dignity of his Seat as he returned through Tuscanie amongst other his notable acts he restored also the Commonwealth of Florence to their former libertie in which exploit the valour and actions of the Scottish Prince William were much remarked the Florentines to shew their thankfulnesse to the Emperour took to their Armes the Red Lillie a part of the French Armes the colour only being changed And in memorie of the valour of Prince William they did institâ—…te publike playes yearely in which they crowned a Lion with great ceremonie and pomp ordaining also that certain Lions should be kept upon the charges of the common Thesaurarie because William had a Lion for his Armes which is also the Armes of the Kings of Scotland They have also a prophesie in Florence which saith While crowned Lions live in Florence field To forraine Armes their State shall never yeeld This Prince William brother to Achaius King of Scotland passed into Germanie and gave himselfe wholly to the warres where for his service by his sword having obtained large Territories he led a single life all his dayes and thinking to make Christ his heire he founded and doted fifteen Abbacies for those of the Scottish Nation It is he saith Major who is named in songs made of him Scottish Gilmore Now while as the Emperour and Prince William were in their returne from Italy towards France William Douglas in his voyage through Plaisance did fall into a heavie disease and not being able to go along with the Emperour stayed at Plaisance till he recovered his health And then considering the toile and danger of so long a journey as it would be into his own Countrey he resolved rather to remain there then to hazzard his person any more which such travell would have greatly endangered wherefore to gain the good will of the Citizens of Plaisance and to strengthen himselfe being a stranger by a good alliance he took to wife a daughter of Antonio Spettino one of the most eminent and honourable houses in that Citie by her he had many children of whom are descended those of the most noble Familie of the Scoti who are so called by reason of this William their Ancestour who was a Scottishman the name of his Country being better knowne and more remarkable then either his own proper name or the name of his Familie This originall of the Scoti in Plaisance is collected and confirmed 1. by the testimonie of the Italian Writers 2. by the tree and genealogie of that familie 3. and by their Coat of Arms which they give being the same with the ancient Coat of the Douglasses with some difference 1 Touching our Authors they are such as have written the Historie of Plaisance which is followed forth by Umbertus Locatus and Franciscus Sansovinus This last Sansovinus in the first book of his Historie De primo origine delle case illustri d' Italia writeth thus Quando Carolo Magno fece l' Impresa in Italia contra Desiderio Re de Longobardi l' anno 779 hebbe per suo Conduttiere di huomini di armi un Gulielmo Scozzese della Familia di Conti di Duglasi c. as we have set down before Onely he calls it the 779 year which our Writers call 800 or 801. There he showes how this House was illustrious from the very first beginning thereof And for their rank they held in that Citie he declares that it was one of the foure Families which did distribute the Offices of the City which were these Scotta Landra Anguiscola Fontona And they grew at last so numerous and so famous both for Letters and Armes that having purchased many Rents and great Lands and Territories together with many Friends and Alliance they acquired the Soveraignty of that Citie and became absolute Lords and Princes thereof So that from them when they were Princes of Plaisance did spring the Counts or Earles of 1 Vegelino 2 Agazano 3 and Sarmetti They have beene allied with the chiefe Families in those Provinces the 1 Rangoni 2 Fieshi 3 Ressi 4 Pallavicini 5 Lodroni 6 Strozzi 7 Conti d' Arco and the like Then he reckons divers particular persons and namely which doth serve to confirme this deduction Donatus Scotio Bishop of Bobio who lived in the yeare 846 or 48. who built a Monasterie without the walls of Plaisance which he dedicated to the memory and honour of Saint Bride Patronesse of Douglas in remembrance that hee was a Douglas as is probable He built also a Church within the walls which he gave to the Friers of the Monasterie of Bobio who were of Saint Colme or Columbanus Order who was Abbot of Icolmekill an Island amongst the Scottish Hebrides And this he did saith Sansovino Non solamente per l' amor de Dio ma anchora perche San Columbano fu di Hibernia Isola de Scotia Not onely for the love of God but because Saint Colme or Columbanus was of Ireland an Island of Scotland so he thought being a forreigner being the Scots and Irish are mutually descended each of other Then comming to speak of their worth and valour he reckons up above six and twenty persons who were ever valorous in whatsoever fortune good or bad and had been in great employments continually for the space of two hundred eighty five yeares together under the Emperour Henry the fourth Charles the fourth and Sigismond Also under John King of Bohemia and Duke John Maria in divers plaees at Pavie Candie in Cyprus in Albania Famagusta at the Isle of Thin against the Turks in all which services they behaved themselves valorously and discharged their places with credit and honour There were some also famous for learning as Christophero Doctor of the Lawes and Bishop of Cavaillon in Provence of France and Fiderico an excellent Jurisconsult and who hath written learnedly At last he relates how they were overthrown by the Duke of Millain who besieged Alberto Vechio the elder and forced him to render upon composition by which he gave divers Castles Lands and Territories and divers Jurisdictions with a competent estate and means And here he reckons up above ten or twelve Castles which they still possesse all famous and honourable with the greatest priviledges that can be 2. As for the Tree and Genealogie of these Scoti in it we have first this our 1 William Douglas 2 then David 3 Lanfrancus who had foure sonnes 1 Johannes 2 Raynaldus 3 Ruffinus 4 Rollandus Johannes had Albertus who begat foure sons 1 Petrus of whom we finde no succession 2 Nicholaus of whom are descended the houses of Fombii Guardamilii and Cassaligii 3 Franciscus or Francus of whom are the Countes of Volgolino Angazano and Sarmetto and those of Gragnani 4 Jacobus father of the Familie of the Castri sti Johannis Lanfrancus second son Raynaldus was Progenitor to the Gravahi and Varsii 3 Ruffinus his third son was Author of the Momaghi Magnani domorum del Boscho 4 OF Rollandus his fourth son
Gulielmi de Douglas This good Sir James dying without heire male lawfully gotten of his own body his brother Hugh succeeded to him in the yeare 1342. in which year the same Hugh doth give a Charter of the said lands and Lordship to wit Douglasdale together with the lands of Carmichel Selkrick c. To his Nephew William son to Archbald his brother which VVilliam did succeed to Hugh he having no heires male he was afterward Earle of Douglas Now it is against all reason to think that he that was contracted to Marjory Abernethy 1259. should be the same with this Hugh who gives this Charter 1342. seeing he must be now 106. or 107. years of age which is not probable This VVilliam had to wife Martha sister of Alexander Earle of Carrict who bare to him two sonnes Hugh his eldest and VVilliam the Hardie by their alliance with the house of Carrick besides that he was not a little strengthned they being great men and powerfull it fell out that his posteriâ—…y became of kindred to King Robert Bruce for Fergus Lord of Galloway had two sonnes the elder Gilbert and Ethred the younger At his death he ordained that the Lordship of Galloway should be divided betwixt them which was done accordingly and the division was ratified and confirmed by King William who did then reigne but the King being afterward taken prisoner at Anwick be the English Gilbert nothing contented with the division having got Ethred his brother into his hands caused put out his eyes and possessed himself of the whole Lordship and kept it till he died which was before the Kings return out of England before which Ethred also was dead These two brothers left each of them a sonne behind him Gilbert left Alexander and Ethred Rowland This Rowland finding his faction the stronger thrust out his cousen Alexander and seized upon the whole estate himself alone and at the Kings return took a new gift thereof of the King who gave also to Alexander Gilberts sonne in recompense and lieu thereof the Earledome of Carrick This Alexander had but one sister named Martha who was married to this Lord William Douglas he went into Syria with Edward Prince of Wales who was brother in law to King Alexander the third sent by the King and State at the Popes request to fight against the Sarasins There went with him the Earle of Athole and many brave Knights and Gentlemen in which expedition he died leaving onely one daughter his heire Martha Countesse of Carrick She was married to Robert Bruce sonne to Robert Bruce who is known by the name of Robert the Noble and to Isabel second daughter to David Earle of Huntington To this Robert the Countesse of Carrick bare Robert Bruce who was afterwards King of Scotland So then we see how Martha Countesse of Carrick and William the Hardie were Cousin germans and her sonne King Robert Bruce and good Sir James Cousins once removed so that not onely the thralled liberties of Scotland and his private losses did oblige Sir James to side with King Robert and to stick so constantly to him but this tie of bloud and consanguinity also being so near a kinsman We are also to observe here that Martha Countesse of Carrick was also the nearest just and rightfull heire to the Lordship of Galloway being descended of the elder brother Gilbert and therefore to be preferred before Allane who was descended of the younger brother Ethred by Rowland his father and after her and her heires her fathers sister married to this Lord William was next heire to both the Earledome of Carrict and Lordship of Galloway Whether this title did move the Douglasses to seek the Lordship of Galloway as they did afterward and helped them to obtain it the more easily of the King or of others descended of Allane and of his heires I leave it to be considered How ever that be we may see by the matching with this honourable house of Carrick Galloway and Abernethy the chief Peers in this Realme as then that the house of Douglas was of no small esteem and account long before good Sir James and that they mistake things farre and are but ill versed in Antiquity that thinke he was the first that did raise that name to Nobility or greatnesse this Williams marriage having preceded his time 80. yeares at least Of Sir Hugh the third of that name and sixth Lord of Douglas WIlliam had to his eldest sonne and lawfull successour Sir Hugh Douglas who as we have said was married to Marjorie Abernethie daughter to Alexander and sister to Hugh Lord of Abernethie This house of Abernethie were friends and followers of the Cummins and did assist and party them in all their enterprises as we may see by their joyning with them at Kinrosse when they took King Alexander the third Their credit and favour with their Princes appears by this That Lord William Abernethie got of King William the Abacie of Aberbrothock or as it may be thought rather for the writing was dimme and hard to discern the Collegiate Church lands of Abernethie paying thence yearely twenty pound This Hugh Abernethie obtained also of King Alexander the third a Charter of the lands of Lenrie and a pension of fiftie pound sterling by yeare likewise he got from the same King a confirmation of the lands of Hulkstone and Lilestone In these gifts the Cummins still are witnesses and with them stiled Patrick Earle of Dumbarre We finde also a gift of twenty pound land granted by Isabell Countesse of Stratherne Relict of Walter Cummin and her husband John Russell In the dayes of Balioll this house was so powerfull that thy were able to make their party good against the Earle of Fife whom they slew and were winked at by Balioll with this house did Sir Hugh match as his father had done with Carrict and Galloway which as it was an honourable alliance for him so doth it also argue that the house of Douglas even then was noble and honourable and in the rank amongst the greatest as we have said How long this Sir Hugh Lord Douglas did live after his contract and marriage we cannot finde but it is clear that he had no children that survived and outlived their father because his brother William was his heire and successour Neither can we relate any his particular actions onely fame and tradition have given him a received testimony of activitie watchfulnesse and diligence by terming him good Sir Hugh Douglas whom his foes found never sleeping He with his wife are buried in Saint Brides Church in Douglas Of William the Hardic or Long logge the fourth William and seventh Lord of Douglas TO Hugh did succeed his brother VVilliam who for his valour and courage is distinguished by the addition of VVilliam the hardie he is named also William long legge by reason of his tall and goodly stature having beene a very personable man Hee was twice married first to the Lord Keeths sister by whom
But that it was in great esteeme of old it appeares by this that notwithstanding this mans predecessours and himselfe also as his evidents do witnesse were Barons and Lords yet he thinks it no disparagement to be knighted and did choose rather to be known and designed by that title than the other so as he was commonly called Sir James Douglas rather then Lord Douglas And indeed we have found that even Princes and Kings have taken upon-them this order not as any diminution of their place but an addition of honour seeing by it they were received into the number and rank of military men and Warriours their other titles shewing more their dominion and power or place then their valour and courage Wherefore we reade how Edward Prince of Wales was knighted when he was sent against King Bruce So Henry the second being then Prince of England received the honour of Knighthood from David King of Scotland his grand Uncle as from one that was the best and worthiest man in his time Then it was that he tooke his oath that he should never take from the Crowne of Scotland the Counties of Northumberland Westmoreland Cumberland and Huntingdon This cremonie vvas performed vvith great solemnitie and pomp in those dayes as our Writers observe so honourable vvas it then and of late it vvas thought so too for the Earle of Clanrikart chiefe of the Bourks in Ireland having done a piece of notable service to Queene Elisabeth at the siege of Kinsoile and at an encounter betvvene the Lord Deputies Army vvith the Irish Rebels vvas knighted by the Lord Monâ—…joy then Generall Lieutenant for the Queene Neither should any abuse discredit it novv Nor can it diminish the honourablenesse thereof in our Sir James who is able to honour it rather by his worth After the battell he is as diligent as he was both diligent and valorous in it This is a vertue which hath been wanting in great Commanders and hath been marked as a great defect in them It was told Hanniball that great Carthaginian to his face Thou canst obtain but not use a victory nor prosecute it to thy best advantage Sir James did not so but as farre as he was able with such companies as hee could gather together and with as much speed as was possible for him hee followed King Edward to have done him service though his father Edward the first would have none of it and set it at nought But he was gone ere Sir James service came to the best Now hee would gladly have showne what it was worth to his sonne and successour the second Edward in most humble sort though it had been to have pulled off his boots no question but his Majestie had no mind to stay for him who notwithstanding made all the haste he could to have overtaken him and followed him with foure hundred horse more then fourty miles from Bannockburne to Dumbarre Castle into which hee was received and so escaped The next was to wait upon him in his way to Berwicke which he did but the King nothing well pleased with the service hee had done and expecting rather worse then better seeing his importunity and that other wayes he could not be rid of him went by sea to Berwicke in a small fishers boat or two with a very thinne train to attend him not unlike unto Xerxes who a little before was so proud of his huge army is now become the scorne of his contemned and threatned enemies a spectacle of pride and an example of presumptuous confidence unto all ages Wee told before hovv his father had driven King Robert and Sir James to the like shifts and straits but theirs vvas not so shamefull A Christenmasse feast may be quit at Easter sayes our Proverb vvhich they do here verefie by this requitall And this vvas all the service Sir James could do to King Edward at this time but aftervvards vve shall heare vvhat service he shall do if not to himself yet to his sonne Edward the third at Stanhop Parke some few yeares after this In the mean time let us behold our Scots enjoying there renowned and honourable victory which cannot bee denied to have been such nor cannot be by envy it self Their spoil and prey was great and rich their prisoners many and their ransomes proportionable The Queen King Roberts wife was restored by exchange and for her an English Nobleman set free without ransome And as their joy was great and their gaining not small so was both the grief of the English their shame and their losses Their were slain of note in the field 200 Knights together with the Earle of Glocester and Sir Giles of Argentine whose death was lamented by King Robert very much and of prisoners very nere as many of which the chief were the Earle of Hartford who fled to Bothwell and was received by Sir Gilbert Gilbaston captain thereof as the Bruces booke sayes Sir John Segrave John Clattengrave perhaps Cattegrave William Latimer Sir Robert Northbrooke Lord keeper of the broad seal and Sir Ralph Mortimer who had married the Kings sister Mortimer was dimitted ransome-free and obtained the Kings broad Seale at Bruces hands These and many other prisoners of divers nations thus dismissed are as many witnesses of the Scottish valour in the fight and of their mildnesse and humanitie after it who used these their so spightfull enemies no worse who if they had overcome would have used another kinde of cruelty as they had both determined and threatned unto them Amongst other Forreiners there were two Holland Knights who being in King Edwards Army before the battell and hearing the bravery and brags of the English and their spightfull railings against King Robert had wished him good luck These were turned out of the English Camp and sent unto the Scottish bidden in scorne to go and fight with them whom they wished so well with a price set upon their heads to him that should either kill or take them prisoners in the battell Their heads neverthelesse were safe and themselves did partake of the good fortune they had wished and when they came home into their owne Countrey they built a lodging naming it Scotland upon which they set up the Scottish Armes and King Roberts statue in Antwerp as a monument of that notable victorie which remained there many yeares after The Carmelite also changed his note singing their victorie whose overthrow he came to set forth and chaunting their discomfiture whose praises he was hired to proclaime Thus he began his Ditty De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo Risunâ—… detrudo dum tali themate ludo In English thus With barren verse this mournfull rime I make And am but laught at while such theme I take Let us here consider the meanes and wayes of both sides we shal finde on the one side confidence of their power and a contempt and slighting of the enemie which seldome falls well because from thence there ariseth commonly sloth
negligence disorder and confusion on the other side we may see carefulnesse diligence order and exhortation all possible meanes used both humane and divine wisedome joyned with religion and prayer and what pious formes were then in use They digged trenches and ditches which they covered with greene turfe for the horsemen to fall into and did knit together and twist as it were a net of crosse ropes to entangle the footmen which stratagems being seconded with true courage resolution and valour of the common souldiers and Commanders together with the device of those that were set to keep the baggage the sculs and grooms who made showes and musters as if they had beene another armie of their owne head without the direction of any were the chiefe meanes of the victorie For the first was the overthrow of the men at armes and barbed horses and the second the bane of the middle battell of the English who seeing this trap laid for them fled presently and turned their backs But above all these the principall and prime cause was even the Lord of hosts who guided all these and gave successe unto them Let no mortall man ever think other of any his enterprises or that any man however wise provident or valorous can use his wisedome providence or valour or whatever other vertue he hath to any purpose or succesfully unlesse it be given him in the very instant of using it A lesson much inculcat but little learned often approved by experience but seldome marked or soone forgotten at least little appearing by our practice and which doth produce no other effect but a superficiall acknowledgement and slender confession thereof But to returne to our Douglas though the King himselfe did thus escape his service yet out of all doubt he hath beene imployed against his subjects seeing our Historians doe tell us that after this battell there were divers incursions made into England for which they never stirred but sate quiet for 2. or 3. yeares howbeit there are no particulars set downe In the yeare 1316. King Robert Bruce went into Ireland to support his brother Edward Bruce made King of Ireland and King Edward of England thinking this a fit opportunity for him to be revenged on the Scots did levie a great Armie and came to the borders of Scotland hoping to doe some notable exploit now in the Kings absence But many things faile that are intended and princes as well as others may be disappointed of their purposes and frustrate of their hopes It seemes he had forgotten or not well considered what a Lieutenant he had left behinde him and how good a second Sir James had alwayes beene to his master the King But howbeit he knew it not perhaps or would not take any notice of him yet King Robert knew it full well and put such trust and confidence in his well knowne worth and sufficiencie that he durst go abroad out of his owne Kingdome and hazzard himselfe and the flower of the youth in Ireland concrediting the Countrey unto his care and conduct leaving him Governour in his absence and entailing the Crowne unto him next unto Thomas Randulph by making him Protectour of the young King during his minority if he himselfe should happen to die in that voyage as the blacke booke of Scone doth witnesse And indeed Sir James did not deceive the Kings expectation and trust neither did King Edward finde him asleepe but watchfull and diligent in his charge as became a good Governour for he raised an Army to give him battell and put both him and his people to flight slew three notable Captains with his owne hand Sir Edward Lillow a Gascoine Captaine of Berwick others call him Callock and say that he was slaine at the rescue of a bootie which he had taken in the Merse and Tivedale which narration agreeth with the Bruces booke which calls him Edmond de Callock The second was Sir Robert Nevill and the third a Nobleman whom they doe not name onely they say that Sir James slew him with his owne hand but the Bruces booke calls him John de Richmond and sayes he slew him in Jedward Forrest in the midst of his Armie Sir James having very few with him not above fiftie horse and some Archers in a strait Cleugh or Valley betweene two hills which he had of purpose taken as a place of advantage and tying together the young birk trees by their boughs in the way by which the English were to passe the horsemen being entangled in the thickets he set upon them and defeated them From hence it is that some think the Earls of Douglas and Angus have stakes rice in their Coat of Armes yet such points of Heraldrie are hard to interpret and give a reason for them This was the second peece of service that he did to King Edward himselfe say some others but others say that the King was not there in person but sent a great Army commanded by divers Captains with whom Sir James fought in three severall battells at three sundry times and slew all their Chiestains with most part of their companies Others againe affirme that in every one of those battels he slew the Commander with his owne hand in sight of both Armies the which whatsoever way it was the victorie was notable and glorious And thus did he governe in the Kings absence He had beene a good subject before when the King was present now we see how well he governes when he is absent and at his returne laying downe his authoritie and returning to his former subjection he proves as good a companion and colleague unto Thomas Randulph then made Earle of Murray with whom the King did joyne him for the prosecuting of the warres It is seldome found that these vertues are so happily linked together in one person abilitie to governe and willingnesse to be subordinate and obey excellencie of parts and patient enduring of an equall and companion I have often observed and admired it in these two the ground whereof seemes chiefly to have beene in Sir James his love and modestie as we observe in his carriage towards this man at Bannockburne that in all their joynt-services being equall in authority and both commanding in chiefe we never heare of any question controversie or debate of any grudging or heart-burning betweene them but find them ever agree and concurre without any dissention or variance with one heart and minde as if they had beene one man in all businesse whatsover Their first association after the Kings returne out of Ireland was when they went and burnt Northallerton and Burrowbrigs and spoyled Rippon where they spared the Church onely they caused those that fled thither to pay 5000. marks sterling to be free They burnt also Scarborough towne and hearing that the people had fled into the woods with their goods and cattell they went and searched them out and brought away a great bootie Then returning home by Skipton in Craven they spoyled the
but also received him with great triumph as if he had been their King or Prince and that hereupon he used them courteously But when his men were in great security scattered and separated as fearing no hurt or danger and some at their Ships some sent with Robert Stuart of Disdier to spoile the Countrey about which stood out against him and to furnish his ships and the towne so that there remained not with the Lord Niddisdale above 200. men when they set upon him as before we have said and being beaten the Towne was sackt and burnt Then they tooke 60. ships which they found in divers Havens and Creeks and laded 15. of them with such spoile as they had gotten and burnt the rest Then returning homeward they spoiled the Isle of Man which lay in their way He landed at Loch-rien which divides a part of Galloway from Carrict and hearing there of the roade into England he hasted him hither with all diligence But truce being made for certaine yeares with England that he might not languish in idlenesse he passed into Spruce from whence he heard that an Army was to be sent against the Infidels There hee gave such proofe of his vertue and valour that hee was chosen Admirall of the whole Fleet which was very faire and great esteemed to consist of 250. saile and was there created Duke of Spruce and Prince of Danskin But there arose dissention hetwixt him and the Lord Clifford an Englishman upon an old emulation and present envie of his new preferment at which Clifford grudged Wherefore being challenged to the field by Clifford he accepted it gladly but the other weighing with himselfe what a hazzard he was like to runne by fighting with such a man of such incomparable valour found meanes before the day of the combat came to make him away by hired Assasines and Brigands who murthered him in the night on the bridge of Danskin The Manuscript seemeth to say that combat was not taken on there and then but long before while they were both at home and that Niddisdale before the day passing to Paris to provide armour fit for him or on whatsoever occasion else Clifford gave it out that he had fled the combat but when he saw that he was returned before the day appointed fearing to match with his well knowne strength and valour would have shifted the fight with many frivolous excuses Now there being assembled and met together at that time brave Knights from all the parts of Christendome Clifford partly for envie of the honour conferred upon his adversary and partly remembring their old debates but chiefly because of this disgrace and infamie of being put to this necessitie of refusing to fight with him hee caused mercenarie cut-throats to lie in wait for him who as he happened to walke through the streets and view the walls of the Towne set upon him and murdered him not without great difficultie by which losse that enterprise against the Infidels was disturbed and dashed We told before how he is stiled Prince of Danskin and Duke of Spruce in the Monuments of the Sinclairs of whom one had married his daughter sure it is by the report of many eye-witnesses that there was a gate in Dansick on which the Coat of the Douglasses was carved and graven in stone which decaying and being of late re-edified this monument of him is perished The common opinion is that Dansick having beene taken by Infidels was regained by Scottishmen and therefore it is that the Scots have such priviledges there and there is a part of the Town which they call little Scotland which is inhabited almost with Scottishmen All which must be referred most apparently to the Lord Niddisdale and to this time and doth testifie in some measure he hath surpassed the quality and condition of a private man or of a stranger in those parts seeing he acquired the title of Prince and Duke whereof we can affirme no more then hath beene said This fell out about the yeare 1389. or 1390. about the death of King Robert the second Of Archbald the second called The Grimme the third Earle and twelfth Lord of Douglas and Bothwell UNto James slaine at Otterburn succeeded his brother Archbald whom Hollinshed wrongfully calleth his Cousin Hee was married to the daughter of Andrew Murray sisters sonne to K. David Bruce and Governour of Scotland by her he got the Lordship of Bothwell and many other lands and she bare to him two sonnes first William who died a yeare before his father without children and Archbald who succeeded to his father also a daughter named Marjorie married to David Prince of Scotland Concerning this Archbald the Grim we finde not many particular acts of his recorded besides those which he did in his fathers time and in his brothers of which we have already spoken although certainly hee cannot but have done divers worthy of memorie seeing he hath the name and reputation of a most worthy Captaine being so sterne and austere in carriage and countenance that hee was termed The Grimme Douglas and by our Writers Archbald the Grimme Now that we may the better understand the reasons of the Douglasses proceedings and actions let us as our manner is take a generall view of the estate of the Countrey at this time His succession to the Earledome by the death of his brother was as we have said not long before the death of King Robert the second who died in the Castle of Dundonald in the yeare 1390. April 19. Before his death there was a Truce taken betweene England and France for the space of seven yeares wherein Scotland was also comprehended By reason of this Truce partly and partly for that his sonne John who was afterward called Robert the third was lame both of body and minde and so no wayes fit for warre there is no mention of any exploit done by this man onely it is said of him that when King Robert the third in the year 1396. and the seventh of his reign created divers Dukes and would have made this Archbald one he refused it as a noveltie and an empty title not worthy of the accepting seeing it was neither bestowed for merit nor service done nor had any reall advantage in it save an airy show of appearing honour to please the humour of ambitious minds of which he was none The next yeare following Richard the second of England was deposed and the Duke of Lancaster was made King in his roome who was Henry the fourth In the beginning of Henries reigne the seeds of warre were sowen upon this occasion George Dumbarre Earle of March had betrothed his daughter Elizabeth to David the Kings eldest sonne and had payed a great part of their portion before hand But the Earle Douglas alledging that the Kings private contracting of his sonne without the consent of the State was not according to the custome of the Kingdome nor right and orderly done caused the
matter to be propounded by his Majestie to the Parliament as former Kings had done and as reason required seeing the whole Kingdome hath interest in the matching of their Princes and Kings children There he handled the busines so that the contract with Marches daughter was declared void and null and his owne daughter Marjorie Douglas was contracted to the said Prince David by consent of the Parliament having offered a greater portion with her then the Earle March had done with his daughter He obtained for her joynture all the rents and revenewes which belonged to the King on the south side of Forth The way he tooke to bring this to passe was by the means of the Kings brother Robert Earle of Fife now made Duke of Albany and Governour of the Countrey under the King as he had been in their fathers time who did also then even govern both King and Kingdome and every thing as he listed and Douglas and he were inward and deare friends as his brother James slain at Otterburn and he had ever been now whether the Earle Douglas had that respect indeed to have matters of such importance to the Kingdome done by common advice of the Nobility chiefly or if his chief end were his owne particular because of the old emulation betwixt the Earles of March and Douglas to hinder the growth of that house by this great advantage of aliance or if hee had an eye to both or to any thing else I leave it to be judged of others The marriage was solemnized in the Church of Bothwel the yeare 1400. with greater haste then good speed or any comfort to either party that we heare of For neither came this David ever to bee King which was the thing that was expected that thereby the house of Douglas might have been greatned Neither did this aliance of Prince David with the Earle of Douglas stand him in any stead in that hee was most miserably handled by his Uncle the Governour who aspired himself to the Crowne which makes me to wonder why hee did not rather hinder this marriage of his Nephew with the Earle Douglas then thus further it seeing in all likelyhood it might have been a great let and strong hinderance to those his ambitious designes But so are the secrets of things hid from us that wee cannot finde out the causes and reasons of them by no means being not observed or not mentioned by the Writers of those times hovvever this marriage bred great contention and enmity betvveen the Earles of March and Douglas though neare kinsemen and did also disturb the peace and quietnesse of the Kingdome for March before the marriage was solemnized did not stick to goe to the King and upbraid him with breach of promise which he said was neither just nor Princely craving also importunately and roughly the restitution of his monywhich he had advanced for his daughters portion The King having not answered him according to his mind hee spared not to threaten that he should be avenged on that rufle and disgrace that he had put upon him and his daughter And so retiring from Court he fortefies his Castle of Dumbarre and gives it in keeping to his Nephew Robert Metellan he himselfe having received leave of King Henry went into England whereupon the Castle of Dumbarre was summoned in the Kings name by an Herauld of Armes and was surrendered by the Captain thereof Robert Metellan into the hands of the Earle Douglas The Earle of March returned into Scotland but being excluded out of his Castle at Dumbarre went back again into England taking his Lady and children along with him together with the nearest of his kinsmen and his chief friends accompanying him There he joyned with Henry Percie called hote spurre a perpetuall enemy of the house of Douglas and trusting to the favour and good will borne him by these who dwelt on the East Border or March of Scotland most of which were his vassalls and dependers many of them his kinsmen and all of them tied to him by some relation or obligation he troubled the Merse chiefly and the Earle Douglas lands with frequent incursions and inroades The King hereupon caused proclaime him rebell and yet notwithstanding sent to him a Herauld of Armes with profer of pardon and restitution upon condition that hee would returne and live peaceablely at home and that he should receive all such satisfaction for any wrong he could justly complain of as he desired But when hee refused to embrace this offer the Herauld passed on to King Henrie and complained of the Earle of March craving that hee might bee delivered according to the Articles of the truce But hee was answered by the King that hee had given him his word and could not breake it In the mean time Percie and the Earle of March being emboldned with divers successefull attempts upon the Borders adventured with 2000. men to come into Lowthian where they wasted the Countrey near unto Hadington assaulted the Castle of Hales twice but in vain burnt the townes of Hales Trapren Markill and other adjacent villages And while they encamped at Linton upon Tine hearing of the Earle Douglasses approach who had raised sufficient forces and was marching towards them and was come as farre as Penkrake they arose and fled in great haste leaving behind them all their booty together with their owne luggage and carriage The manuscript and black booke of Scone say clearly that the Earle Douglas followed them so quickly that he overtooke them or they got to Berwick and killed divers having wrested an ensigne out of the hands of Sir Thomas Colbouth which he brought into Scotland with him Boetius relates it not much otherwise Other Histories make no mention hereof but onely say that the Earle returned to Edinburgh with great congratulation and joy of all men He died not long after of a burning fever the same yeare 1400 in the beginning of February very unseasonably for his Countrey which was destitute of able Commanders in warre having lost divers others of good note not long before He was buried in Bothwell with his Ladie He was a man nothing inferiour to any of his Predecessours or Successours of his house and name in any kind of vertue and in speciall of true and reall kindnesse to his friends and followers as appeareth by a letter of his to the Earle of March in favour of the Laird of Ridpeth a Gentleman in Lammer moore who was his follower and was wronged by the Earle of March in the possession of some lands but more in Marches refusall to right him he assembleth his forces and dispossesseth the Earle of Marches sonne and reponed Ridpeth in his right and maintained him therein ever after which his successours doe enjoy at this day As for his valour and conduct in warre hee is termed the best Captain of his time and that in his person the splendour and glory of warrefare both stood and fell Others say that
because there were no other or because they have not beene carefull to set downe the true cause I know not But if this were indeed it is so memorable that it deserveth not to bee passed over with a dry foot as wee say and without observation For who can but wonder at so rare a fact betwixt a father and a son as the like is not extant elsewhere in any Record or History and hath not beene heard of I thinke since the world stood That a man to spite his sonne should quite a Kingdome whereof hee was possest and saw no other appearance but to enjoy it still I confesse there hath beene much unnaturall unkindenesse in the world whereby they have procured the death and destruction of those whose safetie they were tied by the bonds of nature to maintain but that hath beene for their owne honour and dignity to obtain the place or continue in it which men doe so much aspire unto but that their unnaturall despight should reach so farre as to undoe themselves and to quite a Kingdome for obtaining and retaining whereof ambitious men turne the world upside downe onely to satisfie a passionate humour or malice conceived against their owne childe let him that can parrellel it and put this up in his note booke for a second instance at least It was for love of his Cousin for respect to equitie out of duetie to God and love of his Covntrey which he saw hee himselfe could not and his son would not govern rightly and therefore thought fittest to resign it to him that both could and would doe it it was a good sober wise and worthy thought But then our Writers doe him wrong that never signifie that such was his minde no not in the least word and mention onely his owne anger and the instigation of Coline Campbell a chiefe man in Argyle who blew the coale out of a private spleene against Walter who had done him some injury but however it were whether his spight moved him to do justice or desire to do justice caused despight he threatned to do it to his sonne and performed what he threatned for he sent Ambassadours into England to have the King released of which this Archbald was chief about the time of his very first coming to the Earledome He with his two Colleagues William Hay Constable and Henry Bishop of Aberdene carried the matter so wisely that they brought it to a conclusion which was the more easily effected because King James married a Lady of England without portion which they thought would move him to forget any wrong he had received by their injust detention The Ambassadors also condescended upon a ransome to be payed though none were due from him who never was lawfull prisoner So at last hee was released came home and was crowned King the 22. of May 1424. We have heard hitherto the rise of the house of Douglas and the continuall increasing thereof by their great deserts with the approbation and applause of all men with the good will and liking of their Princes for the space of many yeares their Princes delighting to imploy them and they endeavouring to serve their Princes and their Countrie to the uttérmost of their power with a good harmony and happy agreeing on all sides Let us now bee contented from henceforth to find the world to bee the self still that is rolling and tumbling by perpetuall vicissitudes and changes for though this house shall yet grow up and to a higher pitch then ever yet this concordance shall not continue so full but shall beginne to have some jarring their Princes being jealous of them they standing in feare of their Princes sometimes in favour sometimes out of favour sometimes imployed and sometimes neglected having mens affections sometimes towards them sometimes averse from them liking and disliking by turnes and fits They also for their parts were now well-contented then malecontented now dealing in affaires then withdrawing from all medling in State businesse from whence did spring discords imprisonments banishments slaughters which things beginning in this mans time at his committing strangenesse and discontents continued in the next and proceeded in his sonnes time to his putting to death and was transferred as hereditary to his successours with many interchangings of smilings and frownings of fortune and Court which at last ended in that fearefull catastrophe of the finall ruine of this flourishing family in the yeare 1483. which troubles continued the space of 59. or 60. yeares beginning at King James the firsts return into Scotland For the very first yeare of his reigne this Earle Douglas is committed to ward but is soone released and then within some few yeares was committed again For his first commitment there is no cause thereof recorded onely the time thereof doth furnish some matter of conjecture together with other circumstances set downe As for the time it was when Duke Murdocke and his sonnes Walter and Alexander and their Mother and her Father Duncane Stuart Earle of Lennox were committed The circumstances are that he was not alone but with him twenty foure Earls and Barons were committed likewise amongst whom there were some of the Kings owne speciall friends and kindred as William Earle of Angus who was the Kings sisters sonne and so Duke Murdokes Cousin The Earle of Douglas was also allied with him for Robert the Governours son John Earle of Buchan had married Douglas sister and there had been cor-respondency and friendship betwixt the Governour and Archbald the Grimme as also Archbald Tyne-man this Earles Father and Grandfather and Buchan and this Earle had been fellowes in Armes together in France at Baugue as also Buchan and Archbald Tyne-man were slain together at Vernoill Likewise the Earle of March who had been restored by Duke Murdocks Father and had kept good friendship with him and his sonne after his restitution Robert Stuart of Roth-house Stuart of Dundonald John Stuart of Carden being also of the name of Stuart and all in some neernesse of blood to Murdock as the King himselfe also was The rest Hepburn of Hailes Haye of Yester Ramsay of Dalhousie Haliburtoâ—… of Dirleton we finde to have beene dependers of the houses of Douglas and March and the rest also Walter Ogilbe Alexander Setton or Gordon Haye Arroll Scrimger Constable of Dundee have beene friends and followers of the house of Douglas as wee find they did assist and accompany them in diverse battells and have also perhaps had some friendship with the Duke or his Father in law as commonly the Nobilitie are allied and of kinne one to another Who therefore thought they were willing that their lawfull and rightfull Prince should enjoy his owne place would not agree so easily to the putting to death of those whom the King was resolved to make out of the way Now what it was that moved the King to this course whether desire to be revenged of the cruelty of Robert the Governour their Father toward David D.
of Rothsay his elder brother or for his mis-demeanour and undutifusnesse towards his Father Robert the third or for his neglecting himself in his captivity or for that he esteemed all that government of Robert and Murdock to be an usurpation of the Crowne and feared the like hereafter or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice is uncertain However being resolved to ridde himself of them he thought it the safest way to make them fast who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it as he desired Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds and drawn them to his course or at least taken order with them to sit quiet And this was not long a doing for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly releeved and some of them also put upon the others quree or assise as Douglas March Angus Arrole But by what means he hath constrained them to be content or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them to let them see that those men were guilty of death or what crime they died for if any new conspiracy or what else our Histories tell us not which is a great defect in them Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King otherwise they would never saith hee have condemned such men to death Princes of the blood as wee may call them and their owne especiall friends And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing and the issue thereof For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas and kept him long in prison till at last by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats he and the Earle of Rosse were released Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly but Hollinshed is pleased out of sume partiall humour as should seeme to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain and this is all the difference betwixt them It was some yeares after his first committing but what yeare it is not condiscended upon Some say it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice which is not mentioned by any And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded whereof Major complaineth saying that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas and John Lord of Kennedie the Kings owne sister sonne for both were committed Douglas in Logh-leeven and Kennedy in Stirling for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly or for matters of weight or if for trifles onely and for his owne pleasure Others insinuate a cause but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know whether it were just or unjust which is the light and life of History and the right end and use thereof for they say no more but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly and somewhat more freely then became them of the estate and government of the Countrey What use can any man make of this generality rashnesse may be a fault yet perhaps none at all in them of whom it is spoken they being Privie Counsellers Likewise the phrase freelier than became is so generall that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied neither can posteriry either King or Subject judge of this fact whether it were right or wrong or whether the example were such as men ought to follow or forbeare and avoid It should have been expressely set downe what they spake to whom if to the King himselfe or to others In what sort if by way of admonition counselling or advising or if by forme of cavilling detracting murmuring mutining and such other circumstances whereon the judgeing of it chiesly dependeth In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve praise or censure them In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde and category with the Earle Douglas apparently it hath not been spoken in malice seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends such as these Kennedies were having approved thereof And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King or if the King being without malice is very hard for how shall a King know that will not heare hee cannot know all by himself And how shall he heare if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely he cannot heare all by himself Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill and it may bee hath done this same Prince no good And what ever it was that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake or the Kings owne sake or for both why might not the King thinke there might be errours And why might hee not then have heard them To have proceeded so vehemently for their hath been great vehemency in it to have cut off his owne kinsmen and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at it was most important and worthy to be considered of whether or not it were best for him in policie to do Doubtlesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe when all the rest were cut off first by the King And was it nothing to lose the Nobility to alienate their hearts to irritate them by imprisonments forfeitures hath it not done ill thinke you and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason looking for the favour of the offended Nobility or for neutrality and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice when he saw the people grieved therewith And wisely in that hee was carefull to keep the hearts of the people But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved was it enough that they would not or durst not perhaps or could not openly rebell was it not something to want their affections to want the edge and earnestnesse thereof to relent them to coole them Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie greater then they found yet in hope of it to go on with their designes and hath furthered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued What ever the cause were he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort in that he releaseth him and in token of a full reconcilement makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes twinnes which was in those dayes no small honour and signification of good will and a pledge of intimate friendship He made also his sonne William though but a childe of five yeares of age the first knight of fiftie who were dubbed at that solemnity as the Manuscript affirmeth By which actions as he honoured Douglas so did he withall honour himself in the eyes of the people and of forrainers gracing his Court and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere farre more
that these men here mean in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King Not that he bare any ill will to the Kings person for that they could no wayes make appeare but because he was so great a man According to that generall rule that greatnesse in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King Which maxime I feare they have beaten into his head afterwards not so much to strengthen and provide for his security as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves for we see all their intentions aime but at their owne particulars and so in this they intend nothing else onely they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the Kings service as they doe this wicked fact also David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him and Malcolme Fleming of Cumbernald his speciall Counsellour They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle that lieth to the West This augments yet their wickednesse that they execute his brother also whose age behoved to be lesse then his owne who was but very young too as wee have said These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince thus as it were to bait him with the bloud of his Nobility and to imprint such a lesson in his tender minde that they were his enemies But for conclusion of this matter concerning these young men as there was no law laid against them so is there no History that beareth witnesse that they were guilty of any capitall crime And Major saith expresly Apud Annales legi quod viri illi non erant rei mortis sed consilio dolo Gulielmi Crighton Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt That is I reade in our Annales that these men were not guilty of death but this matter was atchieved by the counsell and fraud of Crighton Chancellour It is sure the people did abhorre it execrating the very place where it was done in detestation of the fact of which the memory remaineth yet to our dayes in these words Edinburgh Castle Towne and Tower God grant thou sinke for sinne And that even for the black dinner Earle Douglas got therein Now sith these youths were not guiltie whereof were they not guilty that put them to death and with what note of infamy to bee branded Though some seeme to blame this innocent young man as they cannot deny him to have beene with halfe words as guided by flattery given to insolency presumptuous in his Port yet is there no effect or affection brought importing either his being addicted to flattery or that hee was more insolent presumptuous or arrogant then became a man of his ranke But contrary that he was of a gentle nature a repulser of flatterie now as hee grew in age and of due magnificence such as well became him Let us therefore account of him so as one that was singular in respect of his yeares And let the blame lie fully on his enemies who shall finde some meeting hereafter from their Cousin that they may finde all the house perished not with him though indeed the punishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved In Gulielm David fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos Vestra Sophocleo caedes est digna cothurno Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis Vos scelere atque dolis vos proditione necati Insontes puerique patriae proceres Regius vestro est foedatus funere vultus Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas Haeccine Rectores vestra est prudentia tanta Haeccine laudatur justitia haecne fides Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis Perstat fraudis atrae persidiaeque trucis In English thus Your murther may deserve a tragick Muse Your horrid dinner justly might excuse Thyestes feast by a more treacherous train Drawn to the axe more barbarously slain Then was his sonne your Princes guiltlesse eye Stain'd with the sight wept at the cruelty Is this these Rulers wisedome this their love To Justice this the prudence men approve So much O! blacke example fit to be Mark't in eternall scroules of infamy Of James called Grosse James the third James sixteenth Lord and seventh Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Abercorne and Annandale the fourth Duke of Turraine and Lord of Longe-ville UNto William succeeded his fathers brother James Lord of Abercorne in all the lands that were intailed but Beatrix sister to the said William fell here to the rest that were not entailed which were many say our Writers specially Galloway Wigton Balvein Ormund Annandale This James was called grosse James because hee was a corpulent man of body he had to wife Beatrix Sinclair daughter to the Earle of Orknay but which Earle it is not expressed To finde it wee must consider that from 1 William Sinclair the first that came out of France and married Agnes Dumbarre daughter to Patrick first Earle of March 2 the next was Henry his sonne who was married to Katherine daughter to the Earle of Stratherne 3 His sonne called Henry also married Margaret Gratenay daughter to the Earle of Marre 4 This Henries sonne Sir William passed into Spain with good Sir James Douglas who carried the Bruces heart to Jerusalem hee was married to Elizabeth Speire daughter to the Earle of Orknay and Shetland and so by her became the first Earle of Orknay of the Sinclaires The second Earle was 5 William also who married Florentina daughter to the King of Denmark the sixth person and third Earle was his son Henry who married Giles or Egidia daughter to the Lord of Niddisdale The seventh person and fourth Earle is Sir William who married Elizabeth Douglas daughter to Archbald Tine-man the first Duke of Turrain and sister to this James the grosse Now this James his wife cannot have been this last Sir Williams daughter for then she should have been his owne sisters daughter And therefore she hath been either Henries that married Giles Douglas or else Sir Williams who married Florentina which of the two I leave it to conjecture her great spirit and high ambition would seem to argue that shee was come of Kings and near to them but the Monument in Douglas calleth her daughter to Henry She bare to this Earle James seven sonnes and foure daughters The name of the eldest was William and the second James who were Earles of Douglas both of them by succession as we shall heare The third was Archbald who married the daughter of John Dumbarre Earle of Murray brother to George Earle of March by which means he got the Earledome of Murray The fourth named Hugh was made Earle of Ormond and had sundry lands given him by the King in Tividale and Rosse The fifth John was made Lord of Balvenie The sixth Henry was Bishop of Duncalden George the seventh died before he was fifteen yeares of age as our Chronicles do witnesse
King and Common-wealth for their owne particular yet he should not have used ill means no not against ill men and the bare name of authority is of weight in the eyes of men as the name of theft odious from any countenancing whereof Noblemen should be farre as also from seeming to rise against any manner of Authority though Authority bee put even in mean mens hands as these were chiefly when the opposers of Authority can make no other end appeare but their own private and that blotted with the enormities of broken men yet what shall be given to a just anger what unto the time what unto youth all these plead pardon if not approbation The rather for that he taketh up himself from that sort of doing so soone as hee can get a right King to whom he might have accesse and to whom he might yeeld with honour which was ere long The next yeare 1444. the King taketh the government on himselfe directly Thither immediately the Earle Douglas concludeth to addresse himselfe and by all good means to obtain his favour to satisfie the people to satisfie all men that were offended and fully to change that course he had before followed Certainly repentance is worth misdeed and it may bee seen that the force of enmity hath driven him into these faults which as soone as he can he layeth aside So coming with a great company to Stirlin he deales with the King by the intercession of such as were about him and finding that he was appeased goeth on and puts himself and his estate in his Princes will partly purging himselfe of the crimes past partly confessing them ingeniously and telling him that what ever estate he should have from that time forth hee would owe it to the Kings clemency and not ascribe it to his owne innocency That if the King would be contented to be satisfied by good Offices hee would endeavour not to be short of any in fidelitie observance diligence and good will towards him That in repressing and punishing of theeves whose actions his enemies laid upon him there should no man bee more severe nor more carefull That he was come of a house that was growne up not by doing injuries to the weaker but by defending the weaker and common people of Scotland by arms Certainly a true conclusion undeniable by his greatest enemies But I have thought good to set downe all as it was conceived for whether there was any fault or not his submission was great and his repentance sufficient to purge it whatsoever it were Such is his respect to his soveraigne Prince and such the force of authority rightly placed in the due owner thereof And such was also the force of truth in his speech that the King understanding that it was true in his predecessour and hoping it would be true in himselfe moved also by the private commendation of his Courtiers not onely passed by and forgave what ever had been amisse in his life before but also received him into his most inward familiarity and did communicate unto him the secrets of his counsell Neither was the Earle unworthy thereof for his part but behaved himselfe so well that within a short time hee acquired the favour of the King by obedience of his Courtiers and servants by liberalitie and of all men by gentlenesse courtesie and modestie and put the people in hope that he would prove a meeke and sober-minded man The wiser sort doubted say our Writers whither so sudden a change would turne But why should wee thinke it a change or if it were a change it was very casuall very apparant and nothing to be wondred at for it is this in effect he had been untoward to base men why should he not yeeld to his King hee had slighted the shadow of authority in them why should he not acknowledge and reverence the beames of it in his Prince he had beene froward to his enemies why not gentle to his friends he had sought to make them smart that wronged him why not cherish those that did him good offices he had warred on them that had warred against him why should hee not keep friendship with those who kept friendship with him certainly these are not changes neither of nature nor of manners but are commonly wee see in one and the same nature and proceed from one and the same cause which is greatnesse of courage and regard of due honour The greater despiser of basenesse the greater reverence of true greatnesse the greater repiner against compulsion the gentler and calmer being used courteously the harder enemy the faithfuller and sweeter friend so that wee may suspect these mens wisedome that did so farre mistake his true courage and accounted that a change which was but a continuation of his inbred disposition Two men are designed to have taken fray at the matter whose consciences were guilty of what they had deserved Alexander Levingston and William Creighton not for the change of his manners but for the change of his credit They had traiterously slain three innocent Noblemen his two Cousins and Malcolme Fleming They had kept himself back from his Prince and his Prince from him and were sory that ever they should have met in a friendly sort They would have been glad to have blowne the bellowes of dissention to have irritated the one and misinformed the other made their owne quarrell the Kings and so have caused the King and Countrey to esteem of it They were now disappointed of that and the Earle had accesse to informe the King of their misdemeanour in their Office and to move him to call them in question for it They knew hee would remember the wrong done to his Cousins they knew how unable they were to answer for many of their facts and therefore they retire themselves from Court Levingston to his owne house Creighton to the Castle of Edinburgh which hee had still in his keeping Neither was the Earle Douglas negligent in this occasion that was thus offered to seeke justice by law and by justice to be avenged of his enemies for the wrong done by them against law Wherefore he diligently informed the King from point to point of their misbehaviour in their Office how they had abused him abused his rents to their owne private use and moved him to call them to an account thereof whereupon being summoned to a certain day they durst not compeir but to set a faire face on the matter they answered by Procuratours or by letters That they were ready to give an account of their government that they had beene very carefull of the King and Countrey desired nothing so much as to give an account thereof before equall Judges But for the present when the minds of men were preoccupied with the favour of their enemies and all accesse closed with armed men the King behoved to pardon that they did eschew not to come to judgement but to come in the danger of their deadly enemies and keep their lives
James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from me betaking themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they used ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stisl behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was
this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime in Policie and that plausible to many That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions yet it is certain that without great Subjects there can be no great service Things may be shufled at home but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose or of note But now the question is where great men are already whether it bee best thus to undoe them and make up new men by their ruine or not a thing worthy to bee considered and also whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses and if possible whether it were not better to doe so then to goe about to undoe them whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard as we see that though it may succeed at last as it did here yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie Truely that which made it to succeed was the very honest heart of this last Earle James who if either hee would have turned English and cast off all respect to his native Prince or entered into battell against him at Abercorne it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men and not rather to have used them well that were become already great And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side but the onely providence of God who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas but to continue it in the right line which though the Douglas did not aime at yet being driven to this necessity either to lose his owne estate or to take the Crowne in case of victory hee could hardly have refused it if it should have come to that but hee chose rather to lose his owne and lost it indeed by a rare modesty which is even disallowed by Writers who interpret it to have beene fearefulnesse or lazinesse so hard is it to know the right and not to incurre some censure in our actions how ever it bee this appeares most certain that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good and that even in this man Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into they were drawne to them by the malice of their particular enemies and the Princes assisting fostering and maintaining them in their wayes thereby to undoe that Earledome jealous of their Crowne and that they might reigne perhaps with greater libertie and fuller absolutenesse which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe so long as they stood But it comes not ever so to passe and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes which were not many yet in his sonnes dayes wee shall see it fell out otherwayes for out of these mean men at least in respect of the house of Douglas there arose some who proved as great and greater restrainers of that liberty then ever the Earles of Douglas were So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men to obtain greater liberty wee see it is not alwayes attained and doth not ever follow upon it yea wee shall see that almost it never or but for a very short while produceth that effect It is therefore worthy to be examined whether it be to be sought or to be bought at so deare a rate such hazard and trouble But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world let men consider it and reverence the Ruler Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coenobio inclusus Quid rides rasumque caput cellaeque recessum Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror Fortunâ volvente vices siet modo Princeps Plebeius Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne My Cell my Cloyster and my hooded Gowne This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen By whom Monkes Monarches Monarches Monkes have been Another Both Fortunes long I tri'd and found at last No State so happy as an humble rest Georgius Angusiae comes Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho Scotorum eripuit te duce parva manus Te duce Duglasius victus quoque Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae Sed consanguinei sed quid meruere propinqui O furor O rabtes perdere velle suos Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera morsu Stirpem quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis unde genus Non me ventosa ambitio non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram poteram vel ferre priorem Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram Ast Regi parere jussa facessere fixum Fas quoque semper er at fas mihi semper erit George Earle of Angus Thou ledst a handfull who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick victory Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind Increast thy honour but against thy friend And kinsman what strange fury turn'd thy force What madnesse to destroy thy owne 't was worse Then Vipers cruelty compell'd to eat Their way or die thine was a needlesse hate No vain ambition oversway'd my heart No love of wealth no envie had a part In what I did I could an equall beare Nay did not grudge though Douglas greater were Content with what I had I happy liv'd But 't was my Prince his will and 't is beleev'd Lawfull and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King without respect of bloud Aliud A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit Duglasios nemâ—… cùm posset vincere solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius Another on the same Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome A Douglas could not have been brought so low Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow Here endeth the first Part containing the History of the House of Douglas THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE DOUGLASSES CONTAINING THE HOUSE OF ANGUS By Master DAVID HUME of Godscroft EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie 1643. Of the House of ANGUS before it came to the name of DOUGLAS THe great and potent House of Douglas of which we may say the best subjects that ever served Prince the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any worthie for their modestie to be seconded by others second to none in all vertue and true worth of valour magnanimitie kindenesse courtesie faithfulnesse to King Countrey and kinred serving their Prince and served by the rest worthily served worthie to be served as knowers of service and recompencers there of in due proportion and degree as Charters of Lands liberally given do testifie being thus brought to this pitifull end there arose in place thereof the House of Angus of which we come now to speak and to
neare the King He had upon the first surmising of an alteration come from Edinburgh with a company of some fourescore horse but hearing that the Earle of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way hee sent his company with his brothers Robert and Henrie and he himselfe with one or two taking a byway came to have slipt into the Kings presence before they had beene aware of him But Gowrie being advertised hereof met him at the gate and had straightwayes killed him if George Authenlecke sometime servitour to Morton had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him His two brothers with their company were defeated by the Earle of Marre of which Robert was wounded also and taken prisoner There joyned with Marre and Ruthven openly Thomas Lion Master of Glames Lawrence Lord Oliphant together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle Justice-Clerke and others Before Marre came the Guard made some difficultie to admit them and grant them entrance into the Kings chamber for they serving for pay and being put in and commanded by Arran when they heard what had happened to their Captaine made an offer to resist and not to suffer any man to come neare the King unlesse hee should signifie his pleasure to be such Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat asked at master David Hume who by chance was come thither and stood next to him if he had a pistoll about him which he gave him but withall said to him Be not too hastie to shoot let them alone you shall find that their fury will soone fall lacking their Captaine and a head and that they will give way when once they see the Nobility approach And so they did indeed for the Earle of Marre being come and the rest joyning with him they shranke away and gave place When they came to the King they shewed him the necessity of doing what they had done in regard of the violence of Arrane and their feare and suspition of the Duke of Lennox That there was no other way to remove the generall discontent of his Subjects and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himselfe and his Crowne then by removing of these men from about him whose unjust actions and violent oppressions reflected upon his Majesty to the great prejudice of his honour and estate as also to the great disadvantage of Religion and the good of his people The King assented to what they said either because he thought it to be the true or rather as appeared afterward that he might seeme to approve of that which hee could not resist So they goe to Perth then to Stirling where their Proclamations were set forth the one containing the Kings Declaration concerning what was done at Ruthven that it was for his service and acceptable to him In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realme of Scotland before the 24. of September There was a third also by which the Chamberlain Aires were discharged to be kept The Earle of Angus had a little before these things come down from the Court of England to Berwick in expectation of this change and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed he stayed a while in the towne and thereafter came into Scotland yet did he not goe directly to Court but came to Cumledge in the Merse a house within eight miles of Berwick which belonged to Archbald Authenleck a follower of his Uncle Morton and lay next adjacent to his Barony of Boncle There he remained till Master Bowes and Master Cary Embassadours from the Queen of England came into Scotland the 11 of September and did by their intercession obtain of the King that hee might be assoyled from that crime of Rebellion which his enemies had put upon him because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the Kings name to come to Court which was indeed to come into their power Neither did he presently after hee was relaxed come neare the King untill he had assurance that the King was very well contented and desirous that he should come to him but stayed some five weekes expecting his full and free consent therein that his return might bee such as could not be excepted against The King delayed him a while that hee might be beholding to him for this favour and he was contented to stay so long that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour and that by so doing he might fully remove all hard construction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England He had presence of the King the 20. of October about two moneths after he came home in the Palace of Haly-rood-house where hee was kindly and lovingly received to the great contentment of all men and with great commendation of his modesty for that hee had patiently waited for his Princes pleasure so long a time and had not abruptly rusht into his sight which many would and he might have done easily had he pleased to have made that use of the times and opportunitie which was offered but his disposition was not that way set he was truely of a milde disposition abhorring all turbulencie every way towardly inclining to peace and to all submission toward his Prince Now being thus returned gladly would hee have lived in quietnesse and injoyed the Kings favour still as he had it at this time and willingly would he have served him as a faithfull and loyall Subject according as he had been pleased to have imployed him without further stirring or meddling with any thing or any person Neither as I thinke did the world ever know or bring forth a more calme and quiet spirit voyd of ambition and covetousnesse as also of all envie and malice to any creature which are the chiefe causes of restlesse and tumultuous practices He was also mindfull of Mortons counsell at his death who advised him to doe so and being alreadie in so honourable a place first of the Nobilitie he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for if hee could have been assured to possesse his owne in peace But finding the Countrey divided the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen still working underhand and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion and such as had been instruments to establish it upon whose ruine these new men by their new courses did indeavour to build their preferment so that none could with surety live in any honourable place as a good Patriot but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion and undergoe the like hazard as they did Besides these Noblemen had in very deed wrought out and made way for his returne from exile by removing of those who were as common enemies to all honest men so more particularly his especiall enemies having been authours of his Uncles death and who had seized
obstinacy and treason so was he pleased to nickname vertue of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and moment may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to braule sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the enterprises of the mightiest Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the speed of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of Dumbarre when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous autre chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down the said Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity for he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas or as spargantur horas Laudes tuumque dedâ—…cus A verse whereof
but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas where the rest are set downe by name As for his foure daughtets 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith 2 Beairix the second to John Stuart Duke of Albanie Constable of Scotland and Captain of fifty men at armes in France The third was named Jennat and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld Elizabeth who was the fourth died unmarried This Grosse James his eldest sonne William partly to hold up the greatnesse of his house partly by the Ladies owne desire who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin She was called the faire maiden of Galloway and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved intire and those lands which shee would have been heire to and divided from it were kept in their owne hands This match was made farre against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith alledging that the house of Douglas was too great already and that their greatnesse would be the ruine of the house which maxime although it proveth often true that too great Dominions under Princes as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories and other republicks and Common-wealths when they come to that hugenesse that they cannot easily be governed do fall and are overthrown by their owne weight and the conspiracies and combinations of neighbouring Princes or States who feare and are jealous of their excessive greatnesse or by their Subjects within either through the Princes jealousie who suspects them or others envie who stirre jealousie in the Prince and draw him to suspect them And therefore all both Lordships and Empires are to be restrained and kept within a mediocritie and that as well Princes and Common-wealths as subjects which all men will confesse but what this mediocritie is they declare not neither will they confesse or doe they ever thinke that they are come to that fulnesse that there is any danger of exceeding so farre as to procure their overthrow or breed any perill It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some moderation of the Empire and had resolved to have propagate it no further yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that hee thus resolved whether out of prudencie or of envie toward his successours that none might goe beyond him or adde any more to it then he had And it is indeed a hard matter to perswade men and perhaps no lesse difficult to prove for all agree that these inferiour things even all of them are in a perpetuall fluxe and motion and that they cannot stand long at a stay without going either forward or backward increasing or decreasing If therefore they goe not forward they must goe backe if they doe not increase they must decrease which if it be true it were better to seek to increase so long as men may then to take them to a standing from which they must decrease if they doe not increase But whether out of that discourse of reason his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have perswaded him not to become too great for feare of falling or for any particular of their owne or whether he for this other reason or rather for the common disposition of men to presse ever forward I know not but hee chose to bee great and take his hazzard And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Romane Church Brothers children he sent to Rome for a dispensation which being long in coming and he fearing least the King and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match which was also reported and not without ground caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came and that in Lent too a time forbidden also and which is more on the friday before Pasch called commonly Good-friday This was thought ominous and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion They were married in the Church of Douglas Some write that this marriage was procured and made by the young man himselfe after the decease of his father However this was a speciall cause of dissention and division amongst those of the name of Douglas For the actions of this grosse James wee have no particulars recorded in Histories either in his brothers time or his nephewes time or now when he cometh to be Earle himselfe There is no mention at all made of him whether he did any thing for to revenge the murther of his nephewes by Creighton and Levingston belike as he hath been corpulent so hath his corpulensie caused a dulnesse of spirit as commonly it doth Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them and sayes that hee was a great justiciary Others write that he was no ill man that hee entertained no disordered wicked men but yet he did not represse them sharply enough and therefore was suspected by the King and disliked by many hee died in Abercorne within two yeares or not three sayes the manuscript after the marriage of his sonne which hath not been long in the making Wee may ghesse it most probably to have beene not fully three yeares and so that he died in the yeare 1443. Hee was buried in Douglas where on his Tombe he is called Magnus Princeps and amongst other Titles Lord of Liddisdale and Jedward Forrest his wife is styled Domina Aveniae Lady of Avendale His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus Hic jacet magnus potens Princeps Dominus Jacobus de Douglas Comes de Douglas Dominus Annandiae Gallovidiae Liddaliae Jedburg-Forrestiae Dominus de Balveniâ magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam c. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio 1443. His Wives is thus Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orcadum Domini de Sinclaire Comitissa de Douglas Aveniae Domina Gallovidiae His Childrens thus Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum Dominam generatae 1 Dominus Gulielmus primò genitus haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam 2 Jacobus secundò genitus Magister de Douglas 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus Comes Murray 4 Hugo quarto genitus comes Ormundiae 5 Johannes quinto genitus Dominus Balveniae 6 Henricus sexto genitus Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar Cumbernauld Elizabetha de Douglas quarta filia erat In English thus Here lies a great and powerfull Prince Lord James Douglas Earle of Douglas Lord of Annandale and Galloway Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest and Lord of Balveny great Warden of the Kingdome
employ himselfe to ease them of their burthen by his assistance he did them no hurt he could not with honour do them any good So hee lets them alone doing to them neither ill nor good then which I thinke he could not do lesse And where just cause of enmity was how could it be more modestly used Except they would have had him after such a vilanous fact to go creeping under their feet as we say which the meanest man will not doe after the smallest injurie And even where there is no injury unlesse men reape some benefit they will suffer others to do their owne part and not help them where they have no interest either as belonging to their charge or from whence they may gather some profit It is true he onely could doe that service and there was no ability in them that had the charge but he was not obliged to supply their inability and why should they have taken on them or why should the States which I thinke did not but that it was done by faction have laid it upon them that were not able to discharge it This was not wisely done and it is the very point of the errour in the Estates so called and the ground of all the inconveniences that fell out for they chose men that had not power to discharge the Office and such as had did let them do it alone and withall perhaps disdained their preferment as being without merit for wee see no merit in them by true vertue hereon arose discontents then grudges then crossings then blamings and reproaching in words and deeds growing at last to an open enmitie Of such great importance is it to make right choice of men for employments And such wisedome is requisite in the choosers bee it Estates be it Princes not to follow affection but to consider worth and ability rightly and to employ accordingly which if it be not done it carrieth with it infinite inconveniences hath troubled many Estates yea ruined them and it must needs be so Happy State happy Prince yea happy he whosoever that having a necessity to imploy others as who hath not imployeth according to reason and not affection or hath his affections ruled by reason which if hee doe not it shall disgrace the imployer breed disdain to him that is imployed and bring contempt upon both which will burst out with occasion and not long be curbed and kept in thought it lurke for a time It may bee this Earle of Douglas hath gone further then his father in showing his contempt of these justice-bearers It may be hee hath borne with the Bordermen and been more slack in repressing of them for his father repressed them though not enough because hee had intention to imploy them being more sensible of the wrong done to his Cousins had a greater eye to revenge it and therefore was loth to controule these men of service further then the mere necessity of his place did require at his hands whereof the rule in the eyes of the people was to save all men from that misery as farre as he could in his owne eyes the rule which he propounded to himselfe it was to protect his friends and dependers and for his adversaries to rejoyce perhaps at their smart if not to procure it as for neutralls to leave it to the Magistrate to redresse what is amisse not perceiving by that mean he doth more hurt the Countrey then his enemies and wounds his owne credit more then their reputation and therefore he lost more by furnishing them with some ground of obloquie offending the people and honest men then he gained by the hurt of his adversaries or favour of broken men Nothing is more popular yea nothing is more profitable then justice say all Writers not to mean and private men onely who incurre the danger of law by injustice but even to great men even to Princes who if they incurre not the danger of lawes being placed above the reach thereof yet doe they lose the most profitable instrument of all their actions by which they must needs worke and without which they cannot the hearts of men It feareth me too many think it enough to have their hands to have their bodies at command but let no man thinke he can have their bodies if hee have not their hearts neither their heart if hee have it not indeed in a high measure of affection Who hath no measure of affection can have no action of the body to any purpose and a slacke affection produceth but a slack action as it hath ever proved So that in effect policy hath that chiefe object to worke on the affections of men and that not to deceive or force them for neither of these can worke well and long Neither is it sufficient that a man see not a present evill as a Prince a present insurrection a great man a present losse of his followers and favourers which falleth out sometime but not alwayes Oftentimes it is like a canker working by peece-meale insensibly from degree to degree upon the affections til it hath consummated the worke of disgrace of the party it seazeth on and winded their favours out of the hearts of men As commonly mens actions that procure it are of the same sort not all in an instant or at one time but one ungratious fact cometh after another and another again upon the necke of that and so forth This therefore is so much the more diligently to be taken heed of and eschewed in the beginning or if any errour escape to be taken up and recompensed by amendment or some other gratefull action importing as much favour as the errour did disdain neither must the affections of men be suffered to coole languish and to bee eaten up at unawares till at last they utterly decay and perish Thus we may see here he hath not been well advertised by those of his house of Douglas which before were the most esteemed the best beloved and favoured universally almost by the whole Countrey But now while as they would trouble the Governours and let their inability bee seen and for that end either beare with theeves or suffer them they are not aware that by this mean they suffer an ill opinion of themselves to creep into mens minds and that love of the people to diminish by peece-meal for the space now of three or foure mens lives And whereas they were wont with their heritage to succeed to a generall favour of the people now on the contrary they succeed to a grudge and ill opinion and so an universall dislike which at last hath done away all that wonted love and turned it into hatred which did greatly advance and further the plots of their enemies against them and made that their greatnesse odious that was accustomed to be favoured It is very true that the men against whom he set himselfe had used no good means abused there Offices abused their Countrey and the name of the
not then neither ought we to repent or repine it being much more tolerable then to bee overmatched by an enemy as it often falleth out and can hardly choose but fall out when a house standeth alone by it selfe having no honest member thereof to underprop and uphold it Besides while men thus seeke to make their friends altogether servile to them their friends perceiving it as it can hardly but bee perceived what ever cunning bee used to cover it are the lother to serve as mens nature is in whom love-service questionlesse is the best yea onely fruitfull service And therefore they will either repine the more or withdraw themselves altogether if they bee of any spirit and if they bee not their service is not worth having So that men lose even their service which they so effect and sometimes turn it by unkindnesse into unkindlinesse and enmitie which hath ever been found by experience neither did ever any house flourish so well or any man in any house as when they concurred with one minde to a mutuall helpe one of another and none ever prospered so well as hee who used and shewed his care not to keepe backe his friends or to neglect them but to advance them and take their businesse to heart as his owne This is a true patterne of kindnesse and no lesse of true wisedome howsoever men may subtillize as they please which is seriously and sincerely followed by our Earle Douglas and deserveth both commendation and imitation Neither will it bee found that this is it which did him hurt but questionlesse made him strong and not easie to bee medled with and so difficult that they could get no other mean to overthrow him but that which they used unto which they were forced and of which constraint is the onely excuse as we shall see where hee is slain Therefore to say his greatnesse was the cause of his wrack is more subtle then solid even as it may be said in some sort that a mans riches are the cause of his throat being cut by robbers and that a mans vertues and good qualities are oft times the cause of his overthrow which should not for all that bee eschewed But shall there then bee no moderation will some say and is it not fit that Subjects should keepe themselves within some certain bounds that are not envious or suspect to Princes Moderation is good both in Prince and Subject and it were to bee wished that all would moderate their greatnesse at least their appetite and desire of greatnesse or if not that yet so that they would limit the meanes of attaining it and the end for which they desire it and that they would have that wise conference of Cyneas with Pyrrhâ—…s before their eyes that they might lesse affect it or lesse erre in affecting of it But where the end is good and the mean right and lawfull who craves further moderation and limitation whether in Princes or Subjects of their Empire as Augustus or of their greatnesse as this Earle here and many others whatsoever shew it carry and however Histories speake thereof besides their moderation that duety and religion requires in so farre as touches Policy will be found but Sophistry and no good Policy when it is well examined In all this therefore wee can acknowledge no fault but on the contrary kindenesse effectuall freindship and a due and provident wisedome in strengthening himselfe against his enemies and underpropping his house most wisely and most circumspectly Where is then his fault ye will say and what was the cause of his ruine for we finde he did ruine in the end Truely we must not account of all that have fallen that they have faulted that is a great errour in our judgements and too common that by finding faults in others we may be thought the wisest yet it is not hard to finde his fault if wee will beleeve his enemies speeches set downe by our Historians for though his friends feare nothing and see nothing but his greatnesse which is but a vain feare his enemies see further as enemies are quicker sighted in faults or would seeme to espy further in their speech yee shall finde these grosse and lewd faults 1. An unsatiable cupidity and then they explain in what in avarice 2. Then an impotent Tyranny two great faults Tyranny and Avarice sufficient to bring downe and such as oft brought down Kings let be Subjects And that we may not think that there was but an idle disposition in him and but a naturall inclination which he bridled and suffered not to debord they tell us the effects of them Of his 1. avarice and that unjust as all avarice is if it bee properly avarice He seased on Noblemens Patrimontes hee himselfe by law and without law 2. Of his tyranny and oppression He gave the Patrimony of mean men as a prey to his dependers and yet further Them that withstood his pleasure hee harried or caused make them away by theeves and briggands he advanced new men to the highest honours placing them in the roomes of ancient Families If any man spake a free word tasting of liberty it cost him no lesse then his life These faults indeed are great ones if they were true and such as merited that their end should have been as it was These are indeed errours both in policie and humanitie in private men or in Princes in small or great in what ever person and they were worthy to be detested and abhominated by all men if they were true for our Authours say not that they were true I say again if they were true expressely for they doe but report them as the voyce of his enemies who did exaggerate things as enviously as they could as that amongst other speeches of theirs doth witnesse where they say That all the riches of the Countrey were heaped upon one Family that there were so many great Earles and Barons of them that they had so much power and potencie that the King reigned but by their license and courtesie as it were As for the Authours owne judgement hereof besides what he said before that they were amplyfied in the most odious manner hee subjoynes these and such like speeches as those Many of them were true many besides the truth and augmented above it to procure hatred unto them So he leaves the judgement uncertain and tells not what things were true and what false and augmented which we ought to discerne and separate if it be possible to make a right judgement for this is indeed the craft of Calumny to mingle truth with falsehood that something being knowne to be true the rest may passe for such also But Prudencie will sift and separate them and winnow them in a right judgement both that which is true from that which is false and in every point laid against him so much as it hath of truth from that falsehood is mingled with it for Calumniators are excellent in their mixtures and compositions of
There were slaine in this battell 3000. English and amongst those their great Magnus and the Scots deadly enemie who had presumed so of victory A notable example to teach men not to be over confident in things of such uncertaine event as are the warres and as our proverb is Not to sell the beares skin before he be slaine There were slaine besides him eleven Knights of good account and note Of the Scots were lost but 600. There were taken prisoners a great number amongst whom were Sir John Pennington and Sir Robert Harington Knights and the Lord Percie sonne to the Earle of Northumberland whilest he helped his father to his horse who thereby escaped taking There was also so great store of spoile gotten as no man remembred so much to have beene gotten at any battell before For the English trusting to their number and the strength of their Armie together with the opinion of their enemies weaknesse through dissention and variance as they supposed had brought with them their best furniture and richest stuffe in full assurance of victorie Wallace of Craiggie being sore wounded in the fight was carried home and died within three moneths after The Earle of Ormond having gotten this honourable victorie conveyed the chiefest of the prisoners to Lochmabane and then repaired to Court where he was joyfully met and received of all with all sort of honour that could be envie it selfe not daring to open her mouth against him The King did highly commend him for this exploit and exhorted him and the Earle Douglas his brother That as their foregoers had often as they also had done defended the Estate of Scotland with their labours and vertue in most perillous times and had given large proofe of their valour and courage That so they would at home accustome themselves to modestie That they themselves would abstain and that they would containe their friends from injuries toward the weaker sort Their power and puissance which they had acquired by so many their great deserts towards their Kings his Predecessours and the Countrey that they would employ it rather in suppressing of robbers and disorderly men then to make new of giving way to it by connivence That this only was lacking to their full praise which if they would adde they should finde by experience there was nothing more deare unto him then the advancement of the House and Name of Douglas To this the Earle Douglas replied he being the elder brother and finding that this speech was chiefly directed to him with great submission and promised to doe as his Majestie had exhorted them and so they were dismissed and returned home to their owne houses with great honour and applause both of Prince and people to whom they had by this victorie purchased great quietnesse For neither were the English Borderers able to invade them any more nor the King of England to send downe a new Army which faine he would have done by reason of the civill warre which ensued shortly after at home So that he chose rather to have peace with Scotland in regard of the case he was then in then warre Wherefore he sent Ambassadours and obtained a Truce for three yeares the Scots thinking it no lesse expedient for them in a case not unlike to his through intestine dissention though not open insurrection against the King For notwithstanding all this service done to the King and Countrey the malice of such as were the enemies of the Douglasses was no whit abated nay their worth the more it was showne and the more brightly that it did shine it did so much the more stirre envie in their ill-willers whose secret practises still continued and whose credit in Court seemed still to increase against them Creighton who before had beene sent Ambassadour to Charles the seventh of France for procuring a wife to the King had concluded a match for him with Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Gelders who by her mother the Duke of Burgundies sister was come of the Bloud Royall of France was now returned into Scotland with her in this yeare 1448. This service and her favour increased his credit greatly with the King which the Earle Douglas perceiving was nothing pleased with it but being discontented obtaining leave of the King he withdrew himselfe from Court seeing his errour of having beene contented that Creighton should be imployed in that honourable message thinking himselfe well rid of him by this his absence which practice of Court succeedeth sometimes happily as it did against the Boyds in King James the thirds time in the very like case yet it did not so now but turned to the greater advantage and advancement of his enemie Creighton was well contented with his retiring esteeming it his gaine to be so rid of him from the Kings eare and presence Whilest they concorded thus in their discord both willing one thing in so contrary mindes to wit the Earle Douglas absence there fell out an accident that occasioned his longer absence not from the Court onely but out of the Countrey also Richard Colville of Ochiltree was an enemy and bare deadly feud to John Auchenlech of Auchenlech a friend and depender of the Earle Douglas whom the Earle having sent for to come to him to Douglas Castle for such businesse as he had to do with him the said Richard having notice of the said Auchenlechs journey notwithstanding he knew he went toward the Earle whether stirred up by the Earles enemies at Court so to put an affront upon him or leaning to their credit for impunitie or out of impatience or presumption or contempt of the Earle in respect of his withdrawing from Court not regarding him or fearing his displeasure or anger he lay in wait for him by the way and set upon him with a number of armed men where after some small conflict Auchinlech was slaine and divers of his friends and servants with him The Earle Douglas having notice hereof the fact touching him so neerely in the person of his friend and follower in his service comming toward him and sent for by him he was so incensed therewith that whether distrusting the ordinary course of justice as wherein he might be eluded by his enemies then guiders of Court or impatient of delay or not accounting it so honourable for him nor so awefull in example to others concluding immediately to revenge it and vowing solemnly he should be avenged before he either eat or dranke he tooke horse immediately and with the readiest of his friends rode to the Castle of Ochiltree forced it and slew the said Richard Colvill and all the males within the Castle that were come to the age of men This opened the mouths of men diversly according to their diverse humours some condemning his cruelty some commending his courage some saying that he had gone too farre and done too much others that he could doe no lesse that he had just cause and that he had been ill used his friend slain his honour
on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to discerne but so it was that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition prevailed so farre that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away and seeing it could not bee done by open force in any sort it could bee done whereof when they had advised of all the meanes they could this they found to bee the most expedient way that hee should bee sent for to Court by faire promises and being come the King should enter into termes of quarrelling And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose should dispatch him So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle to addresse himselfe to a Gentleman who was Douglasses friend and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion to come and see the King with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour if hee would crave it humbly and this hee told as a great secret not to bee revealed but to his Lord and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice The Gentleman beleeving went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord but hee suspecting Creightons craft and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes flatly refused to goe thither where he had so many enemies so potent and of so great credit and some of which had not long agoe lien in wait for his life unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court with promise of all freedome and with assurance under the broad Seal and to remove all feare doubt that he could conceive the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him subscribed with all their hands and sealed with all their seals with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be and not onely so but every man wrote his owne particular letter apart assuring him of the Kings good will and further promising him that if it should so fall out that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise and to interprise any thing against his person life lands or liberty they should send him home safe neverthelesse What could hee seeke more at their hands Or what could hee devise more And who would have doubted after such assurances Yet that hee might not onely repose upon his enemies credit all his safety hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces So relying for the Kings part upon his safe Conduct and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith hee cometh to Stirling where the King was well attended and followed by his friends and servants but in a peaceable manner being come into the Kings presence after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together the King taketh him aside and leadeth him into an inner roome where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray of whom wee spake before how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie and towards himselfe in particular Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him and what insolencies hee had committed Douglas answered submissively and craved pardon for what hee had offended against himself in any sort saying his intention was not against him but against his enemies That as for others that would complaine hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice and at the Kings owne pleasure There rests yet one thing saith the King the League betwixt you and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse I will have you presently to quite it At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first yet gathering his spirits again hee answered that for him hee knew nothing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved The King replyed I will have you presently to breake the same Douglas answered that if hee would have him to doe so hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen and then hee would doe it otherwise hee would bee accounted a faith breaker if having entered into friendship with them hee should forsake them not giving a reason why And therefore besought him to have patience The King replied in an angry manner speaking aloud If you will not breake it I will And with those words hee stabbed him in the breast with a dagger At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe The rest that were attending at the doore hearing the noise entered and fell also upon him and to shew their affection to the King gave him every man his blow after hee was dead Thus died he by the hand of the King but by the practices of his enemies they being the choise movers and the king yeelding to their motions as if it had been his quarrell for so they made it seeme to him whereas indeed it was but their owne particular or if his it was but thus farre his that he tooke it on him as his espoused theirs as his owne and imbarked himselfe therein A common practice of Courtiers who have Princes eares what ever is contrary to their will is all against the King is all presumption is all high treason whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies what ever shew of service and affection they make and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him They make the King alwayes wed their quarrells beare their errours and the whole hatred and envie of their enemies and oft times drawes him into great absurdities besides and contrary his owne naturall disposition to his great disgrace or diminishing his grace in the eyes of his Subjects not without great perill of his life and estate Happy the Prince that can rightly take up and rightly discerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers is against him or all that is done by his Courtiers is done for him These Courtiers had gained this point of the King and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne enemy as one aspiring to his Crowne
The word also will import not altogether flat cowardise but a natural sluggishnesse want of action whereof cowardise is sometimes the cause but not alway though they concurre often But there is another affection that makes men slack in action which proceeds not either of sluggishnesse or cowardise but of irresolution when a man swiming betwixt two opinions resolves not fully upon either and this seemes to have beene his disposition A great impediment in his actions and at least in this last point of such importance the cause of his ruine while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince whom naturally he affected neither could he digest to forget the fact done or after it to commit himself to the doer Which disposition though it have brought out the like effects as cowardlinesse and sluggishnesse are wont to do to wit lingring and eschewing of the battell yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two but had the originall from a very honest minde to his dutie His love to his Prince strove and fought with another dutie which was his love to his dead brother or to his owne honour Out of which whileas he either cannot or occasion is not offered to extricate himselfe and winde out a full resolution he suffered himselfe to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to his love to his Prince and thereby he slipt and let slide through his fingers as it were this faire occasion which was then offered unto him of no lesse in the judgement of his friends then the casting the dice for the Crown And so James Hamilton told him that the occasion was such that if he did not lay hold of it he should never finde the like again he told him withall that his want of resolution would be his overthrow as it was indeed For James Hammiltoun himselfe left him that same night and went to the King of whom hee was so honourably and well received that others thereby were encouraged to come in also Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certaine season and afterward releeved at the entreatie of George Douglas Earle of Angus However by his information to the King of the estate of the Earle Douglas his Armie how forward they had beene to have fought and how discontented and discouraged they were with his lingring how the greatest motive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their former offences the King caused make a Proclamation that whosoever would come unto him and forsake the Earle Douglas should have free remission for all that was past providing they came within 48. houres This being published the most part of the Earls Armie left him so that there remained not ere the next morning with him above 2000. men whereby he was constrained to leave the fields and his friends and servants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slaine and executed for the Castle was taken by force and demolished to his no small reproach in that he was so irresolute and had not by some meane or other procured at least some honest composition for himselfe and them or else to have adventured all Where if he would not have taken the Kingdome in case of victorie yet might he honourably have set downe conditions of peace or if he had lost the field he could not have lost more then he did for by these meanes abandoned of all he was constrained to flee unto England In the yeare 1455. having gotten together a small company of men he returned into Annandale thinking to have found some friends in those quarters which were his own lands before but there he was encountred by the Kings followers especially by his own kinsman but the Kings Cousin George E. of Angus as some write who defeated him His brother the Earle of Murray was slain in the field and his other brother the Earle of Ormond was hurt and taken prisoner after his wounds were cured being brought to the King he was executed with greater regard to this last action then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place at Sark against the English Magnus with the red main their insolent Champion which was so greatly praised by the King before and so acceptable to all Court and Countrey Such is the course and vicissitude of all humane affaires We heare of one onely sonne of Ormonds named Hugh Dean of Brichen of whom we shall speake somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earle of Angus who was Chancellour of Scotland His takers were the Lord Carlile and Johnston of Johnston to whom the King gave in recompence the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide to each of them a 20. l. land thereof The third brother John Lord of Balvenie escaped in a wood and the Earle himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage where finding Donald Earle of Rosse and Lord of the Isles he incited him to make war against the King in his favours and after he had ingaged him therein he withdrew himselfe again into England This is noted to have beene in the yeare 1455. after which there was a Parliament called about the fifth of June or August as the Acts beare wherein he and his brother John and his wife Beatrix were againe forfeited and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crowne This Beatrix who had beene his Brothers wife and whom he had used and kept for his owne wife for certaine yeares came to the King and excused her selfe as being a woman and compelled to doe what she had done The King received her into favour and married her to John Stuart his halfe brother by the mother and gave her the lands of Balvenie This John was afterward made Earle of Athole in King James the thirds time he had by Beatrix two daughters onely the eldest of which was married to the Earle of Errole This is cast in by some in the next yeare following The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands travelled with Donald of the Isles Earle of Rosse conforme to their old band made with Earle William to assist him and renew his claim to the Isles Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle Arran Loquhaber and Murray took the Castle of Inner-Nesse burnt the towne and proclaimed himselfe King of the Isles but his wife who was daughter to James Levingston and had beene given to him in marriage at the Kings desire of purpose to retain him the better in duty when she saw she could neither prevaile with him in that point and that besides she was but contemned by him and the barbarous people that were with him she left him and came to the King who received her very gladly About this same time Patrick Thornton a secret favourer of the Earle Douglas his faction though he had followed the Court a long time slew John Sandilands of Calder the Kings Cousin and Alane Stuart also upon occasion at Dumbartan These two were of the Kings side
surrendered and the French men returned home into their own Countrey In the beginning of Winter Morton together with Glencairne and Sir William Metellan of Lithington Secretary were sent to thank the Queen of England for her ready succour Morton had also a private message from the Earle of Arran sonne to Duke Hamilton to lay out marriage to her but it is not likely that he would deliver it being so unprobable and such a proposition as he knew would not be very acceptable unto her In this journey Morton procured of his Cousin Lady Margaret Douglas Countesse of Lennox her renunciation of all claime and title she had to the Earledome of Angus in favours of his Nephew Archbald but being done without the consent of her husband Matthew Earle of Lennox it was renewed again afterward The sixteenth of August 1561. Queen Mary returned out of France to her native Countrey and Kingdome of Scotland her husband Francis the second of France being dead before in December The Nobilitie was still divided concerning matter of Religion and although now having their native Princesse at home her husband being dead there was no great cause to fear the power or empire of strangers yet did they suspect that she would be too much ruled and counselled by her Uncles the Cardinal of Loraine and the Guisians The Heads of the parties were James the Queens brother and George Earle of Huntley the first a zealous Protestant and wholly bent to maintaine the received Reformation and the other no lesse forward to reduce the Romish Religion The Queen inclined to favour Huntleyes cause but the Reformed Religion was established by Acts of Parliament which had been ratified by her own consent Huntley as he was a craftie and turbulent man so was he also esteemed to be by the Queen and her uncles who like unto themselves made but a cloak of Religion to attain his own ambitious ends and designes Wherefore howbeit they thought him a fit instrument to bring their own purposes to passe and made use of him yet did they not trust him James Earle of Murray by the contrary was sincere upright trustie and faithfull in all his actions but he ran a course directly opposite to that which they intended The Earle of Morton entred into strait bonds of friendship with Murray which continued so long as they lived together They had the same friends and the same enemies the same ends and aimes the good of their Countrey and maintaining of Religion They ran the same hazard in all perils and dangers never separating their counsels nor failing to aid and assist one another Wherefore Murray being sent by the Queen against the out-lawes upon the Borders being assisted by Morton and his friends who lay near unto these places he came to Hawick upon the Fair-day of that Town and having apprehended fiftie of the most notorious Theeves which came to the Market fearing nothing he did so terrifie the rest that those parts remained peaceable and quiet for a long time after This successe as it increased his reputation so did it also more and more kindle the hatred and envie of his enemies And now besides those at home the Guisards did also plot his ruine Their quarrell was Religion their instrument Huntley their hope his power and greatnesse which was given out to them to be rather more than it was indeed Wherefore they write to the Queen their Neece to feed Huntley with large promises and to entertaine his sonne John with hope of marrying her and fair countenances that so they might be drawn to do what she listed to make away Murray and Morton with their complices The Popes Letters were to the same effect She had sent to him for moneys to make Warre upon those that had spoken of the yoke of Popish obedience and his answer was that she should not want his help so that she would do it seriously that was according to the Cardinall of Lorains Glosse so that first of all she would cause make away those whose names were given her in writing These Letters she shewed unto Murray and the rest either because she suspected they had notice of them some other way or to lull them asleep in security that being thus perswaded of her sincerity and good meaning they might the more easily be over-reached and entrapped So the project goeth on and all things being sufficiently fore-cast and prepared for the accomplishing of their intentions the Queen takes her Progresse into the North. Murray behooved to accompany her and Morton would not forsake Murray Who can imagine that their counsels should be disappointed The Forces which Murray and Morton had were very small and they were farre from their friends which dwelt in the south parts of the Kingdome Huntley commanded all in those quarters being Lieutenant and Sheriff by inheritance and compassed about with his friends and dependers So the Game seemed sure But what can prevaile against that which God hath ordained He had decreed to frustrate them and that by themselves The Queens intentions and Huntleys did not jumpe in all things they had their severall ends They agreed in their desire of being rid of those who opposed the re-establishing of Poperie but Huntley had a further drift He propounded to himself as the reward of his service no lesse than the Queens Person to be married to his sonne John and so in effect the Crown and Kingdome But howsoever the Queen by her carriage toward the young man was contented they should please themselves with that conceit yet neither did she ever go so farre as to promise any such thing neither was it indeed her meaning for she desired no lesse to be rid of Huntley and hated him much more than she did Murray having had many proofs of his persidious dealing both toward her father and her mother Besides she thought him too great and more powerfull than was fit for a Subject or safe for the Prince Wherefore before she began her journey into the North she left his sonne John in prison behinde her The pretext was because he had hurt the Lord Oglebie in a Skirmish on the Street of Edinburgh but the true cause was that he might be kept there as a pledge of his Fathers fidelitie and that he being absent Huntley might not constraine her to marry him nor force her to any thing shee had not a minde to But John made an escape out of prison and followed the Queen that his absence might not bee any hinderance to the marriage So Huntley and his son gather their Forces together to meet the Queen and to cut off Murray and Morton as they would have her beleeve but their main aim was withall to compel her to marry if she should refuse This the Queen knew well enough so that when the Countesse of Huntley did tell her from the Earle her husband that he was ready to put in execution what had been determined the Queen told her
evill affected to him But whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him or that hee did not thinke of it and thought hee had sped well enough already by taking Gowry is uncertain but however it were hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing against Angus And yet for all that Angus was not altogether secure knowing well his danger and the small power hee had to defend himselfe for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting that they might not know where to finde him and in the night hee caused his servants to keepe watch that hee might not bee surprized unawares Within three dayes after the Earle of Marre sent to him to let him know that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke had taken the Castle of Stirling and were ready to wait upon his coming which they entreated him to hasten There was no choice they were his true friends and hee was no lesse theirs and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course from which there was no retiring for any of them Angus desired the Lord Oglebee and Master Oglebee of Powrie with others of that name to goe with him They were allied to the Earle of Gowry and were well affected to the businesse as also they were his owne vassals but being terrified with Gowries taking and thinking that their joyning with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him and not knowing what his minde was herein they refused to goe Hee notwithstanding goeth with his owne family from Brechin to Stirlin and avoyding Perth he crossed the river of Tay at that place where it meets with Almont by boat and comes to Inshechaffray where he lodged with the Lord thereof but could not perswade him to take part with them for the same reason when he came to Stirling he was kindly welcomed by Marre and the rest that were there and presently dispatched away letters and messengers to Douglas and other places for his friends and dependers to come thither to him with as great speed and diligence as they could He wrote also to Robert Douglas eldest sonne to William Douglas of Logh-leven to the same purpose but the letter falling into the hands of his mother her name was Leslie she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner It is not enough saith she for you to undertake so foolish a worke whereby you cannot but ruine your selves but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction I have hindered him and laid my curse and malediction upon him if hee take part with you like as I doe upon you if you make him disobey me This letter moved him very much and he caused an answer to be returned to her according as it merited which was thus I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe your sonne from so honourable an enterprise knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect his duety either to his friends or countrey The Noblemen that are conveened here have entered upon such a course as becomes them for discharging their duetie both to God and man what the event will prove is knowne onely to God and in his hands alone if wee perish herein wee cannot perish more honourably Yet wee hope that God in whom we confide and whose cause wee have taken in hand will worke out our safety and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church when you and your house for which you are so solicitous with the neglect of the house of God and of all friendly duety shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency and perish as we feare and are sory for it through such carnall and worldly wisedome and warinesse And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished for the Lords escaped into England for that time and were safe in their persons and within a yeere and a halfe they brought their designes to passe which were now frustrate by Gods blessing upon them but her sonne Robert and her son in law Laurence Master of Olyphant being commanded to depart the Countrey as they were failing for France perished at sea and neither they nor the ship nor any that belonged thereto were ever seene againe yet how it came to passe is uncertain The most common report is that being set upon by the Hollanders and having defended themselves valiantly they slew a principall man of the enemies in revenge whereof they sanke the ship and all that were in her Others say that after they had yeelded themselves they were hanged upon the mast A pitifull case but a notable example The youthes were noble active and of great hope and expectation and so great pitty of their losse But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it as on the contrary how perills are avoyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill And their case is so much the more to bee pittied and lamented as that they themselves were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wisedome had they not beene forced to it by their mothers importunitie The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course They caused set forth a Declaration shewing their minde and purpose together with the causes thereof the abuses in Church and Common-wealth They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure how the Nobilitie and men of all rankes were vexed by him what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince what violence used against them what evils were presently felt and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince and of the Prince from his people the blasting of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince and of his pietie in the solid use of true Religion by working feare of the contrarie tyrannizing in government and superficiall profession of Religion yea of reducing Poperie or which is worse of irreligion and Atheisme They told how deare their Religion their Countrey their Prince was to them what their owne estate and condition forced them to what the care of all these required of them out of dutie in regard of their place being Nobles and Peeres of the Land and Privie Counsellours by birth how every man according to his place was bound to lend a helping hand but chiefly those of the Nobilitie yet not excluding either Barons Burgesses or men of whatever degree ranke or qualitie when the common Ship of the State was in hazard and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all if it were not quenched in time How they for their owne part after long patience seeing all
abake who are practitioners and partakers as Marre at Ruthven let them joyne together and bee knowne This letter being received and a fit opportunitie espied it was brought to my Lord and without further ceremony I have received here a letter saith hee from whom and from whence your Lordship may see It is written to mee indeed but not for my sake for hee knowes my minde but that I might so informe your Lordship concerning your estate and the state of the publicke cause which you have embraced and you might know what the thoughts of honest men are concerning it what they thinke what they expect what they wish and require I thinke it best that it speake for it selfe in its owne language let it be your Lordships pleasure to reade it He tooke it and read it and after a little pause This saith he that is here in the beginning of this letter may be obtained this Commission for Justice Courts and this for our securitie we shall and must needs bee carefull of There is next that which concerneth your selfe wherein I am sorry that occasion hath not served me to expresse in effect the good will I bore you as I thinke I ought to doe And while he was about to goe on in that purpose the other interrupting him made answer Let it be your Lordships pleasure to breake off that discourse I never doubted nor never will doe of your Lordships minde which is enough to satisfie me you know my ambition I am content to doe any thing I am content to doe nothing hope did not bring me to this cause frustrating nor feare cannot divert me If I can serve to any good use I am glad of it if I cannot yet am I contented it is enough to me that I have been willing and gone as farre as God hath called me hee knoweth how farre hee will imploy any and your Lordship is my best witnesse that I never did thrust my selfe into your Lordships publicke or private businesse So farre as you were pleased of your owne accord to communicate with me so farre I knew and meddled I know what men thinke but this shall ever be my wisedome or my folly let who list account it so yet if I were even aspiringly difposed how can your Lordship doe for your friends at his Majesties hands who doth your owne affaires with him by the mediation of strangers But seeing we are fallen upon this purpose let it not displease your Lordship that Master John retire himselfe as you see it is desired here I will by Gods grace runne such hazard and fortune as may befall me by being your Lordships onely to which my minde my liking and the honour I have to be your Lordships Kinseman and will to honour and doe what good office I can to your Lordship do carry me and if so I can serve your Lordship to any good use in any thing you have to doe it is all I crave for the present let me bee bold to aske your Lordships minde and disposition concerning this letter what you thinke rightly admonished and what you intend about the prosecution or amending of every point in it Before we come to this said my Lord let mee demand a question of you first and heare your judgement in a point which hath greatly perplexed me you remember the sermon preached at Linlithgow by Master Craig what thinke you of it I remember you told me you did not fully like it but I would heare you againe more particularly to refresh my memory because it is greatly incident to this purpose and seems to cut short all our actions For if the case of all Subjects towards their Princes be such what can we doe but depend on their pleasure The other smiling a little indeed my Lord as it is in our Proverbe It is time to aske the question for if you must depend on their pleasure why did you not expect it and stay in England till you were recalled why came you unsent for and that in such a manner what is become of your Proclamations and of all the faire reasons of it you must goe backe again and recant all and cry peccavie for these things Oh saith my Lord that is another question for what we did in that was done of necessitie for our lives and estates and to remove that violent tyrannous man who else would have undone King Countrey and all But now that he is removed and that necessitie taken away it is another case how to deale with our Prince to whom we owe such obedience he being amongst Kings Who are in the place of God who are called Gods and to whom is due the obedience to God But leaving the particular let me heare you of the generall What you thinke of that Sermon and of his grounds I know there are others also that were not satisfied with it but I would heare you Having paused a little he answered Loath am I my Lord to enter upon that taske of censuring any man chiefly a Preacher I like better to dispute a point and discusse a truth without touching upon any mans person so farre as it can be avoyded But seeing your Lordship drawes me to it I confesse wee all disclaime implicite faith and thinke wee are reasonable creatures apt to weigh and consider mens reasons and yeeld assent to their opinions so farre as they enforce neither ought wee otherwayes to consent nor can any reasonable man enforce himselfe to assent which makes me in matter of consenting chiefly in Religion to dislike of constraint For I judge of others as I finde my selfe the world cannot force mee nay I cannot force my selfe to thinke otherwayes then my judgement alloweth of But to your question I am more favourable to Princes then many beleeve and to Monarches I account it a great and heavie charge and burden which hath need of great reliefe and many comforts to recompense the pains thereof and can permit much to a good Prince yea as much as he himselfe pleaseth which will never bee more then is good and just though it were all the estates of his Subjects and the whole Countrey to be guided by himselfe alone with as absolute power as any ever spake of and yet not thinke that hee had an haires bredth of more power to doe hurt But to the question we are on your Lordship remembers the ground that Master Craig did lay yes saith he very well It was that passage of the 82. Psalme God sits in the assembly of the Gods And what he built thereon He built said he obedience to Kings commandments and impunitie without controulement your Lordship remembers right and reports the best of his speech in the fairest termes Obedience to Kings Impunitie to Kings whereas hee said roundly Obedience to Tyrants Impunitie to Tyrants which two who confounds doth great wrong to good Kings But whether wee call them Tyrants or Kings which that Psalme speakes of Who so inferres these conclusions
will finde meanes to cause Naboth be accounted a blasphemer and if we suffer sedition to be punished Tyrants will call a good Patriot a seditious fellow free admonitions treason and any word of liberty rebellion Shall therefore sedition be unpunished shall theft shall blasphemie And certainly there is more danger and it comes oftner to passe that a Tyrant should call an honest man seditious then it is found that subjects call a good King a Tyrant The people suffer much what by custome what through a naturall inclination and love toward their Princes and beare with many great faults and seldome come to rise up against him but when the injury is intolerable And you shall finde when you please to trie it that they have comported more and oftner with wicked Princes then ever they have made insurrection against good ones nay then they have made against the wicked unlesse their wickednesse hath beene extreme enormous and pernicious Yea I doubt whether any can finde an example of insurrection against any that was good nay against any tolerably wicked whereas of the other side many honest men have beene opprest and put to death by Tyrants upon small or no occasion upon a forged accusation lie or calumnie Wherefore it is a foolish and ridiculous pretext to maintaine Obedience and the Impunitie of Tyrants that so good Kings may be obeyed and secured as if a man should plead for impunitie to harlots that so honest matrons may be secured All is but folly for there is but one way to secure honest women which is to avoyd whorish fashions to secure honest and true men to take heed they be not found breaking or digging through of houses And let a good King beware and carefully avoid all tyrannicall actions So and onely so shall he be sure if word and worke justifie him and free from all feare of punishment from God or man And thus much concerning your Lordships question what my opinion is of that Sermon But seeing we are fallen upon this subject let me tell your Lordship how men while they labour to put a good face upon this matter wavering betwixt flatterie of Princes and truth of reason received and allowed by the common consent of all men against Tyrants involve and intangle themselves into many difficulties and absurdities I will bring one instance for all and that is Bodinus a Frenchman in his booke De republica faine would he make even Tyrants to be sacred and inviolable and perswade that all obedience is due and ought to be given them And he concludes that they are not to be touched by their subjects but obeyed whereof he gives this for his chiefe reason Because their subjects have no jurisdiction over them yet finding how hard it were to free them from all feare of punishment he puts them into the hands of forraine Kings and exhorts them to exterminate and root them out commending it as a laudable action by the imitation of Hercules who travelled through the world sayes he to destroy these Monsters Tyrants Now let any man judge what good reason can be given for denying that power to the Countrey it selfe under the pretext because they have no jurisdiction and to give it to a forrainer who hath neither interest nor jurisdiction over another Prince And whether is there more danger in the sedition of his Countrey people then in the ambition of a stranger Prince And which of them is likeliest to picke a quarrell against him and to call him a Tyrant and seeke occasion to worke their owne particular ends Besides what shall be the part of the people in this case Shall they fight against this forrainer who comes to cut off their Tyrant Who then shall come to relieve those from tyrannie that will take armes for defence of the Tyrant Shall they joyne with him Certainly in all reason they ought to joyne with him seeing it is for their sakes that he under-takes the warre But that is Rebellion if wee beleeve Bodinus Shall they be neutrall and spectators Even that is disobedience And yet the same Bodinus sayes That Tyrants are monsters now there is no societie farre lesse bond of obedience and subjection with monsters Yea hee sayes That there is no societie with Pirats because they break the Lawes of humane societie and Tyrants break them much more This same man in his Daemonomania sayes A King may become a Wolfe and that a great King in Christendome was one when hee pleased I ask him then Whether such a King should bee obeyed when hee is a Wolfe And if hee should ever continue to bee such without returning to bee a man whether or not must hee bee ever obeyed in all things Shall his sacred Majestie bee reverenced And lest hee should starve shall hee bee fed with childrens flesh perhaps because hee will eat no other or at least because hee likes that best Certainly his reason will inferre no lesse than that hee should And if hee bee ashamed to affirme this and will confesse that it is lawfull to put such an one from his Kingdome who hath put off humane nature and can now no more guide a Kingdome what shall wee think of one who though retaining the shape of a man hath a wolvish nature and disposition being cruell wicked licentious and over-throwes all right and equitie And is not a Tyrant for the like reaâ—…on as worthie to bee deprived of that Kingdome which hee cannot or will not guide rightly but destroyes and makes havock of all Certainly the reason is all one for it is not the shape so much of a Wolfe that men abhorre as the wolvish and ravenous nature and disposition For suppose a good King were contrary to his will transformed by Magicall incantation onely into the shape of a Wolfe who did retaine his reason his speech his wisedome justice equitie meeknesse and all good Government omitting nothing that belonged to a good Prince men would not so much abhorre as pity him and expect till some way were found how hee might recover his former shape and would doubtlesse preferre his humane nature though in the shape of a Wolfe to a wolvish nature though under the shape of a man it being farre more tolerable and farre more advantageous for the Common-wealth whereof the good and safetie is ever to bee respected and preferred in all things And thus much for Bodinus But will your Lordship bee pleased to hear what that great Doctour of the Lawes a professed Patron of Princes in his book which hee wrote of purpose for their defence I mean Blackwood sayes concerning this question It is sayes hee an absurd thing to affirm That a Princes commandement should or may be dis-obeyed Yet if a Prince command any thing that is unjust it must not be obeyed But how shall we do then Even this sayes hee when the commandement is unjust we must suppose that the commandement is not the Kings commandement but either that