woods and Crowne Lands and to pick quarrels with his Parliaments and to entaile them to his heirs Generall his successor proving no ill scholler in putting in practice his Fathers precepts and for the better invading of the libertyes of the Subjects to suppresse Parliaments which never offended him but in refusing to supply his prodigalities when himselfe had wasted treble the treasure in an idle Peace than his predecessor the Queen spent in a continued and furious War with the greatest Prince of Christendome and yet to leave him the richest King of the Westerne World which if the plain truth of the affairs of those times may without offence be made manifest were the only frutes of his so much magnified and peaceable raigne for I may in sincerity say it over and over againe and no other than a knowne truth that the not drawing of his Sword in the Count Palatines quarrell to which he was so often importuned by most of the Germaine Princes invited yea prest by his own Councell of State yet would he not but hindered in what possibly he could those that would and did to their utter undoing by his many expencefull and fruitlesse Embasseys and to the greatning of the Austrian Familie which had long befoold and baffled him even to the derision and scorne of all the Princes of Europe as to his Justice of which the Court Cook tattels the whole Kingdom can witnesse how he measured it out by suffering the rigor and uttermost penalty of the Law to fall on the accessaries in Sir Tho. Overbuties case and to take the Principalls into his mercy t is true not Somerset into his former favour yet sure we are to stop his mouth from telling of tales he gave him at once in pure gift so much of the Crowne Lands as were well worth to be sold 100000 pounds though it melted away like wax in the Sun and himselfe to dye a stark begger and in infamy and as to that his most excellent chast Lady and Virgin Bride let the ghosts of Sir Iames Stuart Sir George Wharton and Prince Henry speak and not him this is most manifest that by divine justice she was knowne to dye living and of so loathsome a disease that her own Gentlewomen have often protested it before many credible witnesses they could not indure the Chamber where she lay neither scarce the next adjacent for the horrible stinke that a long time before she expired issued from her carcase and polluted the ayre I could speak much more of the cariage of that foule businesse and of others not pertinent to this place and so can many more persons of honour yet alive which will tell the tatler to his face that which he hath either with impudence or out of ignorance published are both false and abominable adulatious both in reference to the old King Somerset and his Lady and others of that tribe Sir Walter Rawly the Archbishop Abbot and that of the records on which he would build the fabrick of his untruths were known forgeryes of their owne making and as to the Archbishops particular he comes not near the truth that honest man alone as it is well knowne withstood the King alone and the other Bishops in their base complyance in that nullity insomuch that the King took upon him to convince thê said Archbishop in a treatise dedicated to the unbelieving Thomas yet to be seene passages which as it seems the talking tatler knew not neither little of truth which he assumes to relate and howsoever he hath farc't up a Pamphlet as to the matter happily his own or not yet in good manners he might have forborne to make use of another mans phrase which in divers places of his relation it appears he hath stolen out of the Fragmenta Regalia though varied to the worse by him as much vitiated as by the printer But I now both leave him and his theaft untill I may have the happiness to hear further from him then doubtlesse I shall not faile to give him a fuller answer in the mean time I shall advise him to remember that he which justifieth the wicked and condemneth the just even they both are an abomination to the Lord a text that will become both of us to take into our serious consideration and as I have good reason to believe best of the two befits himselfe to look to who takes upon him with such palpable flattery to present King Iames for such a Saint-like Prince when as had he either knowne a peece of his life and conversation or the least of his secrets and Counsels as of those I well know him not to be guilty surely he would have been ashamed so to have written of a King who left behind so little evidence of piety true Religion temperance and care of the Subjects welfare and so much of the structure of absolute Monarchy to his successor a study to which he had wholy devoted himselfe and left it to his Sonne as an infelicious legacy and three Kingdoms destruction which were without all question the fruits and effects of his pe ceable reigne But briefly now to his only Sonne and the heire of his fathers unhappy peace and the prosecutor of his owne his posterities and the Kingdomes ruine THE REIGNE OF KING CHARLS Or the pseudo-Martyr discovered c. KING CHARLS then Prince of Wales began his unfortunate Reigne on the expiration of his Father King Iames at Theobalds the 27 of March 1627. At his very first entry to the Crowne and after the consummation of the ceremonies of his Inauguration and the reception of the Queen from France he was as his Father before him at hi accession driven away from the Metropolis of the Kingdom London by the increase and rage of the Pestilence as an ill omen both to the Father and the Sonne but of a more ominous portent to the three Kingdoms A Parliament at that time was summoned and sitting at Westminster but hastily adjourned to Oxford on the former reason of the increase of the Sicknesse and a War likewise was then in preparation and in design for Spayn as an ill presage of the after improsperity in all others which this unfortunate Prince undertook for what in this kinde was ever enterprised by him was both inauspicious and fatall losse of Honour to himselfe reputation and destruction to the English Nation During the Parliament at Oxford the King by his Speaker the Lord Keeper Williams moved the Assembly for a present supply of moneys in relation to the intended War the Parliament in reply to the Kings desires as they were to be Contributors to the War so they humbly moved to be made partakers of the design this so reasonable a motion was very ill taken yea scorned by the King for it even then evidently appeared that he meant to rule alone and at will and pleasure Hence we may observe the first distaste or rather indeed a pickt quarrel against his first Parliament which
Iames the fifth had the fortune to dye of a naturall death but as to his onely Daughter Queen Mary and mother 〈◊〉 King Iames the sixt it is manifestly knowne that she caused Henry Lord Darnley her second Husband to be cruelly murthered and only to make way to her third Marriage with Earl Bothwell her Paramour whom the States banished and shortly after call'd her to accompt for her Husbands murther and for that fact and other conspiracies against the State by the Votes of the major part of the Peeres and Commons in Parliament she was adjudged to die whereupon she fled into England where contriving sundry plots with the Papists and the Duke of Norfolke against Queen Elizabeth and restlesse in her ambitious contrivements to dispossesse the Queen Regnant of the Crowne you know to what end she came at Fodringay where we may safely believe that Gods just judgments overtook her when she little dream't to have dyed at the block what since became of her only Sonne King Iames and his two sonnes Prince Henry and our last King Charls though the manner of the two first deathes are still held in dispute yet we all know to what a fatall end the last came even at his own Gates and in the same place where the first blood was spilt by his own servants the Cavaleers pardon me then If I present you with an opinion of my own which I am confident is an infallible verity that allmighty God in his justice suffers not any man to come to a prodigious end but for such sinnes by him committed as are equivalent to that sin for which he suffered it is Gods own Oracle an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth and he that kils by the Sword by the same weapon or the like he shal surely dye for a conclusion take this as a knowne truth to all the Nation that both the late Kings as they were naturall Scots very rarely loved an English man sure we are not the Nation in generall and that very seldome either of them admitted any of the English into their Bed-chambers for generally they were all Scots neither took they any of the English Buckingham excepted into their secrets and as their privadoes untill Strafford was taken into our last Kings favour but no otherwise than as a meer States-man and a bold instrument to act any thing conducible his Masters designs and such projects which were suitable to his endeavours and inclinations otherwise I never knew any that were fit servants for him and it is most certaine that both the Father and the Sonne laid more subtill and cunning snares to insnare the English Nation than all of the Norman race before them the Father to have laid the foundation and the Sonne to build up the whole fabrick of absolute Soveraignty as insensibly at first and from the beginning of their reigns as possibly their designs could permit but King Charls towards his last and long before the Warres began openly and shortly thereupon in hostility and with morter tempered with more English blood than ever hath been so wilfully and profusely spilt by any one Tyrant in the World and for what cause and on what grounds I beseech you tell me more than for the Nug◠and idle fictions of a divine prerogative and to rule alone without other Law than his owne Will and without accompt to any but to God alone they are both the Fathers and the Sonnes owne Maxims just Tyrant-like quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem and yet which is the mystery and the wonder of the times is this wilfull King cryed up by his many partizans for the onely paragon of Princes and that which is of more admiration his Protestations in the common belief preferred and credited before his visible actions and Cabinet Letters which if men were not besotted I am sure best of all other evidences layes open the most hidden secrets of the heart But it is most certaine that before and a long space after the battle at Edgehill he refused all overtures of Peace though t is confest he made many motions for Peace to the Parliament but ever no other than on such disadvantagious terms as were utterly unfit for the Parliaments embrasure and the Kingdomrs security for we find them evermore accompanied with such restrictions reservations and ambignous conditions howsoever gilded over with plausible pretences that the Parliament at length durst not either trust him or any of his specious Declarations as in the observations on the Reliquiae Carolinae are manifested for it is most true that as soon as he had attracted a very considerable Army to his assistance by his artifices and the severall visits and the orations he made to the respective Sheriffes and Gentry before and after the setting up of his Standerd of the Counties of Yorke Lincolne Nottingham Leicester Chester Stafford Denby Flint Salop Oxford and Berks wherein he neither spared any pains or travel or lost a minute of time both to deceive and win the people to his cause and 't is evident that he had not onely written his particular Letters to most of the prime Gentlemen of the Kingdome to side with him but had sent his peremptory commands to most of the Colonells of the Parliaments Army sent into Ireland for the assistance of the distressed Protestants to repair to his ayde against the Parliament a treachery and a testimony beyond all others of the falsenesse of his heart considered as hereafter it shall be made more apparent unto you with the seeming zeal and care he pretended to bear to those poor Irish Protestants It is worth your further observation that this most unfortunate Prince having so often accustomed himselfe to fraud and dissimulation that it came at last to this sad issue that all his after Messages and Overtures made to the Parliament in the declination of his power and after he was a Prisoner though happily more really intended than formerly and atested with exceeding specious plausible Protestations some of them confirmed with his wonted Imprecations were not beleeved but suspected for fallacious so long had this most unhappy King like the Flie that playes with the flame which comes in the end to burn himself out of his own fury such power had his will and naturall inclinations over his reason where you may take an instance or two in the way for a proofe thereof When he first raised his Army at York for which he endeavours to flam off the Parliament that those forces were onely raised as a guard for the security of his Person and to confirme this he caused divers of the Fugitive Lords then attending him shamefully to attest that he had no intent thereby to levy War against the Parliament when immediately thereupon he began to march and to run from place to place as before is noted to raise more force and that which is most perfidious after he had erected his Standard at Nottingham he continued
and further affirm for a piece of a miracle that somewhat before Gods just judgements overtook him though not without a long conflict he acknowledged himself guilty of all the War and not without intreaties to a noble Person on the first motion for a Treaty in the I sle of Wight That the Parliament would forbear to charge all the guilt of the blood spilt throughout the Kingdomes on his only score and on that condition he should not be so uncivill as to impute the least guilt thereof on them they were his own words for that was a feare which much troubled him would be charged upon him and well he might fear it when his own Conscience was a witnesse against him but in the mean time suffer me to ask you how shall Almighty God be satisfied for so much bloud causlesly and willfully spilt throughout three Kingdoms whose wrath cannot be appeased neither the Land be cleansed untill expiation be made for the bloud of one man by the shedding of his blood which was the murtherer surely then we cannot determine what accompt Almighty God will yet require at their hands which have been principall actors with the King in this bloody tragedy though some of them as he hath done have paid their debts to Nature and not a few by way of Composition yet they also have just cause to fear that there is an accompt not yet cleared which will be call'd upon This I shall adde by the way of Question how and by what Fate this most unfortunate Prince came to be so overpowred with the Inchantments of a Woman betwixt whom and himselfe it is well known a good space after their Inter-marriage there were many jarres and continued fallings out and yet at last she alone to become his Oracle for the leading on of all his designes In so much as he durst not offend her in the least punctilio or to transact any thing of never so little moment without her good liking and approbation and so much to dote on her as not to permit the Prince to stir a foot or to undertake anything but by her only direction such an absolute power and command had this Queene gained over him and his affections we may put the Quaerie farther why otherwise than by her Counsell he first took away the Prince from his Guardians and not long after the Duke of Yorke and to send them beyond Sea unlesse it were out of an apprehension that in imitation of former Presidents this Parliament might Crowne the one or the other Brother instead of the Father who had been so disastrous to the Nation as divers old presidents of the like nature might probably induce him to suspect out of his own guiltinesse of his misgovernment as for instance the dethroning of Edw. the second by the Parliament for his misgovernment and bloody reigne and the advancing in his life time of his Son Edward the third as also the deposing of Richard the second for his Tyranny and the Parliaments setting up of Rullingbrooke his Cosen German in his room Presidents which doubtlesse hee deeply apprehended and feared which to prevent 't is most probable he sent them out of the Kingdome though to his own and the utter undoing of those Innocent Princes which he had so far engaged in his bloody quarrell that they became dyed in the same colour with their willfull Father I shall now present you with a proof of the former assertion out of the Kings own Letter to the Prince from Newcastle Number 28. 1646. viz. Charls This is rather to tell you where I am in health than at this time to direct you in any thing I having so fully wrote to your Mother what I would have you to doe whom I command you to obey in every thing except Religion concerning which I am confident she will not trouble you and see you goes not any whither without hers or my particular directions Observation Here you may evidently see by what Star not only himself and all his affairs were guided but that his Sonne must be tied up not to do any thing or move but by his Mothers or his owne particular directions a very strange obligation laid on a Sonne to be bound to such an absolute obedience as necessarily conduced to his utter undoing when as no man knowes whether a Wife and a Mother which had such a latitude of power over the Father and the Sonne would not be tampering with a Prince even in the point of Religion of so tender years as rendred him fit for any impression and to be indoctrinated with such principles as well concerning Religion as others best suitable to her own designes But I beseeeh you judge of the following texts and tell me whether they suite not with this most unhappy Kings disposition the wayes whereinto the inflexibility of his nature lead him to perseverance in pursuance of his own destruction He that speaks unrighteous things cannot be hid neither shall vengeance when it is punished passe by him For inquisition shall be made into the Counsells of the ungodly and the sound of his words shall come unto the Lord for the manifestation of his wicked deede Wisd. 1. 8. 9. A Sinfull man will not be reproved but sendeth an exeuse according to his will A man of Counsell will be considerate but a strange and a proud man it not daunted with fear even when of himselfe he hath done without Counsell Eccles. 32. 17. 18. But I have now little more to addresse unto you yet more than I would had not your provocations amounting to a plaine challenge invited me to answer your many virulent complaints wherein I have inserted very little more than what you may find expresly laid downe either in the Kings owne Letters or Declarations and with no other comments as to the Observations but such as necessarily arise out of the expressee themselves neither to any other ends as to the first part of my Reply but for the clearing of truth and to shew out unto you both the constitution of our late most unhappy King and the manner and condition of all other Kings I could have sent you more and God knows more terrible bloody and barbarous but this is enough though I say not to convince you for that would be no other than lavare Aethiopem but to let you know how much you have been mistaken in the late King a Prince doubtlesse which was much too dark for every ones understanding and too hard for most of his Councel of State whom he trusted with the mannagery of his greatest both designs and secrets though it be most true that how tenacious and close soever he was in carrying on that arbitrary worke to inslave the Nation yet God in his mercy would not that they should be so secretly hidden but that he had appointed a time when they should be revealed and manifested to the World as we all know they were at Naseby and elsewhere according to
such as here he promiseth the Queen should be both to his honour and advantage and he renders the reason viz. That he was then left free to himselfe to doe as he listed and as his inclinations should prompt him as being quit of those base and mutinous motions of his mungrell Parliament at Oxford where you may observe how well Parliaments suited with the nature of this King for this at Oxford which was of his own designe and calling of set purpose to annihilate the legall Parliament at Westminster was as himself stiles it a base mutinous and mungrel Parliament and he might with good reason so accompt of it for they were indeed a sort of perfidious Fugitives false to themselves and their Countreyes and the King no doubt in his own thoughts esteemed them no other for such as would be fals to themselves the King was not to seek to make his own judgement what they would be to him on the turn of any tyde of advantage but that at Westminster he calls a Rebell Parliament though of his own first Summons The truth was none would or could please him neither any councell but such as futed to his own will and pleasure It s true and it is confest that after he had lost all and was a prisoner he seemed more inclinable to embrace peace and to that end sent his frequent Messages to the Parliament but evermore with the old scruples of his Conscience and Honour persisting to his last as being fed with hopes of the generall rising 1647. and the comming in of the Scots under Hamilton to wind himself up again to that power whither his restlesse ambition to be more absolute than he ought to have been lead him to the precipice of his own ruine and it is more than probable that during the last Treaty in the Isle of Wight and the expectation of the successe of that rising to his rescue he had a perfidious hand therein for it cannot be imagined that such an association of English Scots and Welch would ever in one conjuncture of time adventure to rise without either his Privity or Commission howsoever it is manifestly known that both the English and Welch had for their undertaking the Princes Commission under hand and seale neither is it likely that the Prince himself during a Treaty so neer a period to an attonement would either authorize that rising or to have approached at that very time with his Fleet so near the Thames mouth without either his Fathers Commission or approbation the perfidie shewed therein I am more than confident utterly lost him and was a principall canse that the Parliament could not in reason or with safety of themselves and the King dom readmit or trust such a Prince with the government of whose Reformation they could not but despair Observations upon the Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae IT is worth his pains who desires to berightly informed of the truth of al passages and transactions between the late King and the Parliament his mysterious motions pretences and carriages both during all the warres and since his death how matters have been managed by his partakers especially by those which first published his Pourtraicture and him who hath taken such pains in collecting so many of his papers printing exposing and dispersing them throughout all parts of the Kingdom purposely both to deceive the people and malitiously to work upon the facility of their affections in commiseration of him and casting an odium on the Parliament The artifice which this Impostor uses is worth consideration as he hath garnished the approaches to his collections with the Kings picture in some places standing in others kneeling and as it were ejaculating his prayers to God and those drest with sundry devices and motto's and all this to invite the eye if not the understanding of the silly beholder to a beleef that he died an innocent Martyr a Prince who suffered for his restlesse endeavor to desend the Protestant Religion the Laws and Libertyes of his Subjects as he would intimate by his hudling of the Kings many specious and fraudulent overtures for peace to the Parliament and avoyding of future bloodshed In all the Catalogue of his one and twenty Messages of the Kings besides additionalls he is pleased not so much as to insert one of the Parliaments Answers in rejoynder to any of the Kings Messages onely taking in so many of his Majesties which he conceived might serve his turn to clear the Kings innocency and leaving out such of the Parliaments most materiall Missives to which the King omitted to give any answer at all as for instance let him produce what reply the King made to the Parliaments charge for Ruperts intercepting of the Clothes Provisions horses and other necessaries sent by the Parliament in the way to Chester for the releef of the relicts of the poor Protestants in Ireland true it is that long after an answer was such as it was made though not by him mentioned viz. that those provisions might have been better guarded a proper answer if you please to take notice of it when its mostevident that the Kings forces not only took them with his expresse command but drew over the principall Commanders and Soldiers before sent by the Parliament to his own assistance against the Parliament now that you may see how the active part of the war was carried on by the King take into your serious considerations his Message of the 15 of April 1642. from Huntington wherein he earnestly desires That the Parliament will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of Ireland in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his Majesty that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence he having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdome which he hath expressed in his former Messages being unable to manifest more affection to it than he hath endeavonred to do by those Messages having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his Parliment therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them though his Majesty shall be deeply concerned in and sensible of their sufferings he shall wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work Observation A very pious work indeed as himself ordered it if you please to examine it to the bottome then make your own judgement whether it was not the Kings reach to gull the Parliament by pressing them to expedite the sending of Forces to the relief of his poor Subjects of Ireland and with such words of pity and expressions of his remorse how deeply he was concerned therein and how sensible of their sufferings and calamities which might grow upon them and just Pilate-like to wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in him when 't is manifest his meaning was both to make