede bicause he thought the children in more safetie vvith him than vvith their foolish mother 5 The sense in mine opinion were better to read it qu'il luy feroit then qu'il leur feroit that is that he vvould smite off the captaines head if the place vvere not yeelded for they vvithin vvere out of Lodouics povver 6 The French had it in this sense And another vvho said that he had been a messenger betvveene them but vndoubtedly the place is corrupted and to be read as I haue amended it 7 The Duke of Ferrara had married King Ferrandes daughter named Elenor. 8 Duke Galeas ought to haue come into Fraunce to haue done homage to the King in person but bicause Lodouic vvould not let him depart out of his custodie he found means that it should be done to one sent thither by the King as his deputie for that purpose 9 Genua vvas forfeited and vnder colour thereof the Lord Lodouic had recouered it but bicause it vvas held of the King for the Genuois had giuen themselues to Charles the sixt anno 1394. vvho sent thither for gouernor Iohn de Maingre and aftervvard to Charles the seuenth anno 1446. it could be forfeited to none but to the King but by giuing avvay this inuesture he gaue avvay his right How King Charles the eight made peace with the King of Romanes and the Archduke of Austrich restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders before he made his voiage to Naples Chap. 3. DVring this delaie aboue mentioned peace was treated of at Senlis betweene the King and the Archduke of Austriche heire of the house of Burgundie for notwithstanding that they were in truce yet a breach happened betweene them bicause the King refused the King of Romaines daughter sister to the said Archduke being verie yoong and married the daughter of Frauncis Duke of Britaine to enioie peaceablie thereby the Duchie of Britaine all the which at the time of this treatie he held saue the towne of Renes and the said daughter being within in it the which was gouerned by the Prince of Orenge hir vncle who had made a marriage betweene hir and the King of Romaines 1 and openly solemnised it in the church by a Practor All the which happened in the yeere 1492. To this treatie aboue mentioned came a great ambassage in fauoure of the Duke of Austriche from the Emperor Frederick who offered to be a mediator for the peace the King of Romains sent thither also 2 and so did the Palzgraue and the Swissers to pacifie this controuersie being all of opinion that it would kindle a great fire for the King of Romains seemed aboue all measure to be iniuried hauing at one time hir taken from him whom he accounted his wife and his daughter sent backe to him which many yeeres had beene Queene of Fraunce but in the end the matter was quietly shut vp and peace concluded For all parties were wearie of war especially Duke Philips subiects who had sustained so many troubles partly bicause of wars with this realme and partly through their owne priuate diuisions that they could no more The peace was concluded but for fower yeeres whereunto the King of Romaines agreed to the end he might repose his subiects and receiue againe his daughter whom some that were about the King and the said daughter made difficultie to restore At this treatie I was present my selfe with the rest of the Kings Commissioners being these Peter Duke of Bourbon the Prince of Orenge the Lord of Cordes and diuers other noble personages and promise was there made to restore to the said Duke Philip all that the King held in Artois for so was it agreed when this mariage was treated of in the yeere 1482. that if it were not accomplished all the landes that were giuen with this Ladie in maraige should returne againe with hir or be restored to Duke Philip. But the said Archdukes men had alreadie surprised Arras and Saint Omer so that onely Hedin Aire and Betune remained to be restored the possession and seniorie whereof were presently deliuered them and they put officers into them but the King held still the castels and might place garrisons in them till the fower yeeres were expired which ended at
the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist in the yeere 1498. at which time he was bound to restore them also to the said Archduke and so he promised and sware to do Whether the alteration of these mariages agreed with the lawes of holy Church or no let others iudge for many Doctors of diuinitie said yea and many nay but were these lawfull or vnlawfull sure all these Ladies were vnfortunate in their issue Our Queene had three sonnes successiuely one after another in fower yeeres one of them 3 liued almost three yeeres and then died and the other two be dead also The Lady Margaret of Austriche was afterward married to the Prince of Castile onely sonne to the King and Queene of Castile and heire both of Castile and diuers other realmes The said Prince died the first yeere of his marriage in the yeere of our Lord 1497. leauing his wife great bellied 4 who immediately after hir husbands death fell in trauel before hir time and was deliuered of a dead borne childe which misfortune the King and Queene of Castile and their whole realme lamented a long time The King of Romanes immediately after this change aboue mentioned married the daughter of Galeas Duke of Milan sister to Duke Iohn Galeas before named the which marriage was made by the Lord Lodouics onely procurement but it displeased greatly both the Princes of the Empire and many also of the King of Romanes friends bicause she was not of a house noble ynough in their opinion to match with their Emperor For as touching the Viscounts of whom the Dukes of Milan are descended small nobilitie is in them and lesse yet in the Sforces for the first of that house was Francis Sforce Duke of Milan whose father was a shoomaker 5 dwelling in a little towne called Cotignoles but a very valiant man though not so valiant as his sonne who by meanes of the great fauour the people of Milan bare his wife being bastard daughter to Duke Philip Marie made himselfe Duke and conquered and gouerned the whole countrie not as a tyrant but as a good and iust Prince so that in woorthines and vertue he was comparable to the noblest Princes that liued in his daies Thus much I haue written to shew what followed the change of these marriages neither know I what may yet heerafter ensue further thereof The Notes 1 Annal. Burgund vvrite vvith Philip the King of Romaines sonne but the best vvriters agree vvith our author 2 Maximilian vvas chosen King of Romaines anno 1486. Funccius 3 Of this childes death he vvriteth lib. 8. cap. 13. 4 Of this Princes death he vvriteth at large lib. 8. cap. 17. 5 Francis Sforces father as some write vvas first a cooke in the campe after he became a soldier and lastly for his valor vvas made a captaine and a knight How the King sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterprised his voiage to Naples and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage Chap. 4. NOw to returne to the principall matter you haue heard of the Earle of Caiazzes the other ambassadors departure from the King at Paris and of diuers practises entertained in Italy and how the King as yoong as he was greatly affected this voiage notwithstanding that as yet he discouered his meaning but to the Seneschall and generall onely Further he required the Venetians to giue him aide and counsell in this enterprise who answered him that he should be welcome into Italy but that aide him they could not bicause they stood in doubt of the Turke yet were they in peace with him and as touching counsell it should be too great presumption in them to giue counsell to so wise a Prince hauing so graue a counsell about him but they promised rather to helpe him than hinder him This they tooke to be a wise answer and so was it I confesse But notwithstanding that they gouerne their affaires more circumspectly than any Prince or commonaltie in the world yet God will alwaies haue vs to know that wisedome and forecast of man auaile nought when he is purposed to strike the stroke For he disposed of this enterprise far otherwise than they imagined for they thought not that the King would haue come in person into Italy neither stoode they in any feare of the Turke notwithstanding their forged excuse for the Turke then raigning was a man of no valor 1 but they hoped by this meanes to be reuenged of the house of Arragon which they hated extremely both the father and the sonne bicause by their perswasion as they said the Turke came to Scutary 2 I meane the father of this Turke called Mahumet Ottoman who tooke Constantinople and greatly endammaged the said Venetians But apart to Alphonse D. of Calabria they had many other quarrels for they charged him first as the onely author of the war the D. of Ferrara mooued against them wherin they consumed such infinit treasure that it had well neere cleane vndone them of the which war a word or two hath been spoken before Secondarily that he had sent a man purposely to Venice to poison their cesterns at the least as many as might be come vnto for diuers of them be enclosed and locked They vse there none other water for they are inuironed with the sea and sure that water is very good 3 as my selfe can witnes for twice I haue been at Venice and in my last voiage dranke of it eight moneths togither But the chiefe cause of their hatred against this house of Arragon was none of these aboue rehersed but for that the said house kept them frō growing great as well in Italy as Greece on both the which countries they had their eies fixed notwithstanding they had lately conquered the I le of Cyprus vpon no title in the world 4 For all these considerations the Venetians thought it their profit that war should arise betweene the King and the house of Arragon but they supposed that it could not haue ended so soon as it did that it shuld but weaken their enimies not vtterly destroy them and further that if the woorst fell either the one partie or the other to haue their helpe would giue them certaine townes in Pouille lying vpon their sea coast as also in the end it hapned but they had well neere misreckoned themselues Lastly as touching the calling of the King into Italy they thought it could not be laid to their charge seeing they had giuen him neither counsell nor aide as appeered by their answer to Peron of Basche In the yeere 1494. the King went to Lyons to attend to his affaires but no man 1494. thought he would passe the mountaines Thither came to him the aboue named Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin brother to the Earle of Caiazze with a goodly traine sent from the Lord Lodouic whose lieutenant and principall seruant he was He brought with him a great number of braue horses and armours to run in
Kings of Romanes and England 10 for the Prince of Wales was at that time very yoong were comprehended therein they had fower daughters the eldest of the which was a widow and had been married to the King of Portugales sonne that last died who brake his necke before hir as he passed a carrier vpon a ginnet within three moneths after their marriage The second and the third were married the one in Flaunders and the other in England and the fourth is yet to marrie After the Lord of Bouchage was returned and had made his report the King perceiued that de Clerieux had beene too credulous and that he had done wisely in sending du Bouchage thither bicause he was now assured of that which before he stood in doubt of The said de Bouchage aduertised him further that he could effect nothing but the conclusion of the truce the which he had libertie either to accept or refuse at his pleasure The King accepted it and sure it serued him to good purpose for it was the breach of their league which so much had troubled his affaires and which hitherto he could by no means dissolue notwithstanding that he had attempted all waies possible Thirdly the said de Bouchage informed the King that the King and Queene of Castile had promised him at his departure to send ambassadors immediately after him cause of their attainture was for that they had attempted to make him King of Portugale that now raigneth These Lords therefore and gentlemen were by meanes of this marriage recompensed in Castile by the King and Queene and their lands which they had forfaited in Portugale by attainture assigned to the Queene of Portugale now mentioned daughter to the said K. and Queene of Castile But notwithstanding all these considerations the said K. Queene repented them of this marriage for you shall vnderstand that there is no nation in the world that the Spaniards hate more than the Portugales so far foorth that they disdaine scorne them wherfore the said King Queene lamented much that they had bestowed their daughter vpon a man that should not be beloued in the realm of Castile their other dominions if the marriage had been then vnmade they would neuer haue made it which vndoubtedly was a great corrosiue to them yet nothing so great as this that she should depart from them Notwithstanding after all their sorrowes ended they led their said daughter and sonne in law through all the chiefe cities of their realme and made the said King of Portugale to be receiued for Prince and their daughter for Princesse and proclaimed them their successors after their death Some comfort they receiued after all these sorrowes for they were aduertised that the said Lady Princesse of Castile and Queene of Portugale was great with childe but this ioy prooued in the end double greefe so that I thinke they wished themselues out of the world for this Lady whom they so tenderly loued and so much esteemed died in trauell of the said childe not past a moneth agone and we are now in October in the yeere 1498. but the childe liueth 4 and is called Emanuell after his fathers name All these greatmisfortunes hapned to them in the space of three moneths Now to returne to the estate of Fraunce You shall vnderstand that about fower or fiue moneths before the said Ladies death a great misfortune happened also in this realme I meane the death of King Charles the eight whereof heereafter you shall heare at large It seemed therefore that God beheld both these houses with an angrie countenance and would not that the one realme should scorne the other For although the death of a Prince seeme but a trifle to many yet is it sure far otherwise for change of the Prince neuer happeneth in any realme but it traineth with it great sorrowes and troubles and notwithstanding that some gaine by it yet an hundred fold more lose bicause at an alteration men are forced to change their maner and forme of liuing for that that pleaseth one Prince displeaseth another Wherefore as before I haue said if a man well consider the sharpe and sudden punishments that God hath laide vpon great Princes within these thirty yeeres in Fraunce Castile Portugale England Naples Flaunders and Britaine he shall finde that they haue beene heauier and greeuouser than happened in two hundred yeeres before and whosoeuer would take in hand to discourse vpon all the particular misfortunes that I my selfe haue seene and in a maner knowen all the persons as well men as women to whom they happened should make thereof a huge volume and that of great admiration yea though it contained onely such as haue chanced within these ten yeeres By these punishments the power of God ought to be the better knowen for the plagues he powreth downe vpon great personages are sharper grieuouser and endure longer than those he sendeth to the poorer sort To conclude therefore me thinke all things well waied that Princes are in no better estate in this world than other men if they consider by the miseries they see happen to their neighbours what may happen to themselues For as touching them they chastice their subiects at their pleasures and God disposeth of them at his pleasure bicause other than him they haue none ouer them but happie is the realme that is gouerned by a Prince that is wise and feareth God and his commandements I haue briefly rehearsed the misfortunes that happened in three moneths space to these two great and mightie realmes which not long before were so inflamed the one against the other so busied in enlarging their dominions and so little contented with that they already possessed And notwithstanding that alwaies some as before I said reioice at changes and gaine by them yet at the first euen to them the death especially the sudden death of their Prince is very dreadfull and dangerous The Notes 1 This he seemeth to adde bicause the empire was greater but it was not the Emperors inheritance 2 Vnderstand the two first murthers of his wiues father and brother for his sonne was dead before he slue his owne brother 3 Vnderstand hir dowrie for hir first marriage 4 But the childe died also afterward and the crowne of Spaine descended to Iane the second daughter wife to Philip Duke of Austrich and mother to the Emperor Charles the fift Further you shall vnderstand that our authors memorie failed him heere for this Princes name was not Emanuel as Commines heere writeth but Michael according to all good authors and pedegrees both of Spaine and Portugale Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death of the great desire he had to reforme the Church and himselfe to diminish his reuenues and to redresse the processes of the law and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castel of Amboise Chap. 18. I Will heere cease further to discourse of the affaires of Italie and Castile
to his yoongest sonne Philip the hardie for his aduancement in marriage with the Ladie Margaret of Flaunders Philip the hardie second husband to the Ladie Margaret Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie m. Iane the eldest daughter Philip died afore his father anno 1346. m. Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. m. Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie Burgundie Countie Othelin Earle of Burgundie died 1303. Arthois m. Maude daughter to Robert Earle of Arthois 1 Touching the title of Arthois this is to be obserued that Robert Earle of Arthois father to Maude had a sonne named Philip who died before his father and left behinde him a sonne named Robert Earle of Beumont who after his grandfathers death demanded the Countrey of Arthois but this Maude by fauor of the French King obtained it bicause she was adiudged neerer heire to the Earle Robert being his daughter than the Earle of Beumont being his sonnes sonne for spite whereof the Earle of Beumont reuolted to the King of England of him are descended the Earles of Eu. Iane succeeded hir mother in hir widowhood and was poisoned immediately after hir mothers death m. Philip the long King of Fraunce Iane the eldest daughter m. Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie Philip died afore his father anno 1346. m. Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. m. Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie Margaret 2 This Margaret being in hir widdowhood succeeded in Arthois and the Countie of Burgundie of Philip hir sister Ianes sonnes sonne and husband to Margaret hir sonnes daughter to whom after hir death the said Seigniories descended m. Lewis Earle of Flaunders Lewis of Malain Earle of Flaunders m. Margaret daughter to Iohn D. of Brabant Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie m. Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. Blaunch m. Charles le bel K. of Fraunce How the King of Portugale was cosin germane to the Duke of Burgundy as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7. Ferdinand the ninth King of Portugale Iohn a bastard but King of Portugale m. Philippa daughter to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Isabella m. Philip Duke of Burgundie Charles Duke of Burgundy Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles m. Maximilian Emperor Edward King of Portugale m. Iane sister to Alfonse King of Arragon Naples and Sicile Leonora m. Frideric the third Emperor Maximilian Emperor m. Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles Alfonsus King of Portugale the same that came into Fraunce for succours How the Duke of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16. Iohn Duke of Burgundy m. Margaret sister to William Earle of Hainault and Holland Mary m. Adolf the first D. of Cleues Adolfe Lord of Rauastain m. Betrice daughter to Iohn Duke of Cuymbria in Portugale Philip Lord of Rauastain mentioned in many places of this historie m. Mary base daughter to Philip Duke of Burgundy Iohn Duke of Cleues the D. heere mentioned m. Isabella daughter to Iohn E. of Neuers Iohn duke of Cleues the Dukes sonne for whom the marriage with the Lady Mary should haue beene made Philip Duke of Burgundy m. Isabella daughter to Iohn K. of Portugale Charles Duke of Burgundy m. Isabella daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon Mary Duchesse of Austrich so often mentioeed in this historie m. Maximilian Emperor How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. togither with the excuse of Commines error Edward the third King of England Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster m. Blaunch daughter and heire to Henry D. of Lancaster Iohn Duke of Bedford Henry the 4. Rex Angliae Henry the 5. Rex Angliae Henry the 6. Rex Angliae Edward Prince of Wales Thomas D. of ClareÌ„ce Humfrey Duke of Glocester m. Katharine the third wife Iohn Earle of Sommerset Iohn Duke of Sommerset the eldest sonne Margaret countesse of Richmond Henry the 7 Edmund made D of Sommerset bicause his brother died without issue male Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded by K Edward the fourth Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded also by K. Edward the fourth A daughter maried Humfrey Duke of Buckingham Iohn slaine at the battell of Teukesbury The excuse of Commines error The line of Henry the fourth being failed in Prince Edward the right of the house of Lancaster came to the house of Sommerset as heere is set foorth but after the dâ—â—th of Iohn Duke of Sommerset who died without heire male Edmund his brother was made Duke of Sommerset Wherefore Commines knowing Henry the 7. to claime the right of the house of Lancaster as heire of the house of Sommerset and seeing others to be Dukes of Sommerset and not him supposed them to be of the elder house to him yet notwithstanding was Henry the 7. neerer heire than they being by his mother descended of the elder brother though they being of the male line obtained the title of Sommerset before him But this in my fansie bred Commines error and thus much in his excuse The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie countie of Prouence and Duchy of Bar mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the Kings title thereto togither with the whole quarrell betweene the house of Arragon and Aniou and why the house of Aniou had the best title as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16. Naples Charles Earle of Aniou and Main brother to King S. Lewis King of Naples and Sicilie Prouence m. Betrice heire of Prouence 2 Charles surnamed the Boiteux King of Naples Hungarie m. Mary daughter heire to Stephen King of Hungary Charles Martell King of Hungarie the eldest brother Cornumbert King of Hungarie Lewis King of Hungarie Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife 4 m. Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather 3 Robert King of Naples the yoonger brother Charles sans terre died before his father 4 Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather m. Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife Mary Boccace his Conc. Margaret 5 m. Charles King of Naples and Hungarie 7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Lewis D. of Durazzo Charles of Durazzo executed by Lewis King of Hungarie 5 Charles King of Naples and Hungarie m. Margaret 7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Clementia m. Charles Earle of Valois Philip of Valois King of Fraunce Iohn King of Fraunce Lewis of Aniou adopted by Q. Iane the first slaine an 1385. Lewis of Aniou troubled K. Ladislaus died anno 1417. Bar. Yoland heire of Bar by Yoland hir mother Marie m. Charles the 7 K. of France Lewis
to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused and of the D. of Milans false dealings page 353 Chap. 13 How the king after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behind him in the realme of Naples and how the Daulphin died whose death the king and Queene much lamented page 356 Chap. 14 How the king was aduertised of the losse of the castell of Naples and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille to the great dammage of the French and of the death of king Ferrand of Naples page 358 Chap. 15 How certaine practises-entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the kings behalfe as well for the conquest of Naples as of the Duchie of Milan failed for lacke of sending thither and how an other enterprise against Genua sped euill also page 362 Chap. 16 Of certaine controuersies betweene king Charles and Ferrand king of Castile and of the ambassadors that were sent too and fro to pacifie them page 366 Chap. 17 A discourse of the misfortunes that hapned to the house of Castile in the Lord of Argentons time page 370 Chap. 18 Of the sumptuous buildings K. Charles began a little before his death of the great desire he had to reforme the church himselfe to diminish his reuenues to redresse the processes of the law and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castell of Amboise page 373 Chap. 19 How the holy man frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the pope and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies page 375 Chap. 20 Of the obsequies and funerals of king Charles the 8. and of the coronation of king Lewis the 12. his successor with the genealogies of the kings of Fraunce continuing to the saide Lewis page 377 The pedegree of Charles D. of Burgundy page 379 How Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth was neece to the Constable of Fraunce page 380 How Brabant Lambourg Luxembourg Namurs c. came to Charles D. of Burgundy 381. page 382 How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders c. page 383 How Arthois and the county of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret c. page 384 How the King of Portugale was cosin germaue to the D. of Burgundy page 385 How the D. of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother page 386 How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster page 387 The title the D. of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie c. page 388 Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Naples page 390 The house of Medices page 391 How Lewis D. of Orleans pretended title to the Duchie of Milan page 392 The pedegree of Hercules D. of Ferrara page 394 The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua page 395 How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it page 396 FINIS THE PREFACE OF THE AVTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in Fraunce TO satisfie your request so often mooued vnto me right reuerend father in God I send you heere a memoriall as agreeable to truth as I can possibly call to minde of all the acts and doings that I haue been priuy vnto of king Levvis the eleuenth our master and benefactor and a prince woorthy of perpetuall memory Of his youth I can say nothing but by his owne report But from the time I entred into his seruice till the hower of his death whereat I was present I was more continually resident with him than any man of my estate that serued him being euer either of his priuy chamber or employed in his weightie affaires I found in him as in all other princes that I haue knowne or serued both good and bad For men they are as we be perfection is proper to God onely But sure that prince whose vertues and good parts surmount his vices deserueth great commendation the rather bicause commonly noble personages are more prone to al kind of wantonnes than other men partly for that in their childhood they are brought vp without due chastisement correction partly bicause when they are grown to mans estate ech man seeketh to seed their humors sooth them in all they say or do But for mine own part bicause I loue not to flatter nor misreport the truth somwhat may happily be found in this historie not tending altogither to the kings praise but I trust the readers will weigh the reasons aboue alledged Sure thus much I dare boldly say in his commendation that in mine opinion he was the prince in his age all things considered least subiect to vice Yet haue I knowne and been conuersant with as many great princes both spirituall and temporall as any man in Fraunce of my time as well the princes of this realme as those also that haue liued in Britaine Flaunders Almayne Englande Spayne Portugall and Italy Diuers others also whom I haue not seene yet haue I knowne partly by conference with their ambassadors and partly by their letters and instructions which are meanes sufficient to enforme men of their natures and inclinations Notwithstanding I minde not by setting foorth his commendation in this worke to detract from the honor and good renowne of others but send you penned in haste all that I could call to minde trusting that you haue required it of me to turne it into some worke that you purpose to publish in Latine to the perfection of which toong you haue atteined whereby may appeere both the woorthines of the prince I now write of and also the excellencie of your owne wit Farther sir if I happen to faile in any point you haue my L. of Bouchage and others who are better able to enforme you of these affaires than my selfe and to couch their words in much eloquenter language Although to say the truth considering how honorablie the king entertained me how great familiaritie it pleased him to vse towards me and how liberally he bestowed vpon me neuer intermitting one of the three till the houre of his death no man hath iuster cause to remember those times then my selfe whereunto I also adde the losses I haue susteined and dangers I haue been in sithence his decease which are sufficient I thinke to put me in minde of the great benefits I receiued at his hands during his life Notwithstanding that I know it to be a matter of course that after the death of great and mightie princes great alterations ensue to the losse of some and gain of others for riches and honors folow not alwaies their expectation that hunt after them To conclude sir the better to enforme you of the time sithence I entred into the kings familiarity which is your desire I am forced first to rehearse what hapned before I came to his seruice and so orderly to proceede from the time I
battle should rest twise vpon the way to the end the foote men mought breath them bicause the vaward and it were far asunder and the corne high and thicke which troubled their going yet notwithstanding the cleane contrarie was done as though men would purposely haue lost all Wherfore heerby God manifestly declared that he is the Lord of hostes and disposeth of the victorie as seemeth best to him and sure for my part I cannot be perswaded that the wisdome of one man is sufficient to gouerne such a number of men nor that an enterprise can be executed in the field as it is deuised in the chamber and farther I verily beleeue that who so ableth himselfe by his own wit and capacitie to giue order in so waightie a matter misbehaueth himselfe towards God Notwithstanding euery man ought to do his endeuour therein acknowledging the wars to be one of the accomplishments of Gods iudgements which oftentimes he beginneth vpon small occasions to the end that by giuing victorie now to one and now to another some great realmes and seniories may fall to ruine and desolation and other some increase and florish with large empire and dominion for farther proofe whereof marke this that foloweth The Earle of Charolois marched without any breathing giuen to his shot and footemen vpon the way The Kings men of armes passed through the hedge aboue mentioned at two seuerall places and when they approched so neere their enimies that they began to charge their staues the Burgundian men of armes brake their owne shot and passed through it not giuing them leaue to let one arrow flie notwithstanding that the shot were the principall force and onely hope of their armie for of the men of armes being to the number of twelue hundred I thinke hardly fifty knew how to charge a launce there were not foure hundred of them armed with quiracies and of their retinue not one armed all the which inconueniences grew partly bicause they had rested so long in peace and partly bicause this house of Burgundie for ease of their subiects entertained no soldiers in ordinarie But since that day these Seniors of Burgundie haue continued in troubles which euen at this present rather increase than diminish Thus the Burgundian men of armes as you haue heard brake themselues the chiefe force and onely hope of their armie yet notwithstanding so it pleased God to dispose of this matter that on the right side of the castle where the Earle himselfe stoode no resistance was found All this day I my selfe neuer departed from the Earle being lesse afraide than in any other battell that euer I was at since for I was yoong and knew not what perill ment but wondred how any man durst resist the Prince I serued supposing none to be comparable to him Such are the cogitations of men lacking experience which causeth them oftentimes to maintaine fond arguments grounded vpon small reason Wherefore it is good to follow his aduise that saith A man seldome repenteth him of too little speech but often of too much On the lefthand stood the Lord of Rauastin and master Iames of S. Paul with diuers others who well perceiued their force too weake to encounter with the enimie that came to charge them but they were now so neere ioined togither that it was too late to deuise any new order To be short these were vtterly ouerthrowne and persued euen hard to our carriage where certaine of the footemen relied themselues but the greatest part tooke the forrest being but halfe a league thence The principall that folowed the chase were the gentlemen of Daulphine and Sauoy with certeine companies of men of armes who supposed the victorie to haue been theirs and not without cause for sure the Burgundians flight was great on that side yea and of great personages The most part fled toward Pont S. Maxence 12 supposing it had held yet for the Earle In the forrest also a great number staied among whom was the Earle of S. Paul well accompanied for he stood neere to the forrest side and declared afterward that he held not the battell as lost The Notes 1 This Iohn Earle of Dunois was bastard to Lewis Duke of Orleans Meyer 2 Yet La Marche saith that the Earle of Maine was of the Princes confederacie 3 The Arriereban is an edict neuer proclaimed but in cases of great extremitie for all as well nobles as others are thereupon bound to repaire to the King diuers of the which before the proclamation therof are not bound by their tenure to mooue The Arriereban of Daulphine heere named were all those of the countrie of Daulphine that held by this tenure Reade the edict made by King Francis anno 1543. and Girarde of the state of Fraunce lib. 2. fol. 113. 4 The King by the perswasion of the Earle of Maine and the Seneschall Brezey resolued at the last to fight Annal. Burgund 5 Brezey had changed armor with the King which caused his death for those that slue him supposed it had been the King Annal. Aquitan but Meyer saith he was reported to be slaine by the Kings procurement vvhich I knovve not vvhere he findeth 6 Of the day of the battell Annal. Franc. agree vvith our author but Annal. Burg. Annal. Aquit say 17. Meyer hath 17. Cal. Augusti that is the 16. day of Iuly vvith him agreeth Gaguin La Marche vvho vvas present at the battell and knighted in it 7 The Duke vvas ioined vvith the English men but 15. or 16. yeeres as saith also Introduction de la Marche for the league began anno 1419. and ended anno 1435. 8 The Burgundians dismounted so suddenly that laying dovvne their complete armor they had not leasure to buckle their lighter armor about them vvhich vvas the cause of Lalains death Annal. Burgund 9 Contay vsed another reason to persvvade the Earle to assaile his enimies heere not expressed to vvit to preuent the Parisians vvho if they issued foorth should inclose him betvveene them and the King Annal. Burgund 10 This Lalain seemeth to be the father of him that vvas slaine 11 Betvveene Longiumeau vvhere the Earles battell lay and Montl'hery vvhere his vavvard ledged are fovver English miles 12 Pont S. Clou and Pont S. Maxence vvere yeelded by the Burgundians bicause the rumor was that the Earle of Charolois was slaine in the battell Meyer Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in and how he was rescued Chap. 4. THe Earle of Charolois pursued his enimies on that side himselfe stood halfe a league beyond Montl'hery and found no resistance notwithstanding that he were but slenderly accompanied and met with maine enimies wherefore he held the victorie for his but suddenly an old gentleman of Luxembourg called Anthony le Breton came to him and aduertised him that the French were relied vpon the field so that if he followed the chase any further he should cast away himselfe But the Earle regarded not his speech notwithstanding that he repeated it twise
sommer his attempts and enterprises were so high and difficult that onely God by his absolute power could haue atchiued them for they passed far mans reach The Notes 1 De la Marche calleth him that deliuered the Earle Robert Couterel or Coutereau a horseman of Bruxels his Phisitions sonne whom for that fact immediately he made knight and feudarie of Brabant Gaghin writeth that the Earle was twice in danger once in the hands of Geffery De S. Bealin and againe in the hands of Gilbert Grassaie 2 For the two places heere named be aboue three hundred English miles asunder 3 There were slaine at the battell of Montl'hery 2000. Annal. Burgund Meyer saith 3000. Gaguin 3600. How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King Chap. 5. THe next day being the third after the battell we remooued our campe and lodged at Montl'hery out of the which the people fled part into the Church steeple and part into the Castell but the Earle caused them to returne to their houses neither lost they the value of one penie for euery man paid his shot as truly as if he had been in Flaunders The castell helde for the King and was not assaulted by vs. The third day being passed the Earle of Charalois by the Lord of Contais aduise departed to Estampes a good and commodious lodging and a fruitfull soile meaning to preuent the Britains who came that way and before their ariuall to lodge his men that were sicke and hurt in the towne and the rest abroad in the fields This good lodging and the Earles long abode there saued many a mans life At the said town of Estampes arriued the Lord Charles of Fraunce then Duke of Berry and the Kings onely brother accompanied with the Duke of Britaine the Earle of Dunois the Lord of Dampmartin the Lord of Loheac the L. of Beueil the Lord of Chaumount and master Charles of Amboise his sonne who since hath caried great credit in this realme all the which the King at his first comming to the crown had displaced and put out of office notwithstanding the great seruices they had done the King his father and the realme both in the conquest of Normandie and in diuers other wars The Earle of Charolois and all the noble men that were with him went foorth to receiue them and lodged their persons in the towne where their lodgings were already made but their forces lay abroad in the fields They had with them eight hundred men of armes very well appointed a great number of the which were Britons who lately had forsaken the Kings pay and these made a gallant shew in their campe of archers and other soldiers armed with good Brigandines they had great force so that I suppose they were six thousand men on horsebacke all in very good order and sure this army shewed the Duke of Britaine to be a great Prince for they were all paid out of his coffer 1 The King being retired to Corbeil as you haue heard was not idle neither forgat what he had to do but went straight into Normandy partly to leuy men and partly bicause he feared rebellion in the countrey but a great part of his forces he left about Paris in those places that had most need of defence The first euening that all these Princes met at Estamps they told newes each to other the Britons had taken prisoners certaine of the Kings part that fled and if they had been but a litle neerer the place of the battell they had either taken or discomfited the third part of his army They had first giuen order to sende foorth certaine bands before them to vnderstand how neere the Kings army and the Earles were togither but they altered their mindes Notwithstanding master Charles of Amboise and certiane with him scoured the countrey before their army to see if they could meete any of their enimies and certaine prisoners as you haue heard they tooke and part also of the Kings artillerie These prisoners made report vnto them that vndoubtedly the King was slaine for so they supposed bicause they fled at the very beginning of the battell which newes the abouenamed master Charles of Amboise and they that were with him brought to the Britaines campe who reioiced maruellously thereat supposing it had been true and hoping for great rewards if the Lord Charles were King Further they debated in councell as a man of credit there present afterward aduertised me how they might rid the countrey of the Burgundians and send them home in the diuels name and were in maner all agreed to cut their throtes if they could but this their ioy soone ended wherby you may perceaue what sodaine alterations are in a realme in such troubles But to returne to the campe lying at Estampes when euery man had supped and a great number being walking in the streetes The Lord Charles of Fraunce and the Earle of Charolois withdrew themselues to a window where they entred into very earnest communication Now you shall vnderstand that there was among the Britaines one that tooke great pleasure in throwing squibs into the aire which when they fall to the ground run flaming among men his name was master Iohn Boutefeu or master Iohn de Serpens I wot not well whether This mery companion being secretly hidden in a house threw two or three squibs into the aire from a high place where he stood one of the which by chance strake against the bar of the window where these two Princes communed togither wherewithall both of them started sodainly vp being astonished at this accident and each beholding other suspecting this to be purposely done to hurt them then came the Lord of Contay to his master the Earle of Charolois and after he had told him a word or two in his eare went downe and caused all the men of armes of the Earles house and all the archers of his garde and a number of other to arme themselues Incontinent also the Earle of Charolois mooued the Duke of Berry to command the archers of his garde to do the like whereupon immediatly two or three hundred men of armes stood on foote in harneis before the gate with a great number of archers the which sought round about from whence this fire might come in the end the poore fellow that had done the deed fell downe vpon his knees before them confessing the fact and threw three or foure other squibs into the aire whereby he put diuers out of suspicion each of other thus the matter turned to a iest and euery man vnarmed himselfe and went to bed The next day in the morning they sat in councell to debate what was to be done all the Princes with their principall seruants being there present and as they were of diuers parts and not obedient to one head so were they also of diuers opinions as in such assemblies it cannot be otherwise chosen But among
the rest of their talke certaine words that passed the Duke of Berry who was yoong and vnacquainted with such exploits were especially marked for he seemed already to be weary of this enterprise alledging the great number of the Earle of Charolois men that he had seene in the towne hurt and maimed of whom to shew that he had pitie and compassion he brake foorth into this speech and said that he had rather the matter had neuer been begun than that so much mischiefe should arise by his occasion and for his cause which words displeased greatly the Earle of Charolois and his men as heerafter you shall heare Notwithstanding they concluded in this assembly to go before Paris to prooue whether the towne would enter into league with them for the benefit of the common wealth which they al pretended to be the onely cause of their assembly being fully perswaded that all the townes in the realm would follow the example thereof The words aboue mentioned vttered by the D. of Berry in this assembly put the Earle of Charolois and his men into such a dumpe that they said thus one to another heard you this man speake he is discouraged for seuen or eight hundred hurt persons that he seeth in the towne who are none of his but meer strangers to him he would be otherwise troubled than if the matter should touch himselfe in any point and easely be won to agree with his brother and leaue vs in the mire and bicause of the long wars that haue been in times past betweene King Charles his father and the D. of Burgundie my father both the parties would soone consent to turne their forces against vs wherefore it is good to prouide vs of friends in time And vpon this suspicion onely VVilliam of Cluny Prenotarie who died Bishop of Poictiers was sent to England to King Edward the 4. then raigning to whom the Earle of Charolois had euer before been mortall enimie supporting the house of Lancaster against him of the which he was issued by his mother 2 And the said Clunies instructions were to treat with King Edward of a mariage betweene the Kings sister called Margaret and the Earle of Charolois not to conculde the matter but onely to put the King in hope thereof for the Earle knowing how greatly the King desired this mariage supposed by this meanes to win him to take his part if he needed his helpe at the least to staie him from attempting ought against him And notwithstanding that he ment nothing lesse then the accomplishment thereof bicause as feruently as he loued the house of Lancaster as extreemly hated he the house of Yorke yet was the matter so labored that many yeeres after the mariage was accomplished 3 and the Earle receaued also the order of the Garter and ware it till his dying day Many a such deed is often done vpon suspicion onely especially among great Princes who are much more suspicious then other men bicause of the doubts and reports that are daily brought vnto them oftentimes by flatterers vpon no occasion The Notes 1 The Britaines army was of 10600. men Anna. Aqui. and the archers here mentioned were all mounted one horsebacke otherwise the men of armes could not arise to sixe thousand 2 Charles D. of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster after this sort Iohn of Gaunt D. of Lancaster had issue by Blaunche his first wife daughter and heire to Henry D. of Darby and Lancaster Philip which married with Iohn King of Portugall bastard of Ferraude by whom she had issue Isabell married to Philip D. of Burgundie by whom she had issue this D. Charles 3 Margaret king Edwards sister arriued in the Lowe countries 25. Iunij Ann. 1468. Meyer How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge made of botes how Iohn D. of Calabria ioined with them and how they all encamped before Paris Chap. 6. ALl these Princes according to their determination departed from Estampes hauing soiourned there certaine daies and marched to Saint Maturin of Larchant and Moret in Gastinois in the which two little townes the Lord Charles of Fraunce and the Britaine 's lodged but the Earle of Charolois encamped in a great medow vpon the riuer of Seine and made proclamation that euery man should bring a hooke with him to fasten his horse therewith he caried also with him seauen or eight small boates in cartes and great store of pipeboorde meaning therewith to make a bridge ouer the riuer of Seine bicause these Princes had no passage there The Earle of Dunois accompanied him riding in a litter for bicause of the goute he could not sit on horsebacke notwithstanding his ensigne was borne with him When they came to the riuer they launched foorth the boates they brought with them and tooke an Iland in the midst of the streame where certaine of our archers landed and skirmished with a companie of horsemen that defended the passage on the other side vnder the leading of the Marshall Ioachin and Sallezard The place was much to their disaduantage bicause it was high and in a goodly vine country besides that the Burgundians had great store of artillerie vnder the charge of a notable gunner named Master Girald whom they tooke prisoner at the battell of Montl'hery being then in the Kings seruice To be short the aboue mentioned horsemen were forced to abandon the passage and retire to Paris The selfesame night the bridge was made from the side of the riuer where we lay to the Iland where incontinent the Earle of Charolois caused his pauilion to be pitched and lodged there all night with fiftie men of armes of his house by day breake a great number of Coopers were set on work to make casks of the pipe boord we brought with vs who so bestirred themselues that before noon the bridge was made from the Iland to the other side of the riuer Incontinent passed the Earle of Charolois and caused his tents whereof he was well furnished to be pitched ouer the same bridge passed also his whole armie and artillerie and lodged vpon the side of a hill hanging towards the riuer by means whereof his campe made a goodly shew to those that came after It was that whole daies worke to conuey ouer the Earles owne forces but the next morning by day breake passed also the Dukes of Berry and Britaine with their whole armie commending this bridge to be very commodiously and speedily made and marched when they were passed a little beyond the Earle and encamped also vpon the hill When it was darke night we discouered a great number of fires as far from vs as we could well discerne which diuers supposed to be the Kings forces but bofore midnight we were aduertised that it was Iohn Duke of Calabria 1 onely sonne to King Rene of Sicilie 2 with nine hundred men of armes of the Duchie and Countie of Burgundie The said Duke had
their lacke of experience cause them either to conclude some dishonorable treaty or put their master in greater feare at their returne than there is cause why Farther a Prince ought to commit such affaires rather to those that haue receaued benefit at his hands than to such as neuer were benefited by him but especially to wise men for he shall neuer make profit by imploying a foole Besides this such treaties ought to be held rather far from his campe than neere vnto it and when the Commissioners returne the Prince must giue them audience himselfe alone or in presence of verie fewe to the end that if their newes be discomfortable they may be instructed how to answer those that will be inquisitiue for all men will desire to vnderstand newes of them yea and some of their familiars will thinke that they wil hide nothing from them notwithstanding if they be such men as I haue heere described and know their master to be wise they will reueale nothing to any man whosoeuer The Notes 1 Couperoit in the French is vndoubtedly to be read Coupleroit as I haue heere translated it for to read it Couperoit is senselesse for the better vnderstanding of this place peruse Valturius de re militari lib. 11. pag. 313. where you shall se the right description of this bridge 2 This Chastel Guyon Chasteau Guyen and Chasteau Guyon as our author also afterward nameth him was the Prince of Orenges sonne La Marche 3 The old copie saith he was slaine at Morat but De la Marche who was at the battell sayeth at Granson but heere is to be noted that the Chasteau Guyon mentioned by our author lib. 5. cap. 2. and by Annal. Burgund that went into Piemont after the battell of Granson was not this but sonne or brother to this which is prooued by Commines owne vvords for in that place he calleth him Mounseor De Chasteau Guyon qui est de present and vvhether this Chasteau Guyon vvere slaine at Granson or Morat he cold not be aliue in Charles the 8 time vvhen our author writ Thus much I haue said lest Commines should seeme to vary from La Marche or rather from himselfe A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. Chap. 10. I Am entred into this discourse bicause I haue seene much falsehood in the world and many seruants deceaue their masters oftentimes through their masters owne fault for this I dare boldly auowe that proud and disdainfull Princes and such as will giue audience but to fewe are oftner abused then those that are curteous and readie to giue eare to euery man wherein sure King Levvis our master surmounted far all the Princes of his time for he was the wisest Prince in winding himselfe out of trouble and aduersitie the humblest in words the plainest in apparell and the greatest traueller to win a man that might do him seruice or harme that euer I knew Neither vsed he to relinquish his sute for the first refusal but labored the party continually by large promises and liberall gifts as well of great sums of money as also of such estates and offices as he knew would content him And as touching those whom he had banished and withdrawne his fauor from in peace and prosperitie he bought them deerely againe when he needed them and imploied them in his seruice cleane forgetting all offences passed He loued naturally men of meane estate and was enimie to all such as needed not to depende vpon him neuer Prince gaue audience to so many men neuer Prince was inquisitiue of so many matters nor desirous to be acquainted with so many strangers as he whereby he knew aswell all that were in authoritie and estimation in England Spaine Portugale Italie and the Seniories of Burgundie and Britaine as his owne subiects And by these vertues preserued he his estate which stood in great danger at his first comming to the crowne bicause of the enimies himselfe had procured to himselfe But his great liberalitie especially serued him to good purpose for as in aduersitie he wisely behaued himselfe so contrariwise in time of peace or truce he lightlie fell out with his seruants by picking trifling quarels to them and such was his disposition that he could hardly away with peace or quietnes In his talke he spared no man neither absent nor present saue such as he feared which were many for naturally he was very fearfull Farther when his talke had either turned him to displeasure or was like so to do he would endeuor himselfe to amend the matter by vsing these or such like words to the partie offended I know well that my toong hath wrought me much displeasure but it hath also oftentimes stood me in great stead notwithstanding reason it is that I should repaire the iniurie done and when he vsed this familiar speech he euer gaue withall some great present to the partie greeued Sure the knowledge of good and euill is a great gift of God to a Prince I meane when the good surmounteth the euill as it did in the King our Master who in mine opinion was much bettered by the trouble he sustained in his youth when he fled from his father and soiourned with Duke Philip of Burgundy the space of sixe yeeres 1 for he was constrained there to frame himselfe to the humor of those whom he stood in neede of which singular vertue aduersitie taught him But after his fathers death when he came first to the state he thought onely vpon reuenge but soone felt the smart thereof and therefore foorthwith changed his minde acknowledged his error repaired the harmes done and sought to recouer by large benefits those whom he had offended as heerafter you shall perceiue And I thinke verily he should neuer haue wound himselfe out of those troubles had not his education been better than noble mens commonly is in this realme who are brought vp altogither in wantonnes and dissolutenes as well in apparell as in talke they are vtterly vnlearned there is not one wise man about them they haue gouernors that dispose of all their affaires but they themselues do nothing yea some noble men there are hardly of fower nobles rent that glorie in saying Speake to my seruants thinking thereby to imitate great Princes But I haue oftentimes seene their seruants so make their profit of them that their folly hath thereby appeered to the whole world And if any of them happen at the length to looke about him and to attend to his owne busines it is so late that it seemeth almost to no purpose for all those that haue been great or done great things began in their tender age which vertue proceedeth either of their bringing vp or of the grace of God The Notes 1 King Lewis departed from his father into Daulphin anno 1447. and there remained till the yeere 1456. at the which time bicause of the force his father sent thither against him he was constrained to flie to
the Duke of Burgundy where he remained till the yeere of his coronation which was in the yeere 1461. Annal. Burgund De la Marche Meyer How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris and looking for the battell supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright Chap. 11. I Haue been long in this discourse but it serueth to so good purpose that sooner I could not end it Now to returne to the wars you haue heard how these archers that lay in the trench along vpon the riuer of Seine dislodged at the very instant that we should haue assailed them The truce neuer endured past a day or two and when it ended sharpe war began againe and the skirmishes continued from morning till night but no great force issued foorth of the towne notwithstanding they beat backe our scoutes oftentimes whom we euer releeued with new supplies There passed no day without some skirmish great or small and I thinke the King would haue had them greater had it not been bicause he was ielous of diuers though needlesly I haue heard him say that one night he found the posterne of Saint Anthonies bastile towards the fields wide open which put him in suspicion of Master Charles of Melun whose father kept the place yet sure a faithfuller seruant than the said Charles that yeere the King had none One day they within Paris determined to issue foorth to fight with vs of the which enterprise I suppose the King vnderstood nothing but it was onely his captaines resolution they meant to assaile vs three seuerall waies their greatest band should haue come from Paris another from Pont de Charenton which two could not greatly haue endamaged vs and the third appointed to be two hundred men of armes from Bois-de-Vincennes Of this resolution we were aduertised about midnight by a Page that told vs this newes as lowd as he could crie from the other side of the riuer by the commandement of the Princes friends within the towne some of the which also he named and so departed By breake of day issued foorth Master Poncet of Riuiere before Pont de Charenton and the Lord of Lauon the other side from Bois-de-Vincennes euen hard to our artillerie where they slue one of our gunners The alarme was great in our campe for we supposed this to be the enterprise whereof the Page aduertised vs ouer night The Earle of Charolois was soone armed yet not so soone as Iohn Duke of Calabria for at all alarmes he was the first man armed and that at all points and his horse euer barded Moreouer he ware such a garment as the famous men of war vse in Italy and shewed himselfe both a noble Prince and a woorthy Captaine he rode straight to the barriars of our campe to staie our men fom issuing foorth where he was as well obeyed as the Earle of Charolois him selfe yea the whole armie obeied him more willingly than any man in the companie of the which honor vndoubtedly he was woorthie Incontinent our whole force was in armes stood in order of battell within our cariage all saue two hundred horse that kept our watch abroad To be short this day we looked assuredly for the battell but neuer before nor neuer after Soone after the Earle of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria arriued the Dukes of Berry and Britaine whom I neuer saw armed but this day onely The Duke of Berry was armed at all points notwithstanding they were but weakely accompanied in the which estate they passed through the campe and rode foorth to the Lords of Charolois and Calabria where they communed togither Our scoutes being renforced rode as neere Paris as they could and discouered a great number of our enimies scouts comming to learne what noise this was in our army Our artillerie shot terriblie when Monseur De Lau approched so neere vs the King also had good peeces vpon Paris wals that shot into our campe which was strange for we lay two leagues from the town but I thinke the peeces were mounted to the most aduantage This thundering of the artillerie caused both the parties to thinke some great enterprise to be towards The day was very darke and cloudy and our scouts approching neer to Paris discouered many enimies abroad in the field and a good way beyond them a number of launces held vpright as they supposed which they iudged to be the Kings whole force and all the people of Paris issued foorth of the towne in order of battel which imagination the darknes of the heauens put into their head They returned foorthwith to the Princes being yet without our campe aduertised them of this news assuring them of the battell The scoutes that were issued foorth of Paris approched still neerer and neerer to our campe bicause they saw ours retire which thing so much the more increased in our scoutes their former imagination Then came the Duke of Calabria to the place where a great number of the Earle of Charolois houshold seruants stood to accompanie his standard and his banner readie to be displaied and the guidon of his armes according to the custome of the house of Burgundy and there the said Duke of Calabria spake thus to vs all We haue now our desire for the King is issued foorth with his whole force and marcheth forward as our scouts tell vs. Wherefore let vs determine to play the men So soone as they be out of the towne we will enter and measure with the long ell 1 and with such like words rode he about encouraging the companie our scouts at the length perceiuing the enimies to be but weake recouered their spirits rode againe towards Paris where they discouered these battels in the selfe-same place they left them whereupon they entred into a new cogitation what they might be but when they approched neere to them the day being broken vp and cleere they perceiued them to be high thistles whereupon they rode hard to the towne gates and found not a man abroad whereof incontinent they aduertised the Princes who vpon this newes went to masse and afterward to dinner but our scoutes were ashamed of their first aduertisement notwithstanding the darknes of the day togither with the message of the Page brought vnto vs ouernight somwhat excused them The Notes 1 By the long ell he meaneth the pike wherewith souldiers at the sacke of a towne vse to measure veluets silks and cloths How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace Chap. 12. THe treatie of peace continued still betweene the King and the Earle of Charolois especially bicause the principall force of both the armies was theirs The Princes demands were great namely the Duke of Berries who required all Normandy for his partage which the King would by no means condescend vnto The Earle of Charolois demanded the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme namely Abbeuille Amiens Saint Quintin Peronne and the rest that King Charles the 7. had engaged
seeing himselfe shut into this little castell and a number of archers before the gate stood in great doubt of his person the rather bicause he lodged hard by a great tower in the which an Earle of Vermandois had in times past caused a King of Fraunce one of his predecessors to be slaine 2 I was yet in seruice with the Duke and one of his priuie chamber into the which I entred at my pleasure according to the vse of this house of Burgundie The Duke when the towne gates were shut commanded all men to voide his chamber and said to two or three of vs that taried with him that notwithstanding he for his part had neuer any taste in this meeting but agreed to it onely to content the King yet the King on the contrarie side was come thither purposely to abuse him Then rehearsed he all these newes of Liege how the King had ordered the matter by his ambassadors and caused all his men to be slaine and such a rage he was in against the King and so threatened him that I thinke verily if those to whom he spake had pressed forward the matter and counselled him to worke the King some mischiefe he would haue done it at the least haue imprisoned him in the great tower aboue mentioned None were present when these words passed the Duke but my selfe and two groomes of his chamber one of the which was named Charles of Visin borne at Dyion an honest gentleman and in good credit with his master We mitigated this matter and sought to appease the Duke as much as in vs lay notwithstanding soone after he vsed also the like speech to others by meanes whereof it was blowen all ouer the towne and came at length into the Kings chamber who was in maruellous feare as vniuersally all men were bicause of the great euils they saw like to ensue a quarrell begun betweene two so great Princes who sure were both blame woorthie for that they aduertised not their seruants of this meeting who were far from them executing their commandements whereby some great inconuenience was sure to ensue The Notes 1 These were chanons of S. Lambert in Liege the which were not forced to be priests but might come foorth and marrie if they had not soong masse Guicci 2 This Earle of Vermandois was named Hebart or Herbau and the King of Fraunce Charles le Simple whom this Hebart slue in the towre heere mentioned anno 926. or after Annal. Burgund 921. bicause the King had slaine in battell Robert Duke of Aquitaine or after some of Aniou who had married this Hebarts sister But note heere poenam talionis vpon the King for as he was staied heere notwithstanding the Dukes safe conduct so had he himselfe taken and imprisoned by the space of two yeeres Philip Lord of Bresse hauing called him to him vnder his safe conduct Meyer Of the Lord of Bresses imprisonment our author maketh mention in the fift chapter of this booke A discourse wherein is shewed that an enteruiew betweene two great Princes for treatie of their affaires hurteth more than profiteth Chap. 8. IT is great folly for two Princes being in manner of equall force and estate to meete togither vnlesse it be in their youth when their mindes are wholy set vpon pleasures and pastimes but after they are come to mans estate and growen desirous to encroch each vpon other such enteruiewes do but increase their hatred and euill will though happily their persons might be there in safetie which notwithstanding I hold almost for a thing impossible Wherefore it is better to pacifie all controuersies by wise and discreete men as before I haue said for proofe whereof I will reherse certaine examples that haue happened in my tyme some of the which I my selfe haue seene and of the rest haue beene credibly enformed A few yeers after King Lewis his coronation before the war called the WEALE PVBLIQVE began a sollemne meeting was appointed between him and the King of Castile 1 which are the two neerest confederated Princes in Christendome for their league is betweene King and King Realme and Realme and man and man of their subiects which also they are both bound vnder great curses to keepe and obserue inuiolable To this meeting came Henry King of Castile with a goodlie traine to Fontarabia and the King our Master to Saint Iohn de Luz fower leagues distant both of them being vpon the frontires of their dominions I was not present my selfe at this meeting but I haue heard both the King and the Lord of Lau make report thereof and haue beene enformed of it also by certaine Lords of Castille there present with the King their Master who came to this enterview accompanied with the Lord great Master of Saint Iames and the Archbishop of Tolledo which two bare all the swaie in Castile at that time the Earle of Lodesme the King of Castils minion was there also in great brauerie and all the said Kings gard being to the number of three hundred horse all Moores of Granado and some of them Negros But K. Henry himselfe was a man of so small vnderstanding that he gaue away all his inheritance at the least suffered euery man that would to spoile him of it our King was also accompanied with a goodlie traine as you know his vse was but his gard especially was braue in verie good order To this meeting came in like maner the Queene of Arragon about a controuersie betweene hir and the King of Castile for Estell and certaine other places in Nauarre whereof the King was made arbitrator But now for proofe that such enterviews between great Princes are not meet nor conuenient you shall vnderstand that these two Kings had neuer beene at variance there was no quarrell betweene them neither saw they one another past once or twise vpon a riuer side that parteth both their realmes 2 hard by a litle castell called Heurtebise where the King of Castile passed to the hither side of the riuer At their first meeting they had no great liking one of another especially our King who perceiued the King of Castille to be but a simple man doing nothing of himselfe but whollie gouerned by the great Master of Saint Iames and the Archbishop of Tolledo aboue mentioned Wherefore he made no account of their Master but sought their freindship whereupon they came to him to Saint Iohn de Luz where he entred into amitie with them and had great intelligence by their meanes The greatest part of both these Princes traines lay at Bayonne and at the verie first meeting fell togither by the eares notwitstanding their league and no maruell For their maners and languages differed Afterward the Earle of Lodesme came also to visite the King and passed the riuer in a boate the saile whereof was cloth of gold Farther he ware a paire of buskins embrodred thicke with stone for he was a Prince of great wealth and reuenews in Castille and created
suum seque ipsos planè seruassent Siquidem statim post Caroli interitum ambo apud Gandauum accepêre talionem 6 The Constable died the 19. of December 1475. Annal. Franc. Gaguin Meyer in whom read the causes of his death fol. 368. A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the King contrarie to his safe conduct and what ensued thereof Chap. 13. THis deliuerie of the Constable was maruellous strange notwithstanding I speake it not to excuse his faults neither to accuse the Duke for sure he had iust cause to seeke his death But me thinke that he being so great a Prince and of so noble and honorable an house should not haue giuen him a safe conduct and then arrest him And vndoubtedly it was great crueltie to deliuer him where he was sure to die especially for couetousnes But soone after he had thus dishonored himselfe by this deede he receiued great losses and began to fall to ruine So that if we well consider the workes that God hath done in these our daies and daily doth we shal easily perceiue that he will leaue no fault vnpunished and that these strange punishments are inflicted onely by him bicause they surmount far the works of nature For his punishments are sudden especially vpon those that vse violence and cruelty who can not be meane persons but mighty men either in seniories or authority This house of Burgundy had long florished for by the space of a hundred yeeres or thereabout during the which time raigned fower of this house it was more esteemed than any other house in Christendome For all those that were mightier then it had suffered great afflictions and aduersities but it liued continually in perpetual felicity honor The first great Prince of this house was Philip surnamed the Hardy brother to Charles the fift King of Fraunce who maried the daughter and heire of the Earle of Flaunders being Countesse not onely of that countrey but also of Artois Burgundy 1 Neuers and Rethell The second was Iohn the third was the good Duke Philip who ioined to his house the Duchies of Brabant Luxembourg Lambourg and the Counties of Holland Zeland Hainault and Namur The fourth was this Duke Charles who after his fathers death was one of the richest and most redoubted Princes of Christendome and had in moueables namely iewels plate tapestry bookes and naprie more than three of the greatest Princes in Christendome Of treasure in coine I haue seene greater abundance in other Princes Courts for Duke Philip by the space of many yeeres leuied neither subsidies nor taskes yet notwithstanding at his death he left his sonne aboue three hundred thousand crowns in ready money and in peace with all his neighbors which long indured not notwithstanding I will not impute the whole occasion of the wars to him for others were as busie as he His subiects immediately after his fathers death vpon a small request graunted him very willingly a subsidie euerie countrey apart for the terme of ten yeeres amounting yeerly to the summe of 350000. crownes Burgundy not being comprehended therein Yea and at the time he deliuered the Constable he leuied yeerely ouer and aboue the former summe more then 300000. crownes and had aboue 300000. crownes in coine and all the Constables goods that came to his hands amounted hardly to the value of 80000. crownes for he had but 76000. in coine So that the Duke committed this foule fault for small gaine yet was the punishment thereof great for God raised vp an enimie against him of small force of yoong yeeres and of little experience in all things and caused his seruant whom he then most trusted to become false and traiterous He made also the Duke himselfe to mistrust his owne subiects faithfull seruants Are not these such manifest tokens and preparatiues as God vsed in the old Testament against those whose good fortune and prosperitie he meant to chang into misery and aduersitie Yet he neuer humbled himselfe before God but euen till the hower of death attributed all his good successe to his owne wisedome and prowesse before his death he was mightier than any of his predecessors and more esteemed through the whole world Before the Constables deliuerie he was fallen into a maruellous mistrust or great disdaine of his owne subiects for he had sent into Italie for a thousand men of armes Italians Before Nuz also he had great forces of Italians in his campe for the Earle of Campobache had vnder his charge fower hundred men of armes and better This Earle had no possessions for his maintenance for bicause of the wars the house of Aniou had made in the realme of Naples which house he serued he was banished his countrey and lost all his landes and serued euer since his departure out of Italie in Prouence or Lorraine vnder King Rene of Sicile or Duke Nicholas sonne to Duke Iohn of Calabria After whose death the Duke of Burgundie gaue entertainment to most of his seruants especially all his Italians namely this Earle of Campobache Iames Galeot a valiant honorable and faithfull gentleman and diuers others The said Earle of Campobache when he went into Italie to leuie his men receiued of the Duke of Burgundie 40000. duckets in prest for his companie But as he passed through Lions he fell in acquaintance with a Phisition named Master Simon of Pauy by whom he aduertised the King that if he would grant him certaine demands he would promise him at his returne to deliuer the Duke of Burgundy into his hands the like offer made he also to Monseur de Saint Pray then ambassador in Premont for the King Againe at his returne hauing his men of armes lying in the County of Marle he offered the King that so soone as he should be in campe with his Master he would not faile either to kill him or take him prisoner shewing withall the maner how he would do it which was this The Duke rode often about his campe to viewe it mounted vpon a little nagge and very slenderly accompanied at some such time this Earle said he would assault him and execute his enterprise He made yet also another offer to the King namely if the King and the Duke met togither in battell to turne with his men of armes on the Kings side vnder condition that the King would grant him certaine demands The King detested much the treason of this man and of a noble courage aduertised the Duke of his practises by the Lord of Contay aboue mentioned Notwithstanding the Duke would not credit the message supposing that the King sent him this aduertisement to some other end but loued the Earle all the better Wherefore you may see how God had troubled his wits in that he would giue no credit to those manifest demonstrations the King shewed him Well this Earle of Campobache was not so false and traiterous but Iames Galeot was as true and trusty who liued many
put from the crowne vnder colour of adulterie committed by hir mother But the matter ended not without great contention and war for the King of Portugale tooke part with his neece and diuers great Lords of Castile ioined with him yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henries sister wife to the son of Dom Iohn King of Arragon obtained the crowne and possesseth it yet at this day and thus this partage was made in heauen as diuers others are Further you haue seene of late daies the King of Scotland and his sonne being thirteene yeeres of age in battell the one against the other the sonne and his faction preuailed and the King was slaine vpon the place 13 This King murthered his owne brother and was charged with diuers other crimes namely the death of his sister and such like You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line and haue heard what impietie the Duke last deceased vsed against his father Diuers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appeere to be punishments and scourges of God which scourges are the principall cause of wars whereof insue mortality and famine all the which euils proceede of lacke of faith Wherefore I conclude considering the wickednes of men especially of great men who know not themselues neither beleeue that there is a God that it is necessarie for euery Prince and gouernor to haue an aduersary to keepe him in feare and humilitie otherwise no man should be able to liue vnder them or neere them The Notes 1 He meaneth that this towne of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole countrey of Flaunders which otherwise bicause of the great abundance thereof would soone forget God 2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories 3 This diuision began anno 1309. betweene the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz and the said Abbot demanded aide of Leopolde Duke of Austrich 4 As for example Leopolde Duke of Austrich brothers sonne to the former that began this diuision whom they slue at the battell of Sempache 9. Iulij ann 1386. 5 The reason heerof reade in Aristot Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. Problem Anthonii Zimarae 12. 6 Shame commeth of knowledge so that if a man do a fault and for lacke of learning know not that it is a fault he can neuer be ashamed of it nor seeke to amend it 7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight souse to the English shilling and the French liuer at two shillings sixe pence starling 8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling 9 That is 2500000. franks which amounteth to 312500. pound starling 10 For it was due by the conditions of the treatie 11 How King Henry the seuenth was next heire of the house of Lancaster the pedegree in the end of the worke will declare where also Philip de Commines error is controlled 12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000. 13 This King that slue his father in battell was Iames the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8. THE SIXT BOOKE How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King Chap. 1. NOw to returne to the principal matter and to proceede in this historie written at your request my Lorde of Vienna while the King brought vnder his subiection the places and townes aboue named in the marches of Picardie his armie lay in Burgundie the generall wherof in apparance was the Prince of Orenge 1 that now is who was borne in the countie of Burgundie and a subiect thereof but lately reuolted the second time from Duke Charles wherefore the King vsed his helpe for he was a great Lord well friended and well beloued both in the said countie and also in the Duchie of Burgundie But the Lord of Cran was the Kings lieutenant and he it was in truth that had the charge of the whole armie and in whom the King reposed his principall trust and sure he was a wise man and faithfull to his Master but somwhat too greedie of his owne gaine The said Lord of Cran when he drew neere the countrie of Burgundie sent the Prince of Orenge before him with certaine others to Digeon to perswade with the citizens to become the Kings subiects which enterprise so well they atchieued by the said Princes meanes that the towne of Digeon and all the other places of the Duchie of Burgundie yeelded to the King Aussonne and certaine castels excepted which held yet for the Ladie of Burgundie The King had promised the Prince of Orenge many goodly estates and to restore him to all his grandfathers inheritance in the countie of Burgundie for the which he was in sute with the Lords of Chauuerguion his vncles 2 whom as he said Duke Charles had fauored to his preiudice For this cause had been often pleaded before him with great solemnitie and once the Duke being accompanied with a number of lawyers gaue iudgement against the Prince at the least thus he reported wherefore he forsooke the Dukes seruice and went to the King But Monseur de Cran after he was entred into all these townes aboue mentioned and had gotten into his hands all the best places that should descend to the said Prince by right of inheritance refused to yeeld them to him notwithstanding both the Kings promise and the said Princes request The King also wrote often to him about this matter without all collusion knowing that he much misused the Prince notwithstanding he feared to displease the said de Cran bicause he had the charge of the whole countrie neither thought he that the Prince either would or could haue caused the countrie of Burgundie to rebel as afterward he did at the lest the greatest part therof But I will heere leaue these Burgundies affaires till another conuenient place shall serue to speake further thereof The Notes 1 This Prince of Orenge was Iohn de Chaslons the Prince of Orenge that now is is of the house of Nassaw 2 The olde copie hath Chasteauguion Annal. Burgund Chaumergnon Annal. Franc. Chauuerguion and so vndoubtedly it is to be read for Chasteauguion was brother to this Prince of Orenge Gaguin How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions Chap. 2. THose that heerafter shall reade this historie and happily vnderstand the affaires both of this realme and the countries bordering vpon it better than my selfe will maruell that since the death of Duke Charles I haue hitherto by the space almost of one whole yeere made no mention of the English men and will woonder that they suffered the King to take the townes bordering so neere vpon them namely Arras Bolloin Ardres and Hedin with diuers other castels and to lie so long with his campe before Saint Omer 1 But you shall vnderstand that the reason thereof was for that our King in wisedome and sense surmounted far Edward King of England then
they would go as far as the mountaines to meete him But one that stood by wished that neuer King of Fraunce might come into Italy for he had seene a poore man of the house of Aniou scourge it shrewdly meaning Duke Iohn sonne to King René King Ferrand had trauelled very earnestly the yeere before by his ambassador called Camillo Pendolfo to stay the King in Fraunce offering to pay him yeerely a tribute of fiftie thousand ducats and to holde the realme of him by homage and fealty But when he saw that he could by no meanes obtaine peace nor pacifie the estate of Milan he fell into the disease whereof he died notwithstanding in the midst of his pangues he confessed himselfe and as I trust repented him of his sinnes His sonne Alphonse who had been so terrible a Prince so cruell and so long trained vp in the wars before the King departed from Rome resigned his crowne and was stroken with such feare that in the night he neuer ceased to crie That he heard the French men comming and that the trees and stones sounded Fraunce He neuer was so hardie as once to issue foorth of Naples but vpon his sonnes returne from Rome put him in possession of the realme and caused him to be crowned and to ride about the streets of the citie accompanied with the nobliest personages that were there namely with Dom Frederick his brother and the Cardinall of Genua between whom the new K. rode and with the ambassadors there resident He caused also all other solemnities belonging to the coronation to be accomplished then fled himselfe sailed into Sicily with his mother in law sister to K. Ferrand of castile now raigning to whom the said realm of Sicily was in subiection to a house that she had there which was strang news through the whole world especially at Venice where I then was Some said he went to the Turke others thought his departure to be to the end his son who was not hated in the realme might the better win the harts of the people But mine opiniō was euer that he fled for very cowardise for a cruel man was neuer hardy as appeereth in histories by Nero others who before their death fel into great feare and desperation To be short this Alphonse made such haste to be gone that he said to his mother in law the selfe same daie that they departed as diuers of his seruants haue told me that vnlesse she would depart with speede he would leaue hir behinde him And when she desired him to staie but three daies onely to the end she 6 might be a whole yeere in his realme he answered that rather than he would tarie any longer he would throw himselfe headlong out at the windowes asking hir if she heard not how euery man cried Fraunce Thus he embarked in his Gallies with his said mother in law and departed carieng with him all sorts of wines whereunto he was maruellously giuen and of all kinds of seeds for gardens But as touching his mooueables and goods he left no order for them but the greatest part remained in the castle of Naples notwithstanding certaine iewels he carried also with him and a little money And in this estate sailed he and his mother in lawe to hir said house in Sicilie whence he departed and went to Messine whither he called and led with him diuers religious men vowing himselfe to be no more of this world Aboue all other orders of religion he loued especially those of the Mount Oliuet who are clad in white as they themselues told me at Venice where the body of Saint Heleine lieth in their cloister Moreouer he began to lead a maruellous holie life to serue God howerly both daie night with the said religious men as they do in their couents He vsed also great feasting abstinence and almes and soone after fell into a sharpe sicknes of excoriation and the stone in such sort that the said religious men reported that they neuer saw man so tormented Notwithstanding he endured patiently all these pangues being fully resolued to haue spent the rest of his life in an Abbey at Valence the great in Spaine there to haue registred himselfe a religious man But he was so tormented with this disease that he died soone after and it is to be hoped bicause of his great repentance that his soule is ioifull in Paradise his sonne also died soone after him of an ague ioyned with a fluxe and I trust they are both in better case then they were in this world But marke heere by the waie that in lesse than two yeeres space fiue wore the crowne of Naples to with the three aboue named Charles the 8. King of Fraunce and Dom Frederick brother to the said Alphonse now raigning The Notes 1 That is since the time that they rebelled vvhen they sent for the Duke of Lorraine vvhereof mention is made in the first chapter of this seuenth booke 2 Iouian Pontan in the vvars betvvene Duke Iohn of Aniou and this old Ferrand maketh the Duke of Sesse and prince of Rosane but one 3 The Italians haue Ischia vvhereof Plinie vvriteth thus lib. 3. cap. 7. Ischia insula est è Regione Veliae alio nomine aenotris dicta others vvrite that it vvas first named Aenaria Iouius vvriteth that the I le is named Aenacia and that Ischle is the name of the castle in the I le it is thirty miles from Naples Guicciar Sabellicus saith Procyta alias Ischla but Plinie maketh Procyta and Ischia tvvaine 4 These were soldiers so named of Bracio de Fortibraci a great captaine in his time 5 Hovv this booke vvas strangely reuealed by a vision of one Cataldus who had been bishop of Tarente more than a thousand yeeres before to a yoong childe vvho thereof enformed the King read Alexander in diebus genialibus lib. 3. cap. 15. 5 This she Guicciar vnderstandeth he meaning that she desired Alphonse to tary three or fovver daies to the end he might haue been King a vvhole yeere How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned King of Naples went and encamped at Saint Germain to resist the Kings comming and of the treatie that King Charles made with the Pope at Rome Chap. 12. NOw to the end all these things may be plaine and euident you shall vnderstand that K. Ferrand being crowned became as it were a newe man supposing all old iniuries and offences to be forgotten by his fathers flight wherefore he leuied all the force he could aswell horsemen as footemen and came to Saint Germain which is the very entry into his realme and a strong place and of great defence through the which the Frenchmen had passed twise before 1 There he encamped and manned the towne and then his friends began somwhat to recouer their spirits The towne is strong both bicause of a little riuer 2 which somtime is passable on foote somtime not and also bicause of the hill hanging ouer it The
bicause he was neere about him I asked his aduise whether I should presse forward the matter whereunto he earnestly perswaded me for al men desired to repaire home The King was in a garden and when I came to him I began to perswade with him as the daie before in presence of the Cardinall who answered me that it appertained to him being a church man to be the first moouer of the King to peace whereunto I replied that if he would not I would For I perceiued well that both the King and those that were neerest about him desired to returne home Then I tooke my leaue and at my departure told the Prince of Orenge who had the principall charge of the army that if I entred into any communication of peace I would addresse my selfe wholy to him This being done I tooke my iourney towards Casall where I was well receiued by the whole kinred of this house of Montferrat and found the greatest part of them inclined to the Lord Constantine whose gouernment was thought by them all most conuenient for the childrens safetie bicause he could pretend no title to the succession as the Marques of Saluce did I assembled by the space of certaine daies both the Nobles of the countrey the Spirituall men and the Burgesses of the good townes and at the request of them at the least the greatest part of them declared the Kings pleasure to be that the Lord Constantine should remaine gouernor For I was sure they would not withstande the Kings commandement both bicause of the force he had then on that side the mountaines and also bicause of the good affection the whole countrey beareth to the house of Fraunce About three daies after my arriuall at Casal the Marquesse of Mantua the Venetians Generall sent the steward of his house thither to condole the late deceased Marchionesse death for the said Marquesse was of kin to this house of Montferrat The same Steward and I entered into communication how we might agree these two armies without battell for both the parties disposed themselues to fight and the King lay in campe neere to Verceil but to say the truth he did but passe the riuer onely 2 and lodge his campe which was vtterly vnprouided of tents and pauilions for our men had brought foorth but few with them and those few also were lost Moreouer the ground was wet both bicause winter approched and bicause the countrey lieth low The King lodged in his campe but one night and the next day returned to the towne but the Prince of Orenge abode still with the army so did also the Earle of Foix and the Earle of Vendosme who fell into a fluxe there whereof he died which sure was great pitie for he was a goodly gentleman yoong and wise and was come thither in poste bicause the brute ran that there we should fight For you shall vnderstand that he had not beene with the King in this voiage into Italy Besides these the Marshall of Gie abode also in the campe and diuers other captaines but the greatest force were the Almaines that had beene with the King in this voiage for the French men would by no meanes lodge abrode the towne being so neere besides that diuers of them were sicke and many returned home some with leaue some without leaue Nouarre was distant from our campe ten great Italian miles containing six French leagues at the lest the way is cumbersome for the ground is tough and soft as in Flaunders bicause of ditches that are on both sides of the way much deeper than the ditches of Flaunders In winter the waies there are very foule and in sommer maruellous dustie Moreouer betweene our campe and Nouarre there was a little place which we held called Bourg about a league from vs and another that they held about a league from their campe called Camarian But the waters were risen so high that a man could hardly passe between vs and them The Marquesse of Mantuas steward aboue mentioned that was come to Casall and I continued still our communication of peace and diuers reasons I alleaged to him to perswade his Master to shun the battell First I put him in minde of the great danger he had beene in at Fornoue secondarily I told him that he fought for them that neuer had aduaunced him notwithstanding the great seruices he had done them wherefore his best way should be to incline to peace which I for my part promised to further on our side as much as in me lay He answered that his Master desired nothing more than peace but that we must make the first motion thereof as word had been sent me heertofore considering that their league that is to say the Pope the Kings of Romanes and Spaine the Venetians and the Duke of Milan were more woorthie than the King alone I answered that to make such a ceremonie about so small a trifle was meere follie notwithstanding if any ceremonie were to be obserued that the King ought to haue the preheminence and honor thereof considering that himselfe was there in person and the others had but their lieutenants there But to auoid all such fond cauillation I offered that he and I iointly as mediators if he so thought good would breake the yce so that I were sure his Master the Marquesse of Mantua would agree therunto and proceeded accordingly Whereupon we concluded that the next day I should send a trumpeter to their campe by whom I should write to Master Lucas Pisan and Master Melchior Treuisan the two Venetian Prouisors the which are officers appointed to consult with their captains and to prouide things necessarie for their armie According to the which resolution the next morning I writ vnto them the effect of that I had said before to the steward for I had good colour to continue still a mediator bicause I had promised so to do at my departure from Venice Besides that I was sure the King desired peace and me thought that also our affaires required it Lastly there are euer men ynow to breake off a good appointmēt but few that haue skil wil withal to trauel for the pacifying of so great a controuersie nor that will endure so many hard speeches as are vsed of them that deale in such affaires for in great armies all are not of one humor The said Prouisors were glad of these newes and promised that I should shortly haue answer of my letter whereof foorthwith they sent word to Venice in post and receiued answere with great expedition from the Seniorie and not long after sent an Earle that serued the Duke of Ferrara to our campe The said Duke had men in their armie for his eldest sonne was in pay with the Duke of Milan 3 but another of his sonnes with the King our Master This Earles name was Albertin and he pretended openly that the occasion of his arriuall was to visite Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul with whom he had a sonne
that we had therof assured our friends in Italy aboue named all the which had beene at great charges and were in a readines But the Duke of Orleans being present at the debating of this matter himselfe made answer either by the aduise of some one or for that he shunned this enterprise bicause he saw the King euill disposed of his body whose heire he should be if he died that he would neuer take vpon him this voiage for his owne particular quarrell but willingly by the Kings commandement as his lieutenant with the which answere the counsell arose The next day and many daies after the ambassadors of Florence and diuers others pressed the King earnestly to command the Duke to depart Whereunto the King answered that he would neuer force him to the wars against his will Thus was this voiage dashed to the Kings great greefe both bicause of the great charges he had susteined and also bicause he was in good hope if it had proceeded to haue been reuenged of the Duke of Milan considering what intelligences he had already and what other intelligences he might haue had at that time by meanes of Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul lieutenant generall for him and the D. of Orleans in these Italian wars who was a Milanois borne and very well beloued and friended in his countrie where he had good intelligence with many both of his kinsemen and others This enterprise thus failing another succeeded yea two or three at a clap against Genua where the people are euer inclined to diuision one of these enterprises was managed by Master Baptiste de Campefourgouse who was chiefe of one of the factions in the towne but banished and his faction of no authoritie at that time neither yet the house of Orie who are gentlemen and they of Fourgousi none The said D'Ories take part with the Fourgouses but none of them may be Duke bicause they are gentlemen for no gentlemen may be Duke of Genua but this Baptiste had been Duke not long before and lost the gouernment by the trecherie of his vnckle the Cardinall of Genua who of late yeeres put the Seniorie of Genua into the Duke of Milans hands So that at this present the Adornes gouerned Genua who in like maner are not gentlemen but haue often been Dukes by helpe of the Spinoles who are gentlemen so that the gentlemen make the Duke of Genua but cannot be Dukes themselues This Baptista trusted that his faction would arise in his fauor both in the towne and countrey and that the towne being recouered the soueraigntie thereof should remaine to the King but he and his faction gouerne and banish their enimies The other enterprise was this diuers of Sauonne addressed themselues to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula 3 and promised to yeeld the towne to him hoping thereby to recouer their libertie for they are vnder the Genuois gouernment and pay tribute to them If we had entred into this place Genua should haue been greatly distressed the countrey of Prouence being in subiection to the King and Sauoy wholy at his deuotion Wherefore the King being aduertised of all these enterprises wrote to Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul to aide Master Baptist de Campefourgouse with force to conueigh him to the gates of Genua to see whether his faction would arise in his fauor And on the other side he was so earnestlie pressed by the Cardinal S. Peter ad Vincula that he sent other letters at the selfe same time to the said M. Iohn Iames comanding him to lend the said Cardinal men to conueie him to Sauonne and the like commandement sent he him also by mouth by the Lord of Sernon in Prouence who was great friend to the said Cardinall and a stout talker Besides these two commandements came yet a thirde which was that the said Master Iohn Iames should retire into some place where he might conueniently aide both these parties aboue mentioned yet attempt nothing against the Duke of Milan nor the treatie of peace made the summer before with him which commandement was cleane contrary to the two former Thus you see how great Princes affaires are gouerned when they vnderstand them not themselues but command letters and dispatch men vpon a sudden before they heare matters well debated For as touching the demaunds of Master Baptist de Campeforgouse and the said Cardinal it was impossible to satisfie them both at once for Baptist durst not go to the wals of Genua without great force bicause the towne is very populous and the people well armed and hardy and valiant soldiers wherefore if Master Iohn Iames should at the same time haue lent men also to the Cardinall his armie had been diuided into three companies for part of the force must haue remained with himselfe In the meane time diuers bands arriued at Genua and at Sauonne sent thither by the Duke of Milan and the Venetians who both feared greatly the reuolt of Genua as did also Dom Frederick and the Pope Besides these two enterprises the said Master Iohn Iames had yet a third in his head deuised of his owne braine which was this he would haue broken off both these other enterprises and haue marched with the whole force straight against the Duke of Milan and vndoubtedly if he had not beene countermaunded he would haue done some great exploit His enterprise he was already entred into and had aduertised the King thereof pretending that he could not otherwise aide them that should go to Genua or Sauonne to the enterprises aboue mentioned Wherefore vnder colour thereof he led his armie into the high way betweene Alexandria and Genua which was the onely way the Duke of Milan could send to inuade our bands that should go to Genua and Sauonne and three or fower small townes he tooke which voluntarily receiued him aduertising the King that this notwithstanding he made no war vpon the Duke of Milan seeing he was forced of necessitie for the safetie of those that should go to the other enterprises to do as he did adding that the King could not be said to make war vpon the Duke of Milan for seeking to conquer Genua or Sauonne bicause they were held of him and forfaited to him but this enterprise was dashed by the Kings commandement Further to satisfie the Cardinall the said Master Iohn Iames lent him part of the armie to conuey him to Sauonne but he found the place manned and thereupon gaue ouer his enterprise and returned He lent men also to Master Baptist to conuey him to Genua who assured him that his enterprise should take effect but when he was three or fower leagues vpon the way they that accompanied him began to be ielous of him as well the Almaines as the French wherein notwithstanding that they did him wrong yet sure their companie being but small should haue put themselues in great danger if they had gone to Genua and his faction had not happened to arise Thus all these enterprises
in seruice 4 He addressed himselfe to the Prince of Orenge according to the stewards agreement and mine at our departure from Casal and aduertised him that he had a commission from the Marquesse of Mantua the Prouisors and the other captaines of their armie to demaund a safe conduct for the said Marquesse and others to the number of fiftie horses to come and treate with such as it should please the King to appoint for they acknowledged that it was reason they should first come to the King and his Commissioners and declared also that they would do him that honor Afterward the said Earle desired to commune with the King apart which his request being granted he then counselled him not to make peace reporting our enimies armie to be in so great feare that shortly they would raise their siege depart by which words he seemed rather desirous to break off the treatie than to further it notwithstanding that his commission openly were such as you haue heard At this communication M. Iohn Iames of Treuoul was present who bicause he was great enimie to the Duke of Milan would also gladly haue broken off the treatie But aboue all others the Duke of Ferrara the said Earle Albertins Master being newly arriued at the Duke of Milans campe who had married his daughter desired war for he was great enimie to the Venetians bicause they withheld from him diuers countries namely the Polesan and others After the King had communed with this Earle he sent for me and debated with his Counsell whether he should grant this safe conduct or not Those that would gladly haue broken off the treatie as Master Iohn Iames and others who spake in fauor of the Duke of Orleans as they pretended desired the battell saying that they were sure the enimies would shortly dislodge bicause they starued for hunger but the greatest part of those that gaue this aduise were clergie men who would not haue been at the battell themselues Diuers others and my selfe among the rest were of the contrarie opinion saying that we should sooner starue for hunger than they being in their owne countrie And as touching their dislodging we answered that their force was too great to flie for feare of vs by that means to cast themselues away Wherfore these words we said proceeded of men that would haue vs fight hazard our liues for their particular quarrels To be short the safe conduct was granted and sent and promise made that the next day by two of the clocke at after noone the Prince of Orenge the Marshall of Gie the Lord of Piennes and my selfe should meete the said Marquesse and his collegues betweene Bourg and Camarian neere to a towne where they kept their watch to the end we might there commune togither According to the which appointment the next day thither we went accompanied with a good band of soldiers and there the said Marquesse of Mantua and a Venetian that had the charge of their Estradiots met vs 5 and gaue vs very courteous language saying that for their parts they desired peace Further we there concluded that to the end we might the more conueniently commune togither they should send certaine Commissioners to our campe and afterward the King certaine of his to them whereunto they agreed and sent vnto vs the next day on the Duke of Milans behalfe Master Francisco Bernardin Viscomte and with him one of the Marquesse of Mantuas Secretaries with whom we aboue named and the Cardinall of S. Malo began to negotiate They demanded Nouarre where the Duke of Orleans was besieged and we Genua saying that it was held of the King by homage and that the Duke of Milan had taken it by confiscation 6 Then they made their excuses saying that they had attempted nothing against the King but onely in their owne defence that the Duke of Orleans had taken the said citie of Nouarre with the Kings forces and had first mooued this war and further that they thought their Masters would neuer agree to such conditions but willingly do any other thing to content the King They were with vs two daies and afterward returned againe to their campe whither the Marshall of Gie Monseur de Piennes and I were sent after them to demand the said citie of Genua and as touching Nouarre we offered to deliuer it to the King of Romans men that were in their campe vnder the leading of Master George de Pietreplane and Master Frederick Capelare and one named Master Haunce For we could not succour it but by battell and that we desired not wherefore this offer we made to discharge our selues of it with honor for the Duchie of Milan is held by homage of the Emperor Diuers messengers ran to and fro betweene our campe and theirs but nothing was concluded Notwithstanding I lodged euery night in their campe for the Kings pleasure was that I should so do bicause he would breake off no ouerture In the end all we aboue named returned againe to them being accompanied with the President of Gannay and Moruillier Bailife of Amiens which two went with vs to pen the articles in Latin for hitherto I had negotiated with them in such bad Italian as I had Our order of proceeding was this When we arriued at the Dukes lodging he and the Duchesse came foorth to receiue vs at the end of a gallerie and then we entred all before him into his chamber where we found two long ranks of chaires set neere togither the one before the other in the one of the which they sate downe and we in the other They sate in this order first one for the King of Romanes then the ambassador of Spaine then the Marquesse of Mantua and the two Prouisors of Venice and an ambassador of Venice then the Duke of Milan and his wife and last of all the ambassador of Ferrara of their side none spake but the Duke alone and of our side but one But our maner is not to proceede so calmly nor so orderly as they for we spake somtimes two or three togither but then the Duke vsed to reclaime vs saying ho one to one When we came to pen our articles all that was agreed vpon was written by one of our Secretaries and likewise by one of theirs which also at our departure the two Secretaries read the one in Italian and the other in French and likewise at our next meeting as wel to the end that nothing should be altered as also for the more expedition and sure it is a good maner of proceeding in great and waightie affaires This treatie endured about fifteen daies or more but it was agreed the first day that the Duke of Orleans might depart out of the towne and the selfesame day we made truce which continued from day to day till the peace was concluded Moreouer the Marquesse of Mantua put himselfe in hostage into the Earle of Foix his hands rather for his owne pleasure than for any doubt we