Selected quad for the lemma: prince_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
prince_n	henry_n	king_n	navarre_n	3,463	5	11.5896	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A91487	Severall speeches delivered at a conference concerning the power of Parliament, to proeeed [sic] against their King for misgovernment. In which is stated: I. That government by blood is not by law of nature, or divine, but only by humane and positive laws of every particular common-wealth, and may upon just causes be altered. II. The particular forme of monarchies and kingdomes, and the different laws whereby they are to be obtained, holden and governed ... III. The great reverence and respect due to kings, ... IV. The lawfulnesse of proceeding against princes: ... V. The coronation of princes, ... VI. What is due to onely succession by birth, and what interest or right an heire apparent hath to the crown, ... VII. How the next in succession by propinquity of blood, have often times been put back by the common-wealth, ... VIII. Divers other examples out of the states of France and England, for proofe that the next in blood are sometimes put back from succession, ... IX. What are the principall points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding their king, wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of religions, and other such causes.	Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610, attributed name.	1648 (1648)	Wing P573; Thomason E521_1; ESTC R203152	104,974	80

Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellians neither may their children or next of Bloud succeed except they be chosen as in the Empire Herbert l. 9. Hist Pol. Cromerus l. 3. Hist Polon In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are farre more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner for as touching authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every ordination of these two Kings is Law in it selfe without further approbation of the Common-wealth which holdeth not in England where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament but in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is farre greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and States of the Realme as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Councels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth Concil blet 4. c. 74. coneil s c. 3. In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworne by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practised in our dayes towards three or four of king Philips children which have succeeded the one after the other in the Title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male for which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were son and heir unto a daughter of France whose three brethren were kings and left her sole heir to her father king Philip the fourth sirnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown Anne 1340. Anil hist Franc. l. 2. Gerard. du Haylan l. 14. hist Franc. as also was the king of Navar at the same time who was son and heir unto this womans eldest brothers daughter named Lewis Huttin king of France which king of Nav●r thereby seemed also to be before king Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a brothers son of Philip the fair was preferred to it by general decree of the States of France and by verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same affaires Franc. Belfor l. 5. c. 1. Anno 1327. Neither did it avail that the two kings aforesaid alleadged that it was against reason and conscience and custome of all Nations to exclude women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained unto them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as it appeareth by example of all other Nations and in the old Testament among the people of God it selfe where we see Women have been admitted unto kingdomes by succession but all this I say prevailed not with the French as it did not also since for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by dissent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she was the eldest childe of the king's eldest sister The like exclusion was then made against the prince of Lorain though he was a man and nephew to the king for that his Title was by a Woman to wit his mother that was younger sister unto king Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by vertue whereof they pretend to exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confesse and much lesse made by Pharamond their first king or in those ancient times as others without ground do affirme Gerard. du Hail l. 13. hist Fra●c Anno 1317. l. 14. Anno 1328 l. 3. de l'Estat defrunce Yet do we see that it is sufficient to binde all Princes and Subjects of that Realme to observe the same and to alter the course of natural Discent and nearnesse of Bloud as we have seen and that the king of Navar and some others of his race by vertue of this onely Law did pretend to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearnesse of Bloud they were farther off by many degrees from king Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the prince of Lorain who were children of his own sisters which point yet in England were great disorder and would not be suffered for that our Lawes are otherwise and who made these Lawes but the Common-wealth it selfe By all which we see that divers Kingdomes have divers lawes and customes in the matter of succession and that it is not enough for a man to alleage bare propinquity of blood thereby to prevaile for that he may be excluded or put back by divers other circumstances for sundry other reasons which afterward we shall discusse Yea not onely in this point hath the common-wealth authority to put back the next inheritors upon lawfull considerations but also to dispossesse them that have bin lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the lawes and conditions by which and for which their dignitie was given them Which point as it cannot serve for wicked men to be troublesome unto their Governours for their own interests or appetites so yet when it is done upon just and urgent causes and by publique authority of the whole body the justice thereof is playne not onely by the grounds and reasons before alleaged but also by those examples of the Romans and Grecians already mentioned who lawfully deposed their Kings upon just considerations and changed also their Monarchie and Kingly Government into other forme of regiment And it might be proved also by examples of all other nations and this perhaps with a circumstance which every man considereth not to wit That God hath wonderfully concurred for the most part with such juditiall acts of the common-Wealth against their evill Princes not onely in prospering the same but by giving them also commonly some notable successor in place of the deposed thereby hath to justify the fact and to remedy the fault of him that went before I am far from the opinion of those people of our dayes or of old who make so little account of their duty towards Princes as be their title what it will yet for every mislike of their owne they are ready to band

whom they alleadged this reason for their doing in that behalfe as Girard putteth it downe in both his French Chronicles I mean the large and the abbreviation to wit that their oath to Childerie was to honour serve and obey maintaine and defend him against all men as long as he was just religious valiant clement and would resist the enemies of the Crowne punish the wicked and conserve the good and defend the Christian faith And for as much as these promises said they were conditionall they ought not to hold or binde longer then that they were reciprocally observed on both parts which seeing they were not on the part of Childerie they would not be any longer his subject and so desired Zacharias to absolve them from their oaths which he did and by this meanes Childerie was deposed and 〈◊〉 into a Monastery where he dyed and in his place Pepin was chosen and crowned King whose posterity reigned for many years after him and were such noble Kings as all the world can testifie And so continued the race of Pepin in the royall throne for almost two hundred years together untill Hugo Capetus Hug. Cap. per an 988. who was put into the same throne by the same authority of the Commonwealth and Charles of Loraine last of the race of Pepin for the evill satisfaction which the French Nation had of him was put by it and kept prisoner during his life in the Castle of Orleance And thus much doe affirme all the French Histories and doe attribute to these changes the prosperity and greatnesse of their present Kingdome and Monarchy and thus much for France where many other examples might be alleaged as of King Lewis the third sirnamed Faineant For that he was unprofitable and of Charles sirnamed Legros that succeeded him both of them deposed by the States of France and other the like of whom I shall have occasion to speak afterwards to another purpose But now if you please let us step over the Pireny mountains and look into Spayne where there will not faile us also divers examples both before the oppression of that Realme by the Moores as also after Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros morac l. 11. cap. 17. For that before to wit about the yeare of Christ 630. we read of a lawfull King named Flaveo Suintila put downe and deprived both he and his posterity in the fourth Councell Nationall of Toledo and one Sissinando confirmed in his place notwithstanding that Suintila were at the beginning of his reigne a very good King and much commended by Isidorus Archbishop of Sivill Isidor in Hist hispan who yet in the said Councell was the first man that subscribed to his deprivation After the entrance of the Moores also when Spaine was reduced againe to the order and government of Spanish Kings we read Estevan de Garibay l. 13. de la hist de Espa c. 15. that about the yeare of Christ 1282. one Don Alonso the eleventh of that name King of Castile and Leon succeeded his father Fernando sirnamed the Saint and himselfe obtained the sirname of Sabio and Astrologo that is to say of wise and of an Astrologer for his excellent learning and peculiar skill in that Art as may well appeare by the Astronomy tables that at this day goe under his name which are the most perfect and exact that ever were set forth by judgement of the learned This man for his evill government and especially for tyranny used towards two nephews of his as the Spanish Chronicler Garavay writeth was deposed of his Kingdome by a publicke act of Parliament in the Towne of Valiodolid after he had reigned 30. yeares and his owne sonne Don Sancho the fourth was crowned in his place who for his valiant acts was sirnamed ●l bravo and it turned to great commodity of the Commonwealth The same Commonwealth of Spaine some yeares after to wit about the yeare of Christ 1368. having to their King one Don Pedro sirnamed the cruell for his injurious proceeding with his Subjects though otherwise he were lawfully seased also of the Crowne as son and heire to King Don Alonso the twelfth and had reigned among them 18. yeares yet for his evill government they resolved to depose him and so sent for a bastard brother of his named Henry that lived in France requesting him that he would come with some Frenchmen to assist them in that act and take the Crowne upon himselfe Garibay l. 14. c. 40. 41 which he did and by the helpe of the Spaniards and French Souldiers he drave the said Peter out of Spaine and himselfe was crowned And albeit Edward sirnamed the black Prince of England by order of his father King Edward the third restored once againe the said Peter yet was it not durable for that Henry having the favour of the Spaniards returned againe and deprived Peter the second time and slew him in fight hand to hand which made shew of more particular favour of God in this behalfe to Henry and so he remayned King of Spaine as doth also his pr●geny injoy the same unto this day though by nature he was a bastard that King Peter left two daughters which were led away into England and there married to great Princes And this King Henry so put up in his place was called King Henry the second of this name and proved a most excellent King and for his great nobility in conversation and prowesse in Chivalry was called by Excellency El cavallero the Kingly King and for his exceeding benignity and liberality was sirnamed also El del merceedes which is to say the King that gave many gifts or the liberall franck and bountifull King which was a great change from the other sirnamed cruel that King Peter had before and so you see that alwayes I give you a good King in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I goe out of Spaine I will alleage you one example more which is of Don Sancho the second surnamed Capelo fourth King of Portugal lawfull sonne and heir unto Don Alanso surnamed el Gardo who was third King of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had reigned 34. yeares was deprived for his defects in government by the universall consent of all Portugal Garibay lib. 4. de hist Portug c. 19. and this his first deprivation from all kingly rule and authority leaving him only the bare name of King was approved by a generall Councell in Lyons Pope ●nnocentius the fourth being there present who at the Petition and instance of the whole Realme of Portugal by their Embassadors the Archbishop of Braga Bishop of Camibra and divers of the Nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did authorize the said State of Portugal to put in supream government one Don Alonso brother to the said King Don Sarcho who was at that time Earle of Bullen in Picardy by right of his wife and so the Portugales did and further also a little after they deprived their said King

truly nor the example of one Princes punishment maketh another to beware for the next successour after this noble Edward which was King Richard the second though he were not his son but his sons son to wit son and heire to the excellent and renowned black Prince of Wales this Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his great Grandfather for evill government as also the felicity and vertue of his Father and Grandfather for the contrary suffered himselfe to be abused and misled by evill councellours to the great hurt and disquietnesse of the Realme For which cause after he had reigned 22. yeares he was deposed by act of Parliament holden in London the yeare of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetuall prison in the Castle of Pomfret Polyd. l. 20. hist Aug. 1399. where he was soon after put to death also and used as the other before had been and in this mans place by free election was chosen for King the noble Knight Henry Duke of Lancaster who proved afterwards a notable King and was father to King Henry the fifth sirnamed commonly the Alexander of England for that as Alexander the great conquered the most part of Asia in the space of 9. or 10. yeares so did this Henry conquer France in lesse then the like time I might reckon also this number of Princes deposed for defect in government though otherwise he were no evill man in life this King Henry the fourths nephew I mean King Henry the sixt who after almost forty yeares reigne was deposed imprisoned and put to death Polyd. l. 23. ●istor Anglie together with his sonne the Prince of Wales by Edward the fourth of the house of Yorke and the same was confirmed by the Commons and especially by the people 〈◊〉 London and afterwards also by publicke Act of Parliament in respect not only of the title which King Edward pretended but also and especially for that King Henry did suffer himselfe to bee overruled by the Queen his wife and had broke the articles of agreement made by the Parliament between him and the Duke of Yorke and solemnly sworne on both sides the 8. of Octob. in the yeare 1459. In punishment whereof and of his other negligent and evill government though for his owne particular life he was a good man sentence was given against him partly by force and partly by law and King Edward the fourth was put in his place who was no evill King and all English men well know but one of the renownedst for martiall acts and justice that hath worne the English Crowne But after this man againe there fell another accident much more notorious which was that Richard Duke of Glocester this King Edwards yonger brother did put to death his two nephews this mans children to wit King Edward the fifth and his little brother and made himselfe King and albeit he sinned grievously by taking upon him the. Crown in this wicked manner yet when his nephews were once dead he might in reason seem to be lawfull King both in respect that he was the next male in blood after his said brother as also for that by divers acts of Parliament both before and after the death of those infants his title was authorised and made good and yet no man wil say I think but that he was lawfully also deposed again afterward by the Commonwealth An. 1487. which called out of France Henry Earle of Richmond to chastise him and to put him downe and so he did and tooke from him both life and Kingdome in the field and was King himselfe after him by the name of King Henry the seventh and no man I suppose will say but that he was lawfully King also which yet cannot be except the other might lawfully be deposed I would have you consider in all these mutations what men commonly have succeeded in the places of such as have been deposed as namely in England in the place of those five Kings before named that were deprived to wit John Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixt and Richard the third there have succeeded the three Henries to wit the third fourth and seventh and two Edwards the third and fourth all most rare and valiant Princes who have done infinit important acts in their Commonwealths and among other have raised many houses to Nobility put downe others changed states both abroad and at home distributed Ecclesiasticall dignities altered the course of discent in the blood Royall and the like all which was unjust is void at this day if the changes and deprivations of the former Princes could not be made and consequently none of these that doe pretend the Crowne of England at this day can have any title at all for that from those men they descend who were put up in place of the deprived And this may be sufficient for proofe of these two principall points that lawfull Princes have oftentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovernment and that God hath allowed and assisted the same with good successe unto the Weal-publique and if this be so or might be so in Kings lawfully set in possession then much more hath the said Commonwealth power and authority to alter the succession of such as doe but yet pretend to that dignity if there be due reason and causes for the same The fourth Speech TRuly Sir I cannot deny but the examples are many that this Gentleman hath alleaged and they seeme to prove sufficiently that which you affirmed at the beginning to wit that the Princes by you named were deprived and put downe by their Common-wealths for their evill government And good successors commonly raised up in their places and that the Common-wealth had authority also to doe it I doe not greatly doubt at leastwise they did it de facto and now to call these facts in question were to embroyle and turne up-side-down all the States of Christendome as you have well signified but yet for that you have added this word lawfully so many times in the course of your narration I would you tooke the paines to tell us also by what Law they did the same seeing that Belloy whom you have named before and some other of his opinion doe affirme Belloy apolog catholic part 2. paragraf 9. apol pro rege cap. 9. That albeit by nature the Common-wealth have authority over the Prince to chuse and appoint him at the beginning as you have well proved out of Aristotle and other wayes yet having once made him and given up all their authority unto him he is now no more subject to their correction or restraint but remaineth absolute of himselfe without respect to any but onely to God alone which they prove by the example of every particular man that hath authority to make his Master or Prince of his inferiour but not afterwards to put him downe againe or to deprive him of the authority which he gave him though he should not beare himselfe well and

300. years after recorded by the same author of the Emperour Michaell the first in these words The Grecian Emperours oath Michaell ubi dilaxit magnam ecclesiam ingressus a Patriarcha Nicephoro imperatorio diademate est ornatus post silato scripto quo promilleret se nulla eccleisa instituta violatu●um neque christianorum sanguine manus contaminaturum Zon. To● 3. in vita Mich. An. 820. ●hich is Michell new chosen Emperour came early in ●he morning into the great Church of Constantinople and was crowned there with the Emperial crown by the hands of Nicephorus the Patriarch but yet so as he was first required to swear and promise by writing that he would never violate the ordinances of the Church nor contaminat is hands with christian bloud which in effect is as much to say as that he should reign godly justly many other such examples might be alledged but by this it is easie to see what was the fashion of admitting crowning those Grecian Emperours by their Patriarks in the name of all the Common-wealth which Common-wel●h was not satisfied with an oath except also it were set down in writi●g And if we passe to the Latine VVest Empire which about this very time was restored by Zachary the Pope by the whole Common-welth of Rome was given to Cha●les the great his Posterity we shall find that this point is more setled more inviolably kept vet in this Empire then in the other for albeit that this Empire 〈◊〉 West went by succession for the most part at the begining untill afterwards it was appointed by Pope Gregory the 5. to passe by the election of certaine Princes in Germany that now enjoy that priviledge to be Electors yet shal we see alwayes that they even before this constitution when this dignity went by succession were never admi●ted to the same without this circumstance of swearing to conditions of righteous government the forme manner o which admission for that I find it set down more perfectly perticulerly in the coronation of O●ho the I then of any other Emperor that by many Authors that this Otho was son heyr unto the famous Emperor of Hen. 1. of that name Duke of Saxony surnamed the Faulkner for the great delight ●e had in the flight of Faulcons Saxo Gram. l. 10. Cranzio l. 3. metro c 12. for these causes I mean to begin with the coronation of this man before any other This otho then son to H. ● though being his heir so named by H. himself to the inheritance of the said r●●wn of Germany yet was he not admitted thereunto untill he had made his oath received his new approbation by the people for so the story saith that the Archbishop of Moguntia the chief Prunate of all Germany bringing him to the Alter where he must swear said these words unto the people Behold I bring you here Otho chosen by God appointed ou● by his Father Henry our Lord now made King by all the Princes of this Empire if this election please you do you signifie the same by ho●●din● up your hands to Heaven Whitich ndus gest Saxon lib. 1. And the● upon the said Archbishop turned about to the Alter where lay all the ornaments ensigns of the Empire as the sword with the girdle the cloke with the bracelets th● staf with the scepter diadem every one whereo● the Archbishop out up ●n the Emperor telling him the signification of every thing what it did bind him un●o as for example when he put the sword about him he said accipe hunc gladium quo ejicias omnes Christi adversari●s ma●os christianos authoritate divino per Episcopos tibi tradita w●t●chin l. 2 which is take unto thee this sword wh●reby thou mayst cast out drive away all the enemies of Christ whether they be barbarous infidels or evill christians this by the authority of God delivered unto thee by us And thus he ●id with all other ornaments ensigns telling the signification obligation of every one taking the Emperours promise to perform all And after al Rex persusus olco sancto co●onatur diademate aureo ab Episcopis ab eisdem ad soticitur in eo colocatur The King being annointed with holy oyle was crowned by the Bishops and by the same was brought to the royall seat and therein placed This happened about the year of Christ 940. and the ceremony is recounted in ore amply in this mans coronation then in any other both for that he was a very noble prince and the very first of the Germain nation that was lawfully and orderly preferred to the imperiall feat after that it passed from the children of Charles the great and there be divers points worthy the noting in this example and among other that albeit he were lawful King and Emperour by succession as also by appointment of his Father yet was he chosen and admitted againe by the Princes and people and that he swore to fulfill all those points and conditions which the signification of the Emperial ornaments did bind him unto After this about 60 Yeares or more Pope Gregory the 5. in a synod holden in Rome did by the consent of Otho the 3. Emp●ror Nephew unto this other Oth● appoint a certain form of Election for the time to come of the German Emperour that he should be chosen by six Princes of Germany three eclesiasticall which are the Arch-Bishops of Moguntia Colen and Trevires and three temporall Lords Blend decad 2 li. 3 Crant l. 4. cap. 25. Duke of Saxony the County Palatine of Rhene and the Marques of Brandeburg and when these 6 voices should happen to be equally devided then that the Duke of Bohemia for then it was no Kingdom should have place also to determin the election All which was determined in the Y●are of Christ 996. in Rome and approved afterward by all the Princes of Germany and allowed by all other Christian Princes and states of the world and so endureth unto this day And among all other points of this his Coronation and his Oath to be taken for his well government was and is most exactly set downe and recorded by many historiographers of that time and since But I shall alleadge them only out of Iohn Sleydan as the most convenient Authour for this our time and purpose Sleyd l. 1. Histor An. 1519. First of all after any man is chosen Emperor he is to be called only Cesar and the King of the Romans and not Emperour untill he be Crowned and the conditions which he sweareth unto presently after his election Are to defend the Christian and Catholique Religion to defend the Pope and Church of Rome whose advocate he is to minister iustice equally to all to follow p●ace to keepe and observe all Lawes Rights and Priviledges of the Empy●e not to alienat or engage the possessions of the Empyre to condemn

Government and so placed as hath been said is under no law or restraint at all of his authority but that himselfe only is the quick and living law and that no limitation can be given unto him by any power under heaven except it be by his own will and that no Nation or Common-wealth can appoint or prescribe how they will obey or how their Prince shall govern them but must leave his authority free from all bands of law and this either Willingly or by violence is to be procured By which words it seemeth that he painteth out a perfect patterne of a tyrannicall Government which how it did further the King of Navar I do not know His other proposition is Apolog. pro Rege Cap. 20. That albeit the heire apparant which is next by birth to any Crown should be never so impotent or unfit to Govern as if for examples sake he should be deprived of his sences mad furious lunatique a fool or the like or that he should be known on the other side to be most malicious wicked vitious or abominable or should degenerate into a very beast yea if it were known that he should goe about to destroy the Common Wealth and drowne the ship which he had to guide yet saith this man he must be sacred and holy unto us and admitted without contradiction to his inheritance which God and nature hath laid upon him and his direction rèstraint or punishment must only be remited to God alone for that no man or Common-wealth may reforme or restrain him Which I doubt not will seeme unto you rather belly and base doctrine then to come from the head of any learned or discreet man that regardeth the end why Common-wealths and Kingdoms and all Governments were ordained by God and nature and not the flattering or adoring of any one miserable man that shall stand over them to destroy the whole But now to the particuler matter that we are to treat which is what is to be attributed to this succession or propinquity of birth alone I am of opinion that albeit their want not reasons on both sides among learned men what kind of providing Governours to Common-wealths is best either by simple and free election only or by succession of birth my opinion I say is that succession is much to be preferred not for that it wanteth all difficulties and inconveniences which all temporall things uppon earth have but like as before I have shewed of the particuler Government of a Monarchy in respect of other forms of regiment to wit that is wanted not all but had fewer inconveniences then their formes of Regiment have so say I also of this that albeit some inconveniences want not in succession yet are they commonly far lesse and fewer then would follow by meere election which are subiect to great and continuall dangers of ambition emulation division sedition and contention which do bring with them evident peril of universall destruction and disolation of the whole body and this at every change of the prince which change on the other side is much assured by succ●ssion for that great occasions of strife and contention are there by cut of 2. And besides this the Prince who is in present possession knowing that his son or next of kin is to be his heire hath more care to leave the realme in good order as we see that the husbandman hath to till and manure that ground which is his owne and to remaine to his posterity 3. A third commodity also there is for that lesse mutations and alterations are seen in the Common-wealth where succession prevaileth for that the sonne following his father doth commonly retaine the same friends councellors officers and servants which his father had before him pursueth the same actions and intentions with the same manner of proceeding for the most part whereas he that entereth by election being an aliene to him that went before him and never lightly his friend doth change alter and turne upsidowne all things 4. Furthermore which may be also a fourth reason he that entereth by succession for that he is either borne a Prince or hath been much respected still for his title to the Crowne bringeth with him lesse passions of hatred emulation anger envie or revenge against particuler men for that no man durst offend him then doth he which entereth by only election for that he having bin a subject equall to others before his advancement and thereby holding contention with many espetially at this election must needs have matter of quarrell with many which he will seeke easily to revenge when he is in authority as one the other side also such as were his equals before will beare him lesse respect and more unwillingly be under him then by birth he had been there Soveraigne 5. These and diverse other are the comodities of succession whereunto we may also add the preheminence and priveledge of primogenitura and auncetrie of birth so much respected and commended by holy writ not only in men but in all other creatures also whose first borne were dedicated to God himselfe and one notable example among other occurreth to my mind of the two sonnes of Isack of the which two albeit God hath ordained to chuse the younger before he was borne as S. Paul testifieth and to reject the elder that is to say that Iacob should inherite the benediction not Esau Yet would God have his yonger to procure the said priviledge of eldership from Esau by divers means as first by bargain and after by guile according to the storie we read in Genes 15 and 49. Deut. 21. and 15. 2 Paralip 21 and 3 Exod 3. and 2. Rom. 9. and 13 Genes 28 and 27. Out of which story two points may be pondered much to our purpose first that primogenitura or eldership of birth as I have said was greatly respected by God and according to that all the disce●t● and successions of Kings were commonly among that people for that ordinarily the elder 〈◊〉 ever succeded his Father in the Crowne of Iury. And the secon● p●int 〈…〉 God would shew even in this begining that yet this priviledge was not so 〈◊〉 but that upon just causes it might be broken as it was by this his choyce of Iacob the yonger and rejecting Esau the Elder and many times after in matter of government the same was practised by God himselfe as when Iudah the fourth tribe and not Ruben the 1 and Eldest was apointed by God enioy the scepter and Crown of the Iewes as also when King David died not in his first second or third sonne but his tenth in order to wit Solomon who was also the fourth that he had by Bersabe was appointed for his successor Genes 29 and 9. Exod 1. 2. Reg. 5. 1. Paral. 3. So that in very deed we have here both our two cases that were propounded in the begining over ruled and determined by authority and example of holy writ it selfe namely and 1

no as before hath been shewed which thing were in vain to ask if he were truly King as Belloy saith before his Coronation Again we see in all the formes and different manners of Coronations that after the Prince hath sworn divers times to govern well and justly then do the subjects take other Oathes of obedience and allegiance and not before which argueth that before they were not bound unto him by allegiance and as for the Princes of England it is expresly noted by English Historiographers in their Coronations how that no aliegeance is due unto them before they be Crowned and that only it happened to Henry the fifth among all other Kings his Predecessour to have this priviledg and this for his exceeding towardlinesse and for the great affection of the people towards him that he had homage done unto him before his Coronation and Oath taken Whereof Polidor writeth in these words Princeps Heuricus facto patris funere concilium principum apud Westomansterium convocandum eurat in quo dum de rege creando more maiorum agitabatur esse tibi conti●uo ●aliquot Principes ultro in ejus verba mirare coeperunt quod benevolentiae officium nulli antea priusquam Rex renunciatus esset praestitum constat adeo Henricus ab ineunte aetate sp●m omnibus optimae indolis fecit Polyd●r virg lib. 22. histor Angliae in vita Henrici 5. Which in English is this Prince Henry after he had finished his fathers funeralls caused a Parliament to be gathered at Westminster where whilst consultation was had according to the ancient custome of England about creating a new King behold certain of the Nobility of their own free wils began to swear obedience and loyalty unto him which demonstration of love and good will is well known that it was never shewed to any Prince before until he was declared King So great was the hope that men had of the towardlines of this P. Henry even from his tender age and the very same thing expresseth Iohn Stow also in his Chronicle in these words To this noble Prince by assent of the Parliament all the States of the Realm after 3 dayes offered to do fealty before he was Crowned or had solemnized his Oath well and justly to Governe the Common-wealth which offer before was never found to be made to any Prince of England Stow in the begining of the life of K. Henry 5. In whose narration as also in that of Polidor it may be noted that K. Henry the 5. was not called King untill after his Coronation but only Prince though his father King Henry the 4. had been dead now almost a moneth before And secondly that the Parliament consulted de Rege creando more majorum as Polidor his words are that is making of a new King according to the ancient custome of their ancestors which argueth that he was not yet King though his father were dead nor that the manner of our old English ancestors was to account him so before his admission Thirdly that this demonstration of good will of the Nobility to acknowledge him for King before his Coronation and Oath selemuized well and justly to Governe the Realm was very extraordinary and of meere good will And last of all that this was never done to any Prince before K. Henry the 5 all which points do demonstrate that it is the Coronation and admission that maketh a perfect and true King whatsoever the title by succession be otherwise And that except the admission of the Common-wealth be joyned to succession it is not sufficient to make a lawfull King and of the two the second is of far more importance to wit the consent and admission of the Realm then nearnesse of bloud by succession alone This I might prove by many exampl●s in England it self where admission hath prevailed against right of succession as in Wil. Rufus that succeded the Conquerour and in K. Henry the 1. his brother in K. Stephen K. John and others who by only admission of the Realm were Kings against the order of succession and very specially it may be seene in the two examples before mentioned of the admission of the two Kings Henry and Edward both surnamed the 4. whose entrances to the Crowne if a man do well consider he shall find that both of them founded the best part and most surest of their titles upon the election consent and good will of the people As in their last words to their friends in Sr. Tho. Moore and Stow. Yea both of them at their dying daies having some remorse of conscience as it seemed for they had caused so many men to dye for maintenance of their severall Rights and titles ●ad no better way to appease their own minds but by thinking that they were placed in that roome by the voice of the Realm and consequently might lawfully defend the same and punish such as went about to deprive him You shall find if you looke into the doings of Princes in all ages that such Kings as were most politique and had any lest doubt or suspition of troubles about the title after their deaths have caused their sonnes to be Crowned in their own dayes trusting more to this then to their title by succession thongh they were never so lawfully and lineally discended And of this I could alleadg you many examples out of divers Countries but especially in France since the last line of Capetus came unto that Crown for this did Hugh Capetus himself procure to be done to Robert his Eldest sonne in his owne daies and the like did King Robert procure for his younger son Henry the 1. as Girard holdeth and excluded his elder onely by Crowning Henry in his owne daies Henry also did intreate the States of France to admit and Crown Philip the 1. his eldest son whilst himself reigned An. 1131. and this mans son Luys Le Cros did the same also unto two sons of his first to Philip and after his death to Luys the younger both which were Crowned in their fathers life time and this Luys again the younger which is the seaventh of that name for more assuring of his son named Philip the second intreated the Realm to admit and Crown him also in his own dayes with that great solemnity which in the former chapter hath ben declared And for this very same cause of security it is not to be doubted but that alwaies the Prince of Spaine is sworn and admitted by the Realm● during his Fathers reign The same consideration also moved King David 2 Reg. 1. to Crown his son Salomon in his own daies Our King Henry also the 2 of England considering the alteration of that the Realm had made in admitting K. Stephen Polyd. Stow. in vita Henrici 11. before him against the order of lineall succession by propi●quity of blood and fearing that the like might happen also after him caused his eldest sonne named likewise Henry to be Crowned in his life time so as

pretended that he was chosen before by● K. Edw. the Confessour that the Realm had given their consent thereunto that K. E. left the same testified in his last will testament an 1066. and albeit none of our English Authors do avow the same cleerly yet do many other forrain Writers hold it it seemeth very probable that some such thing had past both for that D. William had many in England that did favour his pretence at his entrance as also as Girard in his French story saith that at his first comming to London he punished divers by name for th●t they had broken their oaths and promises in that behalf Gir l. 6. ●n 1065. And moreover it appeareth that by alledging this title of election he moved divers Princes abroad to favour him in that action as in a just quarrel which is not like they would have done if he had pretended only a conquest or his title of sanguinity which could bee of no importance in the world for that effect seeing it was no other but that his Grandfather and King Edwards mother were brother and sister which could give him no pretence at all to the succession of the crowne by blood and yet we see that divers Princes did assist him and among others the French chronicles Girard so often named before writeth Chron. Cassin l. ● cap. ●4 that Alexander the second pope of Rome whose holinesse was so much esteemed in those daies as one constan●inus After wrote a booke of his miracles being informed by Duke William of the justnesse of his pretence did send him his benediction and a pr●cious ring of ●od with a hollowed banner by which hee gett the victory thus writeth Girard in his French Chronicles and Antonius Archbishop of Florence surnamed Antoninus ●art 2 Chron. ●it 16. cap. 5. s 1. Sainct writing of this matter in his chronicles speaketh great good of vvilliam conqueror commendeth his enterprise But howsoever this was the victory we see he get and God prospered his pretence and hath confirmed his of-spring in the Crown of England more then 500 yeares together so as now acc●unting from the death of King Edmond I consider unto this man we shall find as before I have said in lesse then 5● yeares that 5. or 6 Kings were made in Eng●and one after another by only authority and approbati●n of the ●ommon wealth contrary to the ordinary course of ineall succession by propinquity of blo●d And al this is before the conquest but it we should passe any further down we should find more e●amples then before For first the two sonnes of the Conquerour himselfe that succeeded after him to wit William Rufus and Henry the first were they not both younger brothers to Robert Du●e of Normandie to wh●m the most part of the realme was inclined as Polydor saith Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. to have given the kingdome presently after the Conquerors death as due to him by succession notwithstanding that W●illiam for perticular displeasure against his elder sonne and had ordein●d the contrary in his testament But that Robert being absent in the War of Hierusalem the holy and learned man Lanfranke as he was accompted then Archbishop of Canterbury being deceived with vain hope of William Rufus An. 107 good nature perswaded th●m the contr●ry who was at that day of high estimation and authority in England and so might indu●e the realme to do what he liked By like meanes gat Henry his younger brother the same crown afterwards to wit by fair pr●mises to the peop●e and by help principally of Henry Newborow ●arle of Warwick that dealth with the nobility for him and Maurice Bishop of London with the cleargie for that Ans●lme Arch bishop of Can●erbury was in ba●nishment Besides this also it did greatly helpe his cause that his elder brother Robert to whom the Crowne by reign appetteined was absent again this second time in the vvarre of Ierusalem and so lost thereby his Kingdome as before Henry having no ther title in the world unto it but by election and admission of the people which yet he so desended afterwards against his said brother Robert that came to claim it by the sword and God did so prosper him the● rein as he took his said elder brother prisoner and so kept him for many yeares untill he died in prison most pitifully But this King Henry dying left daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperour Henry the fist he dyed wit●out issue and then was shee married againe the second time to Geffry Pantage●t 〈◊〉 of Earle of Anjow in France to whom she bare a sonne named Henry which this King Henry his grand father caused to be declared for heire apparent to the Crowne in his daies bu● yet after his disceasse for that Stephen Earl of Bollogne born of Adela daughter to William the Conquerour was thought by the state of England to be more 〈◊〉 to governe and to defend the land for that he was at mans age then was Prince Henry a child or Ma●de ●is mother he was admitted and Henry put backe and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry Bish●p of Winche●●er brother to the said Stephen as also by the sollicitation of the Abbot of Glast●nbury and ●thers who thought be like they might do the same with good conscience for the good of the realm though the even● proved not so well for that it drew all England into factions and divisions for avoyding and ending whereof the states ●●me years after in a Parliament at vval ingford made a agreement that Stephen should be lawfull King during his life only and that Henry and his of-spring should succeed him and that prince vvilliam King Stephens sonne should be deprived of his succession to the crowne and made onely Earle of Norfolke thus did the stat● dispose of the crown at that time which was in the yeare of Christ 1153. To ●his Henry succeded by order his oldest sonne then living named Richard and surnamed Cordelton for his Valour but after him againe his succession was broken For that Iohn King Henries youngest sonne 〈◊〉 youuger brother to Richard whom his father the King had left so unprovided as in jest he was cal●ed by the French Iean sens terre as if you wou●d say Sir Iohn lacke-land this man I say was after the death of his brother admitted and crowned by the states of England and Arthur Duke of Brittaine sonne and heir to Geffry that was elder brother to Iohn was against the order of succession excluded ●nd albeit this Arthur did seeke to remedy the matter by warr yet it seemed that God did more defend this election of the Common wealth then the right title of Arthur by succession for that Arthur was over-come and ta●en by King Iohn though he had the King of Franc● on his side anb he died pitifully in prison or rather as most authors do ho●d he was put to death by King Iohn

his uncles own hands in the castle of Roan thereby to make the titl● of his succession more cleare which yet could not be for that as well Stow in his chtonicle as also Matthew of vvestminster and others before him do write that Geffry beside 〈◊〉 sonne left two daughters by the Lady Constance his wife Countesse and he●r of Brit●ain which by the law of England should have succeeded before Iohn but of this small accompt seemed to be made at that day Some yeares after when the Barons and states of England mi●liked utterly the government and proceeding of this King Iohn they rejected him againe and chose Lewis the Prince of France to be thei● King 3216 and did swear fea●ty to him in London as before hath bin said and they dep●i●●ed also the young prince Henry his sonne that was at that time but of 8 years old but upon the death of his father King Iohn that shorty ●fter insued they recalled againe that sentence and admitted this Henry to the Crown by the name of King Henry the third and disanulled the a leageance made unto Lewis Prince of France and so king Henry raigned for t●e 53 yeares afterward the ●ongest reign as I think that any before or after ●im hath had in England Moreover you ●now from this king Henry the third d● take th●ir first beginning the two branches at Yorke and L●ncastee wihch after fe●● to fo great contention about the crown Into which if we would enter we should see plainely as before hath beene noted that the best of all their titles after their deposition of king Richard the second depended of this authority of th● com●on-wealth fot that as the people were affected and the greater part prevailed ●o ●ere their titles either a lowed confirmed altered or disanulled by Parliament yet may not we well affirm but that either part when they were in possession and confirmed herein by these Parliaments were lawfu●l kings and that God concurred with them as with true princes for government of the people for if we should deny this point great incouveniences wou●d o●ow and we should shake the states of most princes in the world at this day And to conc●ude as one the one side pro●inquity of b●ood is a great ●reheminence towards the atteining of any Crowne so doth it not ever bind the common wea●th to yeeld there-unto if weightier reasons shauld urge them to the contrary neither is the Common-wealth bound bound alwayes to shut her eyes and to admit at ●p-hazard or of necessity every one that is next by succession of b●oud as some fa●se●y and fondly a●●meth but rather she is bound to consider well and maturely the person that i● to enter whether he be ●ike to perform his duty and charge committeed or no for th●t otherwise to admitt him that is an enimy or unfitis but to destroy the Common wealth and him t●gether This is my opinion aud this seemeth to me to be conform to al reason aw● religion p●ery wisdome po●●icy and to the use aud customs of all well governed common-wea●thes in the world neither do I meane to prejudice any any princes pretence or succession to any crown or dignity in the world but rather do hold that he ought to enjoy his preheminence but yet that he 〈◊〉 not pr●judicall thereby to the whole body which is ever 〈◊〉 be respected more then any one person whatsoever The ninth Speech ACcording to law both civill and Canon which is great reason it is a matter most certaine that he who is judge and hath to give sentence in the thing it selfe is also to judge of the cause for thereof is he called judge and if he have authority in the one good reason he should also have power to discerne the other so as if we grant according to the forme and proofes that the Realme or Common-wealth hath power to admit or put back the Prince or pretender to the Crowne then must we also confesse that the same Common wealth hath authority to judge of the lawfulnesse of the causes and considering further that it is in their owne affaire and in a matter that hath his whole beginning continuance and subsistance from them alone I meane from the Common wealth for that no man is King or Prince by institution of nature as before hath been declared but every King and Kings son hath his dignity and preheminence above other men by authority onely of the Common wealth God doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalfe the onely will and judgement of the weal publick it selfe supposing alwayes as in reason we may that a whole Realme will never agree by orderly way of judgement for of this onely I meane and not of any particular faction of private men against the heyre apparent to exclude or put back the next heyr in blood and succession without a reasonable cause in their sight and censurre And seeing that they only are to be judges of this case we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawfull for the time and if at one time they should determine one thing and the contrary at another as they did often in England during the contention between York and Lancaster and in other like occasions what can a private man judge otherwise but that they had different reasons and motions to leade them at different times and they being properly lords and owners of the whole busines committed unto them it is enough for every particular man to subject himselfe to that which his Common wealth doth in this behalfe and to obey simply without any further inquisition except he should see that open injustice were done therin or God manifesty offended and the Realme indangered Open injustice I call when not the true Common wealth but some faction of wicked men should offer to determine this matter without lawfull authority of the Realme committed to them and I call manifest offence of God and danger of the Realme when such a man is preferred to the Crowne as is evident that he wil do what lyeth in him to the prejudice of them both I mean both of Gods glory and the publick wealth as for example if a Turk or Moor or some other notorious wicked man or tyrant should be offered by succession or otherwise to governe among Christians in which cases every man no doubt is bound to resist what hee can for that the very end and intent for which all government was first ordeined is herein manifestly impugned From this consideration of the weal publick are to be reduced all other considerations of most importance for discerning a good or evill Prince For that whosoever is most likely to defend preserve and benefit most his Realme and subjects he is most to be allowed and desired as most conforme to the end for which government was ordained And on the contrary side he that is least like to do this deserveth least to be preferred and here doth