Brimpton though not cleaving the pin touch the mark in this point Unde Anglis regnantibus laus CANTABRIGIENSIS PROVINCIAE splendide florebat Yet the dignity being but tempory and disposable at the Princes pleasure in reward of new Services the Kentish had it afterward bestowed on them and for a long time enjoyed it Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 141. It did not afterwards embolden him to the anticipation of the Crown attending till it descended upon him He speaks this of King Edward the Confessor who had he tarryed till the Crown had descended on him might possibly have found a place amongst the Confessors but not amongst the Kings of England For the truth is the right title to the Crown was at that time in Edward surnamed the Outlaw the eldest son of Edmund Ironside who flying into Hungary to avoid the fury of the Danes married the Kings sister of that Country and was by her the Father of Edgar Atheling and of Margaret wife to Malcolm Conmor King of the Scots But these being absent at that time Emma the Mother of Prince Edward and Widow to Canutus the Dane took the oportunity to set her son upon the Throne as being not onely half-brother to King Edmund Ironside but also half-brother and consequently nearest Kinsman to Canutus the second which if it were a good descent will plead almost as strongly for King Harald as it did for him Fuller My words are true and not subject to just exception which I confined onely to King Edward his relation to his own brethren The legend of his life reports him to be crowned when unborn in his Mothers Belly and having six elder Brethren by the same father King Ethelred 1. Ethelstan 2. Egbert 3. Edmond 4. Edred 5. Edwy 6. Edgar Some of which came to the Crown others died in their minority King Edward though thus pre-crowned did not endeavor to ante-date his possession of the Throne before his elder Brethren but waited till the title as it was derived unto him from his father descended on him Otherwise I advocate not for Him if He took it from any other who had more right to it than himself Dr. Heylin But by what means soever he got the Crown he deserved to weare it Fuller I cannot cordially close with the Animadvertors expression herein being sensible of no Desert which in this Case is not attended with a true Title For who shall judge of the desert of Competitors If the person himself then every usurper will cry up his own worthinesse If his party they will make him most meriting whom they favour most in their fancies This will unsettle all States cassat all Titles and cause much distraction But believing no Il at all intended in these his words let us proceed Dr. Heylin Our Author telleth us ibid. That whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land made some by the Britains others by the Danes others by the English c. He caused some few of the best to be selected and the rest as captious and unnecessary to be rejected from whence they had the name of the Common Laws That the Common-Law was so call'd because compounded of the Saxon British and Danish Lawes which were before of force onely in such places where the Danes Britans and Saxons had the greatest sway though it be easie to be said will be hard to be proved The Britains at that time liv'd under their own Princes and were governed by their own Lawes and so they were for a long time after so that King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them Nor was it propable that he should borrow any of their Laws or impose them on his natural Subjects considering the antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations There were at that time indeed in England three kindes of Laws The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Laws prevailing for the most part in the Kingdome of the East-Angles and that of Northumberland Secondly Saxon-lage used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons East-Saxons South-Saxons and that of Kent And thirdly Mercen-lage extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdome of Mercia As for the Britans of Cornwall and Cumberland they had no distinct Law for themselves as had those of Wales but were governed by the Laws of that Nation unto which they were Subject By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits which being afterwards reduced into one body and made common equally to all the subjects did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law But secondly I dare not give the honour of this Action to King Edward the Confessor The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward called for distinctions sake King Edward the elder who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor to whom our Author hath ascribed it But the truth is that these Laws being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way or by Laws of their own Countrey they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Laws and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding of which more hereafter Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to Justice so from his piety his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings-Evill which some impute as our Author tells us to secret and hidden causes Fuller This long Note might well have been boiled down from a Gallon to a Gil to make it more cordial If the Reader can pick any information out of it much good may it doe him Let the honour of so good a Deed with all my heart be parted betwixt the two Edwards one the Beginner the other the finisher thereof Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination Amongst which others I may reckon our Author for one He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imagination as our Author calls it may produce in those of riper years it can contribute nothing to the cure of children And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves some hanging at their Mothers breasts and others in the arms of their Nurses all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of Fuller If I be reckoned amongst them I am mis-reckoned for though I conceive fancy may much conduce in Adultis thereunto yet I believe it partly Miraculous as may appear by my last and largest insisting thereon I say partly because a compleat Miracle is done presently and perfectly whereas this cure is generally advanced by Degrees and some Dayes interposed Dr. Heylin Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of
the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it Fuller Though a courteous Prolepsis might salve all the matter yet to prevent exceptions in my next Edition the Lord shall be degraded into Sir William Stanley THE FIFTH BOOK Relating to the time of King Henry the Eight Dr. Heylin WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eight in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His super-structures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practise of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth onely in the speculation Fuller I deny and defie any such Designe to overthrow the foundations of the Churches right If the foundations be destroyed what can the righteous doe Iâ— my Back could butterresse them up it should not be wanting However I am not sensible that any such invasion was made on the true property of the Church but that the King resumed what by God was invested in him and what by the Pope was unjustly taken from him though none can justifie every particular in the managery of the Reformation Dr. Heylin But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meete with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presidentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640 by a free election and in a statutable way being left out of our Authors Catlogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who came in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might doe the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fuller Would the Animadvertor had given me the Christian as well as the Sirâ—name of the Doctor that I may enter it in my next Edition But I will endeavour some other wayes to recover it Such and greater Omisions often attend the Pens of the most exact Authors Witnesse the Lord Stanhop created Baron of Harington in Narthampton-shire â—ertio Iacobi left out in all the Editions Latine and English of the Industrious and Judicious Mr. Camden though his junior Baron the Lord Arundel of Wardour be there inserted This his omission proceeded not from the least neglect as I protest my Innocence in the casual preterition of Dr. Newlen Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. King Henry endeavoured an uniâ—ormity of Grammer all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-Masters might keep their learning That this was endeavoured by King Henry and at last enjoyned I shall easily grant But then our Author should have told us if at least he knew it that the first hint thereof proceeded from the Convocation in the year 1530 in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset docendi c. That the multiplicitie of Grammers did much hurt to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Ut una eadem edatur formula auctoritate hujus sacrae Synodi in qualibet singula Schola Grammaticali per Cantuariensem Provinciam usitanda edocenda that is to say that one onely form of teaching Grammar should be enjoyned from thenceforth by the Authority of the Convocation to be used in all the Grammar Schools of the Province of Canterbury Which being so agreed upon Lilly then Schoolmaster of St. Pauls School was thought the fittest man for that undertaking and he performed his part so well that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools throughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this businesse placing it in the eleventh year of this King Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into consideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and certainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fuller The Animadvertor discovers much indiscretion in cavelling at a well-timed truth in my Book and substituting a falshood in the room thereof The endeavor of Henry the eight for uniformity of Grammar throughout all his Dominions begun as I have placed it one thousand five hundred and nineteen William Lillie being the prime person imployed for the composure thereof Indeed it met not with universal Reception for some years babits not being easily deposed and therefore the Convocation concurring with the Kings pleasure therein added their assistance in the year 1530. as the Animadvertor observeth and soon after by the Kings Proclamation the matter was generally effected But whereas he sayth That after that time 1530. William Lillye was thought the fittest man for that undertaking Let me tell him That a man dead five if not eight years before was not fit to make a Grammar I appeal to Bale and Pitts both which render William Lillye to dye in the year 1525. but mistaken herein For indeed he dyed three years before if the Epitaph on his Monument made by his sonne George Lillye may be believed in a brass plate near the great North dore of St. Pauls Gulielmo Lilio Paulinae Scholae olim Preceptori Primario Agneti Conjugi in Sacratissimo hujus Templi coemiterio hinc à tergo nunc destructo consepultis Georgius Lillius hujus Ecclesiae Canonicus parentum memoriae piae consulens Tabellam hanc ab amicis conservatam hic reponendam curavit Obiit ille G. L. Anno Dom. 1522. Calend. Mart. Vixit annos 54. Wherefore this unnecessary Animadversion to correct what was right before might very well have been spared Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. Howsoever it is probable some other Gardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honor to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish Writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavil was not made till after this King had rejected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Archbishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might enable him for that place But his eldest brother Prince Arthur dying and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior as iâ— he were as short in learning of King Henry
an Injury when they must passe for necessary Animadversions on my Book to the defaming thereof as if it were defective without them which were there though perchance not so finely as fully and clearly before Dr. Heylin Possible it is that being overlaid by his own Subjects and distressed by the French he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities And doing this if this were all he did no more than Nature and indignation and the necessity of his affairs did provoke him to not half so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise and construing his actions to the worst improv'd the Molehill to a Mountain rendring him thereby as odious to posterity as he was to themselves Fuller How much is this different from what I have written before but that the Animadvertor will not wear words at the second hand of my using but will have them spick and span new of his own making Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester whose Country house at Bromley is so nigh had ever a House in the City There is no question but he had Stow finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester house adjoyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters ruinous and out of reparation in his time as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromley House and since converted into Tenements for private persons Fuller It was a Question to me though none to the Animadvertor now it is a question neither to him nor to me who by him am informed I see that men may learn by what boyes learn in their Qui mihi Sed qui nil dubitat nil capit inde boni Had I not questioned this once publickly probably I had questioned it ever privately and gone in my self without satisfaction Dr. Heylin But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion I shall help him to the knowledge of two more and shall thank any man to finde out the third The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House situate neer the old Temple in Holborn first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln Anno 1147. since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton and passing by the name of Southampton House The second is the Bishop of Bangors a fair House situate in Shoe-lane neer St. Andrews Church of late time leased out by the Bishops and not since the dwelling of Dr. Smith Doctor in Physick a right honest and ingenuous person and my very good friend Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of Asaph to the finding whereof if our Author or any other will hold forth the Candle I shall follow the light the best I can and be thankfull for it Fuller I faithfully promise so to doe as soon as I arrive at any good intelligence thereof Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of Subjects animosities improving themselves on their Princes extremities c. Our Author telleth us in his Epistle to the Reader that the three first Books of this Volume were for the main written in the reign of the late King and that it would appear so by some passages which were then proper for the Government But certainly if these words were written in the time of the late King they were written in the time of his distresse when his affairs were desperate and his Party ruin'd the name of Royalists had not else been used here in the way of reproach nor any new matter charg'd upon them which might render them more obnoxious to fine and ransome than the crime of Loyalty Fuller My Loyaltie did rise and fall with his Majesties successe as a Rock in the Sea doth with the ebbing and flowing of the Tyde I had more pitty but not lesse honour for him in his deepest distresse God knows my heart I use not the word High-Royalist here as by way of reproach and the unpartial Reader niether will nor can so understand it Some there are who maintain that a King is no way confined with his own Laws but that without any fault he may by his own lâ—st limit his Demands on his Subjects taking from them without any wrong what they refuse to pay unto him There the Animadvertor will call Royalists and I dare call them High-Royalists beholding as I have said the Grand-Charter as the product of Subjects animosities improving themselves on their Princes extremities Dr. Heylin But whatsoever our Author thinks it cannot but appear to any who consults the story of former times that the original of this Charter was first writ in blood obtain'd by working on the necessities of some Princes extorted in the minority of another and finally confirm'd by him who had not power to justifie his denial of it Fuller I could heartily have wished that the Animadvertor had expressed the names of these Kings Who now onely hope that I conjecture them aright 1. King Iohn on the working of whose necessities it was first obtainned 2. Henry the third whose consent thereto was extorted in his minoritie 3. Edward the first confirming it when not in power to justifie his denial during his durance as a Prisoner taken in Battail Here I confesse are three sad conditions necessity of the first minority of the second captivity of the third But know that the last of these when at liberty and not onely endued with freedome but impowered with force and being as wise and successefull a Prince as ever sate on the English Throne found it advantagious for his Interest to observe what formerly when a Prisoner he had confirmed Otherwise his Sword was so long reaching as farre as Palastine it self and so sharp hewing his conquering way through Wales and Scotland that therewith enforced with his arm he might have rescinded the Seals of the Grand-Charter and put himself into the condition of an absolute command But he preferred the strict observation thereof partly out of Piety because solemnly sworn thereunto partly out of Policy as sensible that therein the Rights of Sovereigns and Subjects were indifferently contempered to their mutual happinesse it being Fetters to neither but Girdles to both to be strengthned by such restraints Dr. Heylin And if our Author be so certain that those Kings flourihed most both at home and abroad who tyed themselves most conscientiously to the observation thereof I would fain know how some of our Kings who have most conscientiously tied themselves to that observation became so unprosperous or how some others came to flourish both at home and abroad who have made it their great work to infringe the same in almost all the
King Henry the fifth Fuller This being allowed as indeed it is but a Pen-slip who is more faulty the Author in the cursorily committing or the Animadvertor in the deliberate censuring thereof Dr. Heylin But I cannot think so charitably of som other errors of this kind which I finde in his History of Cambridge fol. 67. Where amongst the English Dukes which carried the title of Earl of Cambridge he reckoneth Edmond of Langly fift son to Edward the third Edward his son Richard Duke of York his brother father to King Edward the fourth But first this Richard whom he speaks of though he were Earl of Cambridge by the consent of Edward his elder brother yet was he never Duke oâ— York Richard being executed at South-hampton for treason against King Harry the fifth before that Kings going into France and Edward his elder brother slain not long after in the Battail of Agincourt And secondly this Richard was not the Father but Grandfather of King Edward the fourth For being married unto Anne sister and heir unto Edmond Mortimer Earl of March he had by her a sonne called Richard improvidently restored in blood and advanced unto the Title of Duke of York by King Henry the sixth Anno 1426. Who by the Lady Cecely his wife one of the many Dâ—ughters of Ralph Earl of Westmerland was father of King Edward the fourth George Duke of Clarence and King Richard the third Thirdly as Richard Eâ—rl of Cambridge was not Duke of York so Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge though by our Author made the last Earle thereof Hist. of Cam. 162. before the restoring of that title on the House of the Hamiltons Fuller This hath formerly been answered at large in the Introduction wherein it plainly appeares that the last Richard was Duke of York and Earle of Cambridge though I confesse it is questionable whether his Father were Duke of York However it doth my work viz. That the Earldome of Cambridge was alwayes the first alone excepted conferred on either a forreign Prince or an English Peer of the Blood-royall an honour not communicated to any other Peere in England Dr. Heylin If our Author be no better at a pedegree in private Families then he is in those of Kings and Princes I shall not give him much for his Art of memory for his History lesse and for his Heraldry just nothing Fuller When I intend to expose them to sale I know where to meet with a francker Chapman None alive ever heard me pretend to the Art of memory who in my booke have decried it as a Trick no Art and indeed is more of fancy than memory I confesse some ten years since when I came out of the Pulpit of St. Dunstons-East One who since wrote a book thereof told me in the Vestry before credible people That he in Sydney Colledge had taught me the Art of memory I returned unto him that it was not so for I could not remember that I had ever seen his face which I conceive was a reall Refutation However seeing that a natural memory is the best flower in mine and not the worst in the Animadvertors garden Let us turn our competitions herein unto mutuall thinkfulnesse to the God of heaven Dr. Heylin But I see our Author is as good at the succession of Bishops as in that of Princes For saith he speaking of Cardinal Beaufort Fol. 185. He built the fair Hospital of St. Cross neere Winchester and although Chancellor of the Univesity of Oxford was no grand benefactor thereunto as were his Predecessors Wickam and Wainfleet Wickham and Wainfleet are here made the Predecessors of Cardinal Beaufort in the See of Winchester whereas in very deed though he succeeded Wickham in that Bishoprick he preceded Wainfleet For in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Winchester they are marshulled thus viz. 1365. 50. William of Wickham 1405. 51. Henry Beaufort 1447. 52. William de Wainfleet which last continued Bishop till the year 1485 the See being kept by these three Bishops above 120. years and thereby giving them great Advantages of doing those excellent works and founding those famous Colleges which our Author rightly hath ascribed to the first and last But whereas our Author â—elleth us also of this Cardinal Beaufort that he built the Hospital of St. Crosse he is as much out in that as he was in the other that Hospital being first built by Henry of Blais Brother of King Stephen and Bishop of Winchester Auno 1129. augmented onely and perhaps more liberally endowed by this Potent Cardinal From these Foundations made and enlarged by these three great Bishops of Winchester successively proceed we to two others raised by King Henry the sixth of which our Author telleth us Fuller What a peice of DON QUIXOTISME is this for the Animadvertor to fight in confutation of that which was formerly confessed These words being thus fairly entred in the Table of Errataes Book pag. line 4. 185. 22. read it thus of his Predecessor Wickham or Successor Wainfleet Faults thus fairly confessed are presumed fully forgiven and faults thus fully forgiven have their guilt returning no more In the Court Christian such might have been sued who upbraided their Neighbours for incontinence after they formerly had performed publique penance for the same And I hope the Reader will allow me Reparation from the Animadvertor for a fault so causlesly taxed after it was so clearly acknowledged and amended Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 183. This good precedent of the Archbishops bounty that is to say the foundation of All-souls Colledge by Archbishop Chicheley may be presumed a spur to the speed of the Kings liberality who soon after founded Eaton Colledge c. to be a Nursery to Kings Colledge in Cambridge fol. 184. Of Eaton Colledge and the condition of the same our Author hath spoken here at large but we must look for the foundation of Kings Colledge in the History of Cambridge fol. 77. where I finde something which requireth an Animadversion Our Author there chargeth Dr. Heylin for avowing something which he cannot justifie that is to say for saying That when William of Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester afterwards founder of Magdalen Colledge perswaded King Henry the Sixth to erect some Monument for Learning in Oxford the King returned Imo potius Cantabrigiae ut duas si fieri possit in Anglia Academias habeam Yea rather said he at Cambridge that if it be possible I may have two Universities in England As if Cambridge were not reputed one before the founding of Kings Colledge therein But here the premisses onely are the Doctors the inference or conclusion is our Authors own The Doctor infers not thereupon that Cambridge was not reputed an University till the founding of Kings Colledge by King Henry the sixth and indeed he could not for he acknowledged before out of Robert de Renington that it was made an University in the time of King Edward the second All
Soveraign having learnt primum in unoquoque Genere est excipiendum The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much but thereof nothing to confute me and little to informe others He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain if living in that Age for his exactnesse in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate before he came to the Crown Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blinde the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Capâ—ive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spar'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to holde them in than a Spur to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesome caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The murthering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and much lesse Preachers to preach for it untill these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who layes it down for an Aphorisme in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did underhand solicite her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths eares as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually appli'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be affirm'd that he speaks in this case the sense of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such divinity preach'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before or since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speake more in another place and then he shall heare further from me Fuller My words as by me laid down are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them only they hold out an Handle for me thereby to defend my self I say States-men did admire at the preserving King Henry alive and render their reason If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman whose generall Judgement in this point I did barely relate he is much mistaken in me Reason of State and Reason of Religion are Stars of so different an Horison that the elevation of the One is the depression of the other Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves so that where-ever they meet they must fall out and fight but Reason bowed by Politicians o their present Interest that is Achitophelesme is Enmity to Religion But the lesse we touch this harsh string the better musick Dr. Heylin Now to goe on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldome of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formerly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters onely of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodsâ—ock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one moity which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office oâ— Constable to the Duke of Gloâ—ester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other moity But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor doe I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to doe he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fuller The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors Some say that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard 1. Power 2. Honor 3. Wealth First Power to be Hereditary Constable of England not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis but in the right of his descent Secondly Honor the Earldome of Hereford Thirdly Wealth that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor I instanced onely in the first the pride of this Duke being notoriously known to be more than his covetousnesse not dâ—nying but that the Kings denyal of the Land he requested had an effectual influence on his discontent Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the maâ— the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win
By the Church of England the Animadvertor meaneth as I believ the Hierarchy the Funerals whereof for the present we do behold However I hope there is still a Church in England alive or else we were all in a sad yea in an unsaluable condition The state of which Church in England I compare to Eutichus I suspect it hath formerly slept too soundly in case and security Sure I am it is since with him fallen down from the third Loft from Honour into Contempt from Unity into Faction from Verity into dangerous Errorsâ— Yet I hope to follow the Allegory that her life is still left in her I mean so much soundness left that persons born living and dying therein are capable of salvation Let such who think the Church of England sick pray for her wonderfull Recovery and such as think her dead pray for her miraculous Resurrection Dr. Heylin But as it seems they feared where no fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the Spanish State had no minde or meaning of a Match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming thither How so Because saith he fol. 112. they demanded such unreasonable liberty in education of the Loyal Offspring and other Priviledges for English Priests c. If this be all it signifies as much as nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the businesse was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreasonable ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a Commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they doe not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable price at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practise especially in driving State-bargains or all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the Marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of Wales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the Wedding The breach which followed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the â—ault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said Fuller I expected when the Animadvertor had knocked away my Bowl he would have layed a Toucher in the room thereof but if neither of us have a Bowl in the Alley we must both begin the Game again May the Reader be pleased to know that living in Exeter I had many hours private Converse with the Right Honourable Iohn Digby Earl of Bristow who favoured me so far much above my desert that at his last going over into France where he died he was earnest with me to goe with him promising me to use his own expression that I should have half a loaf with him so long as he had a whole one to himself This I mention to insinuate a probability that I may be as knowing in the Misteries of the Spanish Match as the Animadvertor Double was the Cause of the breach of the Spanish Match One such as may with no lesse truth than safety be related as publickly insisted on in the Parliament viz. the Spanish Prevarication to restore the Palatinate The other secret not so necessary to be known nor safe to be reported And I crave the liberty to conceal it seeing the Animadvertor himself hath his Politick Aposiopaesis breaking off as abruptly as the Spanish Match with this warie reservation though where the fault was and by what Means occasioned need not here to be said Dr. Heylin But well fare our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breach and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibid. Whereupon King James not onely broke off all Treaty with Spain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliament But multa apparent quae non sunt every is not as it seems The Parliament in this case came before by whose continual importunity and solicitation the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace too well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desparate of successe any other way than by that of the Sword as was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore our Author should have said that the King not onely called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason nor the truth of story Fuller To be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Covenant-breaker is a foul fault as the Apostle accounteth it Far be it from me to charge it causlesly on any especially on a dead Christian especially on a King especially on King Iames generally represented over-fond of Peace and therefore the more improbable first to infringe it To prevent exception in the next Edition calling the Parliament shall have the precedency of breaking off the Treaty for the Match I suspect that the Animadvertor hath committed a greater transposition when affirming King Iames to have designed the Spanish Match in order to the recovery of the Palatinate Whereas it plainly appears that before any suspicion of troubles in the Palatinate occasioned by P. Fredericks accepting the Crown of Bohemia this Match was projected by K. Iames for P. Henry his eldest Son and after his death resumed for P. Charles without the least relation to the regaining of the not then lost Palatinate I have passed over some additory notes of the Animadvertor in this Kings Reign partly because I perceive my Book swels beyond the expected proportion partly that I may have the more scope to answer every particular objected against me in the Reign of K. Charles in such things which lie level to our own eyes and are within our own remembrance THE ELEVENTH BOOK Containing the Reign of K. Charls Dr. Heylyn THis Book concludes our Authour's History and my Animadversions And if the End be sutable unto the Beginning it is like to finde me work enough our Authour stumbling at the Threshold which amongst Superstitious People hath been counted for an ill Presage Fuller Who I pray stumbled in the beginning of his Animadversions when he said That the Brittains worshipped but one