Soveraign having learnt primum in unoquoque Genere est excipiendum The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much but thereof nothing to confute me and little to informe others He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain if living in that Age for his exactnesse in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate before he came to the Crown Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blinde the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Capâ—ive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spar'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to holde them in than a Spur to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesome caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The murthering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and much lesse Preachers to preach for it untill these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who layes it down for an Aphorisme in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did underhand solicite her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths eares as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually appli'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be affirm'd that he speaks in this case the sense of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such divinity preach'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before or since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speake more in another place and then he shall heare further from me Fuller My words as by me laid down are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them only they hold out an Handle for me thereby to defend my self I say States-men did admire at the preserving King Henry alive and render their reason If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman whose generall Judgement in this point I did barely relate he is much mistaken in me Reason of State and Reason of Religion are Stars of so different an Horison that the elevation of the One is the depression of the other Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves so that where-ever they meet they must fall out and fight but Reason bowed by Politicians o their present Interest that is Achitophelesme is Enmity to Religion But the lesse we touch this harsh string the better musick Dr. Heylin Now to goe on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldome of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formerly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters onely of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodsâ—ock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one moity which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office oâ— Constable to the Duke of Gloâ—ester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other moity But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor doe I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to doe he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fuller The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors Some say that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard 1. Power 2. Honor 3. Wealth First Power to be Hereditary Constable of England not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis but in the right of his descent Secondly Honor the Earldome of Hereford Thirdly Wealth that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor I instanced onely in the first the pride of this Duke being notoriously known to be more than his covetousnesse not dâ—nying but that the Kings denyal of the Land he requested had an effectual influence on his discontent Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the maâ— the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win
an Injury when they must passe for necessary Animadversions on my Book to the defaming thereof as if it were defective without them which were there though perchance not so finely as fully and clearly before Dr. Heylin Possible it is that being overlaid by his own Subjects and distressed by the French he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities And doing this if this were all he did no more than Nature and indignation and the necessity of his affairs did provoke him to not half so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise and construing his actions to the worst improv'd the Molehill to a Mountain rendring him thereby as odious to posterity as he was to themselves Fuller How much is this different from what I have written before but that the Animadvertor will not wear words at the second hand of my using but will have them spick and span new of his own making Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester whose Country house at Bromley is so nigh had ever a House in the City There is no question but he had Stow finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester house adjoyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters ruinous and out of reparation in his time as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromley House and since converted into Tenements for private persons Fuller It was a Question to me though none to the Animadvertor now it is a question neither to him nor to me who by him am informed I see that men may learn by what boyes learn in their Qui mihi Sed qui nil dubitat nil capit inde boni Had I not questioned this once publickly probably I had questioned it ever privately and gone in my self without satisfaction Dr. Heylin But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion I shall help him to the knowledge of two more and shall thank any man to finde out the third The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House situate neer the old Temple in Holborn first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln Anno 1147. since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton and passing by the name of Southampton House The second is the Bishop of Bangors a fair House situate in Shoe-lane neer St. Andrews Church of late time leased out by the Bishops and not since the dwelling of Dr. Smith Doctor in Physick a right honest and ingenuous person and my very good friend Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of Asaph to the finding whereof if our Author or any other will hold forth the Candle I shall follow the light the best I can and be thankfull for it Fuller I faithfully promise so to doe as soon as I arrive at any good intelligence thereof Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of Subjects animosities improving themselves on their Princes extremities c. Our Author telleth us in his Epistle to the Reader that the three first Books of this Volume were for the main written in the reign of the late King and that it would appear so by some passages which were then proper for the Government But certainly if these words were written in the time of the late King they were written in the time of his distresse when his affairs were desperate and his Party ruin'd the name of Royalists had not else been used here in the way of reproach nor any new matter charg'd upon them which might render them more obnoxious to fine and ransome than the crime of Loyalty Fuller My Loyaltie did rise and fall with his Majesties successe as a Rock in the Sea doth with the ebbing and flowing of the Tyde I had more pitty but not lesse honour for him in his deepest distresse God knows my heart I use not the word High-Royalist here as by way of reproach and the unpartial Reader niether will nor can so understand it Some there are who maintain that a King is no way confined with his own Laws but that without any fault he may by his own lâ—st limit his Demands on his Subjects taking from them without any wrong what they refuse to pay unto him There the Animadvertor will call Royalists and I dare call them High-Royalists beholding as I have said the Grand-Charter as the product of Subjects animosities improving themselves on their Princes extremities Dr. Heylin But whatsoever our Author thinks it cannot but appear to any who consults the story of former times that the original of this Charter was first writ in blood obtain'd by working on the necessities of some Princes extorted in the minority of another and finally confirm'd by him who had not power to justifie his denial of it Fuller I could heartily have wished that the Animadvertor had expressed the names of these Kings Who now onely hope that I conjecture them aright 1. King Iohn on the working of whose necessities it was first obtainned 2. Henry the third whose consent thereto was extorted in his minoritie 3. Edward the first confirming it when not in power to justifie his denial during his durance as a Prisoner taken in Battail Here I confesse are three sad conditions necessity of the first minority of the second captivity of the third But know that the last of these when at liberty and not onely endued with freedome but impowered with force and being as wise and successefull a Prince as ever sate on the English Throne found it advantagious for his Interest to observe what formerly when a Prisoner he had confirmed Otherwise his Sword was so long reaching as farre as Palastine it self and so sharp hewing his conquering way through Wales and Scotland that therewith enforced with his arm he might have rescinded the Seals of the Grand-Charter and put himself into the condition of an absolute command But he preferred the strict observation thereof partly out of Piety because solemnly sworn thereunto partly out of Policy as sensible that therein the Rights of Sovereigns and Subjects were indifferently contempered to their mutual happinesse it being Fetters to neither but Girdles to both to be strengthned by such restraints Dr. Heylin And if our Author be so certain that those Kings flourihed most both at home and abroad who tyed themselves most conscientiously to the observation thereof I would fain know how some of our Kings who have most conscientiously tied themselves to that observation became so unprosperous or how some others came to flourish both at home and abroad who have made it their great work to infringe the same in almost all the
By the Church of England the Animadvertor meaneth as I believ the Hierarchy the Funerals whereof for the present we do behold However I hope there is still a Church in England alive or else we were all in a sad yea in an unsaluable condition The state of which Church in England I compare to Eutichus I suspect it hath formerly slept too soundly in case and security Sure I am it is since with him fallen down from the third Loft from Honour into Contempt from Unity into Faction from Verity into dangerous Errorsâ— Yet I hope to follow the Allegory that her life is still left in her I mean so much soundness left that persons born living and dying therein are capable of salvation Let such who think the Church of England sick pray for her wonderfull Recovery and such as think her dead pray for her miraculous Resurrection Dr. Heylin But as it seems they feared where no fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the Spanish State had no minde or meaning of a Match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming thither How so Because saith he fol. 112. they demanded such unreasonable liberty in education of the Loyal Offspring and other Priviledges for English Priests c. If this be all it signifies as much as nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the businesse was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreasonable ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a Commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they doe not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable price at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practise especially in driving State-bargains or all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the Marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of Wales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the Wedding The breach which followed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the â—ault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said Fuller I expected when the Animadvertor had knocked away my Bowl he would have layed a Toucher in the room thereof but if neither of us have a Bowl in the Alley we must both begin the Game again May the Reader be pleased to know that living in Exeter I had many hours private Converse with the Right Honourable Iohn Digby Earl of Bristow who favoured me so far much above my desert that at his last going over into France where he died he was earnest with me to goe with him promising me to use his own expression that I should have half a loaf with him so long as he had a whole one to himself This I mention to insinuate a probability that I may be as knowing in the Misteries of the Spanish Match as the Animadvertor Double was the Cause of the breach of the Spanish Match One such as may with no lesse truth than safety be related as publickly insisted on in the Parliament viz. the Spanish Prevarication to restore the Palatinate The other secret not so necessary to be known nor safe to be reported And I crave the liberty to conceal it seeing the Animadvertor himself hath his Politick Aposiopaesis breaking off as abruptly as the Spanish Match with this warie reservation though where the fault was and by what Means occasioned need not here to be said Dr. Heylin But well fare our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breach and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibid. Whereupon King James not onely broke off all Treaty with Spain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliament But multa apparent quae non sunt every is not as it seems The Parliament in this case came before by whose continual importunity and solicitation the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace too well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desparate of successe any other way than by that of the Sword as was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore our Author should have said that the King not onely called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason nor the truth of story Fuller To be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Covenant-breaker is a foul fault as the Apostle accounteth it Far be it from me to charge it causlesly on any especially on a dead Christian especially on a King especially on King Iames generally represented over-fond of Peace and therefore the more improbable first to infringe it To prevent exception in the next Edition calling the Parliament shall have the precedency of breaking off the Treaty for the Match I suspect that the Animadvertor hath committed a greater transposition when affirming King Iames to have designed the Spanish Match in order to the recovery of the Palatinate Whereas it plainly appears that before any suspicion of troubles in the Palatinate occasioned by P. Fredericks accepting the Crown of Bohemia this Match was projected by K. Iames for P. Henry his eldest Son and after his death resumed for P. Charles without the least relation to the regaining of the not then lost Palatinate I have passed over some additory notes of the Animadvertor in this Kings Reign partly because I perceive my Book swels beyond the expected proportion partly that I may have the more scope to answer every particular objected against me in the Reign of K. Charles in such things which lie level to our own eyes and are within our own remembrance THE ELEVENTH BOOK Containing the Reign of K. Charls Dr. Heylyn THis Book concludes our Authour's History and my Animadversions And if the End be sutable unto the Beginning it is like to finde me work enough our Authour stumbling at the Threshold which amongst Superstitious People hath been counted for an ill Presage Fuller Who I pray stumbled in the beginning of his Animadversions when he said That the Brittains worshipped but one