of his wisdom and equity whereby great reverence and estimation is gotten as in the example of Solâ—man which may seem the reason why our Kings of England had their Kings Bench in Place of publick justice after the manner of the ancient Kings that sate in the Gate where for better performing of this Princely duty some speciall causes may be selected which may throughly be debated and considered upon by the Prince in Private with the help and advice oâ— his learned Councell and so be decided publickly as before is said by the Prince himself At least the Prince is to take accompt of every Minister of publick Justice that it may be known that he hath a care of justice and doing right to his people which makes the Iusticers also to be more carefull in performing of their duties 17. To be moderate in his Taxes and in positions and when need doth require to use the Subjects purse to do it by Parliament and with their consents making the cause apparent unto them and shewing his unwillingnesse in charging them Finally so to use it that it may seem rather an offer from his Subjects than an exaction by him 18. To stop small beginnings unto this end to compound the dissentions that rise amongst the Nobles with caution that such as are free be not drawn into parts whereby many times the Prince is endangered and the whose Common-wealth set in a combustion as in the example of the Barons War and the late Wars of France which grew from a quarrel betwixt the â—â—â—â—oâ— Faction and the other Nobility 19. To stir up the people if they grow secure and negligent of Armour and other provision for the Common-wealth by some rumour or fear of danger at home to make more ready when occasion requireth But this seldom to be used least it be supposed a false Alarm when there is need indeed 20 To have speciall care that his children especially the heir apparent have such bringing up as is meet for a King viz. in learning specially of matters pertaining to State and in Martiall exercise contrary to the practise of many Princes who suffer their children to be brought up in pleasure and to spend their time in hunting c. which by reason of their defects afterwards is a cause of mis-government and alteration of State II. Kingdoms new gotten or purchased by force are preserved by these means FIrst if they have been Subjects before to his Ancestours or have the same tongue manners or fashions as have his own Countrey it is an easie matter to retain such Countries within their obedience in case the Princes bloud of the said Countrey be wholly extinct For men of the same quality tongue and condition do easily sâ—ole and combine themselves together so much the rather if the people of that Countrey have served before and were not accustomed to their own Liberty wherein especially is to be observed that the Laws and customs of that purchased Countrey be not altered nor innovated or at least it be done by little and little So the Bâ—rgundians and oquitans were annexed to France The reason because partlty they have been accustomed to serve and partly for that they will not easily agree about any other to be their Prince if the Bloud Royall be casâ— extinguished As for the invasion of a forreign Countrey where into the Prince hath no right or whereof the right heir is living It is not the part of a just Civil Prince much less a Christian Prince to enforce such a countrey and therefore the Machiavillian practises in this case to make sure work by extiguishing wholly the Bloud Royall is lewd and impertinent The like is to be said of murthering the Natives or the greatest part of them to the end he may hold the rest in sure possession A thing not onely against Christian Religion but it is inhumane injustice cruel and barbarous 2. The safest way is supposing a right that some good part of the Natives be transplanted into some other place and our Colonies consisting of so many as shall be thought meet be planted there in some part of the Province Castls Forts and Havens seized upon and more provided in fit places as the manner was of the Babylonian Monarch which Transplanted 10. Jews And of the Romans in France Tribes of the Germany Britain other places The reason 1. For that otherwise Forces of Horse and Foot are to be maintained within the Provinceâ— which cannot be done without great charge 2. For that the whole Province is troubled and grieved with removing and supplying the Army with victual carriages c. 3. For that Colonies are more sure and faithfull than the rest As for the Natives that are removed from their former seats they have no means to hurt and the rest of the Natives being free from the inconvenience and fearing that themselves may be so served if they attempt any thing rashly are content to be quiet The Turks practise in Asia where the chief grounds and dwellings are possessed by the Souldiers whom they call Timariâ—tae That the Prince have his seat and his residence in his new purchase especially for a time till things be well setled especially if the Province be great and large as the Turks in Greece The reasons 1. Because the presence of the Prince availeth much to keep things in order and get the good will of his new Subjects 2. They conceive that they have refuge by the Princes presence if they be oppressed by the Lieutenants and inferiour Governours Where it will be convenient for the winning the peoples hearts that some example be made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression 3. Because being present he seeth and heareth what is thought attempted and so may quickly give remedy to it which being absent he cannot do or not do in time 4. If the Prince himself cannot be present to reside then to take heed that the charge of Governing or new purchases be committed to such as be sure men and of other meet quality that depend wholly upon the Princes savour and not to Natives or other of their own Subjects that are gracious for their Nobility or Virtue especially if the Province be great and somewhat far distant which may soon seduce the unsetled affections of those new subjects As for such Governours as depend wholly upon the Princes savour being not born but created Noble they will not so easily suffer themselves to be won from their duty and in case they would revolt yet they are not able to make any great strength for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers to keep them in Subjection and not for any ill will 5. To have the children of the chief Noble men and of greatest Authority Hostages with them in safe keeping the more the bettter For that no bond is stronger than that of nature to contain the Parents and Allies in obedience and they the rest 6 To
Justice and good order being more learned in the Law than in doing right and that he had by far more knowledge than conscience Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable bodie of Gold every ordinarie wit can vitrifie and make transparent pierce and discern their corruptions howsoever because not daring they cover their knowledge but in the mean while it is also true That constrained dissimulation either in the proud heart or in the oppressed either in publick estates or in private persons where the fear of God is not prevalent doth in all the leisure of her lurking but sharpen her teeth the voluntarie being no less base than the forced malitious Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings between the Lords of Switzerland their people between the Sicilians and the French between the Dolphin and John of Burgoign between Charl the Ninth and the French Protestants and between Henry the third his successor and the Lords of Guise hereof in place of more particulars the whole world may serve for examples It is a difficult piece of Geographie to delinate and lay out the bounds of Authority but it is easie enough coÌ„ceive the best use of it and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting happiness t hath ever acquired more honour by perswading than by beating for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal so do all other chains or cords both rustâ—e rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politick bodies But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil Justice for in respect of the first sort of Men to wit of those that live by their own labour they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels Meum Tuum Mine Thine is all wherein they seek their certaintie protection True it is that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land which God in Deuteronomie commanded to be spared they gather honey and hardly enjoy the wax and break the ground with great labour giving the best of their grain to the easefull idle For the second sort which are the Merchants as the first feed the Kingdome so do these enrich it yea their trades especially those which are forcible are not the least part of our Martiall Policie as hereafter proved and to do them right they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land not onely with great sums of money but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas The second have seldome or never offended their Princes to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations give them but the Commission of Reprisal they will either Right themselves or sit down with their own losse without complaint 3. The third sort which are the Gentrie of England these being neither seated in the lowest grounds and thereby subject to the biting of every beast nor in the highest Mountains thereby in danger to be torn with tempest but the Valleys between both have their parts in the inferiour Iustice being spread over all are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S LETTERS Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood before his Iourney to Guiana Honourable SIR I Was lately perswaded by two Gentlemen my ancient Friends to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine made heretofore for a Journey to Guiana who were of opinion That it would be better understood now than when it was first propounded which advice having surmounted my dispair I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote both to his Majestie and to the Treasurer Ceuill wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered as the objections by him made are briefly answered What I know of the riches of that place not by hear say but what mine eyes hath seen I have said it often but it was then to no end Because those that had the greatest trust were resolved not to believe it not because they doubted the Truth but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves where if God had blessed me in the enterprise I had recovered his Majesties favour and good opinion Other cause than this or other suspition they never had any Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocencie they would otherwise never have moved his Majestie on my behalf The Wife the Brother and the Son of a King do not use to sue for men suspect but Sir since they all have done it out of their charitie and but with references to me alone Your Honour whose respect hath onely relation to his Majesties service strengthened by the example of those Princes may with the more hardnesse do the like being Princes to whom his Majesties good estate is not lesse dear and all men that shall oppugne it no lesse hatefull then to the King himself It is true Sir That his Majestie hath sometimes answered That his Councel knew me better than he did meaning some two or three of them And it was indeed my infelicitie for had his Majestie known me I had never been here where I now am or had I known his Majestie they had never been so long there where they now are His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruine and his Majestie misknowing of them hath been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate but they are all of them now some living and some dying come to his Majesties knowledge But Sir how little soever his Majestie knew me and how much soever he believed them yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life and all that remains of which but for his Majestie nor Life nor ought else had remained In this respect Sir I am bound to yield up the same life and all I have for his Majesties service to die for the King and not by the King is all the ambition I have in the world Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter to his Wife from Guiana Sweet Heart I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days that ever man did and lived but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship of which fourtie two have died and there are yet many sick but having recovered the land of Guiana this 12 of November I hope we shall recover them We are yet two hundred men and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong strong enough I
their sides had the Armado arrived but belike they staid for us at Maâ—gâ—â—t by which they knew we must passe towards the Indies for it pleased his Majestie to value us at so little as to command me upon my Alleageance to set down under my hand the Countrey and the River by which I was to enter it to set down the number of my men and burthen of my Ships and what Ordinance every Ship carried which being known to the Spanish Ambassadour and by him to the King of Spain a dispatch was made and letters sent from Madrid before my departure out of the Thames for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Honour the rest I reserve not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not The second by the King dated the second of May sent also by a Coronel of Diego de Poloâ—eque Governour of Guiana Elderedo and Trinidado The third by the Bishop of Portricho and delivered to Poâ—oniâ—que the 15 of July at Trinidado And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretary of his Customs in the Indies At the same time by that of the Kings hand sent by the Bishop there was also a Commission for the speedie levying of three hundred souldiers and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent froÌ„ Portricho for the defence of Guiana an hundred fiftie from Nuevo Rémo de Grando under the command of Captain Anthony Musica and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio Now Sir if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken being but Merchant men what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us certainly they have hitherto failed grosly being set out thence as we were both for number time and place Lastly to make an Apologie for not working the Myne although I know his Majestie expects whom I am to satisfie so much as my self having lost my son and my estate in the Enterprise yet it is true that the Spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it than they did the Town which by the Kings instructioÌ„s they might easily do the Countreys being Aspera Nemosa But it is true that when Capt. Kemish found the River low and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile and where he found a discent a volley of Muskets come from the woods upon the Boat and slew two Rowers and hurt fix others and shot a valiant Gentleman of Captain Thornix of which wound he languisheth to this day He to wit Kemish following his own advice thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne for he gave me this for an excuse at his return that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards that the passages to the Mynes were thick and unpassable woods and that the Myne being discovered they had no men to work it did not discover it at all for it is true the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran the second by Harmian Frotinio the third of silver by Captain Francisco for the want of Negroes to work them for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth so the Spaniards will not nor can endure the labour of those Mynes whatsoever the Bragadochio the Spanish Ambassador saith I shall prove under the Proprietors hand by the Custom-Book and the Kings Quinto of which I recovered an Ingot or two I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it how easily those Mynes and five or six more of them may be possessed and the most of them in those parts which never have as yet been attempted by any nor by any passage to them nor ever discovered by the English French or Dutch But at Kemish his return from Orinoque when I rejected his counsel and his course and told him that he had undone me and wounded my credit with the King past recovery he slew himself for I told him that seeing my son was slain I cared not if I had lost an hundred more in opening of the Myne so my credit had been saved for I protest before God had not Capt. Whitney to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet run from me at the Granadoes and carried another ship with him of Captain Woldestons I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes so much Gold oar as should have satisfied the King I propounded no vain thing what shall become of me I know not I am unpardoned in England and my poor estate consumed and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opinino to remember my service to my Lord of Arâ—undel and Pembrook to take some pity on my poor Wife to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord 〈◊〉 for to a broken mind a sick bodie and weak eyes it is a torment to write many Letters I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weaknesse of the Indies which if I live I shall here after impart unto your Honour to whom I shall remain a faithfull servant Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife Copied out of his own hand writing I Was loath to write because I know not how to comfort you and God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now All that I can say to you is that you must obey the will and providence of God and remember that the Queens Majestie bare the losse of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart and the Ladie Harrington of her son Comfort your heart dearest Bess I shall sorrow for us both I shall for now the lesse because I have not long to sorrow because not long to live I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter who will give you a copie of it if you send for it therein you shall know what hath passed I have written that Letter for my brains are broken and it is a torment for me to write and especially of misery I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter I have clensed my ship of sick men and sent them home I hope God will send us somewhat before we return You shall hear from me if I live from the New found land where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it The Lord blesse and comfort you that
not more honourable and more safe for the King that the Subject pay by perswasion then to have them constrained If they be contented to whip themselves for the King were it not better to give them the Rod into their hands then to commit them to the Executioner Certainly it is farre more happy for a Soveraigne Prince that a Subject open his purse willingly then that the same be opened by violence Besides that when impositions are laid by Parliament they are gathered by the authority of the Law which as aforesaid rejecteth all complaints and stoppeth every mutinous mouth It shall ever be my prayer that the King embrace the Councel of Honour and safety and let other Princes imbrace that of force COUNS. But good Sir it is his Prerogative which the King stands upon it is the Prerogative of the Kings that the Parliaments do all diminish IUST If your Lordship would pardon me I would say then that your Lordships objection against Parliaments is ridiculous In former Parliaments three things have been supposed dishonour of the King The first that the Subjects have conditioned with the King when the King hath needed them to have the great Charter confirmed The second that the Estates have made Treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those sums by them given to the end that the Kings to whom they were given should expend them for their own defence for the defence of the Common-wealth The third that these have prest the King to discharge some great Officers of the Crown and to elect others As touching the first my Lord I would fain learn what disadvantage the Kings of this Land have had by confirming the great Charter the breach of which have served onely men of your Lordships rank to assist their own passions and to punish and imprison at their own discretion the Kings poor Subjects Concerning their private hatred with the colour of the Kings service for the Kings Majestie take no mans inheritance as I have said before nor any mans life but the Law of the Land according to the Charter Neither doth his Majesty imprison any man matter of practice which concerns the preservation of his estate excepted but by the law of the land And yet he useth his prerogative as all the Kings of England have ever used to for the supream reason cause to practise many things without the advice of the law As insurrections and rebellions it useth the marshall and not the common law without any breach of the Charter the intent of the Charter considered truely Neither hath any Subject made complaint or been grieved in that the Kings of this land for their own safeties and preservation of their estates have used their Prerogatives the great Ensigne on which there is written soli Deo And my good Lord was not Buckingham in England and Byron in France condemned their Peers uncalled And withall was not Byron utterly contrary to the custome priviledges of the French denyed an advocate to assist his defence For where lawes forecast cannot provide remedies for future dangers Princes are forced to assist themselves by their Prerogatives But that which hath been ever grievous and the cause of many troubles very dangerous is that your Lordships abusing the reasons of state do punish and imprison the K. Subjects at your pleasure It is you my Lords that when Subjects have sometimes need of the Kings prerogative do then use the strength of the Law and when they require the law you afflict them with the prerogative and tread the great Charter which hath been confirmed by 16 Acts of Parliament under your feet as a torn parchment or waste paper COUNS. Good Sir which of us do in this sort break the great Charter perchance you mean that we have advised the King to lay the new impositious IUST No my Lord there is nothing in the great Charter against impositions and besides that necessity doth perswade them And if necessity do in somewhat excuse a private man à fortiori it may then excuse a Prince Again the Kings Majesty hath profit and increase of revenue by the impositions But there are of your Lordships contrarie to the direct Letter of the Charter that imprison the Kings Subjects and deny them the benefit of the Law to the Kings disprofit And what do you otherwise thereby if the impositions be in any sort grievous but Renovare dolores And with all digg out of the dust the long buried memorie of the Subjects former intentions with their Kings COUNS. What mean you by that IUST I will tell your Lordship when I dare in the mean time it is enough for me to put your Lordship in mind that all the Estates in the World in the offence of the people have either had profit or necessity to perswade them to adventure it of which if neither be urgent and yet the Subject exceedingly grieved your Lordship may conjecture that the House will be humble suitors for a redresse And if it be a Maxime in policy to please the people in all things indifferent and never suffer them to be beaten but for the Kings benefit for there are no blows forgotten with the smart but those then I say to make them Vassals to Vassals is but to batter down those mastering buildings erected by K Henry the 7. fortified by his Son by which the people the Gentry of England were brought to depend upon the King alone Yea my good Lord our late dear Soveraign Q. Eliz. kept them up to their advantage as wel repaired as ever Prince did Defend me spend me faith the Irish Churle COUNS. Then you think that this violent breach of the Charter will be the cause of seeking the conformation of it in the next Parliament which otherwise could never have bin moved IUST I know not my good Lord perchance not for if the House presse the King to graunt unto them all that is theirs by the Law they cannot in Iustice refuse the King all that is his by the Law And where will be the issue of such a contention I dare not divine but sure I am that it will tend to the prejudice both of the King and Subject COUNS. If they dispute not their own liberties why should they then the Kings liberties which we call his Prerogative IUST Among so many and so divers Spirits no man can foretell what may be propounded but howsoever if the matter be not slightly handled on the Kings behalf these disputes will soon dissolve for the King hath so little need of his Prerogative so great advantage by the Lawes as the fear of imparing the one to wit the Prerogative is so impossible and the burthen of the other to wit the Law so weighty as but by a branch of the Kings Prerogative namely of his remission and pardon the Subject is no way able to undergo it This my Lord is no matter of flourish that I have said but it is the truth