tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to
be a Heretick a Waster of his Revenues a Lover of dishonest women a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified because our Queen was excommunicated her people not able nor willing to help and succour her her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly for ruling the Low Countries by strangers for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry for aiding the Leaguers in France and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some and condemned by others To be short I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey and in disgrace of Spain in commendation of our Princess and in dispraise of the Spaniard in allowance and approbation of all her actions and in reprehension of all or most part of his Enterprises These things were in substance all that I heard some to my comfort and others to my grief And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines I will warrant your return within a very short while after that you shall have sent me your Treatise Your credit with Cardinal Allen your acquaintance with Morgan your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton your conversation with Charles Pagett and your long experience in forraign affairs hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands If you run through them lightly you shall rather point at them then please me If you dwell upon them long you may fear to be thought too tedious And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled Such was his speech and this my short reply In hope of performance of your promise I will undertake your task not because I take my self able to answer your expectation but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction and not to my discredit You may be instructed if you read them advisedly and I discredited if you make them common To be short with assurance of his secrecy I undertook his task if he shall hold his promise I shall think my labours well bestowed if they may procure my return I shall have employed my pains to my contentment And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers their satisfaction shall double my joyes when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity The singular affection which you bear unto me and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me have greatly deceived you in making especial choice of me as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome You see Flanders in trouble France in Arms Scotland in division and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world either as Neutrals idly looking and gazing on their miseâ—ries or as men interessed in the same cause voluntarily ayding and abetting them or their enemies This sight seemeth unto you very strange because that professing one Christ Crucified fighting under one Master and bearing the general name of Christians they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention to to enlarge his already too large Confines and Territories In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat But if it may please you to remember That things in common are commonly neglected that perils which be far off and not presently imminent are little regarded That dangers which are at hand and hang dayly over our heads carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities And lastly that this careless negligence or the common Adversary is no new thing but a matter of great Antiquity and long continuance You will leave to wonder thereat and begin to prâ—y unto the Almighty as I do to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 to change the minds of our malicious Christians and to illuminaâ—e the hearâ—s of our lawful Princes that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation put in present practise those remedies 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien◠〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas We may look upon the Masters behold the Pilots â—nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers and this is all that we can do and who so looketh for more at our hands erreth as much in your Opinion as you are deceived in your Choice But the Interest which you have in me and the hopes which I conceive of you make me rather to hazard my poor Credit then to incur your heavy Displeasure You may and I hope you will conceal or excuse my follies but I would not and God forbid I should deserve the least diminution that may be of your accustomed favours towards me In hope therefore of your Secresie I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse The chief Actors whereof are The mighty Monarch of Spain The merciful Queen of England The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal The valiant King of France The Imperious Prelate of Rome The sleeping and secure States of Germany The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice And the weak but wise Princes of Italy Spain coveteth more then his own Portugal and France would gladly recover their own Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own Germany feareth not the peril that is far off Venice temporizeth wisely and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest but inwardly wisheth his weakness and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome wherein the
Princes are as you see many their Designs as you have heard too viz. to conserve and to increase their own and the means to effeâ—t and accomplish their Desires as you shall understand many in number and divers in nature Of the Princes their Designs and their Means I will deliver unto you my opinion in General and in Particular Generally You see and I consider that by the Competencies Pretensions Titles Quarrels and Debates of all these Princes the general Estate of Christendom is greatly weakned and the strength of the common Adversary daily increased That all their Realms and Dominions are either molested by continual Wars within the very Bowels and poor inward parts of the same or grieved with intollerable charges in sending out Men and Munition with other things necessary unto the said Wars That their Subjects are greatly impoverished by reason of these Charges and their hearts sorely oppressed with grief and anguish because of these troubles Lastly That some of these Princes fain would and cannot others can and will not redress those Enormities Now seeing all this you cry out with the time against the time with the time you accompany their just complaints with your sorrows who lament the iniquity of the time and against the time both you and they say that it is more wicked dangerous and troublesome then ever it was You think it impossible to find a Magistrate so just as Aristides An Emperor so good as Trajan A King so fortunate as Augustus A Prince so valiant as Alexander A Captain so chaste as Scipie A Councellor so faithful as Hephestion A General so expert as Hannibal A Conqueror so merciful as the Romans You see no Princes in this our corrupt Age surnamed Gods as was Demetrius amongst the Athenians The delight and love of the people as was Titus amongst the Romans The wonder of the world as was Otho the third amongst the Germans The Founder of their Cities as was Caius Marius amongst the Romans The Father of the common people as was Cyrus amongst the Persians The Son of fortune as was Charles the Great amongst the Bohemians The Buckler of the Common-wealth as was Fabius Maximus Or the Sword of the Country as was Marcus Marcellus You rather find that some Princes may be called Tyrants as was Dionysius The Scourge of God as was Attila Epicures and God Bacchus as was Antonius Lords and cruel Governors as was Cambises Covetous and Merchants as was Darius Lecherous and Effeminate as was Sardanapalus You see no Honours done unto Princes of our time as was done in times past If they be in Adversity their Subjects put not on mourning weeds as the Romans did when Manlius was in trouble If they be in Prison the Clergy giveth not their Treasure and the Commonalty the fourth part of their goods for their Liberty as the Clergy and Commonalty of England did for the Ransome of R. 1. If God calleth them to his mercy neither do the women bewail their deaths ten Moneths together as the Roman Dames did the death of Coriolanus nor the men poll their Heads their Horses and their Mules or fill the Air with cries the Rivers with tears or the Fields with continual lamentations as the Persians did for Masistias But contrary wise some of them are wrongfully driven from their Kingdoms as in Don Antonio of Portugal others continually molested with Domestical Wars as is Henry King of France some untimely done to death by their unnatural Subjects as was the late French King others unjustly persecuted by their unmerciful enemies as is the merciful Queen of England you see the Godly called ungodly as the Princes of France and England are commonly termed Heretiques and those which are far from the Catholique faith called Catholiques as the present King of Spain and a few of his Predecessors You see Subjects licensed to rebel against their Soveraigns as in France and England You see Fathers bear Arms against their children and Brethren war against the seed of their Mothers Womb as they do in France and Flanders You see Fields that were wont to be fruitful to lye now barren and unfertile Cities that were rich and populous to be poor and desolate Merchants that lived in wealth and prosperity to languish in need and penury Gentlemen that neither wanted ease or pleasure to lack all manner of rest and contentment And lastly Men Women and Children that knew not what murther and massacres meant cruelly murthered and daily massacred You see Germany pestered with divers Religions Poland infected with sundry Heresies France divided into many opinions Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions and England troubled with Genevian Puritans and obstinate Barrowists You see in all or some of these Regions Monasteries subverted Religious Houses destroyed Ecclesiastical living abused and Benefices unworthily collated You see Justice corruptly administred Laws dissolutely executed good counsel negligently followed and dissembling flattery more then diligently embraced You see new charges daily invented unaccustomed Subsidies yearly imposed extraordinary grievances hourly practised and unknown Offices unadvisedly established You see secret wars under the name of peace hidden enemies under the colour of amity privy seditions under the pretence of ancient confederacies You see Nobility to degenerate in vertue from their Ancestors Sons to vary in opinion from their Fathers Neighbours to dissent in Religion with their next Inhabitants and Judges not to agree in matters of Justice with their fellows in Office You see the Puritan ready in outward appearance to dye for his Religion the Anabaptist for his the Papist for his the Lutheran for his the Barrowist for his and other Sectaries for their several Sects and Heresies Briefly you see Offices dearly sold which were wont to be freely given Women impudently bold which were accustomed to be honestly minded Men transformed into mis-guised Atires and children brought up and misled in unknown vices and impersections Now seeing all this you fear that variety of Religions may subvert the Countries wherein it is suffered as it did in Bohemia and Hungary That new exactions may chance to cause a Rebellion in the Regions wherein they are levyed as it did in France and Flanders That Princes degenerating from their Antecessors may be driven from their Imperial Crowns as they have been in Spain and Germany That Towns not inhabited may cause penury amongst the Nobility want amongst the Merchants and extream poverty amongst the other Inhabitants as they do in France and Flanders And lastly That all and every one of these Mischiefs and Miseries may breed further inconveniencies as they have done in other Countries in which they have been either in old time or within our memory practised This sight therefore and this fear ingendreth in your heart a just and worthy dislike of the present time and a great desire and delight in the Age of your fore-Fathers You condemned
things Since Might overcometh Right and Blood asketh Blood What man liveth in this Age whose Predecessors endured not the torments that he suffereth Saw not the miseries that he seeleth Tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth Felt not the wrongs that he supporteth Lost not the blood that he loseth The Sun shineth now as it hath done the Stars keep the course they were wont to do the Sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did and the Rivers run the same way which they always ran I mean and you may understand how I mean that all things proceeding from nature duly keep and observe their Natures I mean therefore and you may perceive how I mean that as long as nature hath created and shall create Princes of diverse dispositions so long their Subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes unto good if they be good and godly and unto bad if they be naught and wicked In the good they have enjoyed and shall enjoy the benefit of Peace In the bad they have felt and shall feel the discommodities of War In the good they had and shall have all things which they desire In the bad they wanted and shall want nothing that may discontent them In the good their estate was and will be such as you commend In the bad their condition was and shall be such as you condemn For as Princes retain the Prerogatives given and granted unto Princes so Subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto Subjects Every Prince hath his qualities and every sort of people hath his conditions The Spaniard varieth from the Italian the Italian from the French the French from the German the German from the English-man and the English-man from the Scots And such as all and every one of these Nations have been such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same Climate and receive breath from the same Air. And as these Nations naturally hate one another so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another and therefore if against their nature one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other the one commandeth imperiously and the other obeyeth most unwillingly and yet it so hapneth oftentimes that the Commander is commanded and they that once obeyed many times command So did Padua command Venice and now Venice commandeth Padua So did Rome rule Spain and now Spain ruleth Rome So did France sway the Empire of Germany and now Germany precedeth France So did France command the King of Navar and now Navar either doth or should command France So did Portugal hate Spain and now doth Spain rule over Portugal So did Italy bear sway over most part of Christendom and now some part of Christendom is Mistris over Italy And when things happen as these do contrary to nature contrary to mens expectations contrary to mens desires can there be Peace where there are so many occasions of War Love where there is such cause of hatred Upright dealing where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong Is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek Plain dealers with common Deceivers Men of peace with men of war Simple Subjects with subtile Princes Especially since Kings of strange natures or Countries never ruled well or long people varying from them in nature or conditions Whence came it that the Danes were driven out of England the French-men out of Naples the English-men from France and of late years the Spaniards out of Flanders Forsooth because Conquerors are odious and why are they odious truely because they are most commonly insolent And wherefore are they insolent verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list And what moveth them to be of that mind The good opinion conceived of themselves and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the Conquered What think they of themselves marry that they are valiant happy victorious and fortunate And what is their opinion of the Conquered Undoubtedly they hold them for Cowards base minded vile Slaves and effeminate persons And what are the effects of these sundry opinions Certainly that the Conquerors heaping cruelty upon cruelty and the Conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and servitude they by negligence commit many errors and these by wary circumspection and providence take advantage of their follies Whence they lose their conquest and these recover their Liberty I take oftentimes great delight to read our English Chronicles and especially the Reigns of Edward the Third and of Henry the Fifth because I see therein the continual success which they both had against the Frenchmen It delighteth me greatly to consider what sway Edward the black Prince bare through all Christendom to see how Princes Courted him to read how Kings sought unto him to behold how he restored Kings to their Kingdoms and drave Usurpers from their Usurpations To remember how valiantly he fought at Poitiers and Cressy two of the most famous Battels that ever were fought in Europe To Record how he took the French King and most part of the French Nobility Prisoners How he brought the King and them into England how reverently he carryed himself towards the Captive Prince how Honourably he was received by his Father and his Subjects and how lovingly the two Kings entertained one another and in the end departed one from the other But my joy is turned into sorrow and my delight into grief when I see that the Frenchmen naturally hating Englishmen that the Prince forcibly overcharging the Conquered with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Tributes that the Gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedience unto their natural Prince and that the French King unkindly taking hold of the occasions that were offered unto him they with him and he with them set upon the poor Prince when he was unprovided invaded his Country when he thought little of their coming and drave him into England who had driven them out of France The like hapned unto Henry the fifth and his Successors for the one was not so fortunate in Conquering as the other was unfortunate in his losses but hereof hereafter And now more plainly to my purpose let me confer the miseries of this Age with the calamities of former times They that inveigh against the present State wonder at many things which I will begin in order and let you see and understand that in times past all things were in as evil case as they are at this present They first wonder that the common Adversary of Christendom being in Arms and ready to invade part of Austria the civil Wars in France and Flanders cease not but continue in as great fury rage and extremity as ever they did That the Princes of Christendom labour not to appease and finish the said Wars but rather nourish and maintain them That the Popes Holiness whose
Point I likewise Answer briefly That the Law that provideth for the remedy of such as by Imprisonment or by violence and just fear and such as the Law â—aith cadet in fortem virum have yeilded to any inconveniency extendeth not in my simple conceit her force unto the Contracts of Princes which are celebrated and concluded after long Wars betwixt them For if Conquerors might not impose what conditions of Peace they please upon the conquered there would never be any end of Wars And as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side as for Ecclesiastical livings betwixt Ecclesiastical persons redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon and with the best conditions they may so in Wars Princes who have lost the field and so weakned their Forces that they are able to make no longer resistance may lawfully alienate the more part of the Revenues of their Crown to purchase their liberty and their Subjects quiet who if their Princes might not capitulate with his and their Adversary in such manner as the Conqueror shall demand should be deprived of their lives liberties and Livings of all which three every King is sworn to have a special care and regard and to seek all means possible to preserve them all And in consideration hereof it is usual amongst Princes rather to lye in durance a long time then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged and either time or intercession of other Princes who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands and be Mediators of Peace mitigated and moderated their anger they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions For confirmation hereof I could alleadg many examples but I will deal with a Frenchman at his own weapon Guicciardine in his before mentioned History discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto Francis the first King of France after he was taken Prisoner at Pavia in Italy by the Army of the Emperour Charls the fifth saith That there were never but two Kings of France taken prisoners in the field to wit King Iohn and the said Francis King Iohn was so kindly used in England where he lay above 2 years priâ—oner that after he was delivered thence he would needs go thither again to see his good Host for so he termed the King of England whereas Francis the first albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of Italy into Spain being in great hope and confidence that the Emperor who had seen the change and variety of time and also the inconstancy of fortune would have some Princely compassion upon him found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation for he was committed to hard prison kept with a continual and strong guard not attended upon as a Prince of his might and greatness ought to have been hardly suffered to speak with his Sister who was sent out of France on purpose to comfort him and never brought unto the Emperours sight and presence until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the Phisitians almost despair of his recovery the Emperour not for love as Guicciaraine affirmeth but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his Ransome went to visit and comfort him The reason of this hard usage was to inforce him by long durance and want of liberty to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions And although he had oftentimes answered the Emperour that he had rather dye in Prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands which could not be well performed without the great prejudice yea almost the utter subversion of his Kingdom and had accordingly written unto his Nobility and Council in France that they should make no more account of his life or liberty because the demands of his Ransome were too too unreasonable yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard conditions and Articles as were agreed upon by Charles the fifth and his Council Which indeed were so hard that although his Sons lay in Spain as Hostages for their performance yet after he was delivered he would not see them accomplished but fell a fresh to Wars with the Emperor and in the end by the intercession of other Princes made a more reasonable end But King Iohn as both the French Chronicles and ours do report was set at liberty with more equal conditions and yet the same were not performed And the Frenchmen in all Treaties of peace with us have either gone so far beyond us with their wits that they have oftentimes greatly deceived us or have so fraudulently violated all or the more part of the Articles of their Agreement that our victories being many against them never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advantage The consideration whereof moved one of their Writers to say that we never won any thing of them by the dint of Sword but they recovered the same again by the sharpness of their wits And another Historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings and saith That when we come to treat with them of Peace we sit down proudly and with great words extoling our exploits valour and good success against them in the beginning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole Kingdom of France but in the end of them we fall from Mountains unto Molehills Now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable that we have yeilded them far better favour and better conditions of peace then they hoped for and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily and so deceitfully with us both in the time of King Iohn and others before the Reign of Charles the Sixth that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of that which was promised unto us And certainly as the Treaties and Conclusions of peace made with King Iohn and King Francis were in the opinion of the best and learnedst Lawyers of Europe held lawful although they were not in all points performed so the Contract made betwixt Charles the Sixth and his Son-in Law Henry fifth of England was undoubtedly agreeable to Law and Equity for otherwise Princes should be in worse condition then Subjects who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make But it was hard to demand and take a whole Kingdom True if conquests were not lawful we should have dealt so favourably with Charles the Sixth as our Predecessor did with King Iohn it might be we would have done so if King Iohn and his Successors had not before oftentimes deceived us Princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
King that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alonsâ— moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him should so much forget himself as to write Alganalibertag some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty Como la ha hecho a mi as he hath done â—aith he unto me it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble but also to comfort favour and promise him some high reward assuring his Majesty that whatsoever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him he would take the same as bestowed upon himself yea further beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf and that his commendations hath not a little availed him to the end saith he Salga de la opinion que ya concedido he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done Was not this think you a point of great disobedience in a base Souldier as Don Alonso had been Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face Was it not a fault severely punishable to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by consent of an whole Councel at War Was not that General in an evil case who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers who must of necessity be inforced not only not to punish but also to pardon and not to tolerate alone but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment But this was not all And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented Sancho de Avila the Colonel Mudragon the Captain Monteselega the Colonel Verdugo the Castellan Francisco Hermandes de Avila and many other of the most especial Captains of that time were likewise so displeased and uttered their discontentments in such manner as that Don Iohn was compelled as he testifieth in the same Letter to pacifie them not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan as they had in Flanders Now whereas the wisest best and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage and intolerable arrogancy may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King but this kind of disobedience is not usual and whereas there be good Masters there most commonly be likewise good servants So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom he must likewise have sufficient and good Souldiers And because it hath been said that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious it must needs follow as a necessary consequent that the King of Spain whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes both in number and experience cannot be without good Souldiers and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever To this Argument it is easily answered that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a Prince of no great strength and puiâ—sance If then you remember as you cannot forget that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention are the king of France and the Queen of England the Subjects of either of which Princes are neither inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour you cannot chuse but perceive and see that the King is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these Princes This was well known unto his Father who as it hath been said before so carried himself in all his life time that when he had England for his enemy France was his friend and when he fell at variance with France he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England Besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predecessors strength and power at other times for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen then of that which happeneth very seldom he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning Princes might and power by his own and his Predecessors former puissance But before I enter into the due consideration hereof it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are you know that in this our corrupt Age as men are friended so they are favoured that they who are highest in Authority are most commonly as high in praise as they are in preheminence that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty that no man can so securely as perhaps boldly derogate the least jot that may be from their credit and reputation who in common opinion are held praise worthy Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof and our common Proverb saith That it may be an untruth which two or three report but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest yea such is the force of common same that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages it carrieth great credit and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity of marvellous gravity of singular learning and rare wisdom have attributed in their speeches in their conferences in their writings more praises and far greater commendations unto Spain then unto any other Country many for fear to be reputed unwise if they should not subscribe to their opinion some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery and others for affection which easily deceiveth very wise men have of late years either thought it a duty or a degree and step to preferment to concur in opinion both openly and privately with as many as have dedicated their Studies and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours to the setting forth maintenance and augmentation of Spain and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputation Thence
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
Again this was no direction but an admonition no counsel but a request and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him not onely to have listened but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors Was it think you a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile and to Garsias King of Navarre that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second King of England Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars or being at wars continue therein do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals and sometimes to their far inferiours and although the cause be far greater and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten and a King whenas he begat him and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus who after due examination of the Cause gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes and this judgement hath ever since remained and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes There are few or no Historiographers of France England or Scotland that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll Robert Bruse and Iohn Hastings Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander and by common consent of all Historians this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first King of England who chose forty or some say eighty the one half English men and the other half Scotish-men who having throughly discussed every mans right gave sentence for Iohn Balliol who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland which Award was confirmed by the King The Chronicles of Flanders and our Histories testifie that Henry the second and Philip King of France and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair and the Flemings his subjects after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops and the later unto men of meanner condition and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbitâ—ement I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose but they would rather dilate thâ—n discuss my purpose and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason And the rest shall be confuted more conveniâ—ntly in another place Then to the third Error Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England that the Princes Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism entred into League with the Pope the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise with express condition that he as head and they as principal Adherents should labour travel and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs To sound the depth of this Alliance and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious honest or commendable for him it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers qualities conditions and means of every one of these Allies For although some or most of them have been spoken of before when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes The Pope as Christs Vicar the Holy Father of the Church the lawfull successor of St. Peter and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith for all these are his Titles that he challengeth as proper and peculiar to himself will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself yet be his confederates never so great let their charges never so much exceed his and their Armies be they by Sea or by Land far excel his as well in number as in valour yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy and Umpier and Arbitrator of all conâ—entions that may arise thereof The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk by Pius Quintus King Philip that now is and the Venetians For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges imployed more Gallies and greater Forces then his Holiness and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative must needs have the honor of the first place in that League and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League the same was to be referred unto his Holiness and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine For fear therefore of his heavy indignation I will not presume to defraud him of his honour The Princes of Italy shall have the second place and the Peers of France the last It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance that will consider that his City of Rome which is the chief seat and the greatest part of his strength retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue that she loseth her Reputation Prosperity Peace and Dignity as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi two notable Families of
his friends Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks besides certain years Pentions which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks But grant that he gave much more then he did Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness procureth him faithful Friends and eternizeth his Name more then his bounty and liberality I know that Nero was reprehended because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions I confess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven millions And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams or as some report One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades I allow no such prodigality and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality I read that the Parliament House in the tenth year of Richard the Second of England considering that through the covetousness of the Officers by them displaced the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight under the King of the whole Government of the Realm And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes because they having wasted their Revenues they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion Now from the late Kings Prodigality briefly in a few words to his other vices he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it became a married Prince but I find not that his wantonness was outragious and sure I am that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife as David did to Urias nor made away with his own Wife to have another as it is said the Spanish King did And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived and no King ever pleased God more then David did And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton women but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did had not the Queen-Mother the Duke of Guise and others who ruled all things under him nourished that humour in him to the end that he following of his delights they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure and oftentimes invited the King thither and so fed him with vain delights that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia that if he had had a good Governor in his youth who would not onely have had a care of his health but also have given him good instructions he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince for he had a very good Wit and a natural disposition to Vertue and Goodness But the Marquess of Brandenburg who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Manners being a very good Prince but more delighting in Banquets Dancings and other such Sports and Pastimes then in serious and grave studies befitting a Prince brought the King up in those Vanities wherein he took such pleasure and delight that he cared not how little he medled with matters of State Good Education is a great Jewel for all men but especially for Princes because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth such they retain in their elder years And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain Delights in the days of his indiscretion The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness must light upon them who were the Authors of his folly and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him which were Valour Wisdom Eloquence and the use of divers Languages Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel where as it is written by Historiographers of good credit it was impossible for a Prince for such was he at that time to shew himself more truly valiant then he did and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham a discreet and wise Gentleman and of great Judgement and Experience when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him upon occasion of talk at his Table coming from such and so able a man as was may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities For I well remember that the said Sir Henry talking with his Nephew Mr. Maximilian Cobham who was then lately come out of England into France of the late King said that he had been imploied as Ambassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor the King of Spain and divers other Princes but among them all he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently readily and wisely then the said King and that as often as he had Audience of him he would sometimes speak in French and sometimes in Italian and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred before he departed from him yet like a wise and discreet Prince he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer untill he had talked with his Council and at their next meeting his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden and that not at one Conference onely bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty in the space of three or four years so well and so wisely that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Condey
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
we hardly change our opinons and yet when we have changed we stand stiff and obstinate in our new and late received conceits and are very hardly removed from them Insomuch that whatsoever the Childe receiveth from his Father or whatsoever the Grandfather teacheth the Grandchildren that seemeth to be irremoveable and subject to no kinde of alteration A man may therefore boldly say yea swear that the Spaniard let him try all the means he can possible shall never inforce a general change in Religion For since his Father whose power although he should surpass yet he shall never match him in good fortune could not constrain the Protestants in the very infancy of Religion to return unto his profession is it credible that the Son should ever be able to compel far and remote Nations mighty and great Princes manly and warlike people which of late years have forsaken Popery to reassume their old opinions But if any man think him great sufficient and mighty enough to effect his disire let that man consider how many how noble and how learned men the cruel War of Charls the Fifth against the Protestants in Germany the most barbarous cruelty of Francis the First against them in France the bloody five years persecution of Queen Mary in England the Spanish Kings terrible and horrible Inquisition in Spain Italy and Flanders lastly the most execrable and hateful Massacre of Paris hath sent headlong and before their times unto another World And when he hath considered all these let him likewise remember that the more these Tyrants murthered the more the Protestants as though others sprang out of their blood encreased daily If all these shall not content and satisfie him let him call to mind how many years the Wars continued in France and Flanders for Religion with far greater obstinacy then with good success and happiness Lastly Let that man weigh with himself how unlikely a thing it is for the Spaniard to prevail against so many Nations who in almost Thirty years continuance hath not been able to replant his own Religion in a few Provinces of one Nation Besides the rare success and the wondrous events that have alwayes followed the Proâ—estants make me beleeve that their Cause is a good Cause and whosoever so beleeveth must likewise beleeve that were their number smaller their Forces weakerâ— their exprience far more slender then it is yet God that can win with a few as well as with many with the weak as well as with the strong will not onely protect them but also confound their Adversaries How many examples find we in prophane Histories which record that small sroops have oftentimes subdued great Armies and that mighty Kings have been put to flight by weak Princes How can we then but think that the Protestants who are Gods Souldiers who fight in his Cause and are defended by his Forces are able to beard the proud Spainard yea to brave and foil all his Confederates It is no small comfort to have God on our â—ide It is a geat Consolation to sight in a good cause And who can desire better advantage then to contend with and Adversary that beginneth to decline that is ready of himself to fall And is not the Pope and his Kingdom in this case Have not many Nations as I said said long since shaken off the intolerable burthen of his grievous yoke and bondage And do not all States when they begin once to decline sooner fall from the half way towards the end and to their utter destruction then from the beginning of their first declination unto the middest of their downfull Shall not those then that seek to defend Popery do even as a Physitian doth when he laboureth to preserve a very weak and old man from the danger of death Hath not St. Paul said that Antichrist shall perish as soon as he beginneth to be known And if God by the mouth of St. Paul hath pronounced this Judgement this Sentence against him who either can or will be able to prevent or hinder the execution thereof He is now no more able to encounter with Henries Othons and Fredericks great and mighty Emperors He hath no more Kings of France to fight in his quarrels No more Kings of England to be Defenders of his Faith No more Switzers to be Protectors of his Church all these have forsaken him and by Example of these many other Princes have learned not to set a Fig by him Thus the First point is cleared now it remaineth to clear the second and to make it appear that the Spanâ—ard although he could yet he should not constrain his Subjects by force of Armes to change their Religion This point although it hath been already touched in some manner yet it was not so sufficiently handled but that it needeth a more ample Declaration For the better understanding therefore of this Question you shall understand that the Common people which are Princes Subjects never did and particular men although they change their lives yet they leave most commonly behinde them their posterity and their Children which succeed them not onely in their Lands and Inheritances but also in their quarrels and affections Insomuch that there dieth scant any man so bad so wicked so unbeloved but that he leaveth behinde him either children kinsmen or friends who will not onely be sorry for his death but also revenge the same if he chance to be violently or wrongfully put to death This appeareth by the Wars of France and Flanders This appeared most evidently by the Bloody and long Civil contentions that were betwixt Lewis the last Earl of Flanders for after his death the Earldom fell to the House of Burgondy as it did after the death of the County Charles unto the house of Austria and the Citizens of Gaunt who after that they had unadvisedly born arms against their said Earl and began to repent themselves of their folly most humbly intreated the Dutchesse of Brabant the Bishop of Leige and other Noble men to be Mediators of a friendly peace betwixt them and their Earl The Dutchesse and the rest became humble Suitors for the poor Gantois the Earl was obstinate and would not yeeld to their Request unless the Inhabitants of Gaunt would be content to meet him at a place appointed bare-headed and bare-footed with halters about their necks and there ask him pardon and forgiveness which being done he would then pardon them if he thought good The rich Citizens hearing these hard conditions and considering that when they had made this humble submission it was doubtfull and uncertain whether they should be pardoned or no of humble Suitors became most desperate Rebels and as Men careless of their lives resolved rather to die then to yeeld to so unreasonable conditions and with this resolution before they were constrained to leave their Town not above Five Thousand of them issued out of the City and as roaving Wolves seeking for their prey went in a great
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
so high a place and dignity so that he be well assured of his Friendship And if it so fall out that those cardinals who are not well affected unto him by plurality of their voices make such a Pope as is rather his enemy then friend he presently seeketh all means possible to purchase his favour he corrupteth his best favourites bribeth his neerest servants winneth by yearly fees and pensions his chief cardinals and so by direct and indirect courses procureth his assured Friendship Or if he be past hope to obtain the same that Pope shall be assured not to live long in his pontifical feat and Majesty For either he or some one of his friends or followers for him will find some way or other to dispatch him as it hath been very lately seen and verified So that either love procured and continued by his benevolence and liberality towards the Popes Cardinals or fear proceeding from the consideration and remembrance of the dangers which later Popes have both incurred and endured because they did not either like him or were not well liked by him containeth and continueth the See of Rome in peace and amity with him Next unto the Pope are the Venetians with whom the Spaniard knoweth that he may very easily entertain Love and Friendship because they do or have always put great trust and confidence in the change and alteration of times attributing so much thereunto that it is greatly to be feared their long sufferance will be the cause of their utter ruine and destruction for temporizing as they do they will become in time a prey unto some warlike Nation and namely unto the Turk with whom by reason of their continual Traffique with him they stand in such terms that they lye always open unto him and it is to be doubted that he taking the advantage and benefit of time will one day when they least suspect him deprive them of Corsu Candia Zant and other places as he did suddenly spoil them of the Kingdom of Cyprus notwithstanding because the Venetians are somewhat jealous of his greatness and fear to see any man to be of over-great credit and authority within the bowels and heart of Italy the Spaniard hath a watchful and suspitious eye over them knowing that as nothing can sever or seperate them from the Turk unless they see him not only ready to decline but also in some manner thrown down so they have always and will still be most ready to withstand the aspiring ambition of any Forreigner that should seek to make himself great and mighty in Italy Moreover he knoweth that the Venetians know not their own power nor can tell how to use the same which they shewed to be most true not many years since when they took not such occasions of enlarging their Dominions as were offered unto them Again he considereth that they having lived a long time in peace are grown so out of use of wars that they have in a manner forgotten all military discipline and therefore if they should at any time give him occasion to fall at variance with them he might undoubtedly with assaulting them upon a sudden drive them to some great inconvenience especially if he should enter with his forces into the heart and very center of their Dominion and there compel them to put strong Garrisons within all their Forts and Towns of strength whereby they should not be able to keep the field and in so many holds as they have it cannot be but that in some of them there would quickly be found want either of victuals or of munition or else some means to corrupt the Garrison or the Captain or the Inhabitants or such as are factious of which quality and humour there are many in very many of their cities Further he knoweth that if he were but once Master of the field all that is not strong within the Seigniory which in all States is a great deal more then the strong would presently yeild unto his discretion or else he should constrain them to come to the field and there leave the Forts and Towns without sufficient defence or else not to be able to continue their Garrisons long and coming once to the field they will easily be drawn of necessity unto a Battel wherein they can hope for no great good success or at the least they must suffer some great disadvantage by reason of the want of experience as well in their Souldiers as in their Captains But the greatest care or fear the Spaniard hath of the Venetians is lest that the remembrance of their good usage and demeanor towards the Neapolitans and of their mild and gentle Government wheresoever they chance to have the upper hand should make the Neapolitans willing and ready to further their Attempts if at any time they should set upon the Kingdom of Naples This care maketh him entertain friendship with them and also putteth him in mind if he see the least likelyhood that may be of Wars with them to seek all the means possible either by prevention or sudden Invasion to divert them from warring against Naples Thus liveth he either in peace with them or warreth against them with great advantage Now from them to the other Princes of Italy the which are of such strength that he needeth not greatly to fear them only of them he hath this care and this regard That he suffereth none of them to augment and increase his Estate no not him that dependeth most upon him carrying always this mind That it behoveth him as well to contain his best friends within a moderate and convenient greatness as to weaken and depress his enemies For he assureth himself that those that love him best in Italy who flatter him now most who follow him with all favour and furtherance would quickly forsake him if his Power once began to decline For the Italian lendeth his hand to his enemy to help him up that is but up to the chin in Water and putteth his foot upon his head to drown him that is fallen in above the chin And because he knoweth their weakness to be such as that they cannot possibly annoy him unless they chance to enter into League and Confederacy against him he entertaineth their divisions maintaineth his credit and reputation amongst them provideth wise and discreet Officers to govern his Subjects there useth his own people as gently as he can and lastly foreseeth that they shall not combine themselves against him This is all that I shall need to say of the Princes of Italy From whom I must come to the Queen of England who the times being as they are is in my simple opinion the mightiest and most terrible Enemy that the Spaniard hath For albeit France is far bigger then England the Turk mightier then France and the other Princes of whom I have spoken nearer unto him and his States then we are yet France is divided and therefore not able to molest him The Turk is
she might happily be enabled to maintain either all or part of the Expences of those Wars with his Treasure And having learned of men of great experience what Forces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they not unadvisedly required And albeit neither her Majesty nor the Lords of her privy Council were ignorant that the Indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered And therefore that such a Navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there yet both her Grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own or of her Merchants Ships in that service lest that the Spanish Fleet which was expected in England many years before it came coming upon her Realm in the absence of Sir Francis Drake and his Consorts should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful For as it sheweth courage in a Prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own Dominions so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power as if the enemy in absence thereof invade his Realm there should not be found at home an Army sufficient to withstand his Invasion Now as touching her Majesties Attempt made against Portugal and Spain The manner thereof is not unknown unto the world the cause is notorious and the success is not hidden nor secret For Mr Anthony Wingfields and Mr Dr Doylies Books the one in English the other in Latine set down the order motive and the event of that Attempt so truly so fully and so plainly as I shall not need to say any thing thereof especially having already touched his Right at large for whose cause and at whose instance the Voyage was undertaken But because the said Books make but a plain and true Narration of the Journey and of the cause and success thereof leaving the Justification of the same cause unhandled and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof I will in this Point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure Presupposing therefore Don Antonion his Title to the Kingdom of Portugal to be just and right as his own Apology can and doth testifie I think it will not be denyed but that what help soever was or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof was and will be both warrantable by Law and justifiable by many and infinite Histories The Law be it of Nature or of Nations warranteth any man whatsoever Vim vi repellere to repel force by force which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only That it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person or endangereth his life but it reacheth further and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence yea sometimes to kill him if he cannot otherwise retain his own that goeth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inheritance or to take away his goods from him The same proceedeth further with us in England and in France and provideth that if a man be assaulted and others stand by and help him not they are held for partakers of the violence that is offered unto him and if a man be robbed upon the high-way and Hue and Cry be not made presently after the Theeves the Town Village or Hamlet which presently pursueth not the Malefactor shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed The reasons of this Law are many First it is expedient for the Common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the Subjects thereof then there should neither be Meum nor Tuum if this Law did not take place Next the first and especial cause of assembling Societies together and of making and fortifying Villages Towns and Cities was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety as well of their Goods as of their persons Lastly nature detesteth unlawful violence desireth the conservation of her Creatures tendreth their welfare and hateth the Procurers of her harm and detriment and therefore provided Princes that should minister Justice unto all men indifferently defend the innocent valiantly maintain their Subjects in peace continually and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tranquility Now because Justice loseth her name and majesty unless a proportionable Equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof as private mens security is regarded and tendred in Justice so the Law must likewise have the indempnity safety and commodity of Superiors Magistrates and Princes in recommendation otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own Subjects are For the wrongs that are done unto them are righted by their Magistrates and therefore it standeth with good reason that some provision be made and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the Kings and Princes If a Subject be thrust out of possession of his proper Inheritance the Law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto And if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof He shall but how Forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him but what if the Usurper will not yeild to his petition he is then to implore the help of other Princes and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the Usurper to make restitution of all that he detaineth wrongfully whereunto iâ— he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him they may junctis viribus invade his Realm and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly For this charge lay upon the Emperours as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the Kings of this world But now that the Imperial Majesty is somewhat abated and Kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the Emperours power and jurisdiction it remaineth as part of the charge of Kings to see that no violence be offered unto their Colleagues and especially unto their Confederates Therefore it is usual amongst Princes to enter into Alliance together with express conditions to take the Enemies each one of the other for their own Enemies and not only to defend their own Estates against all men whatsoever but also to offend him whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice and there is nothing more common then to see Princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the Oppressors Adversaries and to receive help and succour from them They therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed Prince and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy which either refuse to receive such an one or after his receipt offer him any manner of wrong or violence because as to adde affliction unto the
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
alwayes proveth peace betwixt Princes The one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake and for the benefit of the Subjects on both parts yea for the better maintenance of the Wars And the other is used and practised for his great advantage whose Embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly for Embassadours are as Phil. de Comines said very well but honourable Espies and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in Princes Courts not only after the rupture and breach of peace but also sometimes when they are at mortal Wars that they may be Mediators of peace Send therefore saith de Comines Embassadours unto thine Enemies even when thou art at most deadly feud with them For though thy charges in sending be great and thy Adversaries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice yet if those whom thou sendest be wise they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them and countervail their expences The reading of Histories hath taught me that Embassadours are sent from one Prince to another even in the hottest times of their Wars sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley So Caesar sent unto his enemy Ariovistus to require him to appoint some convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concerning the profit of himself and of Ariovistus sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace So Divito was sent Embassadour unto Caesar to desire peace at his hands sometimes to spie and sound the affections of Subjects So Hannibal when he was coming into Italy sent certain Embassadours unto the French King being then subject unto the Romans to enquire of their affections and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the Alpes quietly and to behold where he might pass them with least danger But I shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter And therefore from it again to my purpose The taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urged and therefore must be more sufficiently answered This is the sore that gauleth the wound that grieveth the corroâ—ive that groweth To this therefore I will adde another Plaister It shall not suffice that the money intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the King of Spains but to belong unto certain Merchants of Genoa that Allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment but it shall be added yea and proved for an Embassadour was sent by her Majesty into Spain of purpose that her Highness complained unto the King of Spain of the great wrong that was done by the Duke of Alva unto her Majesty and unto her Subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her Grace and them for that money which if the King although it was certain it appertained unto those Merchants would needs have it it was offered unto him by the said Embassadour that it should be restored so that her Highness Subjects might enjoy their ancient Liberties and Priviledges within the Spanish Dominions and also a restitution might be made by the Duke of Alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them And the same Embassadour added further that it was never her Majesties mind to offend the Catholick king nor to provoke him to wrath and anger whose Friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her What might her Majesty have said more lovingly or what better satisfaction could the king of Spain demand Was he displeased because her Majesty gave no better audience unto the Duke of Alva his Secretary who was sent to admonish her Majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his Master Why his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands and made his Masters Subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in England For her Highness hearing that the Duke had made stay of her Merchants and of their Goods to be even with him commanded that all the Merchants strangers that then lived in England and were Subjects to the King of Spain should likewise be arrested and their Goods attached and strait Commandment was given unto our Merchants that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the Spanish Dominion until the Kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our Merchants Here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the Duke of Alva was occasion of greater unkindness then should have proceeded of so small a matter For if he had forborn to arrest our Merchants and to attach their Goods until his Masters pleasure had been known his Kings Embassadours had had better audience and his Subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms as they suffered by his default For after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our Merchants and their Merchandizes her Grace could do no less then she did especially since the Lawes of her Realm have provided that her Subjects being restrained in the like manner shall have recourse unto her Highness as unto her chief Justice and there demand that the Subjects of a forraign Prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their Goods be presently attached in England until our Merchants and their Goods be released and set at liberty by that Prince So the blame in this case must lye upon the Duke of Alva who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our Queen and his King should have wisely dissembled the same and quickly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them For a Servant and Counsellor may offend as well in being too forward as in being too â—low in his Masters business as I shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter the which when I shall handle will give light unto this matter and fully and throughly cleer the same Now to the proof that the King of Spain did before the intercepting of this money give her Majesty just occasion to â—eize upon the same and to detain it although it had been much more then it was for her own use and benefit It is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the Spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her Majesty I think it will follow that she might justly have done him even then and before then far greater despight then ever she did When the late French King suffered the Duke of Alencon his Brother to take upon him the Title of the Duke of Brabant and the defence of those Countries he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brothers going thither and to signifie unto the Spanish King that all that was there done was done without his Counsel and Privity The Spanish King was highly displeased with this Message and answered the Embassadour that he
think that the Spaniard desireth not her Kingdoms who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power to the end he may be the better able to annoy her And how can she be too wary too circumspect too wathful over such a friend if he will needs be taken as a friend who watcheth and snatcheth every little and great secret and coulourable occasion to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy Shall she take him for a friend that seeketh to murther her person to estrange her Subjects to destroy her Realms The first confirmed by the Treasons before mentioned The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen wherein he exhorteth teacheth and licenseth her Subjects to rebel against her and had for his labour a Cardinalship procured by the Spaniard The last lately verified and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy gathered together in seven years space compounded of all Nations and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer and yet by our Might and the Almighties assistance happily and speedily conquered It is truly written or wisely fained That Hercules a man exceeding common mens stature a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune a man of rare vertues and of admirable force and strength went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand and wandring from place to place only to subdue and chastise Tyrants and this true History or wise Fiction tendeth to no other purpose is reported for no other cause but to signifie that oppression is hateful and oppressors hated that affliction craveth compassion and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy and that to subvert the one is laudable and to succour the other is lawful Then if as Cornelius Tacitus saith other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them but Princes are and must be of another condition because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Renown The Prince that succoureth the oppressed and seeketh to supplant the oppressor worketh a deed of Charity an action of Piety a work of commendation and in working thereof bendeth his counsels and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame Then if as Polibus saith he that hath not compassion of other mens harms must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries Princes because there is quaedam rerum vicâ—ssitudo and fortune was never at all times favourable although they be in the highest degree of felicity must not presume too much on their own good fortune nor condemn those that are in miseries lest that if they chance to fall no man will vouchsafe to help them up again Then if as Thucidides saith he is not only a Tyrant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude but he also that may withstand another mans violence and do not withstand the same Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Tyrants Then if as Zenophon saith it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor who hath violated his faith unto them and unto others are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity Then if as Iosephus saith patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof Then if as Bartholomeus Facius saith women-kind the weaker and more fearful it is the readier it is to beleive any credible report her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States unto which the late King of France did as you have heard give open ear and would as it is credibly reported have vouchsafed sufficient relief had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods as ambitious minds do affirm and desire yet must they remember that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable but rather hateful and odious as too too great and obstinate severity and a mind nothing flexible or relenting at the sight at the remembrance of another mans misery Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars and to oppress their Subjects yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do that a wise man must first try all other means then use the tryal of Armes that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent that they which offend by force and not of purpose by constraint and not of free-will and use Armes for their liberty and not oâ— malice deserve pardon and not hard dealing favour and not cruelty life and liberty and not death and servitude Then to be short if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the Queen of England and the oppressed Flemmings yet let all avail her and them so shall she and they be justified and the Spainiard condemned so shall their and her actions be approved and his doings be reprehended so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity and all Princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority so briefly shall it appear that the Spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty and that although she hath hitherto spared him yet she hath no occasion to favour â—im And now I will make it appear that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent greater strength in Flanders then she did and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither those Countries which are now partly in hâ—s possession and partly freed from his bondage had all before this time rejected him for their Lord and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection But the fear which she had of him and his power at home the supplies which she sent into France and the upholding of her friends in
it cometh to pass that divers learned men in their Writing striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein So doth Iohannes Vasoeus in his Preface of his History of Spain say that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Province of Spain called anciently Boetica as that divers forain Nations being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver The same Authour addeth further That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians Libians and Romans for they found their silver in such great quantity that one man called Bebelo gave daily unto Hannibal there thousand Crowns The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation affirmeth our of Iustin That Spain may compare for fertility of soil with France Affrica and Italy for that these Countries never help Spain but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn and all other kind of Victuals The same Authour Hyperbolishing still in one manner calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world the Teacher of Hannibal to war the Nurse of Souldiers and the Province which knew not her self nor her strength before she was overcome and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nation of the whole world The same Authour always continuing one course preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion and for faithful obedience to her Soveraign Kings and Governours before all other Nations attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ unto Paul the Apostle and Iames the son of Zebedeus and extolling their loyalty because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings but also to forraign Princes and Leaders As Hannibal Pompey Iuba King of Numidia Sertorius a notable Roman Rebel reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations Lastly the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery equalleth Spain for learned men and women with the most learned Nations of Europe And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae with a Spanish brag speaking by way of a Dialogue more arrogantly then wisely of himself giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence as Tâ—lly the father and founder of eloquence would or did ever challenge And yet Tullies Verse O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large and briefly impugn them not by mine own but by other mens Testimonies who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and sidelity Munster therefore shall tell you that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver if we may beleeve Raymundus Lullius and other Alchimists of his opinion which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver The same Authour shall likewise tell you how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica France and Italy in fertility of soil since as he saith Spain lieth barren waste and desolate in many places and late experience sheweth that Denmark Holland and England have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals How warlike a Nation Spain hath been let not only Terapha a Spanish Chronocler and better witness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming but also reason and daily experience testifie both which telling us as you shall hereafter hear that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty And all Historians of former times and of this present Age will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did before they could be conquered for where was Caesar in greater danger then in England Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail But to proceed to the confutation of the rest Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion for he saith that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain and not long after Paul came to Narbona but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel by travelling over all Spain Forsooth but poor nine Disciples as Terâ—pha reporteth a small number for so great a Travel or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of much less for him to preâ—et Spain in this respect before all other Nations for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion England should yeild unto Spain because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ not alone as Paul and Iames came into Spain but with great company arrived into England and not he alone but divers of his society converted not poor nine but infinite many and not to profess Christ Jesus but to be baptized And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming which a Spaniard will rather die then not do our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain For Dr. Illescas in his Pontiâ—ical History reporteth that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold And England was the first Province in all the world in common opinion of all other Nations that received and professed Christian Religion and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil or of Eludius Archbishop of Toledo which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England not to remove errors as their Bishops did but to confirm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming Neither may it be justified that Spain as Vasoeus saith after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ never fell from the same for Illescas in the life of Pope Pelagius the second affirmeth that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation
to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all would fall out to be very many but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner I hold it first for a great oversight that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries by Deputies and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders he contrary to his Oath and all good policy hath ruled the said Countries by proud and dâ—sdainfull Spaniards For although a Magistrate loveth vertue and hateth vice embraceth justice and disliketh oppression possesseth all good qualities and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge instead of Peace and tranquility he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and dissâ—nsion For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples but the troubles and civil wars which in these few years have as I have said turned the prosperity wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty Ruine and desolation For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of thâ—se troâ—â—les shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrariâ—ty of the natuâ—es and dispositions of the Spaniards and of the Flemings because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meeknâ—ss and lenity and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women then by the severity and rigour of Men. And truly although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence as the Scriptures testifie and it hath been and it is a question disputable Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel or gentle and courteous yet the wiser sort are of opinion that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature gentle in condition and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles shall undoubtedly finde in them that more Kingdoms Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers then by the severity of the higher Powers For in Histories men shall see that even those people who lived many yeers in peace without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town to the maintaining of a Camp or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers to prefer Wars before Peace and the effusion of blood before the conservation of their lives The Province of Graecia after that it had sought and gained many Battels subdued sundry Nations and triumphed over infinite Enemies was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter changed the state of Rome and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered The Ancestors of the same Flemmings which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France sirnamed The Fair set over them took out of Prison a poor Weaver and made him their Head rebelled against their king and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders The People of sicilie moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen onely to destroy the fruit of their womb How many times have the People of England the Subjects of France and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion Yea in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant And in truth less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained Sâ—condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate then of the Superior Powers think it far better to have a bad Prince who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince For say thâ—y a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace giveth himself unto pleasure followeth his delights and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth But the wicked Magistrate studieâ—h continually how to commit Violence to invent new Exactions to trouble and torment the common People to clipp their Wings to deâ—â—owre their Children to dishonest their Wives and to seize upon their Goods to withhold their Lands and to violate and break their Priviledges These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate the remembrance of which is most greivâ—us the pain excessive the beginning odious and the end exâ—crable The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern And those contrariwise most unfortunate and subject unto infinite miseries which are ruled by Forain Princes The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes because they were born in Foâ—rain Countries The which consideration as it seemeth had sometimes place in England because amâ—ngst other Statutes of this Realme there is one to enable and make the Childâ—en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
unto his Majesty in the year 1575. to negotiate a general peace betwixt the King and his discontented Subjects as well Papists as Protestants This Ambassador in the preamble of his Speech to the King used these words We thank God that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us as to send us a King that both will and can hear himself the wants and complaints of his Subjects and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure and the laudable course of Justice For if our Writers have imployed their Labours in writing to blame and reprehend those Kings which hear not but by the Ears of others which see not but by the Eyes of others and speak not but by the Mouthes of others We have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed unto whom God hath sent a King so gentle and so loving unto his Subjects as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself and a King of so rare and excellent Wisdom as that he is able to decide and determine our Contentions This commendation given him by Seigneur Darennes far exceedeth Sir Henry Cobhams because he was the Ambassador of a Prince that was in League with the late King and the Siegneur Darennes of a Prince that not long before had born arms against this King And Sir Henry might speak for favour but the other spake as he thought because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation that he neither would or could dissemble And because this praise and commendation was given by an Enemy rather then by a friend it cannot but be void of all partiality assertion or flattery Thus you have heard the French Kings Vertues and his Imperfections the Leaguers folly and the Spanish Kings indiscretion Now it resteth to declare unto you his further error which although it be the last yet it is not the least and I fear me I shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then I did of the other three It is not unknown unto all or most part of the World that the King of Spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain English Fugitives did once attempt and doth still intend to invade and subdue England This attempt and this intention although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons and to be allowed by the wisest Councellors yet I will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom nor is continued with any great discretion To shew this it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose The causes are many and some of them are already sufficiently declared others rest first to be discovered and then then to be confuted It hath already been shewed that for succouring of France for aiding of Flanders for intercepting his money and for favouring and furthering of Don Antonio his resolution to recover the Kingdom of Portugal the Spanish King had no just occasion to be offended with the Queens Majesty It remaineth to prove that the Popes Excommunication That the false and sinister reports of the English Fugitives the death of the late Queen of Scots OF the sending away of his Ambassador with some small disgrace out of England giveth him no just occasion to trouble her Majesties quiet and peaceable Government All this being proved his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal Reasons The first because he took no good course for the accomplishment of his enterprise The second Because that although his course had been good yet he neither was nor is able to subdue England And the third Because albeit he should chance to conquer our Realm yet he could not hold the same long The order whereunto I have tied my self requireth that I begin with the Popes Excommunication And for the better clearing of this point it were necessary to shew what Authority he hath to excommunicate But this is a matter that requireth a whole and large Volume and therefore I have thought good not to medle therewith but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large Apology which Marsilius Paturius wrote above 266 years ago in the defence of the Emperor Lewis of Baviera against the Pope that would not admit or allow him for Emperor There you shall see that the Pope although he were Christs lawfull and indubitate Vicar a point which never was nor will be proved yet he hath no more Authority then Christ himself had There you shall read that Christ came not into the world to Rule that he took not upon him to Command Princes but that both he himself obeyed and taught his Apostles to obey Princes There you shall understand that Saint Paul the Apostle Saint Peter and other of Christs Disciples obeyed the Civil Magistrate and submitted themselves unto Temporal Government There briefly you shall learn that not Clergy man ought to meddle with Temporal matters And that the Pope hath no more Authority to pardon sins or excommunicate any man then other Inferior Priests and Ministers have All this being true as in that Apology you shall finde it learnedly substantially and sufficiently proved not by humane Reasons which may be erroneous but by sacred Scriptures which cannot be controlled your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you that this Excommunication can be of no great force And yet because many of our Countrimen attribute too much unto the Popes Authority and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly and holdeth it immediately from Christ. I will shew you as briefly as I can how the Pope of Rome attained unto that great Authority which he now enjoyeth It appeareth by Du Haillan in the French Chronicle that in the time of Charles the Great the Popes of Rome had no power or authority in Rome it self they medled but onely with matters of Religion with Ecclesiastical Discipline and with points of Divinity It appeareth also by Platina Dr. Illescas and Robert Barnes three notable Writers of the Popes lives the first being an Italian the second a Spaniard and the third an Englishman that many years after Christs passion and after St. Peters death they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the Emperors of Rome It is also notorious and apparent by the testimony the same Writers and of many more that they were wont to be chosen approved and confirmed by the Roman Emperors insomuch that he was not held for a lawful Pope which had not the Emperors approbation Briefly you shall find in the Histories and Chronicles of France that three Popes being chosen at one time they came into France the Kings whereof were then also Emperors to excuse themselves and their election because it was made without the consent or privity of the Emperor and to stand to his opinion that then was Emperor which of the three should be Pope but now there is a great alteration and a marvellous change
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal and that in England fâ—r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had mentioned withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry who knowing the Forces of England as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had received Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended enterprise against England So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly blame the Duke of Parma that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us And lastly as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood capable as their Authors report of all their kings huge Army So of the Spanâ—sh invincible Navy and of their mighty Army nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado and the flags of their tallest ships which were brought to Paulsâ—Cross â—Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices a happy Queen if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome too much lead and counselled by the Spanish King a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England France Flanders and Scotland then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions Of this Queen because she was nobly descended and the mother of a most noble King I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her Another that was neither an Englishman nor a Scot but a German Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors Sine ira studio without hatred or affection for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him This Queen saith my Author being weary of her second husband whose life was often sought and at length unhappily shortned not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly Certain Noblemon of Scotland being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide raised an Army against the Queen and forced her to resign her Kingdom unto her young Son But they confined her unto a certain Island whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scotland she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France took her journey by England where she was detained and when as certain Treasons intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen and establishing her in both Kingdoms were revealed and discovered she was more straightly kept and lookt unto until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life she was condâ—mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House and executed the same year accordingly Against this Sentence and his execution there are made these exceptions First it is said That the late Queen of Scotland being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England could not be condemned to death by her because Par in parem non habet potestatem Next it is alleadged that if a Prince should so much forget himself as not onely to pronounce but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority other Princes will be greatly offended with this Sentence and never endure that it should be put in execution To these Reasons there is added a Third That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death they think it unlawful to make new Laws new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince and in case it were lawful it is not known who should make these Laws who should adminster them who should execute them and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives it must needs be against all good Custâ—m to call their Behaviour in question or their Lives into danger The favourers of this cause proceed further and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince unjustly and for no occasion would quickly by themselves or by other Princes by open violence or by secret conspiracies be rid of their Princes So say they would it come to pass that by whom Princes ought to be preserved by them they should perish and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion For say they if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects or from his foreign Enemies or being driven by Tempest or other casualty into one Kingdom when he meant to go into another or that being in the field one Prince is detained by another the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince shall break and violate the Laws of Arms of Humanity or of Hospitality Lastly the Laws of Nations require that Princes Ambassadors even in the hottest broils and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent But if the Laws permit or rather command Ambassadors who do but represent the persons of Princes to be free from all dangers what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters For it is against all reason against common practâ—ce and experience to spare the
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word and he not worthy the name of an Ally whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate How then what other general way is to be practised Where a pen cannot prevail let a purse be walking Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum Let greater advancement be proffered to the Spanish Governors greater preferment to his best friends notable rewards unto those that will leave him Iulius coesar to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods and to reward them with the self same Honor Offices and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends Francis Forza a Captain of great worth and of better credit served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years against Philip Maria Duke of Millan and they to retain him to their onely service made him great offers promised him great preferment but the Duke hearing hearing thereof with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage and to make him his sole and onely Heir made him forsake his old friends and to become his vowed friend and servant But Francis Forza was a mean Captain and a man of no great Linage and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement whereas men of good account of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions such as the Spaniards cheifest Governors commonly are will not falsifie their faith or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever Truly men of great honour prefer their credit before their gain and yet honorable men are men as others be and suffer themselves to be won as others are There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua whose Successors are now Dukes and equal to great Princes and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan stood not so much upon his honor but that the said Lewis with greater offers and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift being desirous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth from Francis the First King of France obtained his request and purpose by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples There was a time when the said Emperor Charls being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh and the Duke of Urbin and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope who then was in League with the French King prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova in the Kingdom of Naples and gained the assured friendship of the other by making him Duke of Malfie and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him To be short there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair King of France did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperorâ— by the onely means of great Rewards to forsake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England and of Guido Earle of Flanders but also procured Albert Duke of Austria by warring upon the Emperor at home to detain him in Germany so that he could not as he had promised trouble and molest France But some men will say These men had no regard of their honour whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action then their Families enriched by unlawful corruption Yet it is written and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time That the Marquess of Pescara a Prince whose Vertues Fame Reputation Credit and Honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to forsake the Emperor Charls the Fift if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Marquess of Angelâ— together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not lawful King of Naples and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions and to assure him of the Kingdomâ— And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature For since Marquesses Dukes Emperors and Popes have been content to be caught with a golden hook let no man be afraid to try and sound or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you let me I pray you with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on whilst others shall annoy him And because of late years and since his late dishonour received in England he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterpâ—ise which he intendeth against England I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general thâ—t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet and to disquiet their general peace who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them will hereafter take occasion to hate them who knoweth since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others not for any great need they have thereof but either to weaken them or to bring them into the haâ—red of others whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength or the number of their friends Briefly who knoweth when their friends are diminished and their forces impared whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them Great
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
Recaredus King of the Goths and of Spain was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there until Recaredus his Raign which is better then four hundred years in manifest and manifold Heresies a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England or in many other Nations after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples Lastly if Spain will still continue to brag and say that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth by the name of the Catholique King they may leave to boast thereof when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King not much after the same time was surnamed by Leo the tenth Pope of Rome Defender of the Catholique faith and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain And lastly that Clouis King of France above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King A Title as for Antiquity so for worthiness better then the other because the French Kings for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome are called Primâ—geniti Ecclesiae the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome Now from their faith towards God to their fidelity towards their Princes a matter sufficiently handled and therefore needless and not requiring any other confutation then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes and have submited their necks unto many several Nations it argueth inconstancy fellow-mate to levity which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty because light heads are quickly displeased and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations To conclude then this Point with their learning let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming seeing the negligence of the Spaniards and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle Why then the Spaniards are negligent they are careless of their own commendation so thought Vasoeus or else he had not written their History so saith Sebastianus Foxius the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus the man who by attributing as you have heard more unto himself then any modest man unless it were a bragging Spaniard would do giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain Our Country men saith he both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars never gave their minds greatly unto study for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers and our wits being high and lofty could never brook the pains that learning requireth but either we disdaining all kind of study give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches or else following our studies for a small while quickly give them over as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfeâ—tion of learning so that very few or none are found amongst us who may compare for learning with the Italians or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago in her own defence or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth For as I take it Spain was never for this many hundred years so strong as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor And albeit Piero Mexias in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards then under any other Nation whatsoever and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion the flourishing Estate thereof under the before named Charles the fifth Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain rather beautified Spain then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon but receive both from the Moon so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater addeth no reputation thereunto but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof neither redoundeth it much in my simple opinion unto the honour of Spain or of the Empire that Charles the fifth was Emperor Spain is not greatly honoured thereby because Charles the fifth was a Flemming and no Spaniard and Spain came unto him as I have said by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles because he being born in Gaunt was not onely a vassal and natural-born subject unto the King of France but also unto the See of Rome for all the Dominions Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession saving those which he held of France and the Empire But Charles the fifth such an Emperor as he was and undoubtedly he was a very mighty wise and politick Prince never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever so great forces and so mighty an Army as might worthily be called invincible by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England This Emperor being as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said both Ambitious and Warlick
had in his life time many wars with divers Princes but none more notable famous and worthy of perpetual memory thâ—n his wars in France Italy and Germany For the wars which he had against the Turk are not properly to be termed his because his Forces alone were not imployed therein but the aid and help of the best and most part of Christendom His Forces in Germany were not above 9000 Horsemen and 50000 Footmen as Lewis Guicciardine testifieth in his Commentaries And although he used in these wars all his wit and policy to increase his own power and to weaken and diminish the strength of the Protestants performing the one by drawing into League with himself and unto his aid the Pope and other Princes of his own Religion And effecting the other as Sleidan writeth by great cunning and policy used in distracting many Princes concurring in opinion touching matters of Religion with the Protestants from their side and Faction yet the Protestants Army consisting of 10000 Horsemen and 90000 Footmen was far greater then his in number and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together had not divers of their Confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought Or had not the Duke of Saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him His Armies brought into France were many but none greater then at Laundresy and Marcelles In the first he was aided by our King And in the second by most of the Princes of Italy and other his confederates Insomuch that the King of France who had been first overthrown by him in Italy was constrained to implore the help of the Turk against him For when he came to Marselles he had as Dr. Illescas reporteth in the life of Paulus tertius in his Army about 25000 Almains 8000 Spaniards and ten or twelve thousand Italians the Almains gaâ—hered within the Dominion of the Empire the Spaniards within his own Realm of Spain and the Italians not onely in the Kingdom of Naples and the Dukedom of Milan but also in the Dutchy of Savoy and in other parts of Italy At Laundresey reckoning therein the Forces which he had out of England his whole Army came not to above 50000 as the said Guicciardine affirmeth These were the greatest Strengths that ever he gathered together and these are not so great but that our Queen without the help of any other Allie or Confederate hath oftentimes brought far greater Forces into the Field as both our Histories and the French and Scotish Chronicles do witness And Mr. de la Noüe his opinion before mentioned sheweth that the French King of himself is very well able to raise a far greater Army then any of these were against any of his Enemies I shall not therefore need as I might conveniently do in this place confer the Forces of England or of France with the strength of this Emperor who had never gotten the happy victory which he obtained against Franciâ— the first King of France had not the Italian Captains whom the French King put in trust deceived him by taking pay for many more Souldiers then they had in their bands a fault too much used in our Modern Wars had not the Switzers when there was most need of them departed to their own homes had not the French King given himself too carelesly to pleasures which caused his Forces to decrease and diminish daily or had not the said King very unadvisedly attempted in the cold Winter to besiege Pavia For the Marquess of Pescara understanding that the King of France being counselled thereunto by Captain Bonnevet was gone to besiege Pavia said unto his Souldiers We that were no better then men already conquered are now become Conquerors for our Enemy being therein ill advised leaveth us in Lody and goeth to fight with the Almains at Pavia where the French-men will not onely lose that Fury with which many times they work wonders but also will spend their chiefest Forces in a long and tedious siege of a Town not easie to be taken and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate Nation and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of Germany and without all doubt if the War continue long as it is likely to do we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof Now if this Emperor in these Wars the worst of which was far more just then the best which the King of Spain hath lately undertaken could with the help and furtherance of all his Allies and Confederates make no greater Forces then are before mentioned nor with his Forces should ever have had so good success as he had if his Adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been Why shall his son King Philip be thought able to bring more men into the Field then were in those Armies or worthy of so good fortune as his Father had since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his and his Actions and his Enterprises have not the like colour and shew of Wisdom or of Justice as the Emperor had That the Father excelled the Son in strength all men will confess saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of Spain for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of Portugal unto those Realms and Dominions which his Father possessed and left unto him although the Empire hath continued for these many years and is likely to â—emain still in the House of Austria and his very neer kinsmen in regard of whose Affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the Aid and Assistance of the Empire as he might if himself were Emperor Yet having so governed in Flanders that by reason of the long and continual Civil Wars those Countries cannot yeeld him such Aid of Men and â—oney as they did unto his Father who in all hâ—s Wars as Lewis Guicciardinâ— in the second Book of his Commentaries affirmeth had greater help both of Men and money from them alone thâ—n from all the rest of his Dominions he hath greatly impaired his strength and made it far inferiour unto his Fathers or unto that same which he himself was like to make before or at the first beginning of his Civil Wars For to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the Duke of Alva or Don Iohn de Austria have had in their Armies in Flanders whereof the first had at one time 6000 horse and 30000 foot and the other as many footmen and 4000 horsemen more The decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this that the Low-Countries are now reduced unto that poverty and to such a penury of men that he cannot possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services but he is fain to bring in Strangers to defend his Towns against the united Provinces Iacobus Meyerus in the
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don