absolute ruine to his hopes For though here hee heard first the comfort of his being father to a sonne yet was this sonne borne poorely in Sanctuary and christned without the ceremonies belonging to a Prince and if fortune beyond expectation alterd not heire apparent onely to his fathers misery Neither did that wild insurrection of the men of Kent which ensued presently upon his flight effect any thing or so much as openly pretend for King Edward But some disorder'd companies gathering into one hoped to fish faire in the troubled streame of the Kingdome and by the advantage of the present distraction of state to purchase treasure to themselves Whereupon they directed their march if such straglers can bee said to march towards London where by the Earle of Warwick and the Lord Major they were soone supprest and some for the generall terror made examples in their punishment But after this all things tended presently to quiet and King Henry set at libertie went in solemne procession to Pauls Church the Clergy Nobility and Commonalty reacknowledging all obedience to him And as if there were left no memory of King Edward or hope to re-establish his title every man addrest himselfe to King Henry and all his former servants recover'd their lost honours and places But that this might not appeare to be the act of faction but the universall consent of the Kingdome a Parliament was summond wherein nothing was denied which the prevailing partie thought fit to be authoriz'd King Edward therefore and all his adherents were attainted of high treason their lands and goods confiscated He and his posterity for ever disabled to inherit not onely the Crowne but any other hereditary estate His claime to the kingdome rejected as a most unjust pretention and his former government condemn'd as of tirannous usurper And that there might be a great example of their justice John Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord high Constable of England having beene apprehended in the Forrest of Waibrige on the top of a high tree which exprest the precipice of his fortune was on the Tower bill beheaded Next they proceeded to intaile the Crowne upon King Henry and his beires males for default of which to George Duke of Clarence and his heires forever By which inâ—â—ile the â—arle of Warwicke showed not onely the extent but the insolency of his greatnesse iâ—â—â— if the title of the kingdome appertained to them who were nearest in alliance to him not next in blood to the Crowne For if the justice of Lancasters claime had the preheminence for wâ—â—t of issue of King Henry why should not the soveâ—â—inty fall to the Duke of Soâ—â—â—inerâ—set Or iâ—â—haâ— line were crooked in respect of baâ—â—idie why not to the house of Portugall without any blemish desâ—ending from John of Gâ—int Or if the house of Yorke bad the better title why was George Duke of Clarence thâ—â— set downe but second in the liâ—â—â—ile Or if the right were in Was wick himselfe for his power order'd and disorder'd all why was the kingdome to descend first of all to the younger daughter But preposterous ambition never knew how to give an account to reason Their were â—he â—â—â—leâ— of Oxford Pâ—â—brooke and mâ—â—y otherâ— restored to their â—states and â—ilâ—s and â—he Duke of Clarence that greater hopes â—â—ight â—â—â— invite him to reâ—â—â—â—st to his brother possest of the Dutchy of Yorke And lastly the government of the King and kingdome â—o â—â—mitted to the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwick so that King Henry in whose best of fortune it was never to possesse more then the name of King seem'd not to be set at libertie but onely to have changed his keeper and get his prison somewhat more enlarged But Queene Margaret and Prince Edward though by the Earle recald found their fate anâ— the winds so adverse that they could not land in England to taste this running banquet to which fortune had invted them And stayd so long by necessity that disâ—â—â—tion instructed them in the end there was no hope of felicitie scarce of safetiâ— in then returne The re-establishment of King Henry in the kingdome by the universall acclamation of the Parliament and the generall silence of â—â—â— other â—â—â—â—ion â— no man so much as mentioâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â— of Yorke to â—â—led â—hâ—â— servour of respect with which the Duke of Burgundy had aâ—â—â—â—st imbraced â—â—â—â—g Edward Especially which the tâ—â—ison'd â—â— Mouâ—siâ—ur â—â—itleere was apparens for of â—â—â—iceâ—â—â—â— â—â—â—â— the King and the Duke ever thought themselves secure he having declared himself â—â— for faithfully they rewarded him so liberally But â—ow the â—â—aytor turn'd his iâ—â—â—â—â— outward and with the loudest proclay â—â—â—â—â—â—â— joy for the prosperitie of Warwicke And so farre did vanitie of his former services betray him that he boasted even hiâ— treason for merit And what ev 〈…〉 ageâ— the King sent to him he rejected with sâ—â—â—â—e to â—â—â—â—se 〈…〉 ne â—â—iable affront hee wore enamel'd iâ—â— hisâ— hâ—â— the Beare and raggeâ—â— staffe the Earles â—â—â—â—â—zance The neglect which accompanied his adversitie made the King weaâ—y of any â—uither dependaâ—â—â—eâ— and urge the Duke to have licence for departing For although the Dutchesse neglected no duty of a sister and wooed him most passionately to a longer stay yet so little had his fortune instructed him to patience that neither love nor fright of danger could detaine him longer For the Duke was distemperd with such an ague of discurtesie that those fits which before came but every third or fourth day became now quotidian neither knew the King to how high and dangerous a malice the disease in time might rise His importunitie therefore in the end prevail'd and underhand obtain'd a large supply of money and some men Foure great Shippes of Holland and foureteene of the Easterlings men of warre well arm'd he hired for the transportation of his Forces Which consisted of the English who accompanied him in his flight and had escaped over after him and two thousand Dutch men With the Shippes hee convenanted that they should serve him till fifteene dayes after his landing and to the Dutch Souldiers hee gave such large promises that they vowed their lives to the greatest crueltie of his Fortune At Ravenspur in Yorke-shire he landed where the people naturally devoted to the house of Lancaster showed in the malice of their lookes what evill lucke they wisht him though they wanted courage with their armes to oppose him Which so dismall aspect made him more wary in his march to Yorke fearing it might presage the generall rising of the Countrey But when hee came thither and found the Citizens so well pleas'd with the present state and so in their opinion confirm'd for King Henry hee began to despaire the recovery of the Crowne And in that resolution perceiving them obstinate beyond any hope of remove fashion'd his behaviour to a new art Whereupon since he could not move them to obedience by the authority of his unquestion'd right to the Crowne by
part of his armie led by the Lord Fitzwalter had possest it selfe of Ferribrig a passage over the River Aire of great import All they of Lancaster began carefully to looke to their affaires King Henry the Queene and Prince who were by their severall weakenesses unfit for action retired to Yorke there to attend the event of businesses The Armie being committed to the charge of the Duke of Sommerset the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford Among these it was resolv'd that Ferribrig in regard of the consequence of the place was at any hazard to be recovered and the enterprise left to the undertaking of Clifford who early the next morning least delay might betray his designe to the enemie with a competent number made thither and with such diligence and â—ecrecie hee Marcht that before there was the least suspition of an assault the uncircumspect guard was entred upon and defeated With which tumâ—lt the Lord Fitzwalter and the Bastard of Salisbury suspecting a mutanie among their owne Souldiers role hastily from their beds and comming downe encounterd a remorselesse enemie who denyed all quarter and on the place slew them The losse of this so coÌ„modious passage slaughter of such eminent persons came first to the eare of the Earle of Warwicke who somewhat too much transported with the evill fate of their first attempt posted in all haste to King Edward in whose presence he kil'd his horse and sayd Sir God have mercy on their soules who for love of you in the beginning of your enterprise have lost their lives yet let him flye who will flye by this crosse kissing the hilts of his sword I will stand by him who will stand by me fall backe fall edge Wordt certainely though mingled with a high resolution strangely distemperd and representing so much of danger as might have troubled the courage of the Armie And howsoever partiall history in mentioning the actions of great men will not allow them to participate with the vulgar in the weakenesses incident to humane nature yet every greatest Spirit hath his allay of imbecillitie The most knowing Scholler hath found a period beyond which his curious search could not move the wisest Politician hath discovered where he err'd and blusht at the mistake and the boldest souldier at some time hath soonâ— the Coward tremble in him We may bâ—iâ—ht endâ—vâ—rs raise nature somewhat above her â—râ—iltiâ— but never triumph over her till death And certainely Warwicke was too much â—â—â—â—â— at this accident but soone he setled â—â—â—â—selfe and by his stout compoâ—ment 〈…〉 fied thâ—s â—ainting armie But King Edward whose youth was beauâ—ified with valour and wisdome eveâ— to wonder â—o bâ—â—tly entertaind this sad reportiâ— and to oppose against any feare which might shake the Souldier caus'd immediate Proclamati doâ— to be made That it was lawfull for any man whom the present losse or feare of â—inâ—â—e danger discouragd safely to depart that whosoever should performe the dutie of a Souldier and fight manfully should have a certaine and a most large reward On the contrary to any manâ— who should continue in the Armie and hereafter flye away the severest punishment and liberty for any one to kill such a coward with promise of double pay No man accepted the offer of so contem'd a safety and indeede the body of his Armie consisted of Southerne men whose â—light had perhaps beene as unsafe as the present danger Moreover the example of the valiant perswaded the rest who blushtâ—o appeare single â—â— their feares whereby not being knowne they grew afterward to have equall title with the most daring to a glorious victory The King seeing the Spirit of his Armie so bold and so devoted to his service thought the losse of time might endanger the losse of his designe and thereupon resolv'd with that first convenience to bring his Fortune to the tryall of a battell The Lord Fauconbrige and Sir Walter â—â—â—â—â— in regard the Duke of Norfolke was then disabled by sicknesse had the leading of the vaâ—â—tguard who finding the passage of Forribrigâ—mpossible â—mpossible on the suâ—â—â—n â—o â—â—taine three miles by hand at â—â—stlâ— fâ—â—d paâ—â—â—â—â— Pâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—d sonne afâ—â—â— about â—â—â—dingâ—â—â—â— dâ—â—coveâ—â—â— the Lord Cliffâ—â—d whom they suddenly â—yeâ—â—â—â—â—â— and â—â—compast in vaine â—â—boring to retirâ— to the maine battell But hee perceiving no way to lead from his Enemies but through death â—â— with â—iâ— small Forces even to the envie of them who overcâ—me till shot with an aâ—â—ow through the â—â—â—oâ—te he perisht The Lord John Nâ—â—â—â—â— Soâ—â—â—â— in the Earle of Westâ—â—â—land with alâ—â—â—â— shall thâ—se â—â—â—â— forth hâ—â—â— troopes fell there with theiâ— laâ—â—dâ—â— the Lord Cliffâ—rd Who in too milde â— manner payd theâ— the great debt hee owed the murder â—â—â— the young Earle of Râ—tâ—aâ—d Next day being â—alme Sunday early in the morâ—â—â—â— both Armies came in sight A fatall meeting which like the union of the soule with the body â—â—ver paâ—â—â—â—â—â—â— by death The field was betweene Caxton and Tâ—â—tâ—n from the latter of which thiâ— battell afterward tooke name On full Survey of King Hâ—ncâ—â—s host so dreadfull in advantage of â—â—â—â—beâ— Reclamation was made in King Edwardâ—â—â—pe â—â—â—pe â—â—â—â—â—â— quarter should be given nor prisoner taken A â—â—cessary cruelty not to be avoyâ—â—â— but with danger of his owne ruine In regard otherwise the common Souldier might in hope of â—â—â—yle of the ransome of an enemie bee wanting to his duty It was about the houre of nine when the Armies drew neere threescore thousand for Lancaster for Yorke scarce forty thousand onely the presence and courage of King Edward made an equality The Lord Eauconbrige to whom the Van was committed and who was most able for the place when the fight was ready to begin charg'd his Archers soone as they had shot to fall three strides backe and make a stand whereby they might avoyd the arrowes of the Enemie which stratagem happen'd as was expected for the Northerne men with a sudden fury answered the on set and having emptied their quivers hasted to hand blowes But the Arrowes which they had discharged having never reacht them against whom they were shot turnd novv to their annoiance and trouble so far that the splinters of them sticking in the ground pâ—irst and gauld their feet and forc'd them to a confus'd stop In this trouble the Southerne men shot another flight and the vvind conspiring vvith their cunning blevv a tempest of haile and snovv into their faces by vvhich the Vantguard of King Henry led by the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trollop gave backe Yet did not the maine battell tremble vvith this motion but as if the enemie had gain'd no advantage continued vvith the first constancie Ten houres victory hung in suspence equall courage on both sides equall hopes in the good equall despaiâ—es in the bad successe vv ch occasion'd so much cruelty in the fight But at length the field staind vvith blood and the earth groaning vvith the burden of so many heapes of dead
valiant Percie Who disdaining to reprive his life beyond his honour or to shew the least weakenesse beneath his name or Spirit fought it out with his 〈◊〉 till overpâ—est with number he and his were all cut to peeces Encourag'd with his successe Mountague attempts without expectation of any farther succour or direction to finish the presenâ— warâ—e and immediately marches to a plaine neere the River Dowell in Hexam-shire where King Henries Armie lay encampt The Campe he suddenly assaults in the night and had taken it without any losse had not the enemie beyond reason gathered themselves into some order and valiantly oppos'd But no courage could withstand the Fortune and spirit of Mountague for the Queenes Campe at length was lost and in it taken the Duke of Sommerset the Lords Hungerford Rosse Moulins and Hussie with Wentworth and Finderne Knights Sommerset on the place lost his head the rest sent to Newcastle to suffer there the same punishment But King Henry and the Queene escap'd at the first on set whose Tragoedy drew not yet nere the last Act. King Edward whose Fortune fought for him even in his absence encounter'd the newes of this victory in his march toward Durisme so that finding the presence of his person and Armie needlesse he return'd toward Yorke Giving command to Warwicke to take in all the Forts and Castles which yet in the North held out On the way he was certified of the apprehension of King Henries person who was surprized as he endeavord by shifting from place to place to have recovered Scotland With the joy of which report King Edward returnd to London whether as yet hee never came but glorious in the accession of some new Triumph The sonne of Sir Edward Talbot of Lanca-shire apprehended King Henry as he sate at dinner at Waddington Hall and forgetting all respect due to so great a Prince like a common malefactor with his legges tyed under the horse belly guarded him up toward London By the way the Earle of Warwick met him who adding indignities to his affliction with the generall reproaches of the people the acclamations they give to the unfortunate led him prisoner to the Tower The onely companions of his present calamity were Doctor Manning Deane of Windsore and Doctor Bedle both of so divine a calling as shewed no misfortune could seperate him from his Pietie The miserable Queene seeing the desolation of her greatnesse her husband imprison'd all her great partakers fled or slaughter'd made againe her retreate into France and with her sonne whose preservation flatter'd her with some hope that one day he might rebuild the now ruin'd house of Lancaster fled to her fathers Court. A most wretched Sanctuary to her feares where she had onely leisure by long sufferance to prepare her minde for future misery But this her dejection rais'd Edward up to an unsuspicious Soveraigntie so that now he began to set strong the disjoynted body of his Kingdome And knowing liberalitie the onely ligament that ties affection to a Prince he resolv'd by attaindor of his enemies to enable himselfe to reward the services of his friends And though hee pretended the gate of mercie ever to stand open to the submission of the Lancastrians yet few or none accepted the favour either distrustfull of his reallitie or feeding their hopes with imagination that the tide of Fortune would not still flow with so impetuous a torrent But King Edward disdaining a faction so contemptible in their ruine should disdaine his clemencie proceeded to punishment The Earledome of Pembrooke an honour heretofore enjoy'd by Jasper Teuther halfe brother to Henry the sixth he bestowed on Sir William Herbert a Knight of Wales both for descent and power most eminent and to whose ayde a great part of the present felicitie was owing To the Lord Mountague whose person and service he equally lov'd he gave the opulent possessions belonging to the family of the Percies But the most open hand cannot satisfie the expectation of great deservers who set so high a price upon their merits that they leave their Princes no power of reward The greatest benefit being received in the degree of a debt not a gift And certainely Mountague and his brother Warwicke had by too much merit even disobleig'd the King what honour soever they were in future to have being so little able to cancell the obligation it could scarce defray the interest And in that way was this title and inheritance accepted which gave the King occasion to distaste whom otherwise he would with passion have embrac'd Whereupon reflecting on the danger of adding power to them who wanted onely will to doe mischiefe and knowing how easily innovation might be resolv'd on when nothing but the conscience was to be perswaded he began seriously to wish the mightinesse of that family hee owed the crowne to in some degree lessend Yet that hee might no way appeare unthankefull to so great deserts he thought fit to weaken their strength and yet to adde to the spender of their title Whereupon he willingly admitted the friends of Percie to interced for restitution both of honor and revenue and soone granted it Rewarding Mountague with the more specious stile of Marquesse But this state-tricke was by the brothers easily understood and accepted with the same brow they would have entertaind an injurie Which the King dissembled and to build his estimation high in the ayre of popular applause endeavord by all the Arts of humble greatnesse to endeare himselfe into the opinion of the multitude His presence was easie to any mans love or curiositie his aspect cleere and smiling his language free and familiar And to the Ladies who have also their share in the motion of states he applyed a generall courtship which used by a Prince and of so amiable a personage made them usually the Idolls of others Idolaters of him Among his Nobility he was so supple in gesture and liberall in affability that he appeard King not in his assumption of state but in their application of duty This to winne outward applause while to settle an inward sence of his wisdome he looked into abuses of Officers and reformed them Neither was there any oppression or mistake in government but what he releiv'd or corrected And that it might appeare how zealously â—ee sought due administration of justice he in person sate three dayes together on his Bench at Westminster Hall which though it little advanced the uncorcupted execution of the lawes yet it serv'd happily for example and created what hee then most courted opinion Thus he grew upon his people at home while abroade the neighbouring states began to decline the danger of his future enmitie who ever measure the power of Princes by that sway and affection they have among their subjects Charles Earle of Charolois a widdower but without heire male heire to a large and opulent territory the seventeene Provinces with the Duchie and County of Burgundie and the greatest part of Picardie being subject
blood By which Act they rais'd so feirce an appetite oâ— revenge in the enemie that the next day they gave the Earle battell and the fight was long and cruell Neither â—ad the victory fallen so absolutely to the Northerne men but that John Clopton reâ—ainer to the Earle of Warwicke appearing upon the top of a neighbouring hill with five hundred ragged and disordred men uâ—der Warwickes standard and the Northerne men at their approach crying out a Warwicke a Warwickeâ— made the Welch beleeve all the Rebell Forces were there and that it would be but foolish desperation to fight it out against an enemie fresh and so farre superior in number whereupon they â—â—ed In the battell and the flight five thousand of the Welch were slâ—ine and among the few prisoners the Earle of Pembrooke and Sir Richard Herbert were taken whose heads soone after were sacrific'd upon the Scaffold to the Ghost of Nevill Their valour and brave direction begetting an universall sorrow to the Kings partie in their deaths and even an envie in the conquering Enemie Neither did the Lord Sâ—afford the author of this overthrow escape condigne punishment for by diligent inquiry found in Devonsâ—ire without processe at Bridgewater hee lost his head Having so inconsiderately managed his businesse that he betrayd King Edwards Armie upon a false apprehension of an affront and yet provided not thereby to wâ—nne favour so far with the enemie as by their Armes to protect himselfe from the Kings just indignation This victory added yet a bolder courage to the attempt of Warwicke but into the Northerne multitude it infused a madnesse not to be cured by any councell or direction For immediately some companies of them retired into Northampton shire where associating to them certaine of the most desperate inhabitants no mischiefe was left unacted The name they gave their Commander if such a disorder'd rabble could obey any was Robin Riddisdale and their first assault on Graâ—ton a seate belonging to King Edwards Father-in-Law the Earle Rivers The place their wilde rage soone possest and among the other spoyles violently taken there were the Earle himselfe and Sir John Widdevill his younger Sonne These they prosently led to Northampton and there beheaded without any forme of Law that deform'd body having no eare open to any discourse but to that of blood and fury An envied life and cruell death was the Summe of all those favours confer'd by Fortune on this Lord esteem'd so happie in his owne marriage with Jaquet widdow of John Duke of Bedford and daughter to Peter of Luxenburgh Count St. Paul and in his daughters with the present King For as the assent to these strange heights are ever malign'd so the desent is ruinous and fatall Not any one of seven sonnes which this Lord was Father â—o leaving behind him issue to perpeâ—uate the â—ame some of them likewise extinguishing violently A misery either seldome happening oâ— not observ'd in meaneâ— families This great dâ—lâ—ate and these inâ—olencies â—o beyond the sufferance of a Prince together with the Earle of Warwickes openly professing himselfe head to this vaste body of Rebells strooke an astonishment in the Kings Armie and I will not say feare but strange diffidence in the King himselfe Which inclin'd him to listen to the safer though lesse noble advice of them who perswaded him to end all dissention with the Earle by treaty For in this so universall disease of the Kingdome there was some sound men both of the Clergie and Nobility yet left whom faction did not interesse in mischiefe and who out of experience of past miseries were willing to prevent future By their mediation though the Armies by this time were so neere encampt that they could hardly part without battell were every houre made new overtures of peace and on both sides not un willingly received The Earle of Warwicke whose pretence was that of all Rebels The good of the Kingdome entertain'd these Treaties with a humilâ—ty beneath his nature and late advantages neither appear'd stubborne to bend downe to the lowest submission so provision might bee made for the publique benefit Yet never in all these apparences of a calme did he neglect to prepare himselfe against the roughest storme of warre knowing the best way to bee recoâ—cil'd upon safe termes to an enemie is not to be necessitated to peace But the King of a waâ—en nature apt to receive any impressâ—ons best pleas'd his present humour would not trouble his quiet to believe there might be fallacie in Warwickeâ— pretensions Whereupon imagining that had received perfection which was then but in â—â—itation â—hee neglected the order of warre and began in his Campe to taste the pleasures of Court Which evill discipline observ'd by the Earle hee takes the advantage suddenly sets on the Kings field kills the watch and in the dead of night at Wollny within foure miles of Warwicke surpriseth his person buried in a carelesse sleepe So that hee no sooner waked but found how false his dreame had beene which flatter'd him with peace This so unhappie negligence betray the King to an insulting enemie who up brayded his prisoner in the most insolent termes with ingratitude to his great merits and boasted it was now both in his power and resolution to plaine that mountaine he had rais'd and raise the humbled vally of King Henries fortunes up to the throne he once possest And presently sent away the King prisoner to Middleham Castle in Yorke-shire there to be kept by his brother busie Archbishop of that Sea Not daring to retaine him longer least his Armie might unite and hazzard the recovery of their Prince In this middle and unsafe course of managing his great fortune questionlesse the Earle committed a maine oversight For either by a free delivery with some conditions advantagious for himselfe and friends and what conditions would the King then not have sign'd hee should have cast a perpetuall obligation upon him or else by destroying him have secured his designe from after hazzard knowing that no prison could hold a Prince which would not open to corruption or battery and no brother could have a faith so strong which would not bee in danger to bee weakned either by threates or promises But perhaps this way of pollicie was onely beaten by that time and the proud Earle tooke a glory to keepe the whole Kingdome at his devotion and the two Competitors his Captives for both of them his Fortune had imprison'd But King Edward grew soone weary of the restraint as whom a long practise in the liberty of pleasure had not endued with such a tamenesse as armed King Henry He therefore presently casts his eye about to finde some way so redeeme his person from captivitie and his honour from so darke an errour as by negligence to have beene surprised And having upon pretence of necessary exercise for health obtained licence to hunt in the adjoyning Parke he so contrived with Sir William Stanley and Sir Thomas Burgh that unexpected
the surprisall or destruction of Warwick or holding so little intelligence even in a conquerd enemies Campe that he knew nothing of his present designe The Earle having tryed as strange a vicissitude of fortune as in so short a space was ever observ'd in story by the benefit of a prosperous gaile soone was brought before Callice Where being Captaine of the Towne hee expected entrance but the Cannon was presented him and no Commisseration of the Duches of Clarences being in travaile could obtaine so much as admittance to her present necessitie onely the poore releefe of some few flaggons of wine was sent her Mourifieur de Vaucleere a Knight of Gascoiny Leiveteâ—â—nt of the Towne thus confidently refused his Captaine professing that however hee owed his present Command to Warwickes bounty his loyaltie to the King did cancell al inferiour obligations By which bravery of his carriage he wonne so great reputation with the King and the Duke of Burgundie who ever hated the factious pride of Warwicke and even from the beginning of these troubles had labourd to continue Vaucleere firme in his alleigance that from the King he received by Letters Patents the Captaineship of Callice in Cheife and from the Duke an annuall pension of a thousand Crownes during life Into thus much honour and profit did dissimulation worke him while under hand by the subtilty of councell he steerd the Earle of Warwicke to safety and by false appearing fidelity betray'd his Prince For he assertain'd the Earle of his good intentions to his affaires and howeven now but that he knew it could not but be ruinous to both he would declare himselfe For if the Earle entred the Towne hee did but imprison his person to bee detain'd till the King were pleased to command it forth to execution Considering that the inhabitants were but unsure friends and the Lord of Duras the Earles profest enemie Marshall of all the Forces in the Towne Moreover the Burgonians territory encompast Callice by Land and their fleete was in readinesse to blocke it up by Sea so that no way would be open to his escape Wherefore hee advised him for his present security and future hopes presently to addresse himselfe to King Lewis of France who was ever ready to entertaine any Lord of another Nation in quarrell with his Prince But above all would welcome the Earle both in regard of the neere intelligence hee had long held with him and the hatred he bore King Edward for affronting the Lady Bona and the Duke of Burgundy for so often confederating with the rebells of France By this councell the Earle of Warwicke steer'd his course to Deepe by the way making prize of whatsoever appertain'd to the Duke of Burgundy or his subject And no sooner was hee landed there but most solemnely invited to the Castle of Amboys where King Lewis then kept his Court. The ceremony short ever with men of businesse past over at the first meeting suddenly they entred into councell how to renew the warre and restore King Henry Whose re-establishment in the Kingdome Lewis ever most passionately urg'd not in respect of the neere alliance commiseration of his long sufferance or opinion of his better title but onely because he knew him inferiour in courage to King Edward and therefore the lesse dangerous neighbour and probably while any of the house of Yorke remaind civill war likely to keepe the English Armes busied at home Wherefore by his importunity Queene Margaret who hitherto had lived an exile in France and now upon the Kings invitation came to Court was perfectly reconcil'd to the Earle of Warwicke Warwicke who before had chased her out of the Land disinthrond her husband and opprobriously imprison'd him cut off the many branches and almost pluckt up the very roote of the tree of Lancaster But necessity tooke away the sting from nature and united them in the neerest friendship For that there might not be left any tract of former discontent or path to future jealousie a marriage was concluded and celebrated betweene Prince Edward the Queenes sonne and the Lady Anne younger Daughter to the Earle And on this marriage was agreed that King Edward should be deposed King Henry re-inthrond the Crowne to be entaild upon Prince Edward and for default of his issue to come to the Duke of Clarence and his posterity By which conveighance humane policie did her part to perpetuate the succession of the Kingdome in the posterity of Warwicke But the Almighty made a mockery of this Babell which fell soone to ruine by selfe division and confusion not of Languages but affections For the Duke of Clarence began now to consider how by following the Earles desperate Councells he had gain'd nothing but the conscience of an unnaturall revolt and how ruin'd he were if the successe of this enterprise should not be prosperous and if prosperous how upon the destruction of a brother hee had built himselfe a lesse greatnesse than he might have enjoy'd without sinne or hazard There being a vaste distance betweene the neerenesse of two sons to one mother and onely husbands to two sisters Neither had hee any sure ground for confidence that when King Henry were restored hereditary malice might not prevaile and destroy him for the crime of his family And now more than ever he found himselfe declin'd being forc'd to submit not onely to Warkicke but to a new young Prince having before acknowledg'd no superiour but the King and him a brother Neither was the Duchesse of Clarence her selfe a weake engine on which this alteration moved For however as a daughter she might wish prosperity to the attempts of Warwicke yet ever since the last agreement of reinvesting the house of Lancaster in the Kingdome shee found in her minde a strange alicnation from the Faction And indeede either shee began to dislike the variety of her fathers resolutions as whom ambition led violently to build and plucke downe or in conscience thought the justice of the claime was wholly in King Edward having in her childhood and those impressions are ever deepest beene instructed to affect the house of Yorke and approve the title Or and that is the most probable in a woman she envied perhaps the preferment of a younger sister hating that Fortune should throw backe the priority of nature However it was yet certainely by her meanes King Edward labor'd to recall his brother and though not suddenly yet in the end prevail'd For having sent over a gentle woman her sexe tooke away suspicion from the practise with full instructions both to advice the Duchesse not to worke the ruine or at best the lessenning of her husband by those councells held then betweene Queene Margaret and the Earle of Warwicke as like wise to promise if shee perswaded her husband to him and her as much love and greatnesse as the â—â—â— of Nature and so great a merit might justly challedge He in fine got a promise that soone as the Duke were disintangled from his
nothing above the decorum of a subject to aske or a Prince to grant But Warwicke had a spirit too stubborne to bow downe to any conditions which himselfe had not beene the first proposer of and as an injury threw backe all offers of curtesie And now too late he began to curse the error of his indulgency which had added power to these brothers onely for his owne destruction From Edward he could expect no safetie for hee deserv'd it not having canceld all former obligations by his last revolt by which he forc'd him to so hazardous a flight and from George he could not look for a true faith considering for the only apparence of better hopes he had heretofore broke it even with a brother And from both what thought of perfect friendship unlesse and that his nature could never suffer he would fall beneath his former height in which should hee continue suspition would never let him remaine secure from danger That subject scarse never having beene reputed innocent in whose power it was to be nocent Whereupon King Edward by all the charmes of former friendship and promise of future unable to lay the spirit that raged in Warwicke left him obstinate in the prosecution of his owne designes And accompanied with his late reconcild brother and followed by a gallant Army marcht to London Where the Citizens out of conscience of their late oath taken so solemnly to King Henry made some show of resistance but soone the care of their owne safetie absolvd them from that scruple instructing them that oaths by feare retorted lay no obligation upon the soule And with much alacritie they yeelded up their City together with the person of King Henry reserv'd still to be made the sport of fortune For certainly history showes us not an example of any Prince who in so many vicissitudes never met with one fully to his advantage So that justly wee might have condemnd him for unhappy had he not beene endued with such a piety as raisd him above his fortune and united him to God At his entrance into the Citie as generall applause entertaind King Edward all those inhabitants who had covertly wisht happy successe to his affaires now openly expressing their triumph The Queene and those many of the Kings nearest followers who for the space of six moneths had secured themselves in Sanctuary running forth to congratulate their owne in his restitution And even in this generall alacritie concurd the vowes of many Merchants natives and forrainers who before had hated him and supplyed King Henry with money to his destruction For the King out of the easinesse of his naturall disposition and a desire that at this universall triumph there should not be a sad looke so much as among his enemies gave their offences a generall pardon Onely letting them understand that hee knew both the value of his owne mercy and of the greatnesse of their forfeitures their ayding the contrary faction having lost them their estates and liberties and in rigor their lives Neither was this an unhappy pollicy in him to obliege many by the forgiving that the extremity of which had he taken his businesse being then so unsetled might have endangered a mutiny in the City upon the first approach of the enemy Having therefore by his happy fortune comforted his friends and by his clemency wonne upon the affection of the rest and so setled the Town to his obedience that he suspected no danger at his backe he led forth his Army to oppose the Earle of Warwicke who having reunited his scatâ—erd forces by easie marches was come to Saint Aâ—ban The reason of bringing his power so neare London was a confidence hee had his reputation among the inhabitants would draw many to his part or at least so divide them that they should be no advantage to the King But the King jealous of their levitie as who had knowne them how affectionate soever they profitted themselves to his fortune siding still with the prevailer interposed his Army betweene the Citie and the enemy whereby he cut off even the possibilitie of intelligence And that the presence of King Henry might not be the occasion of any tumulâ— in London nor his escape adde such 〈◊〉 Warwicks quarrell oâ— hereafter â—â— danger a fâ—â—â—â—er warre hee â—â— oâ—â— hiâ— to the battaile Where by the poore disâ—â—â—st King what side so â—â—e prevaiâ—â—â— was moâ—â—lly certaine of destruction Vpon a Plaiâ—â— neare â—â—rner 〈◊〉 way betweene London and Saiâ—â— Alban the King pitcht his field The 〈◊〉 commanded by the Duke of Glocester the Rere by the Lord 〈◊〉 â—he maine battaile by himselfe To the common Souldier heeded no incouragement of words the great examples of their Leaders was the best Oratory And noâ—e of them but understood their lives estates and liberties at â—he â—take Their â—â—incâ— if overthrownâ— every day â—oâ—â—â—liloâ— to produce new troubles and new dangers 〈◊〉 a full 〈◊〉 of this warre with 〈◊〉 and triumph On the other side the Earle of Warwicke with as bol◠〈…〉 The right Wing which consisted of Horse he committed to the Earle of Oxford in whose company â—ought the Marquesse Mountague The leâ—â— to the Duke of Exeter and the maine â—arâ—â—â—lâ— which was composed of Bills and Bowes the best sinâ—â—es of oâ—â— English strength to the Duke of Sommerset Hee himselfe giving direction in every quarter And when hee had 〈◊〉 his whole hoste and liked both their order and their courage hee 〈◊〉 away his Horse resolving to figâ—â— oâ— foote and that day to try the uâ—most of his fortune prefâ—â—iâ—g 〈◊〉 his imaginations no meane betweene victory and death Then be lovingly in bear'd â—â— those great Commanders in every of whâ—â— appearid a â—â—solution equall to the cause And having by 〈◊〉 protestations declared their sincere faith and forwardnesse to the present service every man betâ—â—ke himselfe to his severall charge Nothing extraâ—â—dinary to beâ— observed in ordering the field on eitâ—er side but that neither George Duke of Clarence nor the Marquesse Mountague commanded any way in chiefe that day So impossible it was to extirpate that suspition which by their foâ—mer actions had takeâ— roote in their brothers minds It was Faster day in the morning a day too sacred to be profaned with so much blood when both Armies addrest themselves to fight That for the King tooke courage from the justice of their quarrell and the fortune of their Prince That of the Earle from the long experience and noble valour of their Leader and from the pietie of him for whose redemption that day they had brought their lives to the hazard Both fought for their Kings both Kings having beene crown d and by severall Parliamentâ— acknowledged And indeede the question was so subtill that even among Divines it had held long and at that day remained not absolutely decided No marvell then if the common souldier had on both sides the same assurance of truth since if they have any their faith for the most is led by
his posterity by violent deathes was reduced to nothing The large River of his blood divided now into many streames some so small they are hardly observ'd as they flow by Of his brother the Marquesse Mountague little can be cleerely spoken so reserv'd were his imaginations and so obscure his wayes especially to us who looke on him so farre off and with so imperfect a light Neither of himselfe can he afford much to story having never beene but second in any businesse of moment and like some poore gamster seldome or never play'd his own Cards He had certainely as much valour and dissimulation as rendred him both a perfect Souldier and Courtier He never miscarried in any battaile till the last in which he perisht so that indifferently we may ascribe to his good conduct and fortune the prosperity of his successe His affections being divided betweene a King and a brother made him suffer that misfortune that ever attends neutrality Though indeede he may be rather sayd to have beene for both than neither His nature was nothing so stubborne as his brothers which perhaps was bended to plausibility by the dependances of his fortune The comportment of men sâ—ldome swelling to a distastfull pride unlesse from the very cradle flattered with respect without the competition of an equall He abhord peace whose strict rules circumscrib'd him within the narrow limits of his owne revenue and loved warre which called not his expences to accoumpt and equal'd if not elevated him above those great men whom he must have envied in a quiet sâ—ate In a word the dispositions of these two Brothers are bâ—st discovered to us by the King himselfe of whom Warwicke was still either esteemed or hated Mountague loved or pittied The affection which King Edward boreâ— Mountague during life appeared by the good language he alwaies used of him even when in Armes against him which perhaps occasion'd some jealosie of his faith in Warwicke And after death in permitting his and for his sake his brothers bodie the honour of a convenient buriall For after they had both laine two or three dayes bare-fac'd in St Pâ—uls Church exposed a spectacle obnoctious to such passions as the beholders were inclined to either by Nature or Faction they were carryed downe to the Priory of Bisham Where among their Ancestors by the mothers side Earles of Salisbury the two unquiet brothers rest in one Tombe Queen Margaret now when it was too late Landed â—â— Waimouth having in her retinue some few French Forces the warie King Lewis loath to venture much upon an after game of fortune And here when she expected the acclamations of triumph she first received the newes of Warwicke slaine and his Armie defeated Which to her mind prepared then to have some taste of happinesse was so sad a distraction that she knew not which way to direct her resolutions At length desperation forc'd her to the common poore refuge of Sanctuary And in Bewlye in Hampshire a monastery of Cistâ—rcian Monkes she registred her selfe her sonne and followers for persons priviledg'd To her in this ago nie of soule came Edmond Duke of Sommerset who had escap'd from the overthrow at Barnet with his brother the Lord John Bewfort Iohn Courtney Earle of Devonshire brother to Thomas who taken at Towtâ—n field was beheaded at Yorke Iasper Earle of Pâ—mbrooke younger sonne of Owen Tâ—uther by Queene Katherine Dowager John Longsâ—â—other Lord Prior of St. Johns and John Lord Wenlocke who had received his first advancement to honour by his great Services to King Edwaâ—d and â—ow by the folly of his ingratitude had betray â— himselfe to a ruinous Faction These Noble personages greater farre in the reputation of what they had or might have beene than in their present power labour'd what they could by their comfort and presence to raise up the Queene sunck with the weight of her misfortunes They related to her the hopes shee yet might retaine in the amitie with France and authoritie she had in England multitudes yet surviving vvhom if not affection to the title desperation of their owne fortunes and safety of their persons would necessitate to take armes All overthroâ—es rather sowing then taking away the seeds of warre Neither if she lookt in differently upon the last battle had she reason to be disconsolate For if shee reflected on the number of the slaine it was not considerable Or upon the death of the Generall the Earle of Warwicke Shee might receive that losse as a benefit He having beene indeed a cruell enemy but never but an insolent friend Whose fortune had it continued prosperous as it began it might have beene a question whether the â—arle of Marches or his â—surpation would have beene the more insupportable They urged farther the authority Sommerset Devonshire the Lord Prior and Wenlooke had in England and the multitudes Pembrooke might arme in Wales But above all what a confluence of the boldest youth would be to the Prince would hee but take the field and appeare in his owne quarrell Nothing having advanc'd the title of Yorke but Marches presence in all battles or â—oâ—â—d the reputation of Laucaster but King Henries unactive piety and fighting still by Deputies The Souldier thinking it desperation for them to hazard their lives where the Prince whom it concernes timerously refuseth to stake his owne But all these arguments exemplified by the most perswasive Oratory could not recover the sad Queene to a perfect life in her spirit For either so many disasters and falling so thicke together made her despaire successe Or else the soule before a great mischiefe hath a certaine divining knowledge of future accidents And now she beganne to thinke that small time her husband had beene re-invested in the Kingdome was but a lightning before the death of all loveraignety in his Family Yet when she looked upon the Prince hope flatter'd her desires that he might hereafter revive the greatnesse of his blood but then the memory of forepast misfortunes made her a melancholly Prophetesse of future râ—ine Howsoever the objects of her thoughts were dismall shee dissembled them and was as busie in all polliticke contrivances and as forward in setting forth the armie as the most resolute Commander But when she perceived the Lords earnest to have the Prince present in the battle shee violently opposed â—n respect of his youth want of experience and the so mighty venter For if he perisht in this storme even hope it selfe would in him be shipwrack'd She therefore urged earnestly to have him reconvai'd into France where in safety hee might attend the successe of the present enterprise which if unprosperous hee might there râ—maine till by the increase of yeares and powre he might be inabled to fight his owne quarrell But the contrary opinion over-ruled in her all the passions both of a woman and a Mother and hâ—ving alreâ—dy lost so much at this play of fortune shee was perswaded like a desperate gaâ—â—â—â—â—er to haâ—â—rd at one cast the
proceedings in this injurious way if we looke on our selves onely as at home But if wee consider the state of businesses abroad wee may easily discerne his pollicie For now had the French Arts or the change of time quite dissolved all our confederacies and left us to maintaine with our owne armes our owne quarrell Saint Paul was annihilated in whose death expired all the discontents of the factious Nobilitie in France The Duke of Brittaine by an extreame melancholly which scarce was reputed lesse then madnesse was become unfit for government much lesse for any great attempt And being overcharged by the practises and armes of the French in a manner made resignation of his Dutchy to the disposition of some officers easie to be corrupted And Burgundie which in the victories of Henry the fift had so much advanced the English enterprises was by the last league with Maximilian wholly at the devotion of the French So that all they who heretofore had brought us over were now either reduc'd to bee unprofitable for our ayde or else become enemies should wee renew our ancient quarrell Moreover the long ease the King of England had lived in and the pleasures with which hee appeard altogether fascinated render'd him to the world nothing formidable And King Lewys having with so little difficultie hitherto deluded him and retain'd him in a kinde of servile amitie while hee threw injuries thicke upon him was now heightend to a presumption that the English would either connive at this affront or that by some new cunning they might bee appeasd were the indignitie never so much resented And if the worst should happen the French nothing feared the enmitie Considering that King Edward alone would bee unable to prevaile against them seconded by the forces of Maximilian whom his daughter now interessed in the warre These considerations of securitie to doe wrong according to the nature of wicked Princes made King Lewys so boldly attempt it And what was strange in a man so cunning hee left himselfe no excuse for the fact eyther in the way of honour or conscience And scarce in humane pollicie Vnlesse his expectation reacht beyond common reason in thought that Prince Phillip Sonne to Maximilian and the Dutchesse for shee was mother onely to a sonne and a daughter might chance to die and thus by the Lady Margaret all those large countries devolve into the power of France But how slight soever King Lewys his opinion was of the English this breach of faith was no sooner related to King Edward but hee resolved severely to take revenge And calling together all the Counsell and Nobilitie who for the suddennesse could be convoked hee to this purpose made a remonstrance of his wrongs and intentions how to right himselfe My Lords THe injuries I have receiv'd are divulged every where and the eye of the world is fixt upon mee to observe with what countenance I suffer And I must confesse they are of so strange a nature that I remaine rather amazed then enraged Had I dealt with any Prince not civilized by Lawes or inured to commerce I had yet the Religion of so many oathes and the reason of every pollitique circumstance so cleare that I could no way have suspected this foule and foolish breach of faith But in a Christian King and who pretends to be most Christian I have met with so horrid a perjurie and so disgracefull to our Nation that as all mankind must abhorre him as barbarous so in my owne particular I must neglect the principall office of a Prince if I omit to Chastise him Most of you my Lords are witnesses to the solemnitie of his vowes when humbly hee declined ruine to his Kingdome and I to avoide so great a massacre as the warre would have endangerd condescended to end all controversies by accord My clemency is now become my scorne and I reape indignities where I sowed favours For this ungratefull man Prince I must not tearme him who hath by perjury forfeited that sacred title in contempt of all Law both humane and divine denies not onely the marriage of the Dolphin to our daughter which would have proved so great an honour to his blood and securitie to his Kingdome but even the annuall tribute of fiftie thousand Crownes A slender rent for so large a countrey as by our permission hee hath hitherto enjoyed This contumelie I am resolved to punish and I cannot doubt successe Almightie God strengthen still his arme who undertakes a warre for justice In our expeditions heretofore against the French what prosperitie waited upon the English Armes is to the world divulged and yet ambition then appeard the chiefe Counsellor to warre Now beside all that right which led over Edward the third our glorious Ancestor and Henry the fift our Predecessor we seeme to have a deputieship from Heaven to execute the office of the supreame Iudge in chastising the impious When we were last in France an innate feare in this false man forc'd him downe to a sordid purchase of security How low will a wicked conscience which even makes the valiant cowardly to tremble bend him now Now when an implacable resolution for revenge sets a farre sharper edge upon our Swords Now when he hath no hypocrisie left undiscovered nor subterfuge for his former perjurie nor Art to gaine beleefe to new dissimulation Now vvhen our eares shall be deafe to all submission and when our conscience is so well resolved for the necessitie of this war that mercy will be thought a vicious lenitie and the most savage crueltie but an act of justice I neede not repeate how much age hath infirmed him And indeed I thinke it was his dotage committed this so foolish crime nor yet how hated he is renderd abroad by his unfaithfull dealing at home by his severe government The Commonalty sunke downe by his heavie impositions the Nobilitie by his proud neglect exasprated to desire any innovation But we want not advantage in the justice of our cause and valour of our people wee have enough It is confest our confederacies are quite dissolved And I rejoyce in that alone wee shall undertake this great businesse For experience in our last attempt showed that Princes of severall nations however they pretend the same have still severall aimes And oftentimes a confederate is a greater enemy to the prosperitie of a warre then the enemy himselfe Envie begetting more difficultie in a Campe than any opposition from the adverse Armie Our Brother of Bungurdy and Vncle of Saint Paul are both dead How little their amitie advanced us nay how a just jealousie of their secret practises hinder'd our designe then on France you all may well remember And how in our returne toward England wee had more feare to have beene assaulted by their trayterous weapons then by any armes from the enemy But wee will spare their memory they labor'd their owne safetie not our glory This I am secure that as by death they are render'd unprofitable
the third King of England of necessity must have where women are admitted to inherit better claime to the Crowne than Henry the sixt though in the fourth descent from Edward the third by John of Gaunt being but his fourth sonne For however Casuists may dispute or civill Lawyers argue The being removed one degree further can no way prejudice succession Whereby the younger brother may come to bee prefer'd before the elder brothers sonne if by chance the elder dye during his Fathers life An injustice so against reason and custome that whosoever yet attempted it was reputed to violate the lawes of Nature From St. Johns fields the principall of the armie and Common Councell of the Cittie brought newes of this Election to Edward Earle of March remaining at Baynards Castle Who soone as he understood the intention of their addresse with such modestie as some Clergie man may have used at his consecration who by simonaicall practise hath obtaind a Bishoprick refused that a while which most ambitiously he covered But soone the animation of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Earle of Warwicke the Bishops of London and Exeter and divers others of eminence prevail'd and he at their request tooke on him the Royaltie That night he rested the next morning with as much ceremonie and state as the shortnesse and unquietnesse of the time could licence in solemne procession he went to Paules whence after Te Deum sung and oblation made hee rod to Westminster there seated in the most perspicuous place of the great Hall with the Scepter of St. Edward the Confessor in his hand himselfe made declaration of his double title to the Crowne First by descent as heire to the third sonne of Edward the third the Line of whose eldest sonne Edward the blacke Prince extinguisht in the deposition and parâ—icide of Richard the second procured by Henry of Bullingbrooke first King of the house of Lancaster Edward the thirds second sonne dying without issue Secondly by authority of Parlament which upon examination of the Duke of Yorkes title confer'd the possession of the Kingdome immediately on him or his heires when Henry the sixth should make forfeiture of it by death resignation or breach of that Accord sworne there so solemnely by them And that this accord was broken the slaughter of the Duke opprest with unequall numbers on King Henries partie at the battell of Wakefield did sadly manifest Neverthelesse he protested himselfe ready to forgoe the justice of his claime ratherthan to enter upon it without their free vote At which unanimously the Assembly cryed King Edward King Edward Ioyfull that their voyces might confirme him King who had daign'd them so humble a complement as to professe that he would not receive the title without their suffrage The formalitie of this second Election thus past he went in Procession to the Abbie whence after much solemnitie and homage of all the Nobility there present he returned by water to the Bishop of Londons Pallace and was immediately proclaimed King throughout the City by the name of Edward the Fourth The first fortnight of his Raigne was died I will not say stain'd with the blood of Walter Walker a Grocer who keeping shop at the signe of the Crowne in Cheapeside sayd he would make his sonne heire to the Crowne a bold jest broke in an evill time yet doe I not side with them in opinion who taxe the King of severity in this execution unlesse I could cleere this man from being particularly factious for the house of Lancaster or know that these words were uttered in innocent mirth without any scorne to King Edwards Title And however perhaps the extraordinary punishment of such saucie language was not then unnecessary to beget authority and make men cautious to dispute the descent of Princes when the question was so nice and arguments not improbable on either side But here in her very first curtesie Fortune raisd King Edward higher than the endeavours of a long ambition had done his Father For now was he consecrated King in the Imperiall City of this Realme adornd with every circumstance of Soveraigntie and all his enterpises hitherto so flattered with successe that he could promise nothing but prosperity to his hopes Yet was the ground whereon he built uncertaine and his state brought into comparison with his Competitor fraile and obnoxious to ruine For Henry had equall dignity with the advantage of a long Raigne an uninterrupted descent in Majestie for threescore yeares a soveraigntie acknowledg'd abroad by all Christian Princes and obeyd at home by all Engilshmen without dispute a title according to the Law Salique indubitable and which had beene confirmed at the first entry of his Grandfather Henry the fourth into the Kingdome not onely by resignation of Richard the second by generall acknowledgement of all the Nobilitie and by authority of Parliament but even by approbation nay particular negotiation of Edmond Duke of Yorke Edward Duke of Aumerle Richard Earle of Cambridge Grandfather Great Vncle and Great Grandfather to the late anointed King Edward the Fourth Onely a feeble judgement and a long evill fortune rendred Henry the sixt inferiour to counterpoise which Queene Margaret and the Lords of her side were daring and vigilant omitting on stratagem or endeavor that might adde to the honour or safety of their designes Whereupon slie continued still in the North and oblieging that people every day more to her devotion labourd to prepare such an armie as might upon the worst of fortune be able enough for defence And soone she found how much her owne and the authoritie of the great Lords of her side prevail'd having rais'd threescore thousand fighting men and they all resolv'd with expence of their blood to buy backe that Majestie which the house of Lancaster by evill fate had lost An armie if arm'd and order'd well able to oppose the mightiest enemie or undertake the boldest enterprise On sight of which the Queene entertain'd a confidence easily to scatter the Forces of the new Mushrome King who in a night seem'd to have sprung up to Majestie Especially when she understood how with unequall power hee marcht Northward A clime not unlikely to prove as distastrous to him as to his Father For King Edward soone as the voyce of the people had saluted him Prince resolv'd with hazard of his new gain'd Soveraigntie to extirpate his great opposer For while the side of Lancaster was supported with the devotion of so large a portion of the Kingdome as yet adhear'd to Henry he could be King but at the curtesie of his Faction and the body of the Land must of necessitie grow monstrous being charg'd with two heads each of which look'd divers wayes He therefore while his men had yet the memorie of their late good fortune fresh in their courage marcht toward the Queene and chose rather as worthier his spirit to provoke than expect an enemie Of his arrivall at Pomfret Castle when it was understood and that
〈◊〉 For wiâ—â— the King of Scotland with 〈◊〉 is in the neerest place of safety she lâ—â—â—â—â—er hâ—â—â—â—â—nd to confirme a secure friendship she contracted a neere alliance by promising the young Prince her sonne in marriage to his lister And that this marriage might not seeme a gift but a bargaine shee â—â—â—ght the Lady by 〈◊〉 of Barwicke into the Scotâ—â—ands â—â—â— strongest Fort 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 in the North. But the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ever â—â—â—â—â—â—er son their 〈◊〉 and forâ—â— to â—opâ—â—ghaâ—e what otherwise they would with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perswaded to receive With Lewes the Eleventh the French King she prevail'd little though neere to him 〈◊〉 confanguinity for the discontent of his Nobility held him incontinuall suspition Otherwise she had title to promise her selfe large supplies from so potent and politicke a Prince whose interest it must no reasâ—â— have beene by fomenting discord at home to hinder us from any attempt abroad After â—uch 〈◊〉 she obtain'd that he declared himselfe â—â—â— King Henry By prohibiting all favorers of the house of Yorke accesse into the French dominions and opening them to all those of the party of Lancaster A negative kinde of helpe which rather showed there yet was Sanctuary left for Henries unhappie friends than any considerable ayde to be expected Phillip Duke of Burgundie though a mighty Prince and neere allyed to Lancaster whose wives mother was Philippa daughter to John of Gaunt by age and a passionate love to quiet was become altogether unactive Neither had Charles Earle of Charolois his sonne though of a daring Spirit and an affecter of businesse leisure to looke over into our Island being engaged to domestick troubles and suspitious of the designes of the French King With Charolois the Duke of Britaine held a strong confederacie and both of them intelligence with the discontented Lords of France The warre which was afterward so knowne by the name of the Weale-Publique being at that time among them privately in contrivance so that all these neighboring Princes to whom the affaires of England might seeme considerable were wholly taken up with attention to their owne The Emperor Frederick the third was more remote and so cautious from entring into the quarrels of other men that by any Art even with losse he would decline his owne Moreover he justly stood in continuall feare of the growing Fortune of the Turke who having lately subverted the Easterne threatned now ruine to the Westerne Empire and questionlesse had not the great God of Armies miraculously given a stop to his victories Christendome had now beene onely severall Provinces slaved to his tyrannie For pride and emulation had then turn'd our Armes upon our selves and left our bodies naked to the scourge of the common enemie Spaine was far off divided betweene a Christian and Mahometan government each labouring the extirpation of the other so that they had liberty to be Actors in no Tragoedie but their owne And indeede no conflict is so fierce and irreconciliable as when Religion animates to warre and makes it pietie to be cruell To her Father therefore who enjoyed the specious title of King of Sicily Naples and Hierusalem but possession of none of them the afflicted Queene was forc't to make a sad retreate A poore contemptible Lord living now to see his sonne in Law once the greatest Monarch of the Christian world a Prince as meerely titular as himselfe As if it had beene the Fate of these two that the one could say he might have beene the other that once he was a King Leaving therefore forraigne states intentive to their owne designes with her sonne whom to move compassion she had carried up and downe the Queene return'd to Scotland by her long but unsuccesfull labour having gathered together five hundred French a number so small and so unworthy the name of an Armie that it was but a competent retinue for so great a Princesse With these neverthelesse she sayld to Timmouth whence she was repulst by the inhabitants soone as shee landed and forc't againe to put to Sea But there for where may the unfortunate meete with friendship she found the winds her enemies whose unruly force drave her at length disorderly to Barwicke Heere some thinne regiments of Scots resorted to her in company of whom she entred Northumberland her husband 〈◊〉 in the Froâ—â— that the name and presence of King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invite the people to their ancient service and 〈◊〉 Authority to the designeâ— Bâ—â— soone thâ—â—e 〈◊〉 her error for hope not compassion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 danger and the Commonalty fate still 〈◊〉 by rising they understood themselves onely 〈◊〉 to shaâ—â— in the Kings misfortune For having upon a just aâ—câ—ouâ—â— discoverd how warâ—â— iâ— oâ—ely necessary to the most desperate and that in the 〈◊〉 it leaves them to nothing but bâ—ggâ—ry and â—â—â—â—â—shment they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the love of 〈◊〉 and every man betookâ— himselfe to industry And for the Nobility the King had â—â—on theâ—â—â—â—thâ—t by the reputation of his fortune or teâ—râ—â— of his courage so that â—â—mâ—maâ—â—o 〈◊〉 to change subjection Onely Hâ—â—â—â—y Duke of Sommerset and Sir Ralph Percie who â—ot long before had forsooke King Hâ—nâ—y in his tempest noâ—â— upon a false hope of fairer weather stâ—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is a ridiculous â—â—â—â—ing in Historians to ascribe the action of great men â—â—râ—etually to pollicie since iâ—resolution prevailes equally â—â—â—â—â— them as with the vulgar And why might â—â—â—â— desperation be gâ—t submission in these â—â—â—â— boâ—â—ing Edward and a vaine apparence of a reâ—urâ—e of fortune to King Hentiâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this lastrevolt Vpon this so weake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Margaret perceiving 〈◊〉 friendship 〈◊〉 husbands native Country destroy'd it as if an enemie's And â—anting forcâ— to râ—ach the prosperitie of her Competitor â—â—ll â—â—â—elly 〈◊〉 the Common people 〈◊〉 â—itherto beene onely subject to his Fortune bâ—aâ—ing iâ—waâ—dly a 〈◊〉 passionate love to the famely of Lancaster But this oâ—â—rageous carriage of the Armie chang'd absolutely their affections to the Queene Who was questionlesse by necessitie compel'd to things unlawfull whereby to prevent the disbanding of her Forces which were onely payd and kept together by a licencious spoyle To oppose against this attempt which onely betray'd the weaknesse of the Enemie King Edward sent downe the Lord Mountague himselfe staying behind to raise an Armie befitting the greatnesse of his name and present quarrell Giving likewise order that his Navie should guard the Seas to hinder any succours to the Queene from forraigne confederates But this was an unnecessary caution tâ— no state abroad being so desperate as to imbarque itselfe iâ— the broken seat of her Fortune Mountague at Land had a braver occasion to shew his courage who having in the Bishoprick of Durâ—sme gathered convenient Forces marcht directly against King Henry By the way the Lords Hungerford and Rosse and Sir Ralph Percie presented themselves to hinder his farther course but perceiving the good order and courage of his Armie all fled but the
backe His Ambassadors in the Low Countries urged the Duke of Burgâ—ndie to â—â—â— accomplishment of the marriage betweene his sonne the Earle of Charolois and the Lady Margaret the Kings sister And so happie successe had thiâ— nâ—gotiation that though for some yeares it had hung â—n suspence it was now absolutely agreede on and the Bastard of Burgundy sent over with full instructions and power to give the Treaâ—ie a finall conclusion For whatsoever dissimulation the Earle of Charolois used at first he now intâ—â—â—â—â— thâ—s marriage seriously In regard hee found himselfe lye open to the maâ—ice of King Lewis a most dangerous Neighbour who by pollicie or 〈◊〉 had broken all those great confederacies the Earle had before in France Wherefore â—here was now no â—afeâ—y but in arâ—ing himselfe by a â—â—â—â—â—â— amity with the English a Nation forward and fierce to attempt any thing upon the French and in their attempts scarce ever but prosperous Neither was the courage of the Kings youth and his continuall good successe in warre a small inducement considering it gave a certaine hope that he upon any invitation of honour or profit might be perswaded to crosse the Seas undertake the ancient national quarrel And for the danger of any alteration in the government there was then no ground for suspition the King honour'd and loved by his people the adverse faction of no power and the Earle of Warwicke having never yet declared himselfe but most passionately affected to the house of Yorke Wherefore in reason of staâ—e being no impediment the marriage was soone ageeed on and upon the agreement many triumphs glorious but martiall according to the nature of that time so devoted to Armes But to interrupt the jollity of these Triumphs an expresse came from the Low-Countries with the newes of the death of Duke Phillip Presently the Bastard returnd and our Councell stood at a gaze being in some suspence what alteration the businesse might receive the Earle now absolute in possession of his Fathers dominions But that scruple was soone taken away by an Ambassador sent to hasten the full performance of the marriage Whereupon the Lady was carried over with all the ceremonies of greatnesse and at Burges married to Duke Charles that Nation which then exceeded all the World in bravery and riot exceeding even it selfe at this tiumph in the wantonnesse of a superfluous pompe In those Countries she lived some while his wife though ever barren with as much love from him as hee could spare from his ambitious warres but she continued long his widdow in much reputation among the Natives and good esteeme with neighboring Princes Two things rendred her much the discourse of those times An extraordinary love and care in the education of the posterity of her husband and an extreame malice against Henry the seventh To supplant whom because there wanted true she countenanc'd the suppositious Princes of the house of Yorke and by continuall practises revenged in part the injury of that disrespect he ever cast upon her family This so potent alliance and his confederacies with forraigne states made King Edward imagine himselfe in great security when indeede hee was most unsafe For during these treaties abroade and triumphes at home the Earle of Warwicke quickned so farre his designes that now there appear'd a dangerous life in them The body of his Faction was grown mighty but monstrous being compacted of severall natures For into conspiracie of this great enterprise he had drawne off the Clergie and the Laity and most of them of affections most opposite The Archbishop of Yorke was the principall mover because he moved upon the soule and made treason an act of Religion The easie multitude who builde their faith upon the man not the Doctrine thinking it meritorious to rebell in regard his function seem'd to give authority to the action With the Archbishop the Marquesse Mountague consented but secretly either cunningly dissembling mischiefe or else wishing well to both sides being in himselfe devided betweene a naturall love to a brother and an alleigance to a Prince or perhaps projecting to make his benefit out of which party soever should prevaile With these agreed many eminent persons of King Edwards Court whom either desire of warre having never lived but in the troubled streame of discord or want of expected recompence renderd discontent All the partakers in the calamity of the house of Lancaster most passionately at first overture embrac'd this motion as men whom desperation had prepar'd fit for the mostruinous attempt And who having found nothing but evill fortune at home and contempt abroad were instructed in a pacience ready with joy to suffer a not inglorious death Among whom Henry Holland Duke of Exceter was a sad example who after his ruine with the fal of Henry the sixth was reduc'd to so miserable a condition that all ragged and bare footed he begg'd for his meate in the Low-Countries the absolute Prince whereof and he married two sisters the daughters of Richard Duke of Yorke With this so unfortunate Lord all the rest who shared with him in misery ranne violently into this warre But the wonder of the world then was at the powerfull sorcerie of those perswasions which bewitcht the Duke of Clarence the Kings brother to this conspiracie but hee was young purblind in foreseeing the event of things Profuse in expence beyond his revenue and almost beyond the Kings power to supply grudging the favours confer'd upon the Queene and her kindred Valuing his birth too high as who forgot the brother of a King is but a subject forward upon any termes to make himselfe greater easily lending eare to dangerous whispers and as rashly giving consent These preparatives made this young Prince fit to take any mischiefe which the Earle of Warwicke ministred most plentifully And first to apply to the narrownesse of his present fortune a humor most troublesome at the instant he gave him in marriage the Lady Isabell his daughter and ooheire to the rich Earledome of Warwicke In hatred against the Queene he concurd and in discontent against the Kings so slender rewards but in promising greatnesse to Clarences ambition he exceeded even proportion though not probability considering the Earles unlimitted power But first to make the friendship strong by a neere alliance they saild over for the consummation of this marriage to Callice of which town the Earle of Warwicke was Captaine and in which the young Lady then remain'd with her mother Soone was this ceremony past and soone did the Earle invite his Sonne-in-Law from the softnesse of the nuptiall dalliance as who had contrived this marriage for businesse not for pleasure and design'd the first issue of their embraces to bee a monster and the most unnaturall one Warre betweene brothers He acquainted therefore his Sonne-in-Law by what line he had sounded the depth of the peoples affection to the present King and what a tempest he was able to raise when ever he should
to King Lewys might render him formidable from abroad Certainely there was no just ground for suspicion The French being so lately enter'd into a particular amity with England and never having afforded either comfort or countenance to the young Earles exile Then for any claime to the Crowne the King could not feare him his title being of so impure and base a mettall it could no way indure the touch His Mother by whom onely he could pretend heire indeed of the house of Sommerset but not of Lancaster in regard the streame of this descent was poisoned in the very Spring For John of Gaunt having entertained an affection to Katherine Daughter of Sir Paine de Ruet during her attendance on the Lady Blanch his first wife in the life time of his second the Lady Constance his affection grew into a neerer familiarity and so happy was he that his familiarity proved not barren his Mistris for to what a servitude doth lust betray a sinner making him Father of three Sonnes and a Daughter The Duke zealous to reward any that had so well deserved marryed his bedfellow to Sir Otes Swinford and either through impotency or conscience afterward refrained her company Some yeares past she having buryed her Knight and he his Dutchesse in gratitude to her former merits being now growne very old he tooke her againe to his bed with the lawfull ceremonies of the Church And thus his ancient Concubin became his new Bride Having righted her honour to leave no monument of their sin to posterity he laboured the ligitimation of the children and so farre in the time of Richard the second prevailed that both the sentence of the Church and Parliament pronounced them lawfull and enabled to inherit the Lands of their Father in case his issue by his former wives should faile The eldest Son of the three thus ligitimated was John created Earle of Sommerset Father of John Duke of Sommerset whose sole Daughter and heire Margaret marryed Edmond of Haddam Earle of Richmond whose Sonne Henry was now the marke at which all the arrowes of the Kings suspicion aymed By this Pedegree to the eye at first appeares so me dawning of a title but certainely it is a false light such as oftentimes deceives the credulous traveller For the legitimation by the Church was to take away as much of scandall as possibly from the children and a dispensation onely for the benefit of the bastards without prejudice to the right of any other For these bastards were not of the common nature such as after marryage may make legitimate being not Naturall but Spurious begot in adultery on the one side and consequently incapable of any benefit by dispensation Adde to this that not being of the whole blood according to the common Law of England the house of Sommerset was farther of from inheriting any title from King Henry the sixt then the most remote of the line of Yorke Lastly in the very legitimation it selfe the children were onely made capable to inherit the estate of their Father The Crowne being never mentioned and for the Dutchy of Lancaster they could not pretend that being the inheritance of the Lady Blanch his first wife from whom they no way descended Neither were the Princes of the house of Sommerset ever numberd among the Plantaginets or ever obtained so much as to be declaired heires apparent if Henry the sixt and his Son Prince Edward should extinguish without issue As Mortimer had got to be before in the raigne of Richard the second and Delapole after during the usurpation of Richard the third And if there were any cause of suspicion from the branches of that Family then was the Duke of Buckingham much more to be feared Who was by his Mother heire of Edmond Duke of Sommerset and himselfe a Prince mighty in descent otherwaies from the Crowne as being heire likewise of Thomas Duke of Glocester younger Son to Edward the third Moreover in the faction of a great kindred and dependancy of a multitude of tennants farre more to be suspected Then an exild Lord who claiming by his Mother could during her life have no colour of a Title But the King found the wound of this jealousie ranckle in him and nothing but Richmonds apprehension to heale it He therefore most earnestly sollicited the Duke of Brittaine by his Embassadors to returne him into England Their motives were the much good will the Duke owed their Master who never would forsake his protection though severall wayes and at severall times most importunately provoked That he had in answer to the French requests to that purpose protested that if the Duke were any way endangerd by them personally to crosse the seas and make the quarrell the same as if his owne kingdome were invaded Then for the innocency of the Kings intentions toward the Earle they affirmed that so far from malice the desire to have him returnd into England was that it meerely tended to his present safety and after honour In regard his Majesty would not onely restore him to the possessions of his Ancestors but endeare him in a neerer tye even by the marryage of one of his owne daughters to him and this blessed way absolutely to roote up all the ancient rancor betweene the houses of Yorke and Sommerset This was the pretention which though the King no way intended yet the Almighty afterward made good to instruct after times that the deepe misteries of cunning Princes are meere illusions compared with true wisedome and the disposition of kingdomes is the worke of Heaven By this simulation and tender of a large sum of money for the King had learnt how to traffique by example of King Lewys the poore Earle of Richmond was delivered up to the Embassadours and immediately by them conveyd to St. Malos the next haven Towne where instant preparations were made for his transportation into England Here fortune or what is lesse uncertaine the wind tooke compassion on his affliction for the very imagination of the ruine he was betrayd to had throwne him into a violent Feaver and hindred the Embassadours from taking shippe Where while they remaind joyfull in the successe of their undertaking Peter Landois Treasurer to the Duke in apparence of a ceremonious visit but indeede to contrive the Earles escape most officiously came to them For no sooner had the Duke given up this innocent victim to be sacrific'd but some of the Court sensible of the Law of Nations and their Masters reputation to himselfe related the injury and dishonour of this action And so farre aggravated the perpetuall infamy that would cloud his fame by selling his guest to whom he had promist safetie and protection that the Duke repented the delivery of him and advised Landois by some art to regaine him And indeede Landois undertooke the imployment readily willing perhaps to gaine the honour of doing one good deed among the multitude of his mischiefes and likewise to revenge himselfe upon the evill memory of
somewhat cleare Either conscience reforming him or by continuall sacietie growne to a loathing of it for the abstinence could not be imputed to age hee at his death not exceeding two and fortie But what endeard him so much to the affection of the people and especially to the Citizens of London was his being rich by his tribute from France and therefore not likely to lye heavy on them as likewise the so famed bountie of his hospitalitie Two thousand persons being daily served in his Court at Eltham where most solemnly hee celebrated the feast of the Nativitie And to recompence the great love which in both fortunes the Londoners had showed him to his last houre he used towards them a particular kindnesse Even so much that he invited the Lord Major and Aldermen and some of the principall Citizens to the Forrest of Waltham to give them a friendly not a pompous entertainement Where in a pleasant Lodge they were feasted the King himselfe seeing their dinner served in and by thus stooping downe to a loving familiarity sunke deepe into their hearts ordinary slight curtesies ordered thus to the best advantage taking more often even with sound judgements then churlish benefits And that the sex he alwayes affected might not bee unremembred he caused great plentie of Venison to bee sent to the Lady Majoresse and the Aldermens wives Thus was the outward face of the Court full of the beautie of delight and Majestie while the inward was all rotten with discord and envie For the Queene by how much shee considerd her selfe more unworthy the fortune shee enjoyed by so much she endeavord in the exterior height of carriage to raise her selfe foolishly imagining pride could set off the humilitie of her birth Shee was likewise according to the nature of women factious as if her greatnesse could not appeare cleare enough without opposition And they she opposed were the chiefest both in blood and power the weaker shee disdayning to wrastle with and they fearefull to contest with her But what subjected her to an universall malice was the rapine the necessary provision of her kindred engaged her to For they being many and great in title could not bee supplyed according to their ambition but by so common an injury as made her name odious through the kingdome Moreover the Lords of her blood by reason of their nearenesse to the Kings children being insolent and in regard of their youth indiscreet frequently ran into those errours which betraid them to the publicke scorne or hatred Against the Queene for through her kindred they aym'd at her opposed the Duke of Glocester the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Hastings and others of the most ancient nobilitie And to render odious her and hers Glocester laid the death of the Duke of Clarence which fratricide himselfe most barbarously contrived altogether upon their envie pretending a more then ordinary causion for his owne safetie least his person might by the same practise be brought in danger By which calumnie he both cleared his owne reputation and clouded the fame of a faction hee endeavord so much to ruine But this side had much the start in opinion and pollicie over the other who were young and unexperienc'd and president of whose Councell was a woman To compose these quarrells begot the King much trouble neither could he without extreame anxietie heare the continual complaints of persons so considerable both in power in the kingdome and kindred to his children not knowing to how dangerous a height this discord in time might grow But to increase his discontent everyday his jealousie increast concerning King Lewys his faith who now began to unmaske his intention and show how much hee had deluded the English For having ever since Maximilians marriage with Mary Dutchesse of Burgundie beene upon unkinde termes with him sometimes at open warre other times in an unfaithfull truce hee was now growing to an absolute peace And the conditions were whisper'd contrary to the treatie Piquignie which made the King suspicious they two might enter into some league prejudicall to the honour of the English For Maximilian having kept Lewys all the life time of his Lady from any further incroach upon her territory and by his fortune won into opinion with the French grew to bee must desired in the nearest friendship by them And he having buried his Dutchesse who owed her death to her modestie in respect that having broke her Thigh by a fall from a Horse she denied to expose it to the sight of Chirurgeons was willing to stand upon good termes with France Knowing how slender and how unfaithfull an obedience those Countries would yeeld to a Prince who was to rule by curtesie since to their naturall Lords they had ever shewed themselves insolent and rebellious These considerations prepared both sides to peace the conclusion of it to beget a more perfect amitie was that the Lady Margaret a child of two yeares old daughter â—o Maximilian and the Dutchesse of Burgundie should be affianced to the Dolphin then upon the age of twelve So that King Lewys in the marriage of his sonne was ever most disproportionable the daughter of England as much too old as this Lady too young but indeed his end was the same with Charles Duke of Burgundy and many other worldly fathers to match his sonne for the best advantage of his profit and convenience To confirme the uncertaine rumours of this perjurie in King Lewys the Lord Howard return'd out of France and made relation how hee saw the Lady Margaret brought with all pompe and ceremony to Ambois and there married to Charles the Dolphin And to heape yet more injuries not long after the tribute hitherto so carefully payd was denied The French now disclosing the innated malice they bore the English and with how little scruple they could dispence with the most solemne oath when no apparent danger threatned the crime For though the Dolphin when hee had attaind to the age of consent might have broke off this marriage and it could have beene onely term'd an act of discourtesie yet King Lewys who had sworne to this Article with so much ceremony cannot bee excused from a most foule impietie But what reason of state prevaild with him who heretofore awed by his feares had condescended in a manner to compound for his kingdome thus now to slight the English is not delivered in history And it may appeare difficult considering King Edward was now if possibly more absolute in his command at home his people better disciplin'd and no apparence of an enemy from abroad Adde to that his Coffers full increast every yeare by the tribute from France and his reputation high by the victory lately purchast against the Scots A nation though inferior to the French in the riches and extent of territory yet in martiall courage equall and in warring with whom we have found more sweat and danger It is therefore hard to know the cause of King Lewys his
of Armes and never so forward to any quarrell as against the French from whom they ever reaped victory and treasure And concerning money the strength of an Army the Exchequer was full enough without any burdensome imposition to beginne the warre It was therefore questionlesse a surfet brought this great Prince so suddainly to his end For who observes well the scope of his pleasure findes it to have beene placed much in wantonnesse and riot the two mightie destroyers of nature And commonly those excesses with which wee solace life we ruine it Hee dyed upon the ninth of April 1483. at his Palace of Westminster and was interred at Windsor Sixtus the fourth being Pope Fredericke the third Emperour Fardinand and Isobella King and Queene of Arragon and Castile Iohn the second King of Portugall Iames the third of Scotland and Lewys the eleventh of France Betweene whom and King Edward as there was much intercourse in businesse so was there great concurrence in fortune Both began and ended their raignes in the same yeares both were held in jealousie by the precedent Kings Edward by King Henry Lewys by his father Charles the seventh both had titles disputable to the Crowne The house of Lancaster usurpiug against Edward the house of England clayming against Lewys Both were perplext with civill warre and both successefull Lewys infested by an insolent Nobilitie Edward by a Saint-like Competitor Lewys victorious by act Edward by courage Both were rebeld against by their owne brothers Lewes by Charles Duke of Berry Edward by George Duke of Clarence And both tooke a severe revenge Lewys freeing himselfe from so bosome an enemie by poysoning Charles Edward by drowning Clarence Both ended this life with apparence of much zeale Edward religiously Lewys something superstiously Both left their sonnes yet children to inherit who dyed issulesse and left the Crowne to their greatest enemies Edward the fift to his Vncle Richard Duke of Glocester Charles the eight to his kinsman Lewys Duke of Orleans But who lookes upon the lives of these two Princes on the other side may as in a table which presents severall faces perceive as great disparitie But I am onely to give you the picture of King Edward without flattery or detraction which is rare in history considering authors fashion for the most part Idaeas in their mindes and according to them not to the truth of action forme a Pince which though happily iâ— winne applause to the writer is a high abuse to the reader BUt this King was if we compare his with the lives of Princes in generall worthy to be â—â—â—berd among the best And whom though not an extraordinary vertue yet a singular fortune made conspicuous He was borne at Roane in Normandy his father at that time Regent in France The â—o satall division betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster with him in a manner having both their birth and growth For as he the faction of his family gatherd strength His education was according to to the best provision for his honour and safetie in armes A strict and religious discipline in all probabilitie likely to have softned him too much to mercy and a love of quiet He had a great extent of wit which certainly bee owed to nature That age bettering men little by learning which howsoever he had wanted leisure to have receiv'd The Trumpet sounding still too loud in his eare to have admitted the sober counsailes of Philosophy And his wit lay not in the slights of cunning and deceit but in a sharpe apprehensition yet not too much whetted by suspition In counsaile he was judicious with little difficultie dispatching much His understanding open to cleare doubts not darke and cloudie and apt to create new His wisedome look'd still directly upon truth which appeares by the manage of his affaires both in peace and warre In neither of which as farre as concernd the pollitique part he committed any maine errour T is true he was over-reacht in peace by King Lewys abused concerning the marriage of his daughter In warre by the Earle of Warwicke when upon confidence of a finall accord he was surpriz'd But both these misfortunes I impute to want of faith in his enemies not of iudgement in him Though to speake impartially his too great presumption on the oath of a dissembling Prince and want of circumspection a reconciliation being but in treatie cannot scape without reprehension His nature certainly was both noble and honest which if rectified by the strait rule of vertue had rendred him sit for example whereas he is onely now for observation For prosperitie raisd him but to a complacencie in his fortune not to a disdaine of others losses or a pride of his owne acquisitions And when he had most securitie in his Kingdome and consequently most allurements to tyrannie then showed he himselfe most familiar and indulgent An admirable temperance in a Prince who so well knew his owne strength and whom the love of riot necessitated to a love of treasure which commonly is supplyed by oppression of the Subject The heavie fine upon Sr. Thomas Cooke and displacing the chiefe justice blemisheth him with violence and a vorice But that severitie and the other when hee began to looke into the Poenall Lawes were but short tempests or rather small overcastings during the glorious calme of his government And what soever injurie the subject endured was not imputed to the King But to Tipâ—oft Earle of Worcester and some under informers Or else to the Queene and her necessitous kindred The world either judiciously or else favourably diverting all envie from his memory Great judgement in leading his armies and courage in fighting personally speakes him both a daring Souldier and an expert Commander And the many battailes hee fought in all which he triumpht delivers him as much to be â—â—mired for his militarie discipline as his happy successe Fortune not deserving to have all his mightie victories ascribed to her gift Valour and good conduct share at the least with her in the fate of warre But as in armes he appeares most glorious to posteritie so likewise most unhappy For all those bloody conquests hee obtaind were against his owne nation And the greatest adversaries he over came neere in consanguinitie to him so that he may more properly be sayd to have let himselfe blood then his enemies or rather for preservation of his owne body to have cut off his principall and most necessary limmes For beside those many Princes of the house of Sommerset Buckingham Excester Oxford Devonshire Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury and finally the tree it selfe and the onely branch Henry the sixt and his Sonne Prince Edward He slew even the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague Two brothers who having lost their father in his quarrell hazarded their lives and those mightie possessions and honours which peaceably they might have enjoyed onely to advance his title But this was rather his fate then his fault and into this Sea