to the doore discoursing with some of his domestiques the Duke was somewhat late in saluting him and did it in a more familiar manner then did become the quality of so great a Prince whereat he made no signe of distaste though he resented it his fathers occasions infusing dissimulation into him The Duke of Burgony was driven upon this by an accident from whence nothing but dangerous consequences was to be expected Those who governed France after the Emperours departure for England had laid a generall taxe upon all things vendible the which having distasted the people the Parisians more seditious then the rest plotted the most detestable conspiracy that till then had beene heard of in that Kingdome and having had recourse unto him as on whom they chiefly did rely he sent some of his friends unto them to confirme them in their resolution promising to assist them hoping by this meanes to compasse the so much coveted government and to suppresse his enemies his two ancient unalterable designes The appointment was to take the King the Queene the Duke of Berry the King and Queene of Sicily the Chancellour the Councell and those that sided with Orleans all prisoners on good Friday and to kill them all But many going that day out of the City to obtaine pardons by their devotions and fearing lest some of those might likewise have gone forth whom they would not have had to gone and so might save themselves they deferred executing their plot till Easter day which was the safety of those that were proscribed For the Chancellor hearing of the treason by meanes of a woman made the King and Princes suddenly retire themselves into the Louvre whilst the Provost arming such as upon so suddaine an occasion he could assemble together made himselfe master of the Market place and taking some of the conspirators prisoners infused feare into the rest freeing the lives of many from eminent danger by the death of a few Afterwards securing himselfe of the City by such men of armes as flockt unto him from all the neighbouring parts and taking away the chaines from the streets heads which made them insolent he disarmed the people whilst the Dukes officers had time to escape This businesse produced such jealousies and rancor as all parties drawing into the field they omitted nothing whereby they might injure one another And the Duke who masked presented the principall person in this tragedy the argument whereof was not changed though the Scene were thought that to compasse his ends it was requisite for him to secure Flanders from the danger of England that whilst he endeavoured to endamage others he might not bee indamaged at home To this purpose he came to Caleis where he did so worke upon these two great Princes as that the Emperour who at his passage into England was by the Duke of Bavariaes meanes brother to the Queene who was an utter enemy to the Duke become an Orleanist did upon this meeting become a Burgonian being wholly changed through cunning and the homage made unto him of the County of Burgony and Allost and King Henry prorogued the truce formerly made betweene Flanders and Artois for two yeares longer to the Dukes advantage and scandall of all well minded men for to preferre private respects before the publicke with the enemies of the State without the knowledge of the Soveraigne is as blameable and worthy of punishment as it is contrary to conscience and Law But he that propounds evill for his object loseth all shame which thereupon depends and his naturall confidence by reason whereof his Dutchmen called him Undaunted becomming the fatall chariot of his precipice made him to be undaunted at the encounter of his ruine His affaires being thus acommodated every man betooke himselfe to his owne home hee to Flanders the Ostages to Calleis the Emperour to Germany and the King to England Partly before and partly after this time were the funeralls of three great Princes celebrated in France That of the Duke of Berry of Iohn the Dolphin who succeeded to his brother Lewis and of the King of Sicily All of them unfortunate deaths for all the respects which concerned that Kingdome Berry and Sicily did serve to counterpose the ambition of Burgony and the Dolphin served for a removall of those evills if he had lived which in the succession of his brother Charles through the Dukes death did afterwards happen The Duke alive or dead was borne for the destruction of France so as that which authors write hereof if it be not true it is truth like That a Turkish Mathematician saved his life when he was prisoner to Bajazet the first by assuring Bajazet that more Christians would in short time bee destroied for his cause then the Othomans sword would cut off in a whole age Iohn the Dolphin during his brother Lewis his life had married Giacalina the only heire to William Count of Hannault and whilst he kept with him ready to goe for France he died not being yet fully twenty yeares old Not long before this a strait confederacy was made in Valentiniana betweene him and the Duke of Burgony the reputed cause of his death for it caused his being poysoned by those of the Orleans faction for he being dead the hopes of the Kingdome falling upon Charles Count de Poictou sonne in law to the King of Sicily and the last of King Charles his five sonnes they fell upon a Prince that was their friend bred up in the hatred and passions wherewith his father in law then living was indued But he dying likewise shortly after left it in doubt whether his death caused more of pleasure or displeasure unto the Duke for though he were freed of a mortall enemy yet his hopes of revenge being in his death lost did sowre the sweet thereof so as it may be said that the sweets of ill disposed men have no taste which is not seasoned with somewhat of sowre The articles of this confederacy and which caused the Orleanist to rid him out of the world if it be true that they did so were That the Duke of Burgony should serve the King and the Dolphin against whosoever particularly against the King of England That he should keep peace with all men in France except the King of Scicily The Dolphin on the contrary part obliging himselfe to assist the Duke not onely against his owne subjects if so it should fall out but against whosoever else should molest him But his enemies encouraged by this death became so insolent as they forced him to essay the strongest Cities to exclude the present government whereupon the civill warre grew hotter then ever it was And Count Armignacke upon whom through the death of these Princes the Kings incapacity and the Dolphins tender yeares all authority of government fell seconded by those of the Councell who together with him were afraid that the Queene weary of their presumptions might endeavour their ruine made her to bee carried to
incommodity had alienated the which if the English had in any sort imitated they had not lost France for Philip was their onely Piller whereupon their Fabricke was to relie but trusting more upon their owne forces then was convenient and being more jealous of him then they ought to have beene they seconded their hatred whilst anger harmefull in government for want of requisite dissimulation causeth irreperable ruine wherein if any one shall thinke that I contradict my selfe since I have else-where beene of another opinion he will be of another mind if hee consider when I treated thereof it was touching the legallity thereof where now 't is touching the expediency by which humane actions ought chiefly to bee regulated Philip sent a King at Armes to give an account of this peace in England changing the wonted stile in his letter which hee sent to Henry for whereas before he stiled the King of France and England his Lord and master in these he termed him onely King of England his welbeloved Cousin The contents thereof was that being overcome by entreaties of the Pope of the Fathers of the Counsell of Bazille of all the Princes of Christendome hee had made peace with Charles to shun the being thought cruell and implacable he desired him likewise to do the like to the end he might be numbred amongst the authors of publike tranquillitie offering to serve him therein The Embassadour was not permitted to see the King but sent backe without any letters what could be said to the greatest enemy was said to him by word of mouth wherein they forbeared not to call Philip perjured traitour and this newes being divulged in the Citie the people not able to revenge themselves of Philip vented their fury upon his subjects who for traffique sake had their abodes in London they slew many of them and would have slaine them all had not the Kings Proclamations withheld them But those who were most rationall and who had not imbrued their hands in the blood of these innocents accused by Philip of hipocrisie in that hee made a scruple to make the peace as having sworne to obey Henry as his King but yet did it when he had received absolution from the Legat which was a tacite kind of judgement which ought not to be made when both parties are not heard An oath is not subject to absolution if there bee nothing of evill therein no evill was in his oath since Henry was not declared nor was not to be declared an usurper save by the reall evidence of a Salique Law They did not accuse the Legats authoritie but his act the which though it were excusable the end thereof being good yet give it for granted that the evill thereof were pardonable in respect of the good that was thence expected what good was there to be hoped for whilst the Swords of such Princes were yet wreaking with blood for France and Burgondy being accorded and England excluded out of the agreement shee was thereby endangered as inferiour in Forces in other too lately united to her destructions But none understood this businesse better then Philip nor did better make it conduce to his owne ends for being scandalized with his fathers death he sided with the English violated the pretended salique Law bereft Charles of his Crowne and Inheritance and gave it to England hoping that the government should be conditionall in her absolute in him and if it be sayd that if he had had any such designe hee would not have refused the Regency when it was offered him I answer that he refused it out of singular wisedome for that being come newly to his estate and finding the people of Flanders contumatious hee would have increased their forwardnesse by living farre from them besides the danger that his command was likely either to cause a breach betweene him and the English who would not be satisfied with his superioritie or else coolenesse in the administration of succour which would not fall out under the authoritie of one of their owne Princes of fortune for that distracted by the regency of France hee could not have made those accusations which hee did finding himselfe afterwards deceived in his first hopes that the English would have beene governed at his pleasure Bedford having alwayes commanded by his owne particuler authority and having so farre revenged himselfe of Charles as that his anger grew now to be somewhat appeased distasted by Bedford and growne greater else-where hee changed his purpose hee chose that King which hee had rejected and rejected that King which hee had chosen So as after the death of 300000. men who all dyed in this quarrell after the destruction of so many Cities hee made peace gaining thereby that which he could never have pretended to much lesse have had from the English one onely thing did not succeed unto him neither did it much import him that as by the degrading of Charles and promoting of Henry the fifth hee added nothing to the claime of England whose pretensions were not grounded upon such foundations so by revoking what hee had done and gainesaying himselfe he brought no prejudice at all thereunto for what remaines he was a Prince worthy of the Cognomen that was given him of God if you will pardon this present affaire and that of his cosen Giacholina Countesse of Bavaria Philip did like unto Rivers overgorged with raine which when floods of waters cease returne to their former channell when his desire of revenge ceased hee forsooke the English and returned unto his owne proper nation and blood and as hee might have done better had hee not violated his plighted faith so if he had not plighted it his vertue had beene the greater but to commit errours being a thing common since there is none that doth not doe amisse not to out doe others in mischiefe is almost a species of vertue The Duke of Bedford dyed 7. dayes before the peace concluded by Philip the one happening the 14. the other subscribed the 21. of September but by him foreseene long before I will not say that his foreseene peace was his death but that it was in part a cause thereof may probably bee conjectured Generous hearts use to bee undaunted in danger but in the change of fortune if they bee not accumulated by adversity they are macerated by vexation his death is to bee numbred amongst the chiefest causes of the losse of France hee was a wise and prudent Prince of long experience in armes and governement inferiour to no Commander in his time hee was obeyed by his owne feared by his enemies in so much as Lewis the eleventh being many yeares after in the Church of Nostre-Dame at Roan where Bedford is buried and being told by some as hee was looking upon his Tombe that that sumptuous memoriall was a great shame to France since it had bin by him so much endamaged that therefore it should bee defaced and his bones throwne out hee nobly answered that
opposite unto him before and hee afterwards found the good thereof when losing his Kingdome as hee did he never had recovered it had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affections which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard Publique affaires being thus accommodated he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe which are not notwithstanding to be separated from what concernes the State Marriage from whence proceeds lawfull successours is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families Three marriages were propounded to him The first Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster That upon any new occasion of civill broyles he should either have Scotland side with him or remaine neuter He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour But understanding that she was of a sickly body and consequently not likely to beare children he would none of her The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony given by Edward the blacke Prince King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward recovered Castile The English writers say that her being too yong as not being then above six or seven yeeres old was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand and dying Queen of Castile not when she was three and fifty yeeres old and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it but in the fiftieth yeere of her age and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. which was the time when this marriage was treated of thirteen yeeres old so but ten yeeres younger than Edward so as their yeeres were not unproportionate Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine which he does not particularize in and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado which he never saw Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet my father in law a most exact writer and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her The third was Bona daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France with whom she at the present was This was imbrac'd the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him neither could Edward put on a better resolution For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment no feare was to be had of Scotland without aide and provocation from France which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to governe him as shee listed yet held shee very good correspondency with him And Lewis whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France particularly that of his brother Charles and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impornity of Margarite Queene of England who endeavoured to perswade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence for though he were his father in Law such ties amongst Princes unlesse they be knitted with new knots are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands he unexpectedly heard that hee was married Edward was gone a hunting progresse towards Grafton a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg sister to the Count St. Paul wife to the Lord Rivers and widdow to the Duke of Bedford who died Regent in France With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth widdow to Sir Iohn Gray who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty but of such conditions as surpassing what was in her of beauty made her to be valued and beloved by all men The King did not onely grant her what she desired but growing in love with her became her petitioner for wanton dalliance which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle he resolved to marry her taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue admonished him She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father whose spirit would not endure such an affront since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match but to cousen him laugh at him and pry into his state nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him and a man of so great an esteem he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife and their own reputations That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of rather in laying a foundation for a peace hee should offend a great King and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre the cause whereof being blame-worthy as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates That yet if she were a maid it might admit of some excuse but being a mother of children a subject and without portion these were conditions likely to produce instead of benefit hatred and enmity abroad hatred and enmity at home danger and blame every where Edwards answer was that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his that he was sure enough of his love that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him having other thoughts which did
his comming desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there to which he gave way being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart When Henry heard hereof hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him But Philip fearing lest if he should waite his comming his stay would be too long resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry making his Queene come at leisure after him He was met six miles from Windsor by Prince Henry and One mile from thence by the King who received him with all terms of Honour and Friendship He treated with him of the marriage of their Children and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy Philips sister he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip Duke of Burgundy Now by the name of King of Spaine they had better successe for the English then had the former especially in the Fishing-busines at which the Flemmings were much offended he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke who lived under the protection of Philip Henry knew so well how to perswade him by passing his Word he would not put him to Death that Philip sent for him into Flanders the one desiring to have him before the other departed and the other not to depart till he were arrived that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deliver him up Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower Philip departed England and was received in Spaine without any manner of Resistance Ferdinand totally quitting the Government to him but he enjoy'd it but for a while for he dyed soone after The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosticated by the Fall of a golden Eagle which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple was blowne downe by the same wind which drave him into Waymouth and brake downe a signe in the Church-yard wherein was a blacke Eagle Ferdinand being call'd for and entreated by the Kingdome returned to the Government thereof this Death of her Husband having so opprest the fancie of the Queen his daughter as she was never after good for any thing not without suspition that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery that so he of Himselfe and without Trouble might manage the Scepter of Spaine The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation so as betaking himselfe to Domesticall affaires he sent Thomas Wolsey he who was Cardinall and of so great Power under Henry the eighth to Maxi milian to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued The marriage of Charles King of Spaine with Mary daughter to Henry stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand for though He was the first that had mention'd iâ—… yet his Sonne in Law being Dead and Charles being come to the Crowne he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government with Maximilian as Grand-father and Henry as Father in Law which though neither of them dreamt of yet did He feare it but This match had no better effect then had the Other the tender yeares of the young couple and the alteration of affaires in following times broke it quite off The expectation hereof neverthelesse made Henry live contented the little while he lived for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland and the Other to the King of Castile Duke of Burgundy he thought himselfe more safe then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse He the mean while began to draw towards his End the Gout a disease more Troublesome then Mortall was the Fore-runner of a Distillation which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Consumption which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes He set all Prisoners at Liberty who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings hee himselfe paying the Creditours he gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made against Empson and Dudley for their Oppressions yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them His Conscience and his Covetousnesse wrought contrary effects in him many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives one died in Prison before his cause was heard another being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at was not let out till Henry the eighths time and then Empson was put in his place To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to New Popes he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassadours to Pope Iulius the second which he had not formerly done though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given in the life of Edward the fourth Being dismist by the Pope they carried the Garter and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo Duke of Vrbin whose Father Frederick had likewise had it This Prince sent into England to be installed for him according to the Institutions of that Order the Count Balthasar Castillion he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy was one of the last of Henries actions he would not alter the name of it this fabrick having beene in former times the habitation of Peter of Savoy Unckle to Eleanor the Wife of Henry the third by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond but he resigned the Earledome when Savoy fell by inheritance to him The Lancastrians lived in this house and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall Besides this he built three Monasteries for the Conventuall Friers of Saint Francis order and three for the Observantines of the same order in divers places When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles but always with prosperous and happy successe he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars he left it in a setled Peace his subjects who were impoverisht by the past disorders were notwitstanding his Taxations by reason of his good Government become Rich he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt but left it rich in Treasure his sonne found in Richmond house a Million and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe He granted out a Generall Pardon and ordered by his Last Will and Testament that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers He died at Richmond the twenty second day of Aprill in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried by his wife in the sumptuous and stately Chapell built by Himselfe in the Abbey Church at Westminster He lived two and Fifty years and Reigned three and Twenty Years and Eight moneths The Children which he left behind him were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown Margaret Queen of Scotland from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend and the Prince and Princesses of the Electorall house Palatine and Mary married to Lewis the twelfth King of France by whom having no issue she after his death married Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne and two Daughters Frances and Eleanor The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk and by him had the Lady Iane Gray who being married to Guilford Dudley sonne to the Duke of Northumberland and constrained to call her selfe Queene was beheaded in Queene Maries time she had by him moreover two Other daughters Katharine and Mary who dyed without issue Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by whom she had a daughter named Margaret who was married to Henry Stanley Earle of Darby and had by him two sons Ferdinando and William both of them in succession one of the other Earles of Darby Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him to inherit his Honours and his Estate The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster FINIS Richard the 2. 1386. 1387. 1388. 1383. 1390. 1391. 1393. 1394. 1395 1396 1397. Henry the 4. A description of the Isle of Wight 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 Henry the 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 9 10 11 12 13 1416 1417 1418 1420 1421 Henry the 6. Apoc Cap 4o. 1422 1424. 1425. 1426. 1428. 1429. 1432. 1435. Philippopolis Andrenopolis Serviae Bulgaria Vallatchia Di. Bittinia in Thracia Di. Brusia in Andrinopoli Alavenente 3. Mascone Impatronato La Castellania Parteggiati Il trombetta Sangate 1424. 1438. 1442. 1433. 1445. 1446 1447. 1448. 1450. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1466. 1470 1472. 1473. 1474. 1475. 1476 1477 1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1485. 1485 1483 1486 1487 1488 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1496 1498. 1499 1501 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthensis et honble Ord Balniae Eques DEO CARI NIHILO CARENT Guil Faithorne fe CAROLVS D.G. MAGNAE BRITANNIAE FRAN ET HIB REX MARIA D.G. MAG BRITANNIAE FRANCIAE ET HIBER REGINA AN HISTORY of the Ciuill Warres of ENGLAND betweene the two howses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall where of is set downe in the life of Richard the second theire proceedings in the lives of Henry the 4th Henry the 5th and 6th Edward the 4th and 5th Richard the 3d and Henry the 7th in whose dayes they had a happy period Englished by the Right honble Henry Earle of Monmouth in two Volumes Imprinted at London for Iohn Benson are to be sould at his shop in St Dūstans churchyard 1641 AN HISTORY OF THE Civill VVarres OF ENGLAND Betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the second their proceedings in the lives of Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth Edward the fourth and fifth Richard the third and Henry the seventh in whose dayes they had a happy period Written in Italian in three Volumes by Sir Francis Biondi Knight Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to his Majesty of Great Britaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of MOUNMOUTH in two Volumes THE FIRST VOLUME Imprinted at London by T. H. and I. D. for Iohn Benson and are to be sold at his shop in Saint Dustans Churchyard 1641. THE TRANSLATORS EPISTLE TO THE READERS HIS COUNTRIMEN THat Translations are at the best but like the wrong side of Hangings is granted Yet he who cannot get to see the right side may by the other guesse at the Story therein represented This of mine may yet seeme to be of a worse condition as onely the reducing back to our owne Language that which hath beene collected from our home Stories and published in a forreigne Tongue so as it may almost be termed the turning into English what was turned out of English But the Authour hath had his end the making the valour and honour of our Kingdome knowne to his owne Countreymen for which we owe him a Nationall thankes I have chosen this way to pay mine by affording you all a means how to acknowledge yours and thus I have part of my end likewise The remainder being my observance of his desires and the shunning of spending my time worse The Italian saith Chi non puo quel che voule quel che puo voglia If I could coine anie thing out of my owne Braine worthy of my Countreymen they should have it since not let them accept of this Piece of Gold changed into Silver and therein of the good will of their Compatriot MOUNMOUTH THE AVTHORS EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the High and mighty Monarch CHARLES King of great BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND I Was of opinion Sir that the eminent condition of Princes did require from such as serve them actions answerable to the greatnesse of their thoughts and that otherwise they would prove contrary to the dignity of the one and duty of the other But upon better advice I found that Princes make use of men as they do of mettals which though not all of a like worth yet are they all adapted to proper uses so as iron and lead though of meane esteeme are not to be slighted in things where gold and silver are of no use I Sir that am the meanest of all your Majesties metalls having undertaken to write the story of the Civill warres of England was in some dispute with my selfe touching the Dedication And though in all reason I was to dedicate it to your Majesty as I most humbly doe yet the thread of my discourse wanting the mentioned proportion I have laboured to perswade my selfe to offend rather against it then against my duty not that I ever imagined my lead could be any ways servicable unto your Matie but that I faine would hope your Majesty through Royal clemency wil be pleased to approve of my resolution occasioned by the leasure times your Majesties liberality causeth me to enjoy The reason Sir why I write it not from its beginning is my not being sure to finish it To make therefore an entire story I have chosen that part thereof which is to be handled under one title and object And I have written it in this language for that Italy though rich in science and history is but meanely furnished with this story having had no light at all thereof save by Polidore Virgill who by writing it in Latine hath made only for the learned and by making it so succinct hath afforded me field room to make it for all men and to adde many things to the much which perhaps for lacke of time was by him omitted I know not Sir whether the freedome I take in giving my opinion upon the passages herein be to please all men but a bare story seemed to me to be like a naked body which exposed to the injury of ayre groweth infirme and being seene by others is ashamed Some are of opinion that all things ought to be represented in their originall purity that so the liberty of giving judgement might be left unto the reader yet the best both of ancient and moderne writers have done otherwise But a whole peece of cloath being presented to the Readers view he cannot judge whether all the threads bee of equall goodnesse unlesse the weaver who knowes from whence he had them give him a true information not therby taking from him the liberty of giving his judgement but rather affording him a double freedome therein for to the examination of the story he adds the power of examining the historians opinion I prayse goodnesse and blame vice but in the second Volumne I doe not praise the soft unsinnowy goodnesse of Henry the sixth Xenophon decyfering a perfect Prince in the person of Cyrus amongst exercises prescribes him hunting not that by the custome of seeing blood shed hee should become cruell but that by not commiserating delinquents he might become just and not abhorring the sight of dead beasts warlike otherwise contaminated with a womanish pitty he would at the same time have made him incapable both of scepter and sword Goodnesse though feminine by name is of masculine effects and fixing its undazled eies upon God its primary end ought to become void of folly scruples and feares I am sorry Sir I was so late in undertaking this affaire since I am too late aware that contemplative sciences do in their universall objects produce particular ends bring delight and glory to the understanding no profit that truth may sow the seeds but opinion reape the harvest that we are not wise save when we know we know nothing which is that learned ignorance so ingeniously handled by the Cardinall of Cusa I place not here divine knowledge◅ she hath two reall foundations to be esteemed such prophesies miracles and histories take from this number
But since we are taught to know no more then is behoovefull and that with sobriety and according to the gift we are endowed with all I see not that we are necessitated to busie our selves therin unlesse there be a lawfull vocation whilst we ought to content our selves with the knowledge of God by the generall way of the worlds harmony and order and by the particular way of faith The true cause then Sir which hath moved me to this undertaking is the having considered that the end of civil life being to live well and happily and that there is no happinesse without knowledge nor knowledge without science since those of contemplation doe not it must be the morall sciences which doe produce it the which appeareth manifest unto me for that nature hath imprinted in us the principalls thereof to make it the more easie unto us to the end that without contemplation or learning the learned and unlearned may be equally capable therof agevolated by their object the which is either familiar in us as are affections or hath dependency upon us as have actions As soone as we are borne by the traditions of our parents and such as have the care of our bringing us up we learne to love vertue and hate vice being become men to governe our family growne more mature to rule the weale publique and if we meet not with so much of facility in the last as in the other two it happeneth for that morall and Oeconomicall vertues are but the Columnes whereas the practice of States the knowledge of Princes and how to manage people are the true structure of this edifice upon the modell though of past events For as wits though never so excellent expresse no other conceits then what have formerly been expressed sine they cannot exceed the bounds wherewith knowledge in generall is limited so adventures though casuall happen not but by way of Analogy to what hath already happened depending upon the constant causes of former orders the which though diverse in time are notwithstanding at all times like unto themselves if not equall So as since we are wanting in the practice of present affaires the knowledge of what is past is necessary the which not being to be had but by history it followeth that history be the safest way to this happinesse worthy to be with all diligence frequented not by me alone but by the very best This Sir is the occasion of my present labours which I consecrate unto your Majesty not so much for that they appertaine unto you containing the Acts of your most glorious predecessours as that your Majesty possessing all such discipline as does become a great King will together with the worke accept the devoted good will of the workeman who boasts himselfe of nothing more then of the honour he hath to be Your Majesties most hmble and faithfull servant Giovanni Francisco Biondi THE GENEALOGY OF EDWARD THE THIRD Who had Five Daughters and seven Sons 1. IZabella who married Ingheran Lord of Cousi by whom shee had two daughters 1. Mary married to Henry of Bar. 2. Philippa married to Robert Vere Duke of Ireland afterwards repudiated 2. Ioane married to Alfonso 11. King of Castile and Leon. 3. Blanch who dyed young 4. Mary married to Iohn Montford Duke of Britany 5. Margaret married to Iohn Hastings Earle of Pembroke who dyed without issue 1. Edward Prince of Wales who married Ioane daughter of Edmund Earle of Kent brother by the fathers side to Edward the second by whom he had Richard the second who succeeded his Grandfather in the Kingdome and dyed a violent death without issue 2. William of Staifield 3. Lionel Duke of Clarence 4. Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster 5. Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke 6. William of Windsor 7. Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester The two Williams both dyed young without issue The Genealogies of the foure other are hereafter set downe The Genealogy of Lionel Duke of Clarence third Sonne of Edward the third Lionel duke of Clarence married Elizab daughter of Will. Burgh earle of Vister by whoÌ„ he had Philippa who married Edmund Mortimer Earle of March and had by him Roger Earle of March. declared by Richard the second successour to the Kingdome the yeare 1387 who married Elizabeth sister to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey and had issues Edmund Earle of March who died in Ireland without issue the third yeare of Henry 6. Roger who died young Anne who married Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edward Duke of Yorke she afterwards laid pretence unto the crown Eleanor who dyed without issue Edmund Iohn beheaded in the third yeare of Henry the sixt Elizabeth married to the Lord Pearcy surnamed Hotspurre Henry the second Earle of Northumberland who was staine in the first battell at St Albans who by Eleanor daughter of Ralph Nevil first Duke of Westmerland had Henry the third Earle of Northumberland who was slain siding with Henry the sixt against Edward the fourth Philippa who had three husbands but no issue The Genealogy of Iohn Duke of Lancaster fourth son of Edward the third from whom came 4. Kings viz. Henry the 4. 5. 6. 7. Of 3. wives he had 8. children what Sonnes what Daughters By Blanch daughter to Henry Duke of Lancaster grandchild to Henry Earle of Lancaster great grandchild to Edmund second sonne to Henry the 3. Henry the 4. married to Mary daughter to Humfrey of Bohun Earle of Hertfora Essex and Nottingham Constable of England by whom he had Henry the 5. marriea to Catherine of France by whom he had Henry the 6. who married Margerit daughter to Regnald Duke of Aâ—…ou King of Siâ—…ily from whom came Edward Prince of Wales slaine by Edward the 4. who all died without issue Thomas duke of Clarence Iohn â—uke of Bedford Humfrey duke of Gloster Blanch married to the Elector Palatine Philippa married to the King of Denmarke Philippa married to Iohn King of Portugal from whom came the successors of that Crowne Elizabeth married to Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter beheaded at Chester Richard Holland who dyed young Iohn Duke of Exeter who had two wives viz. Anne daughter of the Earle of Stafford by whom Henry Holland Duke of Exeter dis-inheâ—…ited by Act of Parliament the first yeare of Edward the fourth and found â—…ad the thirteenth yeare betweene Dover and Caleis Anne daughter to Ioh. Montacute earl of Salisbury by whom Anne married to Thomas Nevil brother to the second Earle of Westmerland Ralph Nevil 3. Earle of Westmerland Edward who died without issue By Constance daughter to Peter King of Castile Catherine married to Henry son and heyre to Iohn King of Castile and Leon from whom descended the heires of those Kingdomes By Catherine Roët daughter to a King of Armes by whom hee had before he married her and who were after made legitimate by the Popes authority and Act of Parliament Iohn Beaufort Marquis of Sommerset and Dorset who married Margerit daughter to
gallant Commanders then were the latter two they brought home renowned victories the blacke Prince not yet fully sixteene yeares old was victorious in the battell of Cresses his Father being present who denyed him succour onely looking on whilest he with bare two thirds of 8500. men fought with little lesse then 90000. to the end that that worth which before its accustomed time did bud forth in him might produce early fruits watered by the Rivolets of glory and honour and not many yeares after being fewer by three fourths then were his enemies hee in the battell of Poictiers tooke King Iohn of France prisoner invironed by all the Princes and Nobility of that Kingdome but dying not long after in the full growth of his glorious atchievements he left behinde him this Richard which did succeed his grandfather the yeare 1377. Edward the third had seven sonnes foure whereof dyed during his life time the first as hath already beene said the second and sixth without issue and the third which was Lonel Duke of Clarence left no other issue save Philip married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh of whom came Roger and of Roger Anne the innocent cause of mischiefe to that kingdome for being married to Richard Plantaginet Earle of Cambridge second sonne to Edmund Duke of Yorke she inriched that Family by her just pretences to the Crowne much more then by her portion whereof her successors to the prejudice of the whole kingdome did afterwards make use For though the laying private claims to Estates be alwaies lawfull to the pretender yet is it not alwaies expedient for the publique nor are they easily obtained but by unjust and cruell waies Iohn Duke of Lancaster Edmond and Thomas the fourth fifth and seventh were onely those who did outlive him The latter two whereof were afterwards by their Nephew created Dukes the one of Yorke the other of Gloster I will not here set downe their posterity the reader may betake himself to the Genealogicall tables prefixed by means whereof any whosoever be he not brutishly ignorant both of the law of nature and kingdoms may give his judgement of the right or wrong of those who raigned and if therein you shall not meet with the to be commiserated number of those of the blood Royal who either through the obstinacie of hatred or incivility of civill warres came immaturely to their end the occasion will be for that being descended of women by former marriages expatiated into other families cruelty would triumph in the diversity of spoiles and begird her temples with a Crowne partly composed of the blood of many who by their deaths reduced the blood Royall of England to a small number the which whether it were expedient or not and whether the multiplicity of pretenders be of use or the contrary to Kingdomes let it be a dispute referred to the argumentation of good wits though extreames being in all things bad that seemes lesse harmefull which consists in the weaker breath of a few then what in the violent whirlewindes of many their authority and designes being able to dissolve their oppositions and jealousies able to raze whatsoever well founded Monarchy Richard was by nature endowed with amiable conditions for being of a comely personage and of a liberall and generous minde he was likely to have proved like unto himselfe had he had the fortune to have arrived at the maturity of his judgement under the guidance of his Grandfather or father but being freed from the authority of such as might have sweetned the asperity of his yeares the fruits of such hopes as were conceived were before their maturity corrupted for infatuated by the soothing of his flatterers and enforced by his servants affections to which Princes through a maligne influence are usually subject he hated all such counsells as did oppugne his minde he rewarded such as did not contradict him and being growneolder he through wofull experience found that his undoing was occasioned by his having equally offended kindred Clergy Nobility and people Of the three Dukes he of Yorke was of a sweet condition given to pastime void of ambition a hater of businesse nor did he trouble himself with any but for formalities sake being thereunto constrained by his quality The other two Lancaster and Gloster both of them ambitious and turbulent did notwithstanding differ in this that whereas the former endeavoured the encrease of his authority by making himselfe to be feared the other aspired to the like end but by contrary meanes Lancaster declaring himselfe from the beginning to be an enemy to the people Gloster if not by inclinations by cunning profestly popular First Richard did much apprehend Lancaster those who for their own particular interests did sooth him in his youthly desires endeavoured to perswade him that Lancaster who was an obstacle by them reputed too difficult for their designes would have plots upon his person but being gone into Spaine his thoughts being fixt upon the Kingdomes of Castile and Lyons to both which in the right of his second wife Constance he did pretend he left Gloster to inherit these suspitions who opposing himselfe in all actions against his Nephew after having provoked him by injuries and by detractions vexed him for his reward lost his life It is not my purpose to write all the acts of this King a great part whereof I passe over as the rebellion of the pesants with intention to extirpate together with the Nobility himselfe his expeditions in France in the pursuit of his Grandfathers and Fathers designes in Flanders in the favour of Vrban the sixth against Clement who called himselfe Pope in Avignon in Ireland to tame the savagenesse of that people in Scotland to represse inroades and his marrying the sister of Wincesâ—…us the Emperour I will onely treat of such things as caused his ruine after having reigned 22. yeares Certaine men were at the first deputed unto him as well for the government of his person as estate whose plurall authority ensuing to bee more of burthen then benefit it was reduced to the person of Thomas Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke chosen to this charge by the unanimous consent of Parliament but the King herewithall not contented being by reason of his yeares unfit to governe and by reason of his bad Councell not apt to be governed began to alter this ordination in the person of Richard Scrope formerly by the Parliament chosen Chancellor of England a man so void of blame in all his actions as he was very worthy of the charge imposed upon him The King amongst the most considerable jewells of his Crowne hath one thereunto inchased by the Lawes that those whose fathers dye in the nonage of their sonnes fall under his tuition till the one and twentieth yeare of their age all their revenew redounding from the aforesaid time to the King save the third part which is reserved for their education it now so fell out that by vertue of this prerogative Richard enjoyed the income
by the victory he had over the Duke of Ireland no vaine-glory was therein found in him his discourse thereof did not exceed the bounds of modesty and the relation hee made thereof unto his associats was void of amplification or boasting Aid from Genua being demanded and granted against the Pirates which roved up and downe the Mediterranean Sea and coasts of Italy hee was made Commander of them France joyning in this expedition with England Being come into Africa and by meanes of his Archers landed he returned home his modesty added to his reputation while the one and the other equally contending strove for precedence in his renowne Those who write that in stead of making this journey hee went against the infidels in Prusia did not perhaps equivocate but the different relation of Writers makes the undertaking indifferent since they all agree in his praise In the combat with the Duke of Norfolk he proved himself to be both wise and valiant for though strucken as if with lightning at his unexpected accusation he fell into no disorder his wisedome was inflamed but not by anger consumed to ashes as it is oft-times seen in such as are unexpectedly offended he patiently endured his exile and with dry eyes left his Countrey whilst those who saw him goe moistened theirs He would have gone into Holland if the Duke his father would have permitted him but the warre made by Albertus of Bavaria Lord of those Countries against the Frisons at the instigation of his son the Count of Ostervent being very dangerous and but little honour there to be won for that people did more by desperatenesse then skil in war defend their liberties he advised him to goe for France He was there graciously received by the King Princes and Court But the King of France would needs of his owne free will allow him five hundred Crownes a weeke for his petty occasions as it was termed he thought not to receive it would argue incivility and that the receiving of it would fasten upon him too great an obligation so as he resolved to leave France and go into Hungary to warre against the Turkes He wrote hereof unto his father who approving of the cause but not of his resolution propounded to him a voyage into Spaine where having two sisters the one Queene of Castile the other Queen of Portugall hee might with lesse danger and discommodity make the warre which he desired against the Infidels but being by his friends advertised that the Physitions had given his father over as not likely to live many monthes he went not The Duke of Berry who had a daughter of three and twenty yeares of age a widow to two husbands Henry being likewise a widower a rich heire and after his fathers decease the prime man in England next unto the King thought to give her to him for wife King Charles being therewithall well contented a match which would have been serviceable to the Queene his daughter and of publick good for thus united yea peace between the two Kingdomes might the easilier bee maintained But Richard thinking this match might prove disadvantagious to his designes and that Henry being offended was likely alwayes to be his enemy sent the Earle of Salisbury to breake it nor would Charles his wives father displease him therein seeing he tooke it so to heart When the Archbishop of Canterbury propounded his return to England offering the Crown unto him he could not at the first prevaile with him nor had he prevailed with him at all had not the King by depriving him of his inheritance caused him despaire a bad resolution but excusable and which cannot be blamed by the law of Nature save as it is interdicted by the law of Christianity so as innocent in the one and faulty in the other hee erred in both such resolutions being prejudiciall to a Kingdome which ought alwayes to detest all alterations Let businesses fall out well or ill to malecontents who are egged on by ambition and revenge two spurres slightly guilded over with the leafe-gold of publicke good the people cannot but bee alwayes losers by civill brawles nay if the two Registers of humane actions Profit and Uprightnesse in proceeding meet not together as they seldome doe and that profit have the precedencie it ought to be when the conservation of the Common-wealth is in question and not to satisfie the ambition and private interests of particular men If love unto his Countrey or the desolation of the State had moved Henry Richard being deposed there wanted not lawfull succeeders But howsoever the malady had been better for the Kingdome then the remedy for the one was not of long continuance the King being mortall and of such yeares as hee might have amended where as the other for the space of sixe Kings reignes produced nothing but one ill upon the necke of another and had it not been for the matrimoniall conjunction of the two Roses in the seventh the mischiefe had perhaps yet continued But as it is the losse of what they did possesse in France their losse of reputation abroad their desolation at home the death of hundreds of thousands and of fourescore or more of the bloud Royall approve the remedy to have been more pestilentiall then the disease and that to have continued Richard in his authority would have been reputed lesse harmfull then to have substituted another King how good soever who in a capacity of growing worse was cause of those wofull consequences which such substitutions use to draw after them Wise Phifitions apply only approved medicines to the â—…icke party where the case is not desperate and in case it be the more discreet sort doe rather suffer them to dye peaceably then tormented with the violence of medicines The malady here was not mortall save as made so by the remedies So we may conclude that the good conditions of such as do pretend are more harmfull then the bad of of such as doe possesse Vertue not being what she appeares to us to be in her abstract but what she is in the concrete of her corruptions Henry had though silent yet conspicuous competitours by law questionlesse before him as the sons of Roger Mortimer the eldest son to Philippa the only daughter heire to Lionell Duke of Clarence not onely by nature but in the eight yeare of King Richard by Parliament declared Heire to the Crowne she being dead her right remained in these so as by vertue of the Lawes he could not justly pretend to that which contrary to the lawes the prejudice of others he did violently usurp But because his succession was not truly justifiable it behoved to seek out some colour for it his friends propounded divers titles unto him all of them counterfeit and disguis'd whilst right rich and substantiall of it selfe needes no false props Henry did by his Mother descend from Edmond Crook-backe Earle of Lancaster they would have this Edmond to be eldest sonne to Henry the third
for mastery was the cause of all the mischiefe which was by either of them given or received rather then hatred or avarice Percy was famous for what hee had already done and now more then ever desirous of glory Douglasse was big with fame and that he might bring it to light was desirous to adde thereunto the fame of his enemy these two respects were the whetstone whereon the valour of both parties was sharpned Exhortations and warlike noises were needlesse every man was by himselfe encouraged and ready for what he had to doe each side equally thirsting for the others bloud The conflict endured a long time with like affect as is seene in a sheete of corne which when driven with violent windes bends now on the one side and then on the other alternately till at last Fortune taking stand under Saint George his Crosse thought it not sacriledge to beare to ground that of Saint Andrew Dowglasse who in the battell had lost an eye was taken prisoner with him Fife Murrey Angus Atholl and five hundred more the greatest part of the Gentry of Scotland dyed manfully fighting of which number were twenty seven Knights and of common souldiers as the English writers say for the others say nothing herein 10000. Percie as soone as he had made the prisoners safe in sundry forts passed forward in Loughdeane and the Marches of Scotland making use of the present occasion as having slaine and tane prisoners all that were to defend those parts which when hee had sacked and utterly ruinated hee besieged Coclaven a place neither to bee long kept nor soone lost it was agreed upon that it should be surrendred if not succoured within three months The Governour was advised not to succour it for that the losse of it would be of lesse moment then the hazarding of a second battell The defeat at Hamilton had so allayed the courage of the Gentry as that not being confident of any good intention in the Governour they could not bee perswaded to a new conflict but hee his mischievous designes not being now the thing in question but the honour of the Kingdome on the preservation whereof much of his hidden hopes depended swore hee would succour it though not seconded by any but the first two months being past and nothing done the castle was freed the third for which no thanks was due to him for Percy was forced to raise the siege that hee might follow the King in his warres in Wales Whilst England was thus beset on both sides new troubles arose unto her out of France which though at first sight of no consideration were yet the occasion of incensing mens mindes and of the more easie breach of truce The Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles a Prince of an unquiet spirit borne to be the ruine of himselfe and Kingdome tooke a fancie out of a meere capriciousnesse to send a letter to King Henry by a Herald the contents whereof were to this purpose That having considered how the rust of idlenesse in youth had been the losse of many Princes sprung from Royall bloud he was resolved to shake it off and to win renowne and honour by the way of Armes to effect the which he could think of no readier means then that they two should meet at a certain place to be by them agreed upon where each of them accompanied by a hundred Gentlemen of name valour and void of blemish they might make triall of themselves till the one of them should yeeld and that such prisoners as should be taken should be liable to ransome and their ransomes to be paid to such as tooke them That to this purpose he went with his hundred to Angolesme and that if hee would come with his hundred to Burdeaux they might chuse some neighbouring place for the combat The Duke had been the Kings great friend whilest he was in France insomuch as in signe of their more reall friendship they sealed a writing between them wherein they bound themselves to the defence of one another against all the world except some whom the Duke excepted but this chalenge being directly opposite thereunto and Henry having not been long in his kingdome and by reason of his affaires free from that idlenesse which the other desired to shun he answered that he would never have beleeved that the letter which was delivered him by his Herald had been directed to him had not the circumstances assured him that it was That the publick truce between the two Kingdomes and the private confederacie between them two ought to have disswaded him from making such a request but that since he was pleased so to resolve hee for for his part was likewise resolved to breake their former confederacie That Kings ought to bee chalenged by Kings not by inferiours That Kings ought not to use their weapons for vain-glory but for the glory of God and good of Christianity and when by their state necessitated thereunto That hee would come to Burdeaux with as many men as hee pleased when it might ought availe him And that in such a case occasions would not bee wanting to the Duke to finde him out nor should will be wanting in him to be found out by him To this answer the Duke by new letters replyed that he avouched the writing of the former letters to be to him to him onely and that if he did not therein give him the title which now he assumed 't was because he did not approve thereof that hee would have had due respect to their confederacy if it had not first been violated by him that he would never have made any confederacy with him if he had thought he would have so behaved himselfe towards King Richard God knowes how and by whom slaine for what concerned his present dignity that God never gave it him but did onely permit it in him and that God did oftentimes suffer Princes to reigne for their greater confusion so as the comparison he made between them two was to no purpose since his reputation was void of blemish as was not the Kings that for the duty and office of a King hee could not say better and doe worse that Queen Isabel his Neece might serve to prove this who was sent backe into France her husband being slaine her jonyture denied the goods shee brought with her into England deteined That hee would maintaine all this to bee true in single combat hand to hand to the end that as hee had said the deaths of so many might bee spared that hee thanked him for having more charity to the blood of France then hee had to his owne Lord and King This reply was too sharpe not to bee answered The King wrote backe That having communicated his designes to him when hee parted from France which he the Duke did then approve of and promised his assistance hee wondred why he should now blame them as if they were new unto him that if by his words of God knowes
having no sonnes adopted the sonne of his Lord Steward which he never would have done had there beene any Law Salique Dagobert the second left two sonnes behinde him and yet a Fryer was taken out of a Monastery and Crowned by the name of Chilpericus the second Charles Martellus deposed him put Dagoberts two sonnes into a Cloister and made Coltarius the fourth be Crowned who being afterwards deposed the two brothers reigned Kings one after another Pipin deposed Childericus and made himselfe King though no Prince of the bloud and come of a bastard Many other examples are passed over which happened amongst the Kings of this first race contrary to this Law in successions hereditance and last wills and Testaments In the second race Lewis the stammerer was succeeded by Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards and the latter by another Lewis whether brother or sonne to Charlemaine it is not knowne This man was succeeded by Charles the great King of Bavaria and Emperour but being deposed by the Dutch from being Emperour and by the French from being King Odone Duke of Angiers of the house of Saxony was substituted in his place Charles the simple being deposed and his sonne Lewis being together with his mother fled into England Rowland of Burgony obtained the Crowne Lastly Hughe Capet having taken the succession from Charles Duke of Lorraine second sonne to the last mentioned Lewis which fled into England having thence the name of beyond-sea Lewis brother to Lotarius and Uncle to Lewis the fifth the last King of that race leaveth it to our choice to thinke what we please of that Law No mention is made of any women in these two races because the case in their behalfe was not met withall but say the case had been found and that by reason of the rigorous practice of the Law women have not dared to pretend unto the Crowne by the same reason those who had beene excluded would not have dared to have made any such pretence if the institution of the Law had beene thus put in practice Neither would Iane daughter to Lewis Hutin have dared to pretend unto the Crowne had there been any such thing as the Law Salique But if there be any argument which proves the falshood of this Law t is the confusion of writers who neither agree in the name nor in the author nor in the place where it was made A moderne writer will not have it called the Salique but the Gallique Law The more ancient writers denominate it from the River Sala from the latin word Sal contrary to the putrifaction or from the French word Sale which is the Hall or Palace of a Prince Some make the ancient Dukes and Councellors in Germany the authors of it And some Faramond in France so as they leave us nothing of certainty whereas a fundamentall Law ought to be certaine and not imaginary in its foundation They produce some reasons to justifie this Law which no waies appertaine thereunto whereof three are the chiefest That the Crowne may be established in its owne Nation by the exclusion of strangers That Posthumes may be reverenced even in their mothers wombe and notwithstanding their infancy made Kings and that nature affects the masculine inheritance which was the cause why the Jewes permitted no succession to women The first reason would surely be good if together with its utility it were likewise just if the Law had beene made in the beginning of the Monarchy or in a time when it had not beene to any one injurious there could be nothing said against it but being sprung up in an instant never written nor spoken of before it becomes very bad not onely as false but as fained to the prejudice of naturall heires and the utility thereof proves the injustice since what is usefull and what is just if not alwaies are for the most part contraries Lawes were instituted to curbe unhonest utility which if suffered there would be no safe commerce nor living in the world The second reason is in part superfluous in part false superfluous because yonger brothers though Posthumes are preferred before their elder sisters even in those Kingdomes where women do inherit false because betweene Lewis the stammerer and Charles the simple who was his Posthume there reigned foure Kings Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards another Lewis and Charles the great which proves it not true that they are made Kings notwithstanding their infancy The third containes two points that the masculine inheritance is according to nature and that the Jewes did never at any time permit inheritance to women The one and the other false They confound nature and her institutions with fortune and the institutions of civill Laws taking nature otherwise then she ought to be taken for she ought to bee considered in her pure principall not in the accidents which doe accompany her then thus considered nature cannot were she thereunto willing exclude the female sex from inheriting since shee hath no other forme of government then what concernes the father of a family Moreover women being conceived borne and brought up as are men it was never his intent who made them equall in generation to make them inferiour in conservation which he should doe if the goods of fortune by meanes whereof we live after the introducing of civill Lawes and the municipall Lawes whereby they are differently regulated depended upon nature so as who doth exclude them doth it by vertue of these Lawes as are likewise in divers places excluded the second borne though men That the Jewes did not permit inheritance to women is likewise false read the 27. Chapter of Numbers where you will finde God said unto Moses The daughters of Zelophead spoke right and that he should give them a possession of inheritance among their fathers brethren and that he should speake unto the children of Israel saying If a man dye and have no son then ye shall cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter and if hee have no daughter then ye shall give his inheritance unto his brethren and if he have no brethren then ye shall give his inheritance unto his fathers brethren and if his father have no brethren then ye shall give his possession unto his kinsman that is next unto him of his family Moreover Jesus Christ was the sonne of David according to the flesh by the womans side not the mans The Archbishop having with these and the like demonstrations made good the pretence to France and consequently the warre he added three examples which argue against the antiquity of this Law Pepin and Hughe Cappet to make their usurpation justifiable endeavoured to prove their descents the one from Betilda daughter to Clotarius the first the other from Lingarda daughter to Charlemaine and Saint Lewis had never peace of minde till such time as he was certified that Isabell his grandmother by the mothers side was the lawfull heire of Emendarda daughter
and heire of Charles Duke of Loreine for being conscious to himself that the Dukes exclusion from the Crowne was unjust he thought himselfe not rightly possessed of the Kingdome save in the right of his grandmother upon whom the rights of Charles fell and consequently upon him as heire to her At last hee made his intended offer in generall termes promising that if the King would resolve upon this enterprise the Clergy would give him such contributions as greater were never given by them to any of his predecessors This enterprise the reasons thereof and the offer made by the Archbishop did so farre prevaile with the King as that Ralphe Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Warden of the Marches confining upon Scotland fearing lest the King would be perswaded thereunto and that by taking along with him the flower of all the souldiers small forces would remaine with him to oppose the endeavours of that Kingdome did thus oppose himselfe to what the Archbishop had said He confessed the enterprise to be just and honourable but dangerous and full of hindrances He shewed that preposterous proceedings were the overthrow of all undertakings and that to fight with France before that Scotland was subdued was the most preposterous course that could bee taken That to make triall of fortune in a forreine Estate whilst the State at home was subject to alterations was a resolution no waies agreeing with wisedome That it was to bee beleeved that Scotland that had never let slip any advantagious occasion would much lesse passe by this so faire a one presented unto them by the Kings absence and the absence of the chiefe of the Chivalry of England That though it were granted that Scotland being without a King and in some sort divided within it selfe might in likelyhood be carelesse in other affaires yet would it not neglect this as not permitted so to doe by their ancient confederacy and when they were not by obligation tyed to this yet monies assistance and chiefly their owne safeties would force them unto it since it was not to be doubted that the diversion of Scotland being one of Frances chiefest defences the French would not abandon her for if she should be lost or weakend they themselves would suffer a great losse and diminution of strength Since then her safety obligation and so many other severall obligations were in question upon the which her good or bad did depend shee would not stand idle The which being granted it would necessarily follow that the one warre would produce the other with this difference that France could assist Scotland but in part whereas Scotland could totally assist her France could not so fully assist Scotland by reason of her distance and that her aides would be weakened by pawses and interruptions they might meet with by the way and that by reason of her infirmities shee was unfit to make a diversion by open warre that Scotland on the other side was not onely free from these inconveniences but sure to make an open diversion notwithstanding whatsoever opposition so as making warre with Scotland though she might be strengthened by auxiliary forces which are alwaies hatefull and full of jealousies yet one onely war was made and in France two for since his Majesty could not passe over the sea without weakning England it would so fall out as being infested he must be forced to quit the warre with France and undertake the other which at first ought to have beene undertaken the which could not bee done without the losse not onely of reputation but of much treasure which would there bee fruitlesly spent That the events of warre being doubtfull the least difficult was to be chosen so as rather then to thinke of conquering France whilst Scotland might divert them they should hope to conquer Scotland if England being free from forreine diversions should bring all her strength against those parts onely otherwise she were likely to finde to her cost that to buckle with an united body separated from the sea of insufferable expence with a thousand hazards of fortune sicknesse windes deaths want of victualls and munition would prove infinitely dangerous the rather for that she should leave behinde her an indefatigable warlike enemy which was not likely to meete with any incommodity supplies being to be had in every house not subject to winds nor tempests in a time when that Kingdome being without a King and ill satisfied with the government she was to be presumed not able to withstand so valorous an undertaking And if Edward the thirds past victories in France and those of the blacke Prince his sonne did render mens mindes confident let them remember that fortune was fickle and that those who dreampt that the world was eternall did not fancy to themselves that all things should returne to their former condition till after the slow revolution of 36000. yeares he concluded that if England would make a successive warre in France shee must first conquer Scotland These two opinions might have beene ballanced had it not been for the third Marquis Dorset the Kings Uncle which overthrew the latter of the two This Gentleman was a good Schollar for the Duke of Lancaster his father who thought to have destined him to the Church had caused him to be brought up to his booke the which being added to his travells in divers Countries especially in Italy had setled his understanding which guided by the two great Masters speculation and practice could not chuse but render him perfectly wise he repeating what had bin alleadged by the Earle and arguing against the reasons he had brought shewed that Scotland had the same relation to France as boughes to the tree the Nobility of Scotland being maintained by pensions from her and the yong men thereof bettered by her military discipline so as to take away the bud you must cut downe the tree that give the conquest of Scotland for granted more difficulties would bee met withall in the keeping of it then in the defending the borders of England whilst warre was made elswhere for Scotland being in some parts inaccessable in other parts savage and wholly an enemy would continually produce some new motions being incouraged by assistance and monies from beyond the seas That she had never endangered England in former times upon the like occasions but had bin sufficiently endamaged That Malkin was slaine whilst he would make use of William the seconds absence who went to wage warre in Normandy and David Bruce was taken prisoner whilst Edward the third was at the siege of Caleis that it is true the like doth not alwaies happen but that therefore worse successe should not be feared whilst the enemies forces are not augmented nor our own diminished the which was now so farre from being so as that they were without a King and in a molested government whilst France was in no better estate for to boote with the warre which would distract her shee was molested by the infirmity of her
horse and those wearied resolved to set upon him before his bowmen should come up vnto him And to make the Earle the more confident hee sent forth 50. horse as if there had beene no more in the Castle The Earle sent Sir Ralph Standish with 100. horse to encounter them who had hardly begun the skirmish when the rest that were within the Castle sallyed forth slew him and his companions and without any interposition of time set upon the Earle who as hee was manfully fighting was defeated by a Culverin which being shot among the thickest of his men swept away a great many of them and at the second shot broke the Earles legge above his ankle who in a swound fell from his horse and was taken prisoner with Woodville and a hundred other horse Two hundred were slaine the rest saved themselves by flight The Earle was carried to Beauvois where within a few dayes hee died His losse was as much bewayled as his valour had hee lived was full of expectation and hope Hee was the fift Earle of Arundell of the noble house of Fitsallen Six others of the same succeeded him the last of which was Henry who dying without heires male the Earledome and the title fell upon Philip Howard eldest sonne to Thomas Duke of Northfolke and Mary his wife daughter to the said Henry This Thomas was father to the now present Earle of Arundell Earle Marshall of England who married the Lady Alithea daughter to Gilbert Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewesbury lineally descended from Iohnâ—…ord â—…ord Talbot of whom wee have spoken in this our story I was willing to â—…ist upon this particular here which I desire may not bee imputed to me as a superfluous digression but rather to the gratitude which from mee and all Italy is due unto them both Tenne yeares were past since the battaile of Aiencourt where and since when the Duke of Bourbon was prisoner in England when having payed his ransome of 18000. pounds sterlin the very day destinied for his returne hee was seized upon by his last infirmitie which brought him to his grave dying a free man after having lived so long a captive The confederacy friendship and affinitie of the two Couzins Bedford and Burgony were come to the period of their dissolution not so much for the death of the ones wife the others sister as for that the distasts caused by divers passages betweene them had afforded field-roome to such as desired a breach betweene them to whisper such tales in both their eares as being supposed to be spoken in the prejudice of each other could by neither of them be taken in good part but with a great resentment of their honours an Idoll which amongst imaginary deities especially betweene Princes is the most supreame though as too suspitiously false sometimes with much losse too much idolatrised friends enterposed themselves but 't was not sufficient the gangren'd sores of their soules were not to be cured by Lenities A meeting betweene them was treated of out of hopes that by an enterview and speech together they might come to understand one anothers minde better then by reports 't was obtained Saint Omers was named and agreed upon for the place A place which belonging to Philip redounded to his honour since Bedford went to him not he to Bedford Bedford came thither first whilst Philip being in his owne dominion and his owne house should have beene there to have met and welcomed him But hee was so farre from doing this that though he came last he pretended to be the first visited Perhaps a just pretension in a neutrall place hee being the last commer thither For as for other respects which give precedency to Princes there goes not much difficultie to the deciding of the question Bedford had two which argue for his precedency the one casuall and but for a time the other borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft His regency of France was that which was casuall and therefore I build not upon it as well for that Philip might have beene regent if hee had so pleased though what might have beene gives place to what is as likewise for that France held it an unjust usurped dignity though hee ought not to esteeme it so who held Henry for King of France for that that was borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft Bedford was the Sonne Brother and Uncle of a King And tooke these prerogatives from him superiour without question to any thing that Philip could alledge they were in their genealogies equall For if Iohn King of France were great Grandfather to Philip Edward the third King of England was the like to Bedford and if any difference bee made betweene the Princes of the bloud in France and the Princes of the bloud in England where there is no such title by Law the former being priviledged by the pretended Salique Law the latter not since women doe succeede t is a reason whereof Philip ought make no use since that Law was by him broken and so much the lesse against Bedford as that if Henry should dye without heyres hee was the next presumed heyre to the Crowne In titles they were alike in soveraignty and peculiar power Philip was before him But if soveraignty were ever to precede there are little soveraigne Lords and no Princes who should take place of great Princes who are no soveraigne Lords and power which contributes advantage doth nor contribute degrees of dignity But let all bee granted civility will not permit the affecting of the best place in a mans owne house but rather wils that it bee given alwayes to our equals yea sometimes to our inferiours To end this difference Philip propounded that the businesse might bee discust by third persons which Bedford would not condescend unto so as parting without the sight of one another their friendship was broken and all memorials of their former affinity were cancelled wherein if the English lost all hee got not much for one would thinke that in the fall of this great tree hee should have seized upon one of the greatest boughes for himselfe the which if hee had not formerly done the fault was his since he by their assistance which did divert those who might have troubled him obtained territories else-where to the unjust and violent possession whereof I meane Hannault Holland Zeland and Frisland he had never come their naturall Princes being alive if France had beene at liberty Hee had sundry times given fast signes of this his bad inclination especially when notwithstanding the heate of warre hee was contented that his brother in law the Count de Richmont should receive the sword of Constableship and that Charles de Bourbon the now Duke a great sider with King Charles and an implacable enemy of the English should marry his sister Agnis powerfull meanes for the accommodation which his delayes did not cut off but deferre Hee had thus two strings to his bow Moreover when the councell
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
twelve miles from London and secured himselfe with trenches and artillery The King brought his campe thither likewise and sent unto him the Bishops of Winchester and Ely to know of him what had caused him to take up armes hee answered nothing against the King nor yet against any honest man but against some evill Counsellors who were enemies to the common-wealth and the peoples leeches and naming the Duke of Somerset hee said hee was the cause that brought him thither and offered if Somerset might bee put into safe custody till such time as in Parliament hee should make defence to such things as there should bee objected against him to dismisse his troopes and present himselfe before the King and serve him as all good and faithfull subjects ought to doe The Dukes end in this enterprise was to justifie his owne actions in the beginning for to fight with the King at very first would proove scandalous and diametrically opposite to the publique good With this his answer hee would possesse the World of a good opinion of him shun the dangers hee might light upon if hee should hazard a battell and have the worst and by making Somerset safe so as hee should bee enforced to answer to what should bee objected against him hee was sure the Parliaments severity considered and the hatred which the people bore him hee could not escape with his life the which hapning hee might with ease deprive Henry of this Kingdome rather by meanes of law then by violence for having lost Somerset hee lost all councell commanders and followers The King on the other side who thought that to reduce him to obedience by violence would be a hazardous affaire seemed to gratifie his desire and gave order for Somersets being forth comming whereupon dismissing his people according to his promise Yorke came unto the King but whilest hee had published his complaints accusing the pretended guilty person of treason and oppression The Duke of Somerset who was not farre of and heard all that was said hearing himselfe wounded in his honour and could not containe himselfe but comming from where hee was concealed and not contented to answer to what was objected against him hee accused his accusor of high treason for having with many others conspired against the Kings life and consulted how with least danger they might bereave him of his crowne and scepter an accusation which was not slightly to bee passed over The King returned to London whither hee was brought as a prisoner and presented before a great counsell assembled for this purpose aâ—… Westminster where the two Dukes accusing one another reciprocally nothing could bee resolved of for Yorke denyed all nor were there any witnesses to convince him but Somerset perceiving the euils that were likely to ensue if hee should escape did all that in him lay to have him put to the rack which in this case onely is permitted by the lawes of England He shewed how that if Yorke and all his generation were not bereaved of their lives a â—…vill warre must needs ensue which would bee the destruction of England for that hee had long agoe resolved the ruine of the King and of the house of Lancaster that hee might make himselfe King and transplant the Crowne and Kingdome into his owne family or house But these advertisements were of no force his supposed innocence withstood them since when hee was armed with considerable forces hee had presented himselfe unarmed before the King which it was not likely hee would have done had hee beene guilty of any such thing An opinion which easily prevailed for that at the same there came two important nuses the one that the Earle of Marsh was marching with an army towards London the other that the Count de Cardale and Monsieur Desperres were sent from Burdeaux to make a new offer of their obedience and to desire an army to recover what was lost and which was easiliest to bee recovered for that the French were weake and the Country weary of them so as the eminent danger threatned by the comming of the Earle of Marsh and the Gnascons request the first not to bee excited and the latter not to bee promised without peace and quiet were the causes why the Duke of Yorke was released and why hee retired himselfe to Wales to expect a more opportune occasion whilest the Duke of Somerset had wherewithall to appease his griefe remaining without rivall the moderator of the whole government The alterations of Gascony sprung from impositions laid by the French caused fresh hopes in England the which though it be denied by Dupleix who doth therefore taxe Hallian who followes the opinion of Pollidore yet are the proofes of the contrary very weake hee saith it is not likely that Charles would have imposed grievances upon them contrary to his oath especially the first yeare wherein he was to establish his government amongst them and that the Souldiers were so well disciplined as that the open fields were free from rapine as if Princes did alwayes that which they ought to doe and that military discipline not subject to corruption should observe the reformation in Gascony The King being absent which when he was in person present he caused to be observed in Normandy France hath had good Kings and good Officers yet not sufficient to suppresse or change the inclinations of such as serve them It is impossible for Princes to doe any thing of excellency if their subjects appeare not in their interests Particular avarice hath at all times beene cause of remarkeable mischiefes If Francis the first had had as many men fighting as hee paid paye unto hee had not lost his liberty before Pavia King Henry entertaines the offer of Burdeaux and suddenly sent Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery thither who though ever exceeding diligent in all expeditions yet in this hee did out doe himselfe hee embarqued himselfe and tooke with him 3000. souldiers leaving order for such as were to follow him hee landed upon the coast of Meddock and the more to terrifie the enemy hee made great spoiles in their Townes but being sent for in by those all of Burdeaux hee filled the adjacent parts with horrour the City was of different opinions touching the French garrison some would have them bee suffered to goe away free others not and these threw open the Gates to the English who entering at unawares imprisoned the garrison but spilt no bloud nor did no outrage neither to them nor the Townes-men Fronsack did for a few dayes stop Talbot in his advancement but when it yeelded all the neighbouring Townes did alike and did freely of themselves returne to their former obedience Castillian sent for him and the French garrison being put forth his men entered when Charles heard hereof hee sent thither Count Cleremont his sonne in law and his Lieutenant in Guienne with 600. Horse and 1200. Crosbowmen under the Conduct of Messieurs de Lorhac and Orvall to make matters good till such time as
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
Horses great store of Foot but Authors do not name the number Fifteen thousand Bowmen all on Horseback infinite was the number of men employed about the Artillery and Tents and amongst all this number there was not one unuseful person Commines says Never did King of England passe the Seas with a more powerful Army nor with better men nor more richly armed To boot with these Three thousand men were set apart to go for Britanny Edward before he went from Dover sent Gartier a Herauld and a Norman by Nation with Letters to Lewis wherein he demanded the Kingdom of France as properly belonging to him which if he should deny he denounced fire and sword against him as against one who usurped what belonged to another Lewis would read the Letter aside to avoid the occasion of whispers which thereby might be given When he had read it he said unto the Herauld He knew his Master the King of England came not into France out of any motion of his own but egged thereunto by the Duke of Burgondy who having ruinated himself thought by his means to raise himself up again and the Constable who as Uncle to his wife had found more credit with him then he deserved but let him be assured they would not make good any thing they had promised him the Duke by reason of his impotency and the Constable by his disloyalty being born to deceive all men and to sowe distrust where he hoped for advantage that he had made him Constable to boot with other favours and Acts of Grace with which since he could not oblige him Edward was not likely to do it for that it was impossible for him to tread in any path but that of Fraud and Treachery That Edward having to do with such people in a season so neer Winter he might do better to agree with him then to hazard his Person Reputation and People trusting on two whereof the one was unable the other unfaithful and run hazard of too late Repentance This being said he with his own hands gave unto the Herauld Three hundred Crowns and promised him a thousand more if the King his Master and he should gree whereby he obliged him to do him the best service he could Gartier allured by his liberality promised to do what he was able but that the businesse was not to be moved till the King his Master had past the Seas that then he would advise him to send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct for Ambassadours who might addresse himself to the Lord Howard or the Lord Stanley to whom he would bring him in With this he took his leave and was by Lewis in publike besides what he had given him in private presented with Thirty Ells of Crimson-Velvet When Edward was come to Calais he was troubled not to finde Charles there who according to appointment was to have waited for him in that place but he was more offended that whereas the War should have been begun three Moneths before his arrival he had not yet begun it nor was he like to begin it being busied in the Siege of Nuz He sent forthwith to him to know what he meant to do Charles after the getting of Guelders and the County of Zutphen was carried away with new conceits he was made Heir to those Countreys by Arnaldus the last Duke who had disinherited his son Adolphus who had behaved himself ungratefully and cruelly towards him so as being possessed thereof he thirsted after the neighbouring Countreys and neglected the War of France which most imported him but being confirmed in this humour by the slowe proceedings of Germany by the avarice and wretchlesnesse of the Emperour Frederick the Third who was not able to oppose him without the power of the whole Empire he bent himself thereunto to this purpose he procured a Truce with Lewis for some moneths Lewis his Counsellors were averse to the granting of this Truce but himself was of a contrary opinion foreseeing that if Charles were once entangled in these affairs he would never rid his hands of them for by having the Emperour the Empire and the Princes thereof his enemies he could not have leasure to employ himself elsewhere Charles his designe was to get the dominion of Rhine as far as Basil which he thought he might do for he already possessed all the Lands between Holland and Collen and between Collen and Basil he enjoyed the County of Farrata which was pawn'd to him by Sigismund Duke of Austria the which he intended never to restore and this his designe was occasioned by his having taken into his protection Robert of Bavaria Archbishop of Collen Brother to Lodowick Prince Elector who with a joynt consent was by the Clergie and Commonalty driven out and they placed Nortmannus Brother to Lodowick Barbarus Landgrave of Hessen in his place But because Nuz a Fort of great consequence Three miles distant from Collen held with the City he besieged it it being defended by Henry Brother to Nortmannus believing that when he should have taken this place Collen would not long hold out Lewis seeing him thus madly minded it redounding to his advantage that he should more and more be engaged therein prolonged the Truce and took from him all manner of scruple of breaking it Charles laid Siege to Nuz at the same time that he had perswaded Edward to war with France and was a whole yeer before it when he thought suddenly to have taken it and to have been time enough to have met Edward with his Fleet which was as fair a one as any Prince could have The Emperour and all the Germane Princes came to the succour of this Town hoping to meet 20000 fighting men there which Lewis had promised to send but they came not he having need of them himself to oppose the English who were hourly expected in France Lewis rather endeavoured to have peace with Charles or to prolong the Truce the which he did not obtain for Charles presumed he could at the same time take Nuz drive the Emperour away and ruine Lewis being set upon by three enemies himself England and Britanny Lewis on the other side favoured by the length of the Siege and the slacknesse of the English assoon as the Truce was expired took many Cities of his burnt all his Countrey between Abbevile and Arraz and took Iames of S. Paul Brother to the Constable prisoner He made the Dukes of Lorrain and of Calabria his enemies who entred Luxenburg and likewise the Duke of Austria and the Switzers who took from him the County of Farrata He notwithstanding all this was obstinate in continuing the Siege nor did he rise from before the Town till forced by necessity and divers incommodities the which had he endured but Ten days longer as he might very well have done the Fort had been yeelded up unto him for people died there of hunger but he raised the Siege not knowing their necessity and would have raised it before all
but so full of tricks ambition perfidiousnesse and deceit as nothing but ruine could betide him whereas had he served Burgundy and France with such loyalty as he ought to have done amongst Princes he would have been thought worthy of the title of a Prince and amongst Captains been esteemed one of the chiefest of his time His father had served England and so had he but leaving her in the recesse of her Fortune he became one of Charles his favourites then Count Carolois and was not likely to have fallen from thence but an ambition having brought him to the eminent place of Constable the next man to the King in France Generalissimo of his Forces and at whose command even Princes did obey enriched besides his Office with Pensions and Commands there remained nothing more for him to covet had he not like sick men by longing after what was hurtful for him contaminating his faith and honour put a period to his life and honour In this many erre encrease of honour or riches causes still a thirsting after more such examples have been before and since the Constable and shall be as long as the world endures for the avarice and ambition of such as come to what they formerly were not makes them see amisse and whilst they think to go beyond the period of their Fortunes thinking to transport it from its natural circle to an imaginary one as he who should think to passe from the Sphere of the Moon to that of the Sun for that as it is of a larger circumference so is it of a more elevated and lasting efficacie they in their passage tumble down headlong and break their necks Happie is he who possessing the favour of his Prince with temperance enjoys an alway-permanent Fortune grounded upon the justice and integrity of his own actions and if he prove not as rich as Croesus yet need he not to be ashamed of his riches which if they be but small the greater signe 't is of their being well come-by whilest the Princes favour the testimony of a good conscience and the being able to do good to others are the most glorious and most advantagious riches the world affords In such extraordinary Fortunes 't is better to sympathize with Agrippa and Maecenas then with Sejanus Edwards Ship had cast Anchor in a place secure from all windes save such as blew from Bretaigne which were those alone that were able to split or overwhelm her He enjoy'd his estate with out the disturbance of forreign enemies by means of the new Treaty with Burgundy's enmity did no ways trouble him for though the desire of subduing Lorrein and the humour of provoking the Switzers which cost him his life had not been predominant in Charles yet the interest of Flanders to which Commerce with England was necessary did secure him Scotland was in a condition not to be doubted by reason of the Truce which yet endured of the quality of her present Government and her not being stirred up by France for the most part the first causer of her movings At home he found himself freed of all such as might have harmed him who were come to their ends either by the Civil Sword or by the Hang-man wherein he was not sparing Clemency and faith are banished when Kingdoms are in question and Kingdoms in contention shut the doors upon all vertues as may cause alteration or suspect The life of young Henry Earl of Richmond was that alone which did molest him he could not possibly live content and attend such pleasures as he was naturally given unto so long as this worm did gnaw upon his heart he was the onely remaining relike of the House of Lancaster likely enough to deprive him of his quiet and Kingdom should he not be taken from the world whereby himself his house and children might live secure He esteemed the good offices he had done the Duke of Bretaigne with the King of France sufficient to deserve such a favour he sent unto him three Ambassadours the chief whereof was Doctor Stillington They desired the person of the Earl of Richmond in way of Honesty and affection concealing their cruelty and evil intentions neither could they proceed otherwise with Francis the â—…econd Duke of Bretaigne one of the best Princes that Fame celebrated in those times These made him believe that the King desiâ—…ous to abolish the enmity of the two Factions and quiet such spirits as were affectionate to the House of Lancaster there was no more fitting means to effect this then by marrying the Kings eldest daughter to the forenamed Earl who was Heir to that House They desired him to lend his helping hand to so good a work assuring him that as Bretaigne in former times had found no more advantageous nor more faithful friendship then with England so should she finde it every day more and more by this obligation of delivering up the person of this Prince The Marriage did not at the first appear unto the Duke to be the cause of this their so fervent desire it did not correspond with sense 't was a favour not to be expected from an enemy especially since the Earl himself had never been treated withal therein nor had heard any news thereof before but they reiterating their desires and adding to their efficacie by a great sum of Gold which they presented him withal he was perswaded to let him go But they were not well gone for S. Malo where they intended to take Shipping when the Duke looking narrowlier into the businesse repented the surrender of him Polydore saith that Iohn Chenlettes a very upright Gentleman and therefore beloved of the Duke was the cause of this Argentres says the same but he says he findes it not in the Chronicles of Bretaigne nor knows he from whence Polydore Virgil hath it Chenlettes was in the Countrey when he understood of the Ambassadours coming and the delivery of the Prince so as zealous for his Masters honour he hasted to him to lay before him the blame he was likely to incur by having delivered up the Earl of Richmond after having received him into his protection to his chiefest and most cruel enemy how that the obligations of assisting and giving entertainment one to another was reciprocal amongst Princes that many of his Predecessors had in the like case been received in England and Flanders and had tasted the loyalty and noblenesse of others in like manner as Richmond ought to taste his the which if he should not do his reputation would thereby receive so much the deeper stain by how much his past-goodnesse and greatnesse had been to all men known The taking his Remonstrance in good part answered that this his resolution could not redound to his blame since the Earl was to be the Kings son-in-law and to be readmitted into all his possessions Cheâ—…let replied He was deceived for that the Ambassadours being sure he never would have delivered him but upon fair terms had made this
pretence lest they might have been gainsay'd he told him he had given up the Lamb unto the Wolf and that he might be sure assoon as he was out of Bretaigne he should be miserably put to death since the King of England could not bear him any such affection contrary to his own pretended end That the King was not so simple as to marry his daughter to an enemy who laid claim unto the Kingdom nor was it likely he could believe that Affinity would root out Jealousies but rather encrease so as it would not make for him to nurse up this Adder in his bosom The Duke listned to these reasons and finding them to be true commanded Peter Landois his Treasurer who by chance was then present to post after the Ambassadours and come what come will to bring back the Earl He found them ready to imbark themselves at S. Malo and the Earl sick of a violent Feaver occasioned by the apprehension of his approaching death He told them the Duke was surprised by their request that every honest man would blame him for it that he could not deliver unto them this Gentleman without a great stain to his reputation that therefore the Duke desired them they would be pleased he might put such Guards upon him the which he promised to do as that he might not go out of that Sanctuary whither by reason of their unadvisednesse he had had recourse the Earl had taken this Sanctuary by the secret means of Peters servants or that if he did he would put him in so safe a place as Edward should have no occasion to fear him The Ambassadours were not well pleased after having found him out and paid for it to lose both cost and labour But they durst not complain thereof the Earls promised imprisonment being of more worth then their charges And though the King was thereat displeased yet the belief he gave to the Kings promise freed him of that suspition which likewise freed him of all other trouble so as according to his humour he gave himself up to all familiarity yea sometimes with such as were far unfitting company for him He invited the Maior and Aldermen of London a hunting he ate and drank with them and at the same time presented their Wives with Venison and Wine to the end that they might likewise recreate themselves the which though it relisht too much of familiarity yet was it not prejudicial since used to such as might be serviceable to him As there is no better means to win upon mens affections then affability so when it falls into excesse it causeth such a loathing as quantity of meat causeth to weak-stomacked people He was not sparing of himself to any whatsoever woman he had three Concubines besides such by whom he had had children 't was usually said when men would be bold with him that the one of them was delightful the other wilde or phantastical the third holy who was so termed because she could not be drawn from forth the Church but when sent for by him But natures too much given to the pleasures of Sense are if they be offended bitter in resentment For example as he was hunting in Warwick shire in the Park of one Thomas Burdet who was servant to his Brother the Duke of Clarence amongst many other Deer he slew a white Buck which Burdet made much account of insomuch as not knowing how otherwise to be revenged he wisht the horns in the Kings belly This wish was adjudged Treason and he together with his white Buck lost his head and all that he had I must spend the yeer 1476 in the misfortunes of Charles Duke of Burgundy since England was then unemployed and his affairs altered the face of businesse amongst Princes Charles answerable to the Agreement made with King Lewis had received S. Quintines Han Bohaine and all the Constables moveable goods together with the shame of having under trust betrayed him his brain full of vast designes bore him to difficult undertakings which chewed by imaginary confidence caused in him such evil digestion as we shall see His first wrath and the first expressions thereof were against Renatus Duke of Lorrein wherein succeeding luckily as in the taking of Nanci and the rest of that Dutchy he was blown up to fresh undertakings Because the Switzers had assaulted Burgundy and had taken many places under Iames Count de Romont Brother to the Duke of Savoy whilst he was at the siege of Nuz he resolved at one and the same time to revenge his own and the others injuries nor could they pacifie him though they offered to renounce all other Confederacies namely that of France for the heavens having ordained him to ruine did obdurate him in the wilfulnesse of his obstinate humours making him deaf to all honourable and advantageous offers He entred their Countrey with Five thousand fighting men he took Iverdon besieged Granson where Four hundred Switzers of the Canton of Berne not able to defend it retired themselves into the Castle they yeelded it up their lives saved but not observing the Agreement Eighty of them were hanged Two hundred drowned and the rest put to ransom whilst Eighteen thousand of the same Nation were come in unto their succour The Duke taking it in disdain that they durst raise their Colours against him set upon them forthwith he lost the Battel his Artillery and Baggage the particulars whereof were by him esteemed at three Millions of Gold in Tapistry Silver vessels and Jewels which for ostentation and pomps sake he had taken along with him This was the first of his three mortal misfortunate blowes which not being accustomed thereto made him fall sick this sicknesse changed his constitution and nature insomuch as where before he drank nothing but water boyled and used Conserve of Rosâ—… to qualifie his natural heat his melancholy had now so much cooled him that his Physitians made him drink lusty Wines with out water and applied Cupping-glasses to his heart to heat hiâ—… and excite blood but what is most remarkable his Senses were hereat so weakned as that his Judgement was disquieted so as the blowe which would have infused understanding into any one not totally void thereof did not so to him who was become in capable of it Gathering therefore greater Forces he went with Eighty thousand fighting men to besiege Morat a Town not very great some two leagues distant from Berne belonging to Couâ—… Romont but usurped by the Switzers The Switzers came to the succour thereof with Thirty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse accompanied by the Duke of Lorrein they gave Battel and though the Dukes Artillery made very great breaches upon their Battalions yet did they not break not stop thereupon but making good the empty places they passed on cutting in piece very many of his men and making the rest either run away oâ—… drown themselves in the Lake the Duke with much ado saving himself In my Travels thorow those
weary of the large promises made him by Charles to assist him with Powerfull succours was faine to content himselfe with very small ones in which he likewise found himselfe to be abused Whereupon thinking his men of warre upon the Narrow Seas and the troops of men he had disposed upon the Sea-coasts to be superfluous he recalled his ships and disbanded his men judging that the Nobility which inhabited the maritine parts particularly those of Wales were sufficient to take order that the enemy should not land unfought withalland unbeaten The information which was given to Richard though in effect it was false yet it bare with it so many likelyhoods of Truth as were sufficient to make him believe that the Earle of Richmond abandoned by Charles was not likely to trouble him with any forces he should receive from Him and this was the occasion Charles being in his Fourteenth yeere of age under the government of his Sister Anne wife to Peter of Bourbon Lord of Beau-ieu and according to the Ordinance of Charles the fifth his predecessour free from Guardian-ship the Princes of the Blood did notwithstanding aspire to the Regency under pretence of the weaknesse of his Constitution and of his being ill brought up he having till then been onely brought up in Childish sports not being taught so much as to Read The pretenders hereunto were the Duke of Orleans first Prince of the Blood and Peter of Bourbon in his wifes right she being thereunto named by the late Lewis and great troubles were likely hereupon to have ensued had not the State by committing the Kings person according to his fathers will to his sisters custody determined that the Kingdome should have no Regent but should be governed by the Counsell of State composed of Twelve personages to be chosen for their worth and Quality So as France being in this condition the Earle could not obtaine what was promised him since it was not the King Alone that could effect it and the Twelve though willing to assist him found many Difficulties therein but were especially hindred through feare of a Civill warre within themselves At the same time the Marquesse Dorset attempted to escape away his Mothers advertisements which filled him with high hopes and the rubbes he saw the Earle met withall made him tacke about and side with Richard He went out of Paris secretly by night taking his way for Flanders that from thence hee might passe into England but the Earle being informed thereof and having gotten leave from the King to stop him wheresoever he should be found sent into all parts after him and Humphrey Chenie had the fortune to light upon him who with Perswasions and faire Promises brought him backe otherwise he might have proved very prejudiciall to them for hee knew the very bottome of all their designes But this chance made the Earle very much apprehend that through delay he might either Lose or Ruine his friends he therefore judged it necessary to attempt that with a Few which he could not with Many He borrowed money of the King and many others to whom he left as in pawne Sir Iohn Bourchier and the Marquesse Dorset whom hee did not assie in to have him neere him Thus having assembled together certaine Souldiers hee went to Roan expecting there till the ships came to Harfleur which were to carry him over Here he understood of the death of King Richards wife how he had resolved to marry his neece who by her mother was promised unto Him and that Cecilie the Second daughter was married which was false to one of so base condition as his pedegree was not knowne hereat hee was much troubled as were likewise all the Lords that were with him since the hopes which they had built unto themselves upon the Yorkish faction were vanished by vertue of the aforesaid marriage Consultation was held what was to be done it was judged a rash resolution to undertake so dangerous a businesse with such a Handfull of people The resolutions which they pitcht upon were not to stirre till they should have new advertisements from beyond the Seas and to entice over to their party Sir Walter Herbert a Gentleman of a great family and of a great power in Wales promising that the Earle should marry His sister and to send a Gentleman to the Earle of Northumberland who had married the Other sister to the end that he might negotiate the businesse But nothing ensued hereon for finding the passage shut up the messenger returned not doing any thing But having much about the same time received Letters from Morgan Ridwell a Lawyer and a Confident of his with newes that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage two men of great retinue in Wales would declare themselves for him and that Reynald Bray had in his possession great summes of money to pay the Souldier so as he should doe well to make haste and land in Wales since delay might be prejudiciall to him hee tooke shipping on the fifteenth of August having but a few ships and two thousand Souldiers with him In seven daies space he landed at Milford-haven in Wales from whence passing on to Dale a place wherein all Winter long troopes of Souldiers had beene kept to hinder his landing he went to West-Hereford where he was entertained with all sort of content by the inhabitants Here he understood that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage had declared themselves for Richard which if it had beene true the businesse had beene ended Upon such like occasions diversity of Newes useth to be spread abroad good or bad according as people hope or suspect Those who were with him were much amated at this till they were comforted with a later advertisement Arnold Butler a very valiant Commander and one that in former times had been no great well-wisher to the Earle gave him to understand that those of Pembrokeshire were ready to obey Iasper Earle of Pembroke his unkle and their naturall Lord that therefore he might make use of this advantage the Earle being herewithall encouraged marched on to Cardigan his camp increasing every houre by people which flocked unto him But here he heard newes againe that Sir Walter Herbert he whose sister the Earle had thought to have married was in Caermarthen with intention to oppose him the which did much affright him for hee did thinke to finde him an enemy so as whilst they betake themselves to their Armes with an intention to fight with him the Scouts who were sent before to discover the Countrey returned with newes that there was no enemy to be seen the Countrey being open free and voyd of Opposition This contentment was augmented by the comming of Richard Griffith and Iohn Morgan with a great many fighting men and though Griffith was a confederate of Sir Walter Herberts and of Rice ap Thomas of whose inclinations he was doubtfull yet the Earle forbare not to march on fighting with and beating as many as opposed him
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
fitting to be made and the Souldiers ready to give the Assault News came that Peace was concluded to the great Dislike of the Army and the Madding of such who having sold their possessions upon the hopes of this Warre found themselves deceived One cause which made Henry willing to accept of Peace to boot with what have been already alleadged was for fear lest Charles might foment a New Duke of York who began then to shew himself The substance of the Agreement was That Charles should pay Seven hundred fourty five thousand Crowns for divers considerations for satisfaction of the Fifty thousand Crowns Yeerly which ought to have been pay'd but were not after the Death of Edward the Fourth as also for the Succours he had sent into Britanny which the Dutchesse Anne acknowledged her self to stand indebted for and for the Expences he had been at in this Present war The French Historians agree upon the same sum but they do not specifie the Causes why Polydore affirming that the Peace was concluded by the payment of a great sum of money adds Five and twenty thousand Crowns a yeer for Succouring of Britanny which after Charles his death and Henry's were pay'd to Henry the Eighth by Lewis the Twelfth and Francis the First who durst not deny the payment of it for fear of being set upon by him whilst they made war in Italy Charles did moreover in imitation of his father give Pensions and Presents to the chief of Henry's Court that they might either favour him the more or hinder him the lesse whereat Henry connived for it behoved him to interesse the Greatest of the Kingdom in the Peace which was but badly construed by the Rest. He endeavour'd likewise to satisfie those who for their own particular respects were discontented by shewing them what Blood and Losse of Lives would have ensued in the assaulting of Bullein together with the Small hopes they had to come off with Honour and that if he had been Successeful therein yet had he deserved Blame since what was to be gotten did not answer to the Losse of the Valiantest of his Army He made use of the same arguments to make others perswade Him to make Peace that it might be thought to have ensued from the Motion of Others not from Himself This Peace was good for Both the Kings for Charles by securing to him Britanny which by occasion of this War was like to have Stagger'd and opening a way unto him to agree with Maximilian as he did so as his Confines being secured on that side they being formerly secured on all Other he might with a quiet minde totally intend the getting of Naples a resolution which proceeded not from Lodowick Sforza who first incited him thereunto but from his natural Genius which compell'd him to undertake it notwithstanding the many Difficulties he was to meet withal especially the Want of Moneys without any real foundation Fortune when she pleases is able to make impossibilities possible 'T was good for Henry for he thereby filled his Coffers and was freed from the danger which the new Fantasm representing the Duke of York might have brought unto him had it been so strongly backt by the King of France as it was witnessed by the Dutchesse of Burgundy and seconded by the King of Scotland He feared some Insurrection from those which favour'd the White Rose for the love which the people had born him in regard of their Hatred to Richard was grown lesse so as he was now to subsist onely by his Own worth and his Wives faction failed him he having failed Her in those respects which his desire of being King in his Own Right would not permit him to use unto her His Camp being raised from before Bullein he returned by Callis for England having written to the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London before he took Shipping his reasons for Ending the War not touching upon those we have spoken of but such as he thought would Please especially that the enemy had purchas'd Peace at so High a rate this notwithstanding pleased not those who had been liberal to him in their Benevolences 't is true their distaste was lessened by his returning with his Purse full which made them believe he would not of a long time expect any thing from Them Alphonso Duke of Calabria eldest son to Ferdinand King of Naples had intreated Henry to admit him into the Order of the Garter believing the War between the Two Kings to be Endlesse He thought that to have the Honour to be of the most famous Order of Christendom would make him be respected amongst Princes and reverenced by his Subjects especially at such a time he hoped that if France should stir against his Father the King of England with opportune assistance would discharge the duty of the Fraternity but he was deceived it doth not dilate it self to so prejudicial an Obligation Honours are the Alchimy of Princes which like Gamesters Tantoes are worth as much as they are made to be worth they are not burdensom to the giver enrich not the receiver Mines are not digg'd up for them treasure is not exhausted neither have they any other Being then what Opinion gives them he that hath not merit enough in himself to deserve them is like a Sumpter-horse marked with the mark of a stately Courser The King being come to London sent him the Garter and Robes belonging to the Order by Ursewick The Order was received by Alphonso with the greatest Pomp that could be invented by any one who believes that Ostentations dazzle mens eyes and bring things to their designed Ends which happening but Sometimes did not befal Him for neither did This nor any Other industry preserve him from ruine But for that his successe belongs not to Our Story we refer the Reader to Guicchiardine's Relation The King at his arrival in England heard that the Duke of York was not slain in the Tower as he was believed to be but that he was with his Aunt Margaret in Flanders the which though Henry understood when he was in France and in his agreements had made Charles with whom he then was send him away yet he did not think the noise of this fiction was to be despised since it might breed great troubles We will relate the Beginning thereof and the resolution which he thereupon took The Dutchesse Margaret had together with her Milk suckt in hatred against the Red-Rose-faction enemy to the White from whence She descended insomuch as she spared not either for Injustice or Fraud so she might oppresse it neither did Religion or any other Scruple withhold her from doing what in her lay to destroy it She might have been contented that her Neece Elizabeth was Queen of England in default of her Two Nephews who should have inherited the Crown since they failed therein not through the cruelty of the Lancastrians but of her brother Richard yet was she not satisfied but favoured Lambert Symnel one
France assoon as the War was proclamed this man gave Charles the first advertisement of Perkin Charles sent Him together with another as Ambassadours to Perkin inviting him to come into France and offering to assist him in the regaining of England An Invitation which augmented the hair-brain'd vanity of this Impostor for being chosen by the Dutchesse of Burgundy a wise Princesse to a businesse of this weight received by the Irish undoubted enemies to the House of Lancaster and sent for by a King whose interests were concern'd in His he believed That Fortune never undertook any great businesse without finishing it not minding that Beginnings and Endings conform but Seldom and that Princes preserving themselves by their Own strengths 't is usual with Fortune to ruine such with the more certain praecipice whom she hath by unusual steps raised to the Highest point of her Wheel When he had acquainted those whom he most trusted in Ireland with this Invitation and thereby won more credit with them he went to France where he was by the King received with all honour due to the Duke of York he called him by that Title and according to that degree fitted him with House Servants and Expences and with a Guard of Souldiers under the Command of the Lord Congreshal to make him the more respected Sir George Nevil and Sir Iohn Taylor with above a Hundred other English-men waited continually upon him and the Court it self which follows the Prince's example shew'd him the like respect not but that the greatest part of the Courtiers and especially the King knew who he was but because it was expedient for them not to know him The Imposture was apparent not by his ill governing himself or through any default of his Person for he abounded in Decency and Majestie but by the true story of the true Duke of York by the Unlikelyhood and Impossibility that he should escape the hands of a Crafty Malicious Dreaded Uncle Yet did he not Long enjoy this glory for the differences being ended between the Two Kings it behoved him to be gone Henry would have had him delivered into His hands but Charles esteeming it an unworthy action would not do it He commanded him to depart his Kingdom which he forthwith did for he very much apprehended the being made the Offering in the Sacrifice of this Peace He withdrew himself into Flanders where the Dutchesse and he counterfeited their parts Strangely well he seemed as if he had never been in those parts before and she as if she had never before seen him He feigned to be fled thither as to a Sanctuary under the protection of an Aunt who for the Neernesse of Blood that was between them ought to professe her self his Mother She counterfeited Fears of being Deceived being made cautelous by the example of Lambert Symnel and this might be a counterfeit as well as He She sent oftentimes for him feigning to make an Exact scrutiny at first she seemed to be Doubtful afterwards not Clearly satisfied then more Inclining to Believe well at Last she broke forth into an Admiration and Thanksgiving praising the Divine Providence which had had commiseration on that innocent Blood and had vouchsafed to preserve him so miraculously shewing the wonderfulnesse of his blessings to him She then with much seeming Passion called him Nephew the Bud of the White-rose the Hope of the House of York and the Restorer of the Honour and Justice of England She assigned unto him a Guard of Thirty Halberdiers for his safety Now every one began to think him Really to be what he personated not imagining that a Woman could be capable of so much Cunning insomuch as if he were respected in France as a forreign Prince he was little lesse then Worshipped in Flanders as Nephew to the Dutchesse and almost as much as if he had been her Son This news being brought into England it was there greedily listened after for men do naturally love to believe things unlooked for and incredible Passions augmented this belief in such as were of that Faction in those who desired Novelties in the Discontented as also in those who loved Equity for the Crown had neither belonged to Henry nor yet to his Wife if her Brother had been alive Hereupon arose Whisperings liberty of Discourse and Complaints the present ill Government was in every man's mouth the endlesse Impositions the King 's insatiable Avarice which was the cause of a Shameful Peace after Britanny had More shamefully been suffered to be lost The Nobility were no lesse distasted they were grieved at the small account the King made of them so that All mens conceipts fell upon the same point That God being a just Judge had preserved the True Heir to seat him again in his Throne which had been Twice usurped from him for Henry had no right thereunto of Himself and had Waved his Wives right that he might reign Alone that therefore it was not to be wondred at if after so much injustice God had raised up his Brother-in-law to punish him Nor did this businesse end onely in Discourse for there were some personages of Great quality who would sound the Bottom of it amongst which were the Lord Chamberlain William Stanley brother to Henry's father-in-law he who had assisted him in the battel against Richards and may be said to have made him King the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montefort and Sir Thomas Thwaites these made choice of some people of quality to send into Flanders that upon their relation they might ground their resolutions but of many there were onely Two that would hazard themselves to undertake the businesse which was shunn'd by all the rest for if the businesse should prove fictitious they were likely to lose their Goods and Countrey Robert Clifford and William Barley were the Two both of them of good Families especially the first When they came to Flanders the Dutchesse Margaret received them with much honour and having discoursed long with Clifford that she might the better inform her self of their intentions that sent them she brought him to the sight of Perkin with whom after he had discoursed many days he wrote back into England that he was the Duke of York and that he knew him as well as he knew Himself The King was troubled at these mens going since it could not but produce dangerous consequences but the greatnesse of his spirit being averse to fear he forbare to make any extraordinaty provision against it so not to augment the credit thereof which his seeming neglect might lessen Yet he forbare not to shut up the Ports and to place such guards there as he might know who came in and out endeavouring to discover what correspondency the fugitives had He feared not the Imposture being certainly informed how the Duke of York was together with his brother put to death but it behoved him that Others should likewise be certain thereof wherefore he put as prisoners into the Tower Sir Iames
Govern them as he had done Before in which respect All the Kingdom concurr'd except some of the Nobility who had greater hopes under a New Young King then under an Old and Ancient one who being sufficiently informed of their Humours knew they were given rather to Tyrannize then to be contented with Respect from their Inferiours These Disputes caused great jealousies on all sides specially in Ferdinand for Philip following the advise of his Father the Emperour hee feared lest if they should happen to corrupt Consalvo as they had endeavour'd it they might take from him the Kingdom of Naples wherefore he recalled 2000 Spaniards from that Garrison under pretence of sending them into Africa and making the Germans be dismist he weakned the forces thereof that he might have the lesse cause of feare Amongst divers rumours which were spread abroad to discredit him with the Castillians one was that he intended to marry Ioane who was thought to be Daughter to the last King Henry who had beene a Competitresse for the Crowne with his Wife Isabel that so he would undertake the Defence of Her claime which formerly he had oppugned and thereby make himself King of Castile which he never Dream't of T is true he pretended the claime of a Father to whom the Guardian-ship of children under Age belongs of which number though Ioane were none in respect of Years yet in respect of her weaknesse she was to bee accounted one The very selfe same thing was granted in the Kingdom of Navarre to Iohn King of Arragon this mans Father The rumour of his intention of marriage was not vaine for hee Himselfe had caused it to be spread abroad from the first Beginning of the distastes that he might thereby mortifie Philip for in case she should have any Sons he deprived him of all the Kingdomes wherein He had any Propriety especially of Naples Hee pretended likewise to the Kingdome of Granada or at least to Halfe of it having gotten it with his Wife These conceits proceeded from the Dislike hee had that during the Life of Isabel Maximilian and Philip should make Peace with the King of France without His knowledge that of the Articles These were some The Marriage of Claudia Daughter to Lewis with Charles Philips eldest Son the investing of Milaine upon Lewis and his heires male if he had any and in case hee should have none upon Claudia and Charles and if Charles should happen to Dye upon Philips second Son marrying with the same Claudia so as willing to pay them with the same coyne hee not making Them acquainted therewithall made his Peace with Lewis who gave unto him for wife Germana de Fois his sisters Daughter and by title of Dowry renouncing unto him that part of the Kingdome of Naples which belonged unto Him with this obligation on the other side that Ferdinand should pay unto Him 700000 Duckets within ten yeers for the expences he had beene at in that Kingdome and should give in Dowry to his Wife 300000. more A busines which incens't Philip and made him undertake his voyage into Spaine The first contentions begate both Feare and Hope in Henry Feare that the Emperour Arch duke and King of France joyning in League together against Ferdinand hee should not only fall from being Arbitrator between those Princes as till then hee had beene but also to boote with the Prejudice that might redound to Him by their Confederacie from the advantage of his friendship with Arragon which now being left Single might be to his disadvantage Hope for that intending to marry Ioane Queene of Naples Dowager to the last Ferdinand he beleeved that Kingdome would be assigned over to Him as a Feoffee in Trust whilst the other two were in contention There were at this time in Naples two Dowager Queens the Mother and the Daughter both of them but young The first who was sister to Ferdinand King of Arragon was second Wife to Ferdinand the first King of Naples by whom shee had this second Ioane who was both Wife and Ant to Ferdinand the Second for she was sister by the Fathers side to King Alphonso who was his Father Hereupon Henry built his Designe He sent Embassadours by way of Complement unto them Both and Katharine who was Widow to Prince Arthur being Neece to the One of them and Cozin to the Other he gave unto them Letters from Her giving them particular Instructions to examine the conditions well and see what by vertue of such a Match might be hoped for in that Kingdome from thence they were to passe into Spaine as they did But when they returned hee gave over that Designe having learnt that she lived meerly upon Pensions from Ferdinand without other Lands or Iurisdictions The advantage hee got by this Embassie was to know how hee might keepe the friendship both of Ferdinand and Philip and to free himselfe from feare of Philips joyning with France and of the Marriage of Charles the Sonne of Philip to the Daughter of Lewis as was formerly a greed upon for Ferdinands Secretary had secretly treated with the Embassadours that the Princesse of France being taken from Charles contrary to the First capitulation that she might be married to the Duke of Angonlesme heire apparent to the Crowne their king should give Mary his Second daughter for wife to Charles A busines which hee was much pleased with for Charles was the Greatest match of Christendome being to inherit all that his Father Mother and Grand-father possest and to this purpose he endeavour'd as much as in himlay that there should be no breach between them in the future Amongst so many of their relations he liked not to heare that Castile desired Philip and detested Ferdinand by reason of the great Taxes and Impositions which he put upon them it being his Own very case so as upon the like reason he thought his Son might be desired and He abhorr'd the grievances imposed by Him much surpassing those of Ferdinand Those who tooke part with Philip did much importune him to come into Spaine before Ferdinand should be setled in his pretended Administration but he desirous to come thither unexpected took shipping together with his Wife in Ianuary when 't was thought hee would not have tane his journey till the next Summer He had hardly quitted the coast of Flanders when taken by a sodaine tempest his Navy was disperst upon the coast of England he himselfe lighted upon Waymouth and was brought a shore in a little Frigat His Counsell would not have had him landed since by losse of Time hee would misse of his designe of comming unexpected unto Spaine but he being sea-sick would by all means come on shore The great number of his ships had given an Alarme to the Countrey so as many troops of armed men came to Waymouth not knowing what his Fleet was nor what he would doe Sir Thomas Trenchard and Sir Iohn Carew who were their Leaders understanding the reason of
Roman Empire Where luxury and vice increase their dominion decreaseth and together with the rigor of the mind civility it selfe which is not defined by ceremoniall complements but by the strong effect of a judicious understanding England then Albion and now Britaine a Country not fully knowne before Caeâ—…ars time from the entry of the Romans fell to be one of the most noted and most glorious Monarcnies of the world She did not send multitudes of people abroad for abounding in whatsoever is requisite to nature and that in some perfection she haa no need of other Colonies nay her owne abundance and fertility was such as invited her being oppugned whilst divided and under the command of many she remayned a prey to them that did assaile her I intend not to speake of her beginning so long a work sutes not with so short a life as is mine I will take my rise from her Civill warres which will shew unto us what evill effects states divided within themselves doe produce and how that nature to render this people valiant tooke from them the apprehension of death the onely thing which makes men base and cowards not that an inclination to peace bee not to bee numbred amongst the greatest hapinesses of mankind but for that the world being what it then was and what it will be to the end humblenesse and meeknesse ought only to be accounted amongst individuall vertues So as if people be not of themselves fierce they shall alwaies be subject to the neglect and injuries of such as esteeme a pleasing behaviour no vertue but a weaknesse of nature The praise of mansuetude in one or a few is not incompatible with valour but in a whole nation it is as much to be blamed as it is the occasion of harme For vertue or vice are not judged by Morall or Theologicall termes but by the good or bad effects which from thence may ensue The Brittans were not subject to such defects and though they made triall of many ebbes of fortune being miserably inforced if we may beleeve Gilda to invoke the Roman assistance it was for that they were divided in their forces and inclinations But being brought under one absolute King they appeared to bee all members of one solide body of force not to bee conquered and of minde alternatly disposed either to preserve their reputations or dye They have obtained famous victories though fewer in number by two thirds The battell of Cressi and Poictiers witnes this unto us but more particularly those that we are to meet withall in this our story their minds were at first wholy set upon liberty so as free from forraine feare they oftentimes would boggle at their own kings who though they were absolute bad not withstanding their Monarchy so well upheld by the Lawes that they could hardly fall from regall power to oppression And though the jealousie of this libertyhath sometimes been very great in these people even to the making of them headstrong and seditious yet inconveniences which doe incidently happen ought not to be of power enough to take from the substance of that government the title of a well governed Commonwealth And though it be not voide of faults heaven being the onely perfect Monarchy yet not such as are cause of mischiefe They are not taxed or oppressed without grievance or new impositions And whereas the Country people in other parts walke bare foot and bare legged with tattered cloathes and leane lookes beere well cloathed and well liking they in substance are and in apparell seeme to be honorable and wealthy Citizens But it is plainely seene by them that men are weary of well doing For ignorant of other mens miseries when they want their wonted warres and triumphes they thinke themseves miserable whilst in comparison of as many as I know they are the happiest nation in the world Nor is the authority of their kings lessened by this liberty when they are vertuous and frugall or else esteemed of for their victories and Trophees they have done with their people even what they pleased The two Henries the 5. and the 7 in this our story not to make use of any out of it are examples of this Nor do their meane revenues in comparison of those excessive ones of other Kings make them lesse rich for free from the extortion of great men from maintaining of Citadell Garisons borse confines not troubled with Switzers dependences correspondencies spies all necessary expences be it for the preservation of ones owne or the pretending to what is anothers they need not have any more They are secure at home having no dependency but on the King for abroad the Sea is their ditch their Citadell thier Bul-warke and their ships though their chiefest charge yet ordinarily are of no vast expence Besides upon any extraordinary occurrence their treasure is locked up in their subjects purses from whence it is drawen by the usuall way of Parliament without oppression or injury to any one and what by this meanes is raysed doth not as in many other states remaine a continuall revenue to the Prince By the testimony of Philip de Comines the revenue of France in Charles the sevenths time did not exceed one hundred and fourescore thousand pound sterling Vnder Lewis the leventh they came to foure hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling the yeare 1608. under Henry the fourth three millions one hundred thousand pound sterling and at this present time under Lewis the thirteenth if the relation be not false it amounts to foure millions and five hundred thousand pounds Sterling or more Hence I inferre that the Kings of England walke in the eclyptique line of their government ruled by two just counterpoises regall authority which makes them be obeyed and the Lawes a just weight equally fitted to shape forth a well constituted Aristodemocraticall government The people enjoy their liberty provided for by the Lawes The Nobility such Honours and Offices as become their quality and the King his will in making warre or peace All confiscations and power of pardoning the Lawes not having debarred him of anything which appertaineth to an absolutely juridicall Prince I thought good to touch upon these few things for that necessary foreknowledge which may bee needfull to this our History And if they may appeare strange to such as are borne under Princes who know no other Law then their owne will they ought not to thinke it strange that governments to be good ought as all other sublunary things to bee composed of more elements then one and that their contrariety produeeth the unity which nature requires The Gentiles did not without some great mystery faine their Gods to bee bound by fate and by their swearing by the Stygian waters For Princes are these Gods their oathes by the Stygian waters the oathes which at their Coronation they take for the good of the people which would not be necessary for good Princes for goodnesse is a Law unto it selfe but as
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
the respect of the King now living All the above-named were like so many paunes at Chesse which advancing too rashly were lost whilst the great men alike inconsiderately endeavouring to mate the King met with the like fortune There was not one in the whole Nobility who did not now desire a change of government but few that did resolve to endevour it For events founded upon the uncertainty of fortune are for the most part of certaine inevitable ruine Hatred as all things else hath its degrees he who is in the last degrees cares not much to hazard himselfe till such time as happy successe is of little use and unhappy successe of inevitable danger But who is in the first degrees of hatred and therein bathed in his own bloud hath bolder resolves revenge being an intense passion and an indefatigable egger on of the spirits in offended veines The Earle of Northumberland who had lost his brother and his son the Archbishop of Yorke who had lost his brother and Maubery Earle Marshall who had lost his father an exiled man in Venice all enemies to the King in highest degree conspired his ruine taking for their colour the ordinary pretence of reformation and ease of the people oppressed with strange taxes as if to represse the attempts of France Scotland and Wales in which service they were imployed had not beene necessary as indeed it was not according to their tenets for such repression did preserve authority and did establish together with the common good the reputation and awe of a Prince which they would have oppressed and undone though to the undoing of the kingdome The Lord Hastings Falconbridge Bardolf and many others did joyne in this conspiracy the order they therein tooke was to meet all at an appointed time with their forces at Yorke under the command of the Earle of Northumberland but the Archbishops impatiency broke this designe for being returned to Yorke together with the Earle Marshall hee thought to facilitate the enterprise by honesting it so as having framed certaine articles and sent copies of them into other countries he caused them be set upon the Church doores thereby inviting the people to take armes to reforme abuses introduced by the ill administration of the present government The Archbishop was of a pleasing countenance well read and indued with much vertue so as having till this present led a blamelesse life he was free from being thought to have any evil intentions but t is usual for man to fall back from well doing and hereupon at his first becke 20000. men came flocking to him an unseasonable diligence for his confederates as likewise for himself The King was informed of all that had past and not failing in diligence in his owne affaires he had at the first noyse of this rebellion levied 30000. fighting men giving order to the Earle of Westmerland to whom he joyned a sonne of his owne very young to goe before him into these parts and to governe himselfe as occasion should require Being come to Yorke he found that the Archbishop had placed his campe forth of the city and perceiving that it was not his best to give him battell for he was much inferiour in forces he encamped himselfe over against him And changing the Lyons skin into the Foxes he sent him word that he wondred to find a man of his profession in the posture hee found him since hee could not finde any reason why he should arme the Kings people contrary to the Kings peace to the which the Archbishop answered that he so was far from infringing the Kings peace as that all that he did tended to the preservation thereof Whereupon entring upon the occasions of discontent with him that was sent unto him he shewed him the Articles and for the Earles better satisfaction hee sent them unto him by a Gentleman of his own He who had determined to do what hee did seemed to rest satisfied but that a businesse of this high nature being in question it was requisite they should meet together to treat thereof which might easily be done each of them bringing a like number of men betwixt the two campes There is no net so secure as that which is spread in the commendations of hîm who is to be deceived for the Archbishop hearing his actions applauded by him who was sent to oppose him confident to bring him over to his side made no difficulty to give him meeting And which is more brought the Earle Marshall along with him though with much adoe and contrary to his will who had in vaine used all the meanes hee could to disswade him from it Being met together with equall numbers betweene the two campes Westmerland after some short discourse seemed to bee perswaded professing that in so just a quarrell he would fight to the utmost of his life whereupon shaking hands in the fight of both armies wine was called for and given about in token of friendship and agreement a ceremony which not soone to bee ended the Earle said to the Archbishop that their differences being ended in a joynt consent it was not expedient to detain any longer so many people with such incōmodity from their houses and shops but that suddenly disbandoned it was reason they should together with them enjoy the fruits of the established reconciliation the Archbishop believed the Earle and his people him who returned to the City aboundantly content the cups went this while merily about whilst those of the Kings party gathering one by one together grew to such a multitude as that there being now no more cause of feare the Earle did at the same time arest the Archbishop and Earle Marshall plighting his faith unto them the same as hee had formerly done that they should not suffer in their lives and meeting the King at Pomfret who made what haste hee could to Yorke hee brought along with him the prisoners who much commiserated and bemoaned were adjuged to dye and were forthwith beheaded Some doe report that the Archbishop obtained of the headsman to cut off his head at five blowes in the honour of our Saviours five wounds and that the King being at dinner was at the same time by an invisible hand strucke as often in the necke remaining afterwards a Leper A thing possible to him whom all things are possible but God doth not alwaies worke according to his omnipotency for the King did neither receive these blowes neither did hee remaine a Leper to prove the falshood whereof the Archbishops tombe being devoutly flocked unto as to the tombe of a Martyr hee by publique prohibition forbad the recourse thereunto the which hee would not have done if he had beene miraculously strucke in manner aforesaid and for what concerns the name of Martyr his cause did not deserve it for he being a Pastor misled his flocke from spirituall pastorage to rebellion and to the shambles and since the judgements of the Almighty touching the falling of the just is not
The sheep being thus delivered over to the Wolfe the Duke at the very first shut him up in Saint Andrewes Castle a jurisdiction of that Archbishopricke the which after the death of the last Archbishop hee had unduly usurped under pretence of keeping it during the vacancie of that Metropolitan See but thinking him to be there too nigh the Kings eare and the Courts eye desiring rather his death then his amendment he carried him to the strong hold of Faukland a jurisdiction of his owne where he caused him to be put into a dungeon with direction that he should there dye of hunger a commission though given in secret yet by the effect sufficiently published no preparation being made in so little a place where all that was done was seene neither for the person nor nourishment of such a prisoner He had died in a few dayes and it had been better for him since die he must had he not been kept in life by the daughter of the Keeper of the Castle and a countrey Nurse who commiserated his condition and had accesse through an Orchard to the Castle The former nourished him with oaten Cakes which by little peeces shee conveyed unto him through a chinke the other gave him sucke through a small Cane the one end whereof he tooke into his mouth whilst she squiezed her milke in at the other end His keepers marvelled to see him still alive but the meanes being discovered the two charitable women were cruelly put to death the father accusing his owne daughter to prove himselfe faithfull to him that was unfaithfull and a tyrannous Governour At last when he had torne his flesh and eaten his fingers through rage by death hee put an end to his vices miseries and life This bitter accident was generally knowne every where before the King had any notice of it every one fearing to be slaine for recompence of doing so good an office Having at last hearâ—… some whispering thereof hee could not believe otherwise then as it was Great were the complaints but the brother excused himselfe deluding justice by laying the fault upon divers who were in the castle for faults deserving death whom he accused for having murdered the Prince for which they suffered death The King not herewithall satisfied but unable to revenge himselfe he publickly besought God by some miraculous judgement to punish the author of so great a wickednesse He had yet a second sonne living named Iames he was advised to send him abroad since it was not likely he who had committed so horrid a treason would stick at the murthering of him also without the which his former mischiefe would nothing availe France was thought the safest place to send him to The young Prince was with much secrecie imbarked Henry Sincleer Earle of the Orchades being given unto him for governour but having shunned Scylla hee fell as the Proverbe sayes upon Carybdis for the Marriners having cast anchor before Flemburgh in England either driven by the windes or to refresh the Prince much afflicted with seasickenesse they were known to be Scots the Prince known to be there so as he was detained and brought to Court it was long disputed at the Councell Table whether he should be suffered to depart or no but the negative prevailed His Father fearing such an incounter had given him a letter for Henry which though full of compassion and pitty did not alter the resolution taken So as hee being old deprived of his sonnes and feebly hearted gave himselfe over to griefe would take no more meate and in three daies died for meere sorrow Scotland confirmed the government of that Kingdome upon the Duke of Auboney till such time as their new King Iames should regaine his liberty Buchanan accuses King Henry for that action his chiefe reason being that he detained him whilest there was yet a truce of eight yeares betweene the two Crownes but I finde no other truce then that of the preceding yeare already expired Edward Askew treates at large upon this you may peruse him This imprisonment by consent of all Scottish writers was more happy to him then whatsoever liberty for the King gave him such education as belonged to his birth The Scotchmen are naturally given to all discipline as well speculative as active ingenious at sciences stout and valiant in warre but this Prince out did them all in aptnesse to all these for he surpassed his teachers aswell in horsemanship as in Theologie Philosophy and other liberall sciences especially in musicke and poetry wherein he proved most expert so as that fortune which was thought unhappy crowned him with glory for besides the advantage of so good education he was free from feare of his Uncle and was in his due time an introducer of learning politenesse and such arts as were not before known in Scotland it is to be observed in him that evill fortune is the best Academy for a man to profit in A rule which suffered exception in the Earle of Northumberland whose last actions we must now treate of for though an old man he died a schollar in that Academy before he had learnt the maxime of good government not using patience but in his vast thoughts plausible but pernitious counsellors resolving rather to dye then live declined a noble resolution in a better cause or upon more mature occasion He had made many journeyes into France Flanders and Wales to raise up warre and get helpe against his King all which proved of no use to him at last he returned to Scotland from whence accompanied by Bardolf he fell with great troopes of men upon Northumberland he there recovered divers Castles his army much encreasing by divers who from those parts came to assist him from thence he passed into Yorkeshire where by proclamation he invited all those to side with him who loved liberty The King at the first noise hereof went to meet him but hardly was he come to Nottingham when he understood that Sir Thomas Rookesby Shirife of that Shire had given him battell slayne him and taken Bardolf prisoner who afterwards dyed of his wounds The King did not though forbeare to pursue his journey that hee might quench the yet hot ashes of that rebellion he mulcted many and put many to death answerable to the condition of their faults The Bishop of Bangor and Abbot of Ailes who were taken prisoners in the conflict met with different fortunes according to the diversity of their habits The Abbot being taken in armour was hanged the Bishop who was clothed in the habits of his profession was pardoned the heads of the two Peers were cut off put upon the top of two speares and sent to be set upon London bridge This was the miserable end of the father sonne and brother descended from one of the noblest races that came from Normandie into England all this ruine being occasioned out of a meer capritchio of wrastling with the King and detaining in his despite the Scottish
from any thing agreed upon at Shartres the brothers sent a Herald with an opprobrious defiance wherein they intimated warre unto him and he in another altogether as bad did freely accept the chalenge not many yeares before hee had contracted a friendship with the Duke of Burbony whilst his father being alive he was onely Count Cleremont This present occasion serving for ballance to weigh friends and no friends he sent a messenger to him of purpose to put him in mind how they were reciprocally obliged one to another by their former contract of friendship Burbony having considerately thought upon an answer detesting his ambition and being by bloud allied unto the three brothers their father being sonne to a sister of his thought it better became him to faile him then them so as renouncing the pretended confederacy he declared himselfe for the brothers on the contrary side the two chiefe Cities Amiens and Paris declared themselves for Burgundy whereupon he possessing the persons of King Queen and Dolphin who were wholly governed by such as had dependance on them did not doubt utterly to defeat his enemies Those of Orleans did the first hostile act They held many places in Picardy kept by their garrisons as most exposed to the frontiers of the enemy but not being thereby so strong as was requisite they endeavoured by the meanes of Clignet of Brabant to surprise Retell and Bapomus an enterprise of great consequence if it had succeded Berry this meane while pretended at least seemed to be a neuter the Queen being at Melune he went thither to come along with her to Paris but the Parisians thinking him to be no friend to Burgundy forewarned him not to come and the more to witnesse their dislike of him they broke all the windowes and doores of his house making it unfit for him to come into The which being done they recalled the Queene they likewise broke the bridges which were upon the Scene to hinder the passage of the Orleanists and brought the King from Saint Pauls to the Louvre keeping a good guard about him to the end he might not be by them surprised and taken away so as this infirme afflicted Prince was made a very image by those that kept him and the regall authority was made a cloake to cover the passions of such as did possesse him All which things doe cleerely shew us that nature hath not indued the common people with the vertue of mediocrity so as they terrifie where they are not kept in awe pretend to governe if not governed and where the scepter keeps them not within their bounds they will use their free will But it being no time now to temporise and the King not able of himselfe to end the differences or inforce obedience upon two strong factions it behoved him to doe amisse to shunne doing worse to joine with one of them and not able for want of forces to chuse whether to accept of that side which he could not refuse for it much availed him to keepe soveraignty still on foote though but permitted by the helpe of one of the factions for it might fall out that the one faction being defeated might so weaken the other that the regall forces might prove the master strength All fit considerations but in this case deceitfull Factions which are favoured by the people as was this of Burgundy not being easily suppressed the Nobility were by the King commanded to side against the three brothers so as their affaires being by regall favour abandoned their hopes were very small and the Duke of Burgundy being sent for by the Dolphin his sonne in law came into France with 50000. fighting men drawne out of his commons in Flanders who freer then becomes a free Prince to suffer would not serve him unlesse conditionally as that their time of service might be limited and that all such prey as they should make should be their own an evident proofe that they went rather to pillage then do service with these sort of people after he had taken all the Townes that were upon the Soame from whence all their garrisons fled having made experience of their cruelty by the example of those of Ham he encamped himselfe under Mondedier where the enemy was encamped with intention of giving him battell and whilest he thought to order his troopes being assured of the victory by reason of his advantages the Dutchmen having fired their huts and being loaded with prey and prisoners returned home alledging that their time of service was expired nor was it in his power by intreaties or faire promises to detaine them one day longer Hee was moreover inforced to give them his brother for their guide till such time as they should come into a safe abode whilst hee himselfe with those few which remained with him retired to Perona The Orleanists who were resolved to fight seeing him gone went towards Paris to endeavour an entrance into the Towne that they might possesse themselves of the Kings person without which all their actions though never so just were subject to perpetuall blame for the Princes presence in civill dissentions is onely able to justifie injustice and make a fault meritorious but it was impossile for them to enter the Towne for the hatred the inhabitants bore unto their father was not buried with him They had better successe in Saint Denis a Towne not above two little leagues distant where getting leave to come in they fortified themselves receiving thereby much commodity to fight with the Parisians The Duke of Burgundy being during this time gone to Arras found there Thomas Earle of Arundell together with Sir Gilbert and Sir Robert Vmfreville and Sir Iohn Gray who had brought unto him 1200. Archers sent unto him by King Henry They had made a confederacy upon hopes of a marriage betweene a daughter of the Dukes and the Prince of Wales with these and some 6000. more of his owne men he went to Pontoise where he stayed to augment his army which he easily might doe for the King having a few dayes before proclaimed the Dukes of Berry Orleans and Burbon the Counts of Vertu Angolesme Alanson and Arminiack all to bee traytors Charles Albret likewise and all adherents the souldiers forsooke them of those that fled unto him the Count Pontiure brother to the Duke of Britany his sonne in law was one having assembled such people as he desired he came with 15000. horse to Paris and was met by his brother the Count de Nevers by the City by the Councell and at his entrance into the Louvre by the Dolphin his son in law Having allowed his souldiers a little rest he sallied forth one night and recovered Saint Claude which had beene taken by the Orleanists in which enterprise they used so much slaughter as that the Orleanists were likewise forced to quit Saint Denis going away by night with intention to returne when they should bee reinforced All that were taken prisoners were put to death and the
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
of reason they had required of him Assoone as they were gone the first thing he did was to secure the consines upon Scotland by adding to the Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroope Lord Greystock and Sir Robert Vmfrevill The last of which desirous to trie his fortune set upon the enemy of Godering where hee slew 600. of them and tooke 300. prisoners whilst the King sent a Herald into France with new letters of defiance who having accesse unto the Councell but not unto the King departed with this replie That answer should be made in time and place convenient The King was a ship-board in Antona when he was informed that the Earle of Cambridge the Lord Henry Scroope and Sir Thomas Grey had conspired his death This was the onely mischiefe undertaking against him though in vaine by the raging bloud of Civill ware More certainly would have beene indeavoured had it not beene for the warres with France which hindred such attempts whilst it served for a cauter to the bad humours of England This Princes misfortunes were put over to those that followed him for the cautery being closed up after his death produced such sicknesse as slew his sonne and grandchild as wee shall see in the second Volume The three Conspirators were apprehended The first was grandsonne to Edward the third cousen german to Richard the second and Henry the fourth and brother to the Duke of Yorke a Prince of great expectation one of whom England and the King himselfe did promise unto themselves deeds worthy of his birth in these present occasions he easily confessed I will not say the truth but that which being likely to be true redounded to his advantage that it should be beleeved He confessed that he and the other two had beene bribed by great summes of money received by the way of anticipation which caused them resolve since it was impossible for them to deliver him alive into the French mens hands to kill him before he should set footing in Normandy This did very much afflict the King he thought it improbale that men of so great fortunes should be capable of so base corruption for in his person they betrayed their Country exposed the very flower of England to the slaughter and cut the very nerves of the fortune of the land He bewailed the fault but did not perceive the true occasion of the treason which if he had done he had perhaps by rooting out the house of Yorke prevented the ruine wich was a framing against his house of Lancaster But humanity attains not to the secrets of above and if it did it is not wise enough to divert the wisdome of heaven God is as well the reward of good in thousands as he is the punisher of evill in the third fourth generation In Richard the 2. he punished the death of Edward the second In Henry the sixt and his sonne the death of Richard the second In Edward the fifth and his brother the death of Henry the sixt and his sonne And in Richard the third the death of Edward the fifth and his brother and yet hee was pleased to suffer those to dye in peace which were the authors thereof I would not place Edward the third in this number if his mothers fault did not in some sort lay upon him the aspersion of parricide Henry the fourth who murthered Richard the second and Edward the 4. who murthered Henry the sixt remained all unpunished But to Richard the second he denyed life perhaps repentance his inhumanity not deserving successor nor pardon And though he died a violent death yet not so ill as he deserved for who doth live through cruelty should through cruelty die It was not credited that the Earle of Cambridge was corrupted by France as he himself said but of his own accord for being married to Anne great grandchild to Lionell Duke of Clarence and sister to Edmond Earle of March to whom the Crowne did of right belong his designe was to kill the King and his brethren that so he might make his brother in law King who having no children nor in a capacity of having any he and his sonne were to succeed in the right of Anne so as fearing lest to confesse the truth might endanger his heires life he framed this fable He and his complices were beheaded And though he was pittied by all yet his resolving upon so wicked a deed in the nicke of so important a businesse to the common losse and danger did much abate their commiseration for his death was thought expedient for the life and safety of King and and subjects Walsingham writes that the Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer whose hypocrisie had wonne so much of credit with the King that nothing was done without his approvall was he who was corrupted by the Embassadors of France and that the other two received their infection from him That the Embassadors being returned home reported that they had so ordered the businesse that King Henry was as then either diverted from the enterprise of France or slaine A manuscript cited by Iohn Speed saith that the King of France gave them a million of Crownes that they might either kill him or deliver him up prisoner into his hands and that the Earle of Cambridge desirous to draw the Earle of March unto his party revealed the designe unto him forcing him by threats to sweare secrecy and that having obtained one onely hour for resolution the Earle of Marsh accused him unto the King The sentence of death which in history is recorded saith That it was so wrought as that the Earle of Marsh should take upon him the government of the Kingdome in case Richard the 2. were dead there remained still an opinion that he was yet living in Scotland and that he should be proclaimed heire to the Crown in opposition to Henry of Lancaster usurper The which doth partly correspond with the manuscript as likewise that the Earle of Marsh was the accuser it being probable that having no children and voide of ambition and of a peacefull condition he would not hazard his life to satisfie his brother in lawes ambition But it is not possible that the King of France should have payed this mony for if so it would have beene found after the delinquents death and some mention would have been made thereof Moreover the revenues of France in those daies not amounting by much to so great a sum it must of necessity either be taken out of an already gathered treasure or from the common peoples purse not from the treasury for Princes lay up treasure onely in peace and by good government both which were a long time unknowne to that Kingdome Not from the purse of the common people for it was impossible in such an instant and with so much secrecy to have drawne it from them So as for what appeares to me the reasons alledged in their sentence ought most to be beleeved the rather for that King Henry did never upbraid
him before him said That the multitude of men slaine which he saw there was no worke of his but the worke of God Almighty to punish the unjust usurpation of France That therefore he willed him to say whether he thought he or the King of France had wonne the battell To the which Monijoy replied that his Majesties victory was so apparent as there was no place allowed for dispute the King then looking round about desired to know the name of the Castle which was neerest to the two campes and understanding that the name thereof was Aiencourt from henceforth said he this battell shall be called the battell of Aiencourt He then granted him all he demanded but the souldiers desired first to view the field and to take such prisoners as did yet live and to take from such as were dead their gold and jewells what else they had of value leaving them their apparrell of the which they were afterwards by the Country people stript The number of the slaine according to Monstrelet were above 10000. of the which 9000. gentlemen He registers the names of the chiefest of them in a particular Chapter It will suffice us to know the names of the Princes and chiefe commanders Of Princes there died the Duke of Brabant and Gount de Nevers both brothers to the Duke of Burgony The Duke of Barre and his brother Iohn the Duke of Alenson The Counts of Marle Vademont Blamont Grampre Roussi Faucumberg and Lewis of Burbon of chiefe commanders Charles Albret Constable Dampiere the Admirall Ramburres generall of the crossebowes and Guishard Master of the Kings houshold The prisoners were the Dukes of Orleans and Burbon the Counts Ew Vandosme Richmont the Marshall Bonchiquâ—…t and eighteene Gentlemen of name beside others Of those who were slaine of the English side reports do very much differ Paulus Aemilius sets downe 200. naming the Duke of Yorke for one whom he calls the Kings brother Gaguine sets downe 400. comprehending the said Duke with the said error Monstrelet 1600. Duplex the same number adding a great many that were wounded which as he saith did almost all die Of the English writers Grafton saith betweene 500. and 600. other betweene 20. and 26. Edward Hall who comprehends the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke Sir Richard Kikely and David Game the onely men of note saith there were not above five and twenty slaine Let who please beleeve miracles But in all reason it is likely that having fought three whole houres with so great a number of enemies the relation of 500. or 600. is the truest David Game the last of the foure above named and one whom the King much esteemed as one of the bravest and most judicious souldiers of his campe being sent the night before to make an estimate of the number of the enemy went to the top of an hill and seeing all the Champion covered with tents and blazing with fires brought word backe that there were enough of them to be slaine enough to be taken prisoners and enough to be made runne away When the King was come to Calleis he found there the prisoners of Harfleur who according to their promise were come to present themselves unto him Assoone as he had dispatcht them and refreshed his men he passed into England meeting in so short a passage with so terrible a tempest of winds as it drove two ships loaden with souldiers into Zeland without the losse of any one vessell yet some write otherwise he was received in triumph with processions and other magnificences He tooke order for the safety of his prisoners and caused the Duke of Yorke and Earle of Suffolkes funeralls to be splendidly celebrated The afflictions wherewith France was in generall wounded would more particularly have touched upon the Duke of Burgony by reason of the death of his brothers had not the imprisonment of Orleans and Angolesme and the death of Alenson served him for defensive weapons It cannot be easily judged whether of these two prevailed most with him till it be resolved whether the love of friends or hatred of enemies be of most power in humane affections But who shall well consider it will finde that in an ambitious and revengefull minde the excesse of hatred is greater then naturall affection is Few are seene who to inherit their possessions would not be content to lose their brethren and very few who doe not forget the love to their owne bloud when at the charge of their friends they may revenge themselves upon their enemies But whereas hatred proceeds from injuries from the which as being done not received evill is to be expected without the concurring of any other passion It is able to corrupt whatsoever nature much more the Dukes nature which was already corrupted And t is to bee beleeved that the private and publicke losse he suffered in this battell did not more afflict him then he was joyed at the benefit hee received by his enemies being oppressed Hence it was that seeing himselfe voide of competitors he resolved immediately to go to Paris to resume that authority the desire whereof had caused him to cause the Duke of Orleans father to this present Duke be slaine to breake so many covenants made with his sonnes and to reduce the faire and rich Country of France almost to gastlinesse and poverty But the present condition of government did not permit him to enter in a peacefull manner for the King being possest by the contrary faction those of his party being or excluded or banished the Dolphin though his sonne in law evilly conceited of him if he came not in a condition to give the Law he ranne hazard of suffering it both in his life and livelyhood Having then levyed 10000. horse he tooke his journey but assoon as his designe was heard of King Charles laying aside all other busines endeavoured to stop his comming He strictly forbad all Cities and Towns to permit him entrance and that he might oppose unto him a man of valor of the contrary faction he recalled from Gascony with the offer of being Constable of France the Count Armignack who willingly came drawne rather through hatred to the Duke then ambition of the honour The Duke seeing those gates shut upon him which he thought to have found throwne open and that the Count Armignacke was arived at Paris with great troopes of men from Gascony and Languedock and that he had received the sword the badge of Constableship to the end that he might wield it against him tarried at Lagni where in a short time he was 20000. horse strong remooving all obstacles which might withstand his entrance into Paris not unarmed and with his particular family as he was permitted to doe but armed in the head of twenty thousand horse alledging the same reasons to obtaine his entrance as the King did to deny it During these disputes Lewis the Dolphin died of a fever but according to the opinion of most of poyson being by
the Orleanist thought no lesse a bosome friend then sonne in law to the Duke I know not though what judgement to give herein the tokens of this friendship his alliance set aside being very slight For at Burges he appeared against him and in other places upon other occasions seemed but very meanly to favour him he had quitted his wife the Dukes daughter for some affection he had elsewhere nor would he have resumed her if not threatned to have the treaty of Arras broken besides the Dolphin of his owne nature was not constant in his friendship opiniatred onely in odde fancies not over thankefull to his father and as much ignorant of government as he was presumptuous and headstrong Serres notwithstanding calls him terror of Burgony but without cause for had the Dolphin lived he had runne no danger for in time he might easily have won him by his subtilnesse And though through the antipathy of ambition he appeared against him yet it is not likely that he would have forgone that respect which as to a father in law he owed him This his death was rather thought and assuredly was a great blow to the Dukes fortune to the which he began to give way and retired himselfe to Flanders failing in what hee intended in France The Emperour Sigismond had all this while endeavoured as much as he might the peace of the Church which not likely to effect without the assistance of other Princes for to send their Prelates and Embassadours to the Councell was not of force enough against the stubbornesse of three titulary Popes which required a coactive authority to incline them to reason he resolved to goe himselfe to France whether he came with 800. horse and finding that it was impossible to compasse his designes without the peace of the two Kingdomes he meant to endeavour it And having laid the ground-worke thereof with Charles he procured Embassadors from France to goe along with him to England that he might the better treat thereof in their presence He was received by Henry with all due respects William Count of Hannault came thither likewise in person to the same end and shortly after the Embassadors of many Princes amongst which were those of the Duke of Burgony in greater magnificence then all the rest But the propositions which were propounded to King Henry were far short of what he pretended unto and of his good successe by the which he seemed to be inwardly advised to the contrary He forbare not though in thankes to so great a mediator to send Embassadors to Bavaois where as an introduction to the businesse a truce was propounded together with the ransome of such prisoners as were in England Things which easily might have beene agreed upon had not an accident happened which hindred all agreement the which though it be by Chesnes denyed his arguments for confutation are very weake The Duke of Exceter governour of Harfleur was gone forth with 3000. souldiers to scoure the parts neer about Roan against whom the Constable opposed himselfe with 5000. The French writers say it was Monsieur de Villaquiers and not the Constable and that he had but 3000. men They fought and 300. of the Dukes men were slaine the French say 1800. so as finding himselfe to be the weaker the Duke retired himselfe into an Orchard incompassed with a hedge of thornes where he staied the rest of that day and the next night As he retired upon breake of day towards Harfleur he was overtaken and set upon againe neere unto the City from whence new succours issuing forth he put the enemy to route Villaquiers himselfe being one of those that were slaine But however it were the Constable having for his first enterprise resolved to drive the English out of Normandy he besieged Harfleur and though he saw that this resolution would wholly break the treaty of peace yet was he so desirously confident to winne it that hee would not raise his siege though he was commanded so to doe Whereat King Henry being offended he recalled his Embassadors intended to have gone to the succour thereof himselfe in person and had done so had he not beene by the Emperour disswaded Being then perswaded to send away others in his steade he dispatched away the Duke of Bedford with 200 ships the French authors say 300. and with him many Lords and Gentlemen with whom he arrived there the day of the assumption of our Lady a fatall day aswell to the keeping of Harfleur as it was to the winning thereof for the yeare before the King came thither upon the Eve of that day The City was narrowly besieged by sea and land Vicount Narbonne Vice-admirall of France presented himselfe before it with a great fleet before the Constable came thither hoping alone to have surprised it by taking the defendents at unawares But being discovered and driven backe he was contented to have company in the continuance of the siege he gave many assaults into the Town but little good was done either by sea or land When he discried the English fleete hee prepared for fight and went into the mouth of the River The Duke did not refuse the encounter but sending some of his stoutest ships before to beginne the bickering he with all the rest seconded them resolving either to die or overcome They fought a long while with equall courage and obstinacy tillat last fortune favouring the English the enemies ships which what great what little were in number 500. were all of them almost either taken or sunke amongst which were three great Carrects of Genua which being afterwards sent into England did witnesse the defeate The Duke having reinforced the garrison with monies and men returned home the Constable having raised his siege assoone as the Navy was defeated The Emperour who sufficiently knew that it was lost time to tarry any longer in England touching the matter of peace provided for his departure The King had conferred upon him and the Count Hannault at their first comming the order of the garter and they were installed with extraordinary pompe at Winsor The Count was already gone the Emperour being likewise to be gone the affairs of Germany and of the Councell recalling him the King would waite upon him to Calleis a strait league being agreed on between them which having caused jealousies in divers Princes was the cause why the Duke of Burgony desired to speak with them both before they parted And because the declared war did not permit him to adventure his person to a profest enemy or at least he would have it so beleeved the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Marsh were sent unto him for ostages and he was met and brought to Calleis by the Earle of Warwicke This meane while his sonne Philip Count Caralois having with much honour received the ostages led them to lodge in Saint Omers And the next morning going to give the good morrow to the Duke of Glocester who was standing with his backe
Towrs under the custody of three of his confidents And that this her banishment might be irrevocable he interessed the Dolphin therein making him under pretence of the necessity of the warre seize upon such treasure as she had gathered and placed in certaine Churches and Monasteries as in so many Sanctuaries An action which caused in her such hatred against her sonne as hoping for revenge she by his ruine who was her onely sonne wrought the ruine of France which things though their successe were uncertaine yet nothing of good could be conjectured thereby So as they being by King Henry well examined he hasted to call a Parliament propounding the continuation of the warre which was embraced with much applause and monies to that purpose readily paid downe nothing but good successe being to be hoped for whilst matters went thus The King to make himselfe Master of the Sea dispatcht away Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his Admirall sonne to that Duke of Exceter who was beheaded the first yeare of Henry the fourth a yong man whom he much favoured not so much for that hee was cousin german borne of Isabell his fathers sister as that his conditions did deserve it He on the other side desirous by some honorable atchievement to augment the Kings favour departed resolute to doe some action worthy of the opinion which was conceived of him The bastard of Burbon was Captaine of the French fleet of equall force with the Earle in one onely thing surpassing him that being guarded about by nine Genway Carracts as by so many fortresses he thought them alone sufficient to secure him from all the enemies forces so as seeking him out and finding him who did not hide himselfe they came to blowes Their equall courage and valour held the balance a long time equall till such time as the English prevailing Burbon was taken prisoner and of the nine Carracts three were sunke and three were taken and amongst the prey the mony which was allowed for halfe a yeares payment of the fleet The which being taken by the King as a good omen he tooke shipping at Portsmouth waited upon by many of the nobility and followed by his two brothers Clarence and Gloster leaving his third brother Bedford Regent He landed at Tongues a Castle in Normandy which in foure daies surrendred it selfe as with the like speed did Harcourt Beaumont Ereux Falese Baiensa Lisâ—…aux Corances Aurenches and other places Caen a Towne well peopled strong and one of the Bulwarkes of that Province stood out resolutely and not listning to any termes of surrendring it was soone after taken by assault and sackt The Castle as Monstrelet saith held out three weekes longer and seven weekes according to Duplex whilst the English say that all manner of rigour being denounced against the defendants if they would not yeeld after the first day Monsieur de la Faietta and Monsieur de Montene despairing of succour came forth within the limited time All the riches and ornaments of the neighbouring Townes were found there as placed in a safe place No man durst lay hands upon them for whosoever did was unavoidable to be put to death They were by the Kings directions restored to the Monasteries and Churches to which they did belong The which purchased him the good will of the Country and helped him in his succeeding enterprises Religious actions unfainedly done have power to molifie even those breasts which hardned with hatred would for all other meanes prove obstinate and irreconciliable Chereburg and Ponte del Arco were next Caen the most considerable Forts for the conquest of Normandy A particular account must be given of Roan by it selfe The King sent the Duke of Glocester to Chereburg who finding it provided with men munition and victualls spent tenne months there in vaine in which time when he could not get the gates open by battery force nor industry the avarice of Iohn d'Engenes the governour thereof threw them open unto him which proved afterwards a gaine which caused his death for having by this infamously purchased money received a safe conduct for a certaine limited time during the which he might trade where ever the King of England did command for he could not in reason trust himselfe in France he was in Roan after the City was yeelded up unto the English and tarring there relying upon some when his set time was expired his head was cut off the presence of a traitor smells so ranke in the nose of a noble Prince and lover of vertue After this many other places yeelded incited thereunto by the King having made it to bee proclaimed that all men should enjoy their goods and priviledges and that he would treate with all such as with his naturall subjects who uninforced would put themselves under his government so as in little more then a yeare his ensignes were seene flourishing in every place nothing almost remaining to the entire conquest of Normandy but the Metroplitan Roan proceedings sprung from the Prince his worth and souldiers valour but facilitated by the enemies disunion it being in them made true that desolation must needes ensue where a Kingdome is divided within it selfe And that as amongst the passions of the minde there is none so great as that of hatred so all hatreds must give place to the violence of civill or home hatred The City of Roan in the losse of all those Towns which as to the head of the Province were under her had her eye more fixt upon France then upon her owne eminent danger for being a principall member thereof she thought she should be cut off and made no member if she did not partake of her infections and her inhabitants imitating the Parisians in wealth riches would have thought their honour had bin concerned if they should not likewise emulate themin their seditions Being then resolved equally with them to favour the Duke of Burgony they made an insurrection under the conduct of Allen Blancard a partaker with the Duke and having slaine the governour and some of the officers and chiefe Citizens they would make themselves masters of the Castle a place requisite for their safeties after so sottish a rebellion and were repulsed by Iames of Burbon Signieur de Preaux who had the command of it so as their ill successe causing repentance they were forced to flye for protection to the same Burbon whom they had but just then so unjustly offended So rash and haire braine bold are the people in stumbling upon offences and so affrontedly presumptuous in the choice of their remedies But the Dolphin who was come thither with an intention to give them exemplary punishment meeting with unexpected difficulties did cloake his ill will and pardoned the fault the which without much danger he could not punish But since I am to speak much of this Prince I crave permission to describe him to you in foure lines that you may the better know him He was borne under a
Nobility of France were not likely to deny him obedience being so great a Prince that together with the Nobility of France hee would bee followed by that of Britany that if hee could not so farre prevaile with the Duke his Brother as to make him declare himselfe for the French hee might at least divert him from the English and free France of the jealousies they had of him that the like was to bee hoped from Philip Duke of Burgundy for being no lesse his friend then Parent there was none more fitter then hee to sowe the seeds of that reconciliation from which was to bee expected the expulsion of the English the peace of France and his owne establishment but as hee did wisely resolve upon so did hee inconsiderately begin this busines for this not being to bee treated of without the Dukes consent Hee sent unto him Monsieur D'Omale and together with him Iohn Louvet President of Provence who was by him hated to death as being one of those that had advised his imprisonment so as having given him a coole audience he roundly answered that if his brother would he might accept the offer but not by his consent and likely he was to have treated him ill favourdly had it not beene in respect to him that sent him the which being by Charles conceived he intreated the Queene of Scicily to goe her selfe in person to him giving her for an Assistant Tannigues d' Chausteau who being better received then were the former Ambassadors the businesse was referred to the Councell The Duke had no reason to trust the King knowing that his delay would make him equally enemy to the English and to Philip which could not but oppugne his interests For though hee had broken the confederacy at Amyens that he might accord with him yet was he not at enmity with them nor linck't to him save onely that hee might remaine a Neuterall the troubles caused unto him by Charles and Charles his father in times past kept him in perpetuall suspition neither did he looke for any better were Charles in prosperous condition for the Kings of France have alwayes sought how to molest the Dukes of Britanny in their prerogative and soveraigntie chusing them for brethren in their miseries that they might partake with them therein and never owning them in their prosperitie unlesse it were to insnare them never reasonable nor just but in adversitie and neede besides he had not forgot that at the taking of Chantonceaux he had met with some of his letters though he denied them wherein hee assured the two brothers of Pointevers of his protection when under pretence of feasting him they invited him to their house and afterwards kept him many moneths prisoner in Irons so as such a friendship could not bee esteemed advantageous In effect it had made for him that France had beene perpetually agitated for being respected by both sides each of them needing his friendship he remained safe and free whilst wanting leasure to worke his ruine they ruinated one another but that which most of all perplext him was the new affinitie betweene his brother and Philip which did not permit him to resolve on any thing that might displease him 'T was notwithstanding concluded that the Count should goe himselfe to treat thereof upon condition that his returne might be secured by equivolent Hostages and that Philip should bee therewithall contented to whom Ambassadors were forth with sent who brought backe his consent upon certaine conditions And Charles having put into the Counts custody besides the foure townes Lusignan Chinon Loches and Meung William Albret and the bastard of Orleans to be Hostages in Britany went to Angiers where the Count accompanied by many of the Nobilitie met him for what belonged unto the charge offer'd unto him he at the first did with much modedesty excuse himselfe alleadging his unexperience in the affaires of France afterwards he seemed willing to accept thereof if his brother and the Dukes of Burgundy and Savoy were contented Anedens the eighth the first that bore this title was Duke of Savoy His interests with the Duke of Burgony were the friendship contracted betweene them by reason of their antient jealousie of the greatnesse of France after that Dolpheny was united to France and their neare affinitie Amedens his wife who was daughter to Philip the faire being Aunt to Iohn father to the present Philip surnamed the good the Count having with this resolution taken his leave returned to Britany and having surrendred up the Townes and Hostages went with his brothers approbation to speake with the aforesaid Dukes from whom he obtained their desired assent At Chinon hee received the sword from Charles according as the custome is upon condition that the Bishop of Cleremont the President of Province the Bastard of Orleans his sonne in law William d' Avogour and some others who had a hand in the Duke of Britanies imprisonment should bee banished the Court. Tannignes de Chasteau whom Philip beleeved to have given the deaths wound to his father was of the number of the banished Charles was hardly brought to this for hee valued this faithfull and valiant gentleman as his Father and although hee promised all this yet would he not have observed it neither in those nor this had not necessity inforced him For having given order to the new Constable to raise forces in Britany and having sent to Savoy to the same effect he was absolutely denyed by those Princes for that hee had not observed what hee had promised Whereupon Tannignes more respecting his masters necessitie then himselfe advised him not to love the favour of such Princes and service of great men by keeping with him contrary to his promise people of so small consideration as were he and the rest And though the aforesaid Princes beleeved amisse at least for what concerned himselfe for 't was not hee that slew the Duke of Burgundy yet the mischiefe would fall upon him that as times should alter Hee might recall them whilest for the present hee was to preserve the good will of his Parents and of such whose service might bee usefull to him Hee onely desir'd him that being growne old in his service hee would take such order as that hee might not perish for want of food wherein Charles did not onely satisfie him but suffering him much against his will to depart Hee assured him that as long as hee lived hee would account him as his Father Hee gave unto him Beauciere for his place of abode together with the Government and emolument thereof 15. Archers well payd for his Guard pensions well assign'd and confirm'd unto him the office of Provost of Paris the which though in the enemies hands was of reputation and profit unto him The President of Provence did not willingly withdraw himselfe as did Tannignes but much against his will into Province leaving two Daughters very well matched the one to Monsieur de Ioyense the other to the Bastard
affrighted at so great a wonder if they were both Miracles and that the English concealed the one by stealing away her heart they could not conceale the other since the dove flew away to the skie in midst of flames and in the sight of all men whereby her innocency sanctity and martyrdome the injustice of her judges and the infidelity of the English spiritually blind to so apparent a miracle might haue clearly appeared to the World Neither would Varan have beene the onely relater hereof for France the whole World and England itselfe would in despight of her selfe have confessed it for what remaines that the Judges who condemned her came all to an evill end it might bee beleeved suppose it were so if a death according to humane appearance happy were an argument of a mans uprightnesse The just would then have reason to judge themselves more then all the Judges of the World since amongst the unjust which are innumerable few or very seldome any come to apparent punishment But I am of opinion that according to Christian piety it would bee safer to beleeve that as of good men there are more miserable then fortunate and of bad more fortunate then unfortunate so God reserves to his owne good will as well the reward as the punishment changing the good and evill of this World with the good and evill of the World to come our judgements in this case being oblique false and not belonging to us The last argument of her innocency the most solid and hardest of all the rest to bee answered is that 26. yeares after when the English were driven out and Charles established shee was declared innocent by a Comissioner deligated from Calistus the third but the Pope had nothing to doe herein more then his delegation an ordinary title upon such occasions Princes though delegated by God are not alwayes just neither could the Popes assigne them to that office but upon the place where the testimonials were to bee examined so as the Arch-Bishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Paris Commissioners and the Bishop of Constance who were joyned with them are liable to the like oppositions by the English as were the Bishop of Beauvois and his associates by the French These opposed as having dependancy upon England those as depending upon France the witnesses of her condemnation partiall to Henry the witnesses of her absolution partiall to Charles shee was condemn'd by those who had dependancy on the one and absolv'd by those who did depend upon the other and yet in a case so favour'd as that none did oppose it where the interest of no third Person was treated off and a Party being in question to whom France ought so much as also Charles his right to that kingdome declarable by the ablution of the condemned as sent from God to this purpose what was the reason why according to Giles many of those that were cited did not appeare if it were not either that they would not depose against their consciences or els were loth to offend the King by deposing the truth the which being well foreseene by the Commissioners they failed not to adde this clause in their letters to proceed notwithstanding the contumacy of such as being cited would not appeare Finally if her innocency had beene totally clear'd by this absolution it was impossible that any forraine penne much lesse those of France should have defamed her but rather her pretended sanctity being granted her revelations missionem predictions apparitions of Spirits and blessed Soules her Canonization was not to have beene pretermitted which for all this was neither procured nor thought upon by any one for say that all these patchings were taken for things as cleare as day her change of habite her profession of Armes against Christians and Catholique Christians Her cruelty her thirst after bloud her having served in an Inne her fictions hipocrisie and dishonesty though not true were of too scandalous suspition to suffer her to pretend to bee a Saint Notwithstanding let her not want the praise shee did deserve Shee was a brave and a valiant Amazone the restorer of that Kingdome and if shee did not drive the English from thence as shee her selfe had vaunted shee was if not the onely the chiefe or at least one of the chiefe causes why the English lost France They had resolved upon Henries coronation hoping for the like good effects as upon the same occasion had ensued to his Compâ—…itor not observing that if this were the essentiall reason of his advancements they were notwithstanding deceived for there was a certaine place appointed for the coronation and circumstances not to bee pretermitted nor were they omitted by Charles in what the condition of times would suffer him that Rheimes was the place appointed for this ceremony that the oyle brought by a dove from Saint Remigiâ—… as they write was to bee used in the annointing of the King and that the inclination of the people was to intervene which Henry wanted So as if hee had beene crown'd in Rheimes and annointed with the reputed heavenly oyle his fortune was not thought to change since it did not proceed from those extrinsicall actions but from humane affections after divine providence which is the onely cause of our good or bad fortune and which being inscrutable is not discovered by any events neither doth it declare unto us whether wee bee worthy of love or hatred favours and disfavours from Heaven are by us interpreted a like beneficiall to us for if wee repute favours a signe of Gods grace wee account his disfavours likewise as markes of his love since hee correcteth and chastneth those that hee loves then since wee are certaine of nothing more then of our noâ—… deserving of good and of our meriting of evill wee ought not to grow proud in prosperity nor to bee cast downe by adversity but to receive scourges with hope and good fortune with feare since wee know not what may thereby happen unto us the which wee see in Charles for being freed from his forraigne enemies the enmitie of his sonne threw him into an abysse of so many jealousies and suspitions as they brought him to die a death which no Prince ever did so as it rests in doubt whether his favours were divine graces or rather meanes to bring him to a miserable end but however it was Henry went from Roan towards Paris in November followed by a great many Princes and Lords English French and Gascons the chiefe of the English were the two Cardinalls of Winchester and Yorke the Dukes of Bedford Yorke and Norfolke the Earles of Warwicke Salisbury Oxford Huntington Ormond Mortaigne and Suffolke Of French the Duke of Burgony Lewis de Luxenburg Cardinall and Chancellour of the Kingdome the Bishops of Beauvois and Noyon first Peeres of France the Bishop of Paris and others after him Of Gascons Count Longuerville Count de March Count Vademont of Lorraine and many others He was received and met with
held out for Talbot being come with 4000. Souldiers with full purpose to give the Constable battle who having fortified himselfe in the City did not stirre from thence though much provoked tooke a Fort placed in the Island neare unto the Market-place wherein hee slew 120. men tooke all the rest prisoners and forced Monsieur de Croy to abandon his quarter and got many barkes loaded with victualls so as having secured the besieged and furnished them with fresh Souldiers they did not withstanding forbeare to surrender themselves A few dayes after Sr. William Chamberlaine was their chiefe as saith Monstrelee and Sr. Thomas Abringant according to Chartier but whether of either it was where hee came to Roan hee was clapt up prisoner in the Castle and accused for having surrendred not necessitated thereunto since hee had men victualls and munition but how ever hee so pleaded for himselfe as he was set at liberty The Constable not content with this atchievement marched into Normandy besieged Auranches and at the comming of the Duke of Alansonne was by him reinforced with new troopes a part whereof tooke the City and Castle of Saint Susanna in Mayne through the treachery of an English Knight as saith Giles whom hee nameth not As for Auranches after three weekes siege hee was forced to rise from before it for Talbot came and countersieged him entring the towne in his very sight the Constable not being able to hinder him The Dolphins insurrection which hapned at this time did a little retard his fathers good fortune for thereby the English repossessed themselves of such places as they had lately lost hee was then just sixteene yeares old he lived at Loches under the tuition of Count de Marsh a gentleman of noble conditions but his authoritie grew lesse after his marriage and after that with the waight of the Corrazza hee liked well of millitary applause and the flatteries of such who hoped for advancement by reason of this rent the causes hereof were two the first for that Charles was alwayes governed by people of no great account the second the ambition of the Princes which hath at all times been prejudiciall to France for they pretend to that out of right which is onely due unto them by favour Charles gave occasion hereof by his ill conceived suspitions and the Princes laid hold thereof contrary to the lawes of nature by making the sonne disobedient to the father and to civill wisedome by putting dissention in the kingdome in a time when they should all have conspired to have set it free by expelling the enemy But suspitions were in Charles become inseparable and become naturall unto him by reason of his being become accustomed to his mothers persecutions and the enmity of Burgony and England so as affying onely in the meaner sort of people as those that were lesse apt to hurt him he made them insolent as mistrusting the great ones he gave them cause of offence by excluding them from his familiarity and affaires his sonnes discontents sprung from the same fountaine his father grew jealous of him seeing him grow in authority as in yeares and in the subjects expectation so as to keepe him under he treated him more frugally and held a stricter hand over him then his yeares his being married and his ambition could permit those who misled him were the Dukes of Burbone and of Alansonne the Counts of Vandome Chabanes the Dunnesse Charmount Tremugtie Boveant and Prie by the Bastard of Burbones meanes these bad him weigh the duty he ought his father and the welfare of the state that the former was to be preserved by the preservation of the latter but not contrarywise They shewed unto him the evill effects caused by his fathers bad government they ript up all from the murthering of the Duke of Burgundy even to the present time they enformed him that those who were of the greatest authoritie about him perswaded him to peace which could not be done without dismembring the kingdome which was to deprive him the Dolphine of his inheritance and patrimony for that their power being weakned by warre wherein Captaines and governours of provinces were onely to be used they could not tyrannize over the King Kingdome Princes and Dolphin unlesse they should exclude men of merit They told him how his being confined in so solitary a place might serve for an Argument to prove this since he was kept there of set purpose that being far from the Court and ignorant of affaires he might depend upon them that by taking upon him so generous a resolution hee could not displease his father since the effects would shew that such disobedience would redound more to his profit then any obedience could doe since thereon depended the preservation of the state father sonne and subjects I know not whether it were these reasons that prevailed with the Dolphin or else his owne contumatious inclinationâ—… his answer was hee was ready to doe whatsoever his quality obliged him unto That all the power lay in the Princes that hee would neither be wanting to himselfe nor them In briefe leaving Loches and the Count his governour he went to Monlius where the Duke of Burbone waited for him and whether the Duke d'Alansonne and Count de Dammartin came unto him and after them all the rest with a resolution not to part with him till such time as according to the common pretence of all seditious people disorders were reformed the authority of the Princes established and men of worth called into favour They used their best meanes to draw Philip to their faction but hee whose eyes were not dazled did not onely deny them but advised them to more wholesome resolutions since their enterprise was unjust full of danger and for which they had no ground hee protested hee would never seperate himselfe from Charles and said hee should bee able to doe the Dolphin better service by not siding with him then if hee should take his part this answer did displease the confederated finding themselves thereby deceived in their chiefest hope but they were much more displeased when all the Provinces did with horrour and detestation heare of this insurrection They all loved the Dolphin and offered to serve him but not against his Father who having admonished him of his duty and not prevailing went armed to Poictiers from whence hee sent to the Duke of Burbone commanding him to deliver up unto his Sonne and to the Duke of Alanson commanding him to surrender up Niorte and Saint Massence willing them both to come before him and give a reason for their insurrection but they obeyed not On the contrary Alanson sent word to Massence to defend it selfe upon notice whereof the City revolted and the Castle was besieged and taken by the Kings forces which suddenly flockt thither and the Commanders hanged Finally a totall agreement was made by an assembly held at Clarimont where the King being perswaded to pardon the Offendors if together with the
of Yorke were left alive That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow by quitting the right unto the Crown to the which he was so nigh himselfe For Edward though he were young had yet no sonne and but one daughter who might very well miscarry and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more That being therefore to be presumed heire he much injured himselfe by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies who could never thinke themselves safe as long as he lived These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are when a powerfull interest comes in place Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts failed his brother even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life Whence wee are taught that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service and some of his owne likewise where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of England They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service hee needed no foraine forces and that his delay might endanger his friends and overthrow the enterprize He acquainted the Queene and his companions herewithall whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage her father the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England so as having taken leave of the King and thanked him for so many and so great favours hee went into the Fleet whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come to guard him from Charles his Fleet which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine and which was much greater than the Kings Warwicks and the Admirals all joyned together Doubtlesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes the English had not returned to England for the Burgonians were many strong and resolute to doe all that was possible to take the Earle But the night before the Earles departure the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered many of them were sunke the rest driven into sundry places not any two of them being found together So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind as if the tempest had risen and were allayed to doe him service came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings not thinking on foraine affaires relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet which lay in wait to fight with him and hinder his passage into England When he heard he was landed he past from his first confidence to a second and worser thinking hee had him now in a noose Hee advertised Charles and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome and to chastise him But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince was not of this opinion he would have had him to have hindred his landing without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell and the inconstancy of his people and fortune The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him to serve Henry the lawfull King against Edward Duke of Yorke the unlawfull usurper of the Kingdome He was forthwith obeyed great numbers of people flockt unto him even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service A change though strange yet not to be wondred at Old things cause satiety new businesses provoke fresh appetite Edward being in this straight resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land was obeyed but by a few and by those more out of feare than out of any good will Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need The Rebels this meane while increased and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pembrooke the one in the West the other in Wales did proclaime him King That which most troubled Edward was that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men and brought them almost unto Nottingham hee returned backe either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate and that the ayreevery where resounding Long live Henry Long live Warwicke he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude as hee tearmed it who for his service done unto him and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse He declared himselfe against him and brought those 6000 along with him proclaiming Henry King as the others had done I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of ingratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof though Warwicke injuriously did The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England and the Earle of Warwicke if wee may believe Comines to boote with his owne Revenues which were very great had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in in Lordships Confiscations and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence and that the onely pretence of the pretenders seeming to upbraid doth tacitely demand and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely
what is anothers The Victories of Charles the Seventh against Henry the Sixth were of the later sort for he preserved his Crown and won what Henry possest in France but Lewis who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing while he hazarded all was not to put himself upon Fortune without a proportionable recompence to his expence and losse so as if he bought Peace 't was in respect of his danger at so cheap a rate as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages so as he did what wisedom bad him do not attending the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them doth without danger obtain his end as he did all this notwithstanding I should not praise him had he no other enemies beside Edward for 't were to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize His men believed that Edward seemed to make an agreement that he might the better deceive him but he thought not so for Edwards occasions did not square with such dissimulation He had the Winter at hand wanted Towns was distasted by Charles deceived by the Constable was naturally a lover of his Pastimes so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him not valuing Moneys or what others thought of him and that he might the sooner be gone he borrowed of every one he would willingly have paid more but would not part with any Towns or Provinces he would rather have hazarded all Edward gave him to understand he would by writing give him notice of some that betrayed him I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no but he had many reasons to doubt it and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries though by somes means he used Lewis afterward hindred the execution thereof he doubted the like in this Agreement his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two and now with Edward so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions making himself so much the more suspected by how much the affected ostentation of his fidelity bereft him of belief He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy and that the War continuing the thred that was woven for his destruction might either be lost or else grow knotty He sent unto him his Secretary and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage and to Commines Lewis being informed of the businesse sent for Monsieur de Contai one of Charles his servants who though he were his prisoner did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber to the end that hearing what he was to say to these men he might report the same to Charles and placing himself neer to the Cupboard he sent for them in Their Message was That they were sent from Charles to the Constable to alienate him from friendship with England and that finding him distasted by the King of England they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return This was spoken by Creville who believing to be better credited by humouring him imitated Charles his action stamping with his foot swearing and giving Edward injurious terms Lewis feigning as if he had been deaf made him say the same thing over again to the end that Contai might the better hear him who mad to hear his Prince thus abused longed to acquaint him with it This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward that Lewis to shun the danger which hung over him should make a Truce with Charles whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand and that he should give unto the English a Town or two to hold them in hopes this Winter who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith The designes of these his Counsels were that the English by this means tarrying in France and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring Lewis might be subject to the fear of War and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines and to sowe Dissention between the other two so as all three having need of him he might by diversly deceiving them save himself and seem to oblige them whilest he did betray them Assoon as Creville was gone Contai came forth from the Cupboard as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him I have this particular from Commines as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on which though it be not simply requisite to our Story yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse and to make known the natures of the above-named together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Constables death A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon between the two Kings with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English Lords and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants When Charles heard of this Accord he hasted to finde out Edward from whom understanding what had been done and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce he answered That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that concerned himself but for Edwards own affairs to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Predecessors in France by recovering what of right belonged unto him That since he was agreed not to do it he was no ways concerned therein and as touching the Truce to the end he might see how little he esteemed it he would not accept thereof till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England The King would have convinced him with reason shewing him that all the inconvenience had risen from him but he not listening
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
unawares and was victorious slew Eight thousand and got all their Artillery and Baggage The cause of so great slaughter was this Morley being the onely man who amongst so many fought on Horse-back was unhors'd and slain whereat his men were so enraged that they slew their Prisoners and together with them all those that could not flee away not above Two hundred of Them being slain Monsieur Daubeny returned to Callis having left his wounded men and the booty at Newport affording thereby a thought of Recovering it to Monsieur Cordes who was at Ypre he brought Twenty thousand men with him thither play'd upon the Town and gave an Assault The Defendants did their parts Manfully and were helped by such as were left Wounded there after a long fight they lost one Tower upon which Cordes planted the French Colours and was likely to have won all the Rest had not Fortune disfavour'd him at that very Instant by a Small Succour which entred the Town from Callis for Dawbeny knowing the slendernesse of the Garison had embarked Fourscore chosen Souldiers to Abet them till such time as he might send Greater Forces to Free them Altogether These men arriving in the Heat of the fight whilst the Defeudants fought out of Meer Courage for New wounds being added to what they had Formerly received they could scarcely stand upon their legs they ran to the Walls drave back the Besiegers regained the Tower and this with such Forward Valour as Cordes believing them to be a much Greater number raised the Siege whereupon this Personal Disgrace added to his former National Hatred he swore He would be content to be Seven yeers in Hell so he might have the fortune to take Callis from the English Henry not contented to have assisted Maximilian with Arms endeavoured to do the like with Counsel he perswaded him to re-assume the businesse of the Marriage and to Conclude it with the Dutchesse as hath been said Which counsel he presently embraced and sent Four Ambassadours to her to whom he gave the Count de Nassau for their Chrief with Commission that when all things were agreed upon the Count should marry her in His name as he did and used therein a Ceremony not accustomed in those times for ought I know The Dutchesse being lay'd in her Bed the Count in the presence of many Lords and Ladies put one of his Leggs between the Sheets in signe of Consummation of the Marriage holding all the while Maximilian's Proxie in his hand Belforest denies this Marriage by Proxie and to boot with the reasons he alleadges for his opinion one chief one is That if it had been so the Annales of Britanny would have made some Mention of it I confesse I have not read Them nor do I know the Author's name I have read Argentres the last who hath written thereof and he alleadges for his Testimony the Records of that Countrey he says That the Dutchesse after this Marriage assumed the title of Queen and that the publike Acts and Proclamations were made in the Names of Maximilian and Anne by the Grace of God King and Queen of the Romanes Duke and Dutchesse of Britanny But Maximilian did not pursue this his advantage with requisite effects for believing he had so Consummated this Marriage as it could not be Broken he neglected the sending of Aid into Britanny so as leaving it to Fortune which favours the Provident it did frown upon Him who Negligent in his affairs did not almost ever do any thing which though it might Begin well had a good End He was endued with very Excellent qualities but abounding with Bad ones likewise by which his good parts being born down all his undertakings proved for the most part unfortunate His Valour Knowledge in Military affairs and his good Understanding in matters of Counsel became un-useful to him through his ill Government He never raised Moneys for making of a War but that he had Spent them before the War was Begun he was one of those that can tell how to Propound but not how to put in Execution wise in Discourse foolish in Action so as if it had been possible to have furnished him with one to have Executed his Projections nothing had remained to have been desired in him I have sometimes thought it impossible that the understanding Conceiving aright should work Evil Effects and that it being our Directour it should not be of force enough to make our Actions conformable to those Idea's upon which they depend but daily practice shews me I was in an Errour He then not having done what he ought to have done Charles believed it behov'd him to do what became him wherefore Charles betook himself to a double remedy To the Dutchesse in Countermining her Marriage with Maximilian by endeavouring to marry her Himself for so he was advised to do by those who bore the greatest sway with him and to Henry by sending Ambassadours to him who were Francis Lord of Luxenburgh Charles de Marignan and Roger Gaguine the Writer of the French Story Their Instructions were to treat a League or Peace with him which was desired by him not that he Charles might the more securely turn his Forces upon Italy but out of an Affection that he bore unto him Henry from the first day he saw him either out of Natural Sympathie or Heavenly Constellation He knew there was no Enmity between them but that the casual encounters of their Subjects in Flanders and in Britanny did require a Confirmation thereof that he did not accuse his actions in this behalf it being a thing certain that Frontire-wars draw Princes to them as Wounds do Humours so as such effects being Natural they ought not to be esteemed the motives of Ill-will that for such he esteemed them and so interpreted them wherefore he likewise desired to be excused for if he had made war upon Britanny 't was for that his Honour and the Preservation of his due Prerogative would not suffer him to do otherwise and if upon Flanders still out of the same considerations because those of Flanders being under the Soveraign Protection of France oppressed by their Prince and fleeing to Him for Succour he could not chuse but assist them and though the casual encounters of the French and English Nations had not thereupon raised a Formal War yet a Consolidation of Friendship between those Two Nations was requisite to the end that when he should have turned his Arms elsewhere the World might not rest in doubt of it that he would acquaint him with his more Secret designes as an Earnest of the Confidence he would always use with him that his intention was not to conquer the Kingdom of Naples a Kingdom which of right belonged to him and that from thence by God's assistance he would passe into Turkey and wage war with those Infidels a thought worthy to be favour'd by all Christian Princes much more by a Christian King and a Friend as was Henry and
for that the war with Britanny might move some jealousies in him the true Reasons whereof not being known he gave him to understand that that Countrey being Feudatary to him it became him in his reputation to preserve his rights therein amongst which one was that the Heir could not marry without his Consent that the Dutchesse having done otherwise in freely disposing of her self without the Consent of Him her Soveraign it behoved him with his good leave to match her so as might not be prejudicial to his Crown to the which he hoped He would give way as to a thing becoming the reason of State and Justice Henry perceiving that the King of France would have him swallow up a bitter Pill wrapt up in Leaf-gold caused answer to be made to the Ambassadours That Peace ought not to be treated of thereby to make War upon one's Friends that to Demand it was Unjust Most unjust to Grant it He had too much of interest with Britanny to abandon it That the proceedings held by Charles were not like those of a Lord who intends to keep his right of Fee-farm but like those of an Enemy which intends Usurpation That his Correction say it were just and necessary needed not to be imposed by so Unjust means and such Unnecessary Arms against a Maiden That he did not dispute whether it were Charles his Right to marry her as he pleased or no though he thought few Presidents could be given thereof That Britanny's tenure in Fee was not subject to the Justice Laws and Will of the Lord thereof as were Other Common tenures That Gascoigne and Normandy in Former times and Flanders at the Present were not under so Servile a Subjection but say they were Marriages ought to be Free not made by Force the parties not Constrain'd otherwise they would be against the Laws both Humane and Divine and suppose his disposal of her did not contradict the Laws it might yet be averse to the interest of Other Princes who peradventure might be content he should marry her to some Other and not unto Himself As for Flanders he wonder'd so Wise a King as Charles should use such slight Arguments in so weighty a matter that he should term the Oppression of the Prince the People's Oppression the Rebellion of the One the Injustice of the Other that after having so many months detained him prisoner slain his ser vants bereft him of his Son and injuriously put him under their own Government they should pretend by Injuring to be injured being protected and confirmed in their Rebellion by Charles himself A thing which had not formerly happened and which now fell out opposite to the Interest and Dignity of All Princes for in time that might happen to Each of them which now befel This so as all Princes were bound upon such like occasions reciprocally to Help one another the which if it became Others much more did it become Charles who being Soveraign ought to chastise Rebellion in the people not to Authorize and Nourish it He thanked him for his acquainting him with his Secret designes which were So secret as not onely Italy but the whole World knew of them For his ends of Passing into Macedonia to make war upon the Turks they were not onely Christian but Generous so as if in stead of his demanding Peace he would grant his request in accepting of Him for a Companion in so holy an Enterprise he should think himself happie but that his arguments were of too Repugnant a Construction God did not command Evil to be done that Good might come thereof nor that what is offer'd on His Altars should be taken from Another's flock Yet if he thought he might with Justice set upon the Kingdom of Naples and that his pretended right thereunto was good meerly by the Renunciation of the House of Anjou what might He think of himself that was bereft of Normandy Anjou Gascoigne and All France which falling upon his person by natural Inheritance not by Anothers Renounsal was his Legal Patrimony if being instructed by him He should not do the like He would therefore follow his example and run the same carreer he had traced out to him Therefore if he would have Peace he might have it upon condition either that he would Renounce that which by an unjust title he Possessed or else pay such a Tribute as might be proportionable to what he should hold The Ambassadours not expecting such an Answer said They had no Commission to any such purpose but that they were sure their King's Sword was able to defend his Crown from losing any the least of his Flower-de-Luces that for what concern'd his marriage with the Dutchesse he never had any such Thought being already married to Maximilian's daughter To which the King reply'd He lookt for such an Answer and that he would send Ambassadours to him the better to be satisfied therein whereupon he dismissed them and Gaguine stayed in England till he had dispatcht Thomas Earl of Ormond and Thomas Goldenstone Prior of Christs-Church in Canterbury Ambassadours into France for that purpose Charles this mean while labour'd to remove from the Dutchesse Ann all scruples and detestations which withheld her from taking him for her husband He employed people of all conditions Divines Ladies Lords Counsellours and all such as had accesse unto her The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange newly freed from their imprisonment pleaded for him so did the Count Dunois who after Orleans was tane prisoner turn'd again to the King's party The Marshal de Rieux Chancellour Mountalban the Ladies and Gentlewomen that were familiar with her and almost the whole Counsel were his instruments herein Madame de Laval her Governesse and Lady of Honour took more pains herein then All the rest Much ado there was to perswade the Dutchesse to forget how unworthily she had been dealt withal for Three yeers together how the Agreements made with the Duke her father and after with her Self had never been observed that Charles had destroy'd and sackt her Countrey that he was married to the Daughter of the King of the Romanes and the King of the Romanes married to Her So that if the Divines were troubled to remove from her her Scruples of Conscience Madame de Laval was no lesse troubled to rid her of the Hatred she had conceived against his Person She at the last yeelded thereunto upon the remonstrance of Peace the Necessity of embracing it and that there was no other way to compose it then by this Marriage Maximilian being Far off and reduced to such Poverty as in a time of so great need he could assist her with but Two thousand men Charles on the contrary was Neer at hand Powerful and not likely to give over till he had bereft her of her Countrey and brought her to Poverty and Misery the which if it should so fall out Maximilian would no longer care for her whose end was to possesse himself of Britanny