this Lady both by her Fathers side and alâ—…o by the Mothers who was of the family of Mâ—…rtiques being a stock of the old Ducall tree is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly both these were borne unto the King by Madam Galriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle Dutchesse of Beauforte a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe and one who never abused her power with him So that one may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly spake of Livia the wife of Augustus Ejus potentiam nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis The third of the Kings naturall brethren is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden which make a large revenue His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards which is the remainder of 6000 the rest being pauned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof who was of that Family The mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchionesse of Verneville who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the Prison and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane and hath as yet not fully out 6000l a year when his mother dyeth he will be richer The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston born the 25 of Aprill anno 1608 a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit as the King doth of his Crown He is intituled Duke of Anjou as being the third Son of France but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur This title is different from that of Daulphin in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Son living this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving if there be neither Son nor Brother then the next Heir Apparent is â—…tyled only Le primier Prince du sang the first Prince of the bloud This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also but with some addition of place or honour The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans quene as the French use to say that is simply Monseiur This young Prince is as yet unmarryed but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpenster whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived he had espoused her long ere this but it is generally believed that this Prince is not so affected he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse himself the next heir to the Crown and it is likely he will look on a while and expect the issue of his fortune Some that speak of the affairs of the Court holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons a Prince of the bloud and a Gentleman of a fine temper the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match neither will the King not be inclinable unto him as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction for not performing a Court promise made unto him as some say about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons both issuing from the house of Burbon partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate and partly by gaining all the friends aâ—…d allies of that Ladies kindred to his the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde the difference between them standeth thus Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two wives amongst other children two Sons by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde by the second Charles Count of Soissons Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers by whom he had no children To his second wife he took the Lady Katharine of Tremoville sister to the Duke of Thovars anno 1586. Two years after his marriage he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup which was given him anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son which is the now Prince of Conde Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legitiâ—…ation whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud to belong to the Prince of Conde And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title 24 Physitians of good faith and skill made an open protestation upon oath in the Court that it was not only possible but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth On this it was awarded to the Prince This Decree of Parliament not withstanding if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse it is said that the young Count of Soissons his father died anno 1614 will not so give over his title He is Steward of the Kings house as his Father also was before a place of good credit and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly In case it should come to a tryâ—ll quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which God prohibit he is like to make a great party both within the Realm and without it Without it by means of the house of Savoy having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazo the second son of that Dukedome now living a brave man of armes and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree next heir of his father after the death of Don Amadeo yet childlesse Within the Realm the Lords have already declared themselves which hapned on this occasion In the year 1620 the month of March the King being to wash the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud and on the other side the Count of Soissons seized on it as appertaining to his office of Steward and Prince of the bloud also The King to decide the controversie for the present commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother yet did not this satisfie for on the morning the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke of Luynes
and Guise in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrâ—…w themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open faction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas the Prince though at this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but â—…mbled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Pâ—…ians bâ—…th weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Phyâ—…tians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty 〈◊〉 a professour of Montpellier in Langueâ—… in his â—…xcellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or â—…lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they hâ—…d gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duâ—…us sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedâ—…i adâ—…tur aliquod od perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris Thâ—… lâ—…st time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papiâ—…us a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance 〈◊〉 open Court though his Mother confessed 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Coâ—…ba reâ—…eth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had sâ—…n a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the furthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time alter the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but maliciously caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures for it but being but conj ctures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Fâ—…bure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agi to become a Catholick Third y The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navarre in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned he is believâ—…d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices iâ—… her husbands life time had found her self agrievâ—…d it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—…ian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vind core And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissâ—…ns and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for â—…ny oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conâ—…erred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we câ—…ll them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Legrand 〈◊〉 the esteem of which place recompenseth the empâ—…inesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kiâ—…s sword sheathed before
A Full Relation Of two Journeys THE ONE Into the MAIN-LAND OF FRANCE THE OTHER Into some of the adjacent ILANDS Performed and digested into SIX BOOKS BY PETER HEYLYN Horace de Arte Poet. Segnius irritant animos dimissa per aures Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile and are to be sold at the Black-boy over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet M. DC LVI TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE Lord Marquesse OF DORCHESTER I Here present unto your Lordship the Fruits if not the Follies also of my younger daies not published now if the audaciousnesse of some others had not made that necessary which in my own thoughts was esteemed unseasonable The reasons why I have no sooner published these Relations and those which have inforced me to do it now are laid down in the following Preface sufficient as I hope both to excuse and justifie me with ingenuous men But for my boldnesse in giving them the countenance of your Lordships name I shall not study other reasons then a desire to render to your Lordship some acknowledgement of those many fair expressions of esteem and favour which your Lordship from my first coming to Westminster hath vouchsafed unto me Your known abilities in most parts of learning together with the great respects you have for those which pretend unto it enclined you to embrace such opinion of me as was more answerable to your own goodnesse then to my desert and to cherish in me those Proficiencies which were more truly in your self And for my part I alwaies looked upon your Lordship as a true Son of the Church of England devoted zealously to her Forms of worship the orthodoxies of her Doctrine and the Apostolicism of her Government which makes me confident that these pieces will not prove unwelcome to you in which the superstitions innovations of the two opposite parties are with an equal hand laid open to your Lordships view Nor shall you find in these Relations such matters of compliance only with your Lordship in point of Judgement as promise satisfaction unto your intellectuall and more noble parts but many things which may afford you entertainments of a different nature when you are either spent with study or wearied with affairs of more near importance For here you have the principallest Cities and fairest Provinces of France presented in as lively colours as my unpolished hand could give them the Temper Humour and Affections of the People generally deciphered with a free and impartial Pen the publick Government of the whole in reference to the Court the Church and the Civil State described more punctually then ever heretofore in the English Tongue some observations intermingled of more ancient learning but pertinent and proper to the businesse which I had in hand You have here such an accompt also of some of the adjoyning Islands the only remainders of our Rights in the Dukedome of Normandy that your Lordship may finde cause to wonder how I could say so much on so small a subject if the great alterations which have hapned there in bringing in and working out the Genevian Discipline had not occasioned these enlargements Such as it is it is submitted with that Reverence to your Lordships Judgement which best becometh My Lord Your Lordships most humble And most devoted Servant Pet. Heylyn The Authors Preface to the Reader IT may seem strange unto the Reader that after so large a volume of Cosmography in which the world was made the subject of my Travels I should descend unto the publishing of these Relations which point at the estate only of some neighbouring places or that in these declining times of my life and fortunes I should take pleasure in communicating such Compositions as were the products of my youth and therefore probably not able to endure the censure of severer age And to say truth there are some things in this publication whereof I think my self obliged to give an account to him that shall read these papers as well for his satisfaction as mine own discharge as namely touching the occasion of these several Journeys my different manner of proceeding in these Relations the reasons why not published sooner and the impulsions which have moved me to produce them now For the two first the Reader may be pleased to know that as I undertook the first Journey in the company of a private friend only to satisfie my self in taking a brief view of the pleasures and delights of France so having pleased my publick view without his consent For having tendred it unto him it was no more mine and not being mine I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace I conceive my self to have gotten such a second right therein as the Granter hath many times in Law when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift and consequently to lay any claim unto it And being resolved upon the reasons hereafter following to publish the first of these two Journals I thought it not amisse to let this also wait upon it second in place as it had been second in performance and course of time So for the first Journey being digested and committed unto writing for mine own contentment without the thought of pleasing any body else the keeping of it by me did as much conduce to the end proposed as if it had been published to the view of others And I had still satisfied my self in enjoying that end if the importunity of friends who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble had not drawn some copies of it from me By means whereof it came unto more hands then I ever meant it and at the last into such hands by which it would have been presented to the publick view without my consent and that too with such faults and errors as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original or perused by the Author And had it hapned so as it was like enough to happen and hath hapned since the faults and errors of the Copy as well as of the Presse would have passed for mine and I must have been thought accomptable for those transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisednesse of other men would have drawn upon me And yet there was some other reason which made the publishing of that Journal when first finished by me not so fit nor safe nor so conducible to some ends which I had in view I had before applyed my self unto his Majesty when Prince of Wales by Dedicating to him the first Essayes of my Cosmographie and thereby opened for my self a passage into the Court whensoever I should have a minde to look that way And at the time when I had finished these Relations the French party there were as considerable for their number as it
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are