Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
not wel whether in that which he had already saidâ— out of an extreme Desire to give us satisfaction He had not communicated more particulars then perhaps was requisite Neverthelesse he confessedâ— that sometimes Parliaments have been made acquainted with Matter of Warr and Peace in a generallity But it was upon one of â—hese Two Motives When the King and Counsell conceived That either it was Materiall to have some Declaration of the zeal and Affection of the People Or else when the King needed to demand Moneys and Aides for the Charge of the Warrs Wherin if Things did sort to Warre we were sure enough to hear of it His Lordship hoping that his Majesty would find in us no lesse readiness to support it then to perswade it Now Mr. Speaker for the last part Wherein his Lordship considered the Petition As it was recommended from us to the upper House His Lordship delivered thus much from their Lorâ—ships That they would make a good Construction of our Desires As those which they conceived did rather spring out of a Feeling of the Kings Strength And out of a Feeling of the Subjects Wrongs Nay more out of a Wisdome and Depth to declare our forwardness if need were to assist his Majesties future Resolutions which Declaration might be of good use â—or his Majesties Service when it should be blown abroad Rather I say then that we did in any sort determine by this their Overture to do that wrong to his Highness Supreme Power Which happily might be inferred by those that were rather apt to make evill then good Illations of our proceeding And yet that their Lordships for the reasons before made most plainly tell us That they neither could nor would concur with us nor approve the course And therefore concluded That it would not be amiss for us for our better Contentment to behold the Conditions of the last Peace with Spain which were of a strange nature to him that duely observes them No Forces recalled out of the Low-Conntries No new Forces as to Voluntaries restrained to go thither So as the King may be in peace and never a Subject in England but may be in War And then to think thus with our selves That that King which would give no ground in making his Peace will not loose any Ground upon just pâ—ovocation to enter into an Honourable War And that in the meane time we should know thus much that there could not be more forcible Negotiation on the Kings part but Blowes to procure Remedy of those wrongs Nor more fair promises on the King of Spaines part to give contentment concerning the same And therefore that the Event must be expected And thus Mr. Speaker have I passed over the Speech of this worthy Lord whose Speeches as I have often said in regard of his place and Judgement are extraordinary Lights to this House And have both the properties of Light That is Conducting and Comforting And although Mr. Speaker a Man would have thought nothing had been left to be said Yet I shall now give you account of another Speech full of excellent Matter and Ornaments And without Iteration Which neverthelesse I shall report more compendiously Because I will not offer the Speech that wrong as to report it at large when your minds per-case and Attentions are already wearied The other Earl who usually doth bear a principall part upon all important Occasions used a Speech first of Preface then of Argument In his Preface he did deliver that he was perswaded that both Houses did differ rather in Credulity and Belief then in Intention and Desire For it mought be their Lorships did not believe the Information so far but yet desired the Reformation as much His Lordship said furtherâ— that the Merchant was a State and Degree of persons Not only to be respected but to be prayed for And graced them with the best Additions That they were the Convoyes of our supplies The Vents of our Abundance Neptunes Almesmen and Fortunes Adventurers His Lordship proceeded and said This Question was new to us but antient to them Assuring us that the King did not beare in vaine the Devise of the Thistle with the word Nemo me lasceâ—cit impunè And that as the Multiplying of his Kingdomes maketh him feel his own Power So the Multiplying of our Loves and Affections made him to feel our Griefs For the Arguments or Reasons they were Five in number which his Lordship used for satisfying us why their Lordships might not concur with usâ— in this Petition The first was the Composition of our House which he took in the first foundation thereof to be meerly Democraticall Consisting of Knights of Shires and Burgesses of Townes And intended to be of those that have their Residence Vocation and Employment in the places for which they serve And therefore to have a private and locall wisedom according to that Compasse And so not fit to examine or determine Secrets of Estateâ— which depend upon such Variety of Circumstances And therefore added to the President formerly vouched of the 17. of King Richard the 2d When the Commons disclaimed to intermeddle in matter of War and Peace That their Answer was that they would not presume to treat of so high and variable a Matter And although his Lordship acknowledged That there be divers Gentlemen in the Mixture of our House That are of good Capacity and Insight in Matters of Estate yet that was the Accident of the Person and not the Intentention of the place And Things were to be taken in the Institution not in the Practice His Lordships second Reason was That both by Philosophy and Civill Law Ordinatio Belli pacis est absoluti Imperij A principall Flower of the Crown Which Flowers ought to be so dear unto us as we ought if need were to water them with our Blood For if those Flowers should by neglect or upon facility and good affection wither and fall the Garland would not be worth the wearing His Lordships third Reason was That Kings did so love to imitate Trimum Mobile as that they do not like to move in borrowed Motions So that in those things that they do most willingly intend yet they indure not to be prevented by Request Whereof he did alledge a notable Example in King Edward the 3d. who would not hearken to the Petition of his Commons that besought him to make the Black Prince Prince of Wales But yet after that Repulse of their Petition out of his own meer Motion he created him His Lordships fourth Reason was That it mought be some scandall to step between the King and his own Vertue And that it was the Duty of Subjects Rather to take honours from Kings Servants and give them to Kings then to take honours from Kings and give them to their Servants Which he did very elegantly set forth in the Example of Ioab who lying at the Siege of Rabbah And finding it could not hold out writ to David to
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
a Man that awaketh out of a Fearfull Dream But so it was that not onely the Consent but the Applause and Joy was infinite and not to be expressed thronghout the Realm of England upon this Succession Whereof the Consent no doubt may be truly ascribed to the Clearnesse of the Right But the generall Joy Alacrity and Gratulation were the Effects of differing Causes For Queen Elizabeth although she had the use of many both Vertues and Demonstrations that mought draw and knit unto her the Hearts of her People Yet neverthelesse carrying a Hand Restrained in Gift and strained in Points of Prerogative could not answer the Votes either of Servants or Subjects to a full Contentment especially in her latter Dayes when the Continuance of her Raign which extended to Five and Forty years mought discover in People their Naturall Desire and Inclination towards Change So that a new Court and a new Raign were not to many unwelcome Many were glad and especially those of Setled â—state and Fortunes that the Feares and Incertainties were Over-blown and that the Dye was cast Others that had made their way with the King or offered their Service in the Time of the former Queen thought now the Time was come for which they had prepared And generally all such as had any dependance upon the late Earl of Essex Who had mingled the Secrecyâ— of his own Ends with the Popular pretence of advancing the Kings Title Made account theiâ— Cause was amended Again such as â—ought misdoubt they had given the King any occasion of Distast did continue by their Forwardnesse and Confidence to shew it was but their Fastness to the Former Government And that those Affections ended with the Time The Papists nourished their hopes by collating the Case of the Papists in England and under Queen Elizabeth and the Case of the Papists in Scotland under the King Interpreting that the Condition of them in Scotland was the lesse Grievous And divining of the Kings Government here accordingly Besides the Comforâ— they ministred themselves from the Memory of the Queen his Moâ—her The Ministers and those which stood for the Presbytery thought their Cause had more Sympathy with the Discipline of Scotland then the Hierarchy of England And so took themselves to be a Degree nearer their Desires Thus had every Condition of Persons some Contemplation of Benefit which they promised themselves Over-reaching perhaps according to the Nature of Hope But yet not without some probable Ground of Conjecture At which time also there came sorth in Print the Kings Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Containing Matter of Instruction to the Prince his Son touching the Ofâ—ice of a King Which Booke falling into every Mans Hand filled the whole Realm as with a good Perfume or Incense before the Kings comming in For being excellently written and having nothing of Affectation it did not only satisfie better then particular Reports touching the Kings Disposition But far exceeded any formall or curious Edict or Declaration which could have been devised of that Nature wherewith Princes in the beginning of their Raignes do use to grace themselves or at least expresse themselves gracious in the Eyes of their People And this was for the generall the State and Constitution of Mens Minds upon this Change The Actions themselves passed in this Manner c. The Rest is wanting A LETTER AND DISCOURSE TO Sir HENRY SAVILL TOUCHING HELPS FOR THE INTELLECTVAL POWERS SIR COming back from your Invitation at Eton where I had refreshed my Self with Company which I loved I fell into a Consideration of that Part of Policy whereof Philosophy speaketh too muchâ— and Lawes too little And that is of Education of Youth Whereupon fixing my mindâ— a while I found strait wayes and noted even in the Discourses of Philosophers which are so large in this Argument a strange Silence concerning one principall Part of that Subject For as touching the Framing and Seasoning of Youth to Morall Vertue As Tolerance of Labours Continency from Pleasures Obedience Honour and the like They handle it But touching the Improvement and Helping of the Intellectuall Powers As of Conceit Mâ—mory and Iudgement they say nothing Whether it were that they thought it to be a Matter wherein Nature onely prevailed Or that they intended it as referred to the severall and Proper Arts which teach the use of Reason and Speech But â—or â—he former of these two Reasons howsoeveâ— it pleaseth them to distinguish of Habits and Powers The Experience is manifest â—nough that the Motions and Faculties of the Wit and Memory may be not onely governed and guided but also confiâ—med and â—nlarged bâ— Custome and Exercise duly applyed As if a Man exercise shootiâ—g he shall not onely shoot nearer the Mark but also draw a stronger Bow And as for the Latter of Comprehending these precepts within the Arts of Logick Rhetorick If it be rightly considered their Office is distinct altogether from this Point For it is no part of the Doctrine of the Use or Handling of an Instrument to teâ—ch how to Whet or grinde the Instrument to give it a sharp edge Or how to quench it or otherwise whereby to give it a stronger Temper Wherefore finding this part of Knowledge not broken I have but tanquam aliud agens entred into it and salute you with it Dedicating it afâ—er the ancient manner first as to a dear Friend And then as to an Apt Person For as much as you have both place to practise it and Judgement and Leysure to look deeper into it then I have done Herein you must call to mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though the Argument be not of great Heigth and Dignity neverthelesse it is of great and universall use And yet I do not see why to consider it rightly That should not be a Learning of Heigth which teacheth to raise the Highest and Worthiest Part of the Mind But howsoever that be if the World take any Light and Useâ— by this Writing I will the Gratulation be to the good Friendship and Acquaintance between us two And so I commend you to Gods Divine Protection A DISCOURSE touching HELPS for the INTELLECTUALL POWERS I did ever hold it for an Insolent and unlucky Saying Faber quisque Fortunae suae except it be uttered onely as an Hortative or Spur to correct Sloth For otherwise if it be believed as it soundeth And that a Man entreth into an high Imagination that he can compass and fathom all Accidents And ascribeth all Successes to his Drifts and Reaches And the contrary to his Errours and Sleepings It is commonly seen that the Evening Fortune of that Man is not so prosperous as of him â—hat without slackning of his Industry attributeth much to Felicity and Providence above him But if the Sentence were turned to this Faber quisque Ingenii sui it were somewhat more True and much more Profitable Because it would teach Men to bend themselves to Reform those Imperfections in themselves which now
enterlace a word or two of the Quality of the Vndertakers wherein my Opinion simply is that if your Majesty shall make these Portions of Land which are to be Planted as Rewards or as Suits or as Fortunesâ— for those that are in want And are likest to seek after them That they will not be able to go through with the Charge of good substantiall Plantations But will Desicere in Opere medio And then this Work will succeed as Tacitus saith Acribus iâ—iâ—iâ—s Fine incurioso So that this must rather be an Adventure fâ—r such as are full Then a setting up of those that are low of Means For those Men are fit indeed to perform these Vndertakings Which were fit to purchase dry Reversions after Lives or years Or such as were fit to put out Money upon long Returns I do not say but that I think the Vndertakers themselves will be glad to have some Captains or Men of Service intermixed among them for their safety But I speak of the Generality of Vndertakers which I wish were Men of Estate and Plenty Now therefore it followeth well to speak of the aforesaid three Motives For it will appear the more how necessary it is to allure by all means Vndertakers Since those Men will be least â—it which are like to be most in Appetite of themselves And those most fit which are like least to desire it First therefore for Pleasure in this Region or Tract of Soyl there is no Warm Winters nor Orenge Trees nor strange Beasts or Birds or other Points of Curiosity or Pleasure as there are in the Indies â—nd the like So as there can be found no Foundation made upon Matâ—er of Pleasure otherwise then that the very Desire of Novelâ—y and Experiment in some stirring Natures may work somewhat And therefore it is the other two Points of Honour and Prâ—fit whereupon we are wholly to râ—st For Honour or Counâ—enance if I shall mention to your Majâ—sty whether in wisdome you shall think convenient the better to expresse your Affection to the Enterprise and for a Pledge there of to adde â—he Earldome of Vlster to the Princes Titles I shall but learn it out of the practice of King Edward the First Who first used the like course as a mean the better to restrain the â—â—untrey of Wales And I take it the Prince of Spain hath the Addition of a Province in the Kingdome of Naples And other Prâ—siâ—ents I think there are and it is like to put more life and Encâ—uragement into the Vndertakers Also considering the large Territories which are to be Planted it is not unlike your Majesâ—y will think of raising some Nobiliâ—y there which if it be done meerly upon new Titles of Dignity haviâ—g no manner of Reference to the Old And if it be done also without putting to many Portions into one Hand And lastly if it be done without any great Franchises or Commands I do not see any Perill can ensue thereof As on the other side it may draw some Persons of great Estate and Means into the Acâ—ion â—o the great Furtherance and Supply of the charges â—hereof And lastly for Knighthood to such Persons as have not attained it Or otherwise Knighthood with some new Difference and Precedence It may no doubt work with Many And if any Man think that these Things which I propound are Aliquid nimis for the â—roportion of this Action I confesse plainly that if your Majesty will have it really and effectually performed My Opinion is you cannot bestow too much Sunshine upon it For Lunae Radiis non maturescit Botrus Thus much for Honour For Prâ—â—it it will consist in Three parts Fiâ—st the â—asie Rates that your Majesty shall be pleased to give the Vndertakers of the Land they shall receive Secondly the Liberties which you may be pleased to conâ—er â—pon them When I speak of Liberties I mean not Libertâ—es of â—urisdiction As Counties palatine or the like which it seemeth hath been the Errour of the ancient Donations and Plaâ—tations in that Counâ—ry But I mean only Liberties tending to Commodity As Liberâ—y to transport any of the Commodities growing upon the Counâ—ry new Planted Liberty to Import from hence all Things appertaining to their necessary use Custome free Liberty to take Timber or other Materialls in yoâ—r Majesties Woods there and the like The Third is Ease of Charge That the whole Masse of Charge doth not rest upon the Private Purse of the Undertakers For the Two Former of these I will pass them over because in the Project which with good diligence and providence hath been presented to your Majestyâ— by your Ministers of that Kingdome they are in my Opinion well handled For the Third I will never despaire but that the Parliament of England if it may perceive that this Action is not a Flash but a Solid and Setled pursuit will give aid to a Worke so Religious so Politique and so Profitable And the Distribution of Charge if it be oâ—served falleth naturally into Three Kindes of Charge And every of those Chargeâ— respectively ought to have his proper Fountain and Issue For as there proceedeth from your Majesties Royall Bounâ—y and Munificence the Gift of the Land And the other Materialls Together with the Endowment of Liberties And as the Charge which is Private As Building of Houses Stâ—cking of Grounds Victuall and the like is to rest upon the Particular Vndertakers So whatsoever is Publicke As Building of Churches Walling of Townes Town-Houses Bridges Cawsies or High-wayes and the like Ought not so properly to lye upon particular Persons but to come from the Publicke Estate of this Kingdom To which this Work is like to return so great an Addition of Glory Strength and Commodity For the Project it self I shall need to speak the lesse in regard it is so considerately digested already for the County of Tyrone And Therefore my Labour shall be but in those Things wherein I shall either Adde to or Dissent from that which is set down Which will include Five Points or Articles First â—hey mention a Commission for this Plantation Which of all Things is most necessary both to Direct and Appease Controversieâ— and the like To this I adde Two Propositions The one that which perhaps is meant though not expressed That the Commissioners should for certain times reside and abide in some Habitable Town of Ireland near in Distance to the Country where the Plantation shall be To the end Both that they may be more at Hand for the Execution of the Parts of their Commission And withall it is like by drawing of Concourse of People and Trades Men to such Townes it will be some Help and Commodity to the Vndertakers for Things they shall stand in need of And likewise it will be a more safe place of Receit and Store wherein to Unlade and Deposite such Provisions as are after to be employed The Second is that your Majesty would make a Correspondency between the Commission
as Men misled are to be pittied For the First if a Man doth visit the foul and polluted Opinions Customesâ— or Practices of Heathenism Mahometism and Heresie he shall find they do not attain to this Height Take the Examples of damnable Memory amongst the Heathen The Proscriptions in Rome of Sylla And afterwards of the Triumvirs what were they They were but of a finite Number of Persons and those not many that were exposed unto any Mans Sword But what is that to the proscribing of a King and all that shall take his Part And what was the Reward of a Souldier that amongst them killed one of the proscribed A small piece of Money But what is now the reward of one that shall kill a King The Kingdom of Heaven The Custome among the Heathen that was most scandalized was that sometimes the Priest sacrificed Men But yet you sâ—all not read of any Priesthood that sacrificed Kings The Mahometâ—ns make it a part of their Religion to propagate their Sect by the Sword But yet still by Honourable Wars never by Villanies and secret Murthers Nâ—y I find that the Saracen Prinâ—e of whom the Name of the â—ssassins is derived which had divers Votaâ—ies at Commandement which he sent and imployed to the Killing of divers Princes in the East By one of whom Amurath the First was slain And Edward the First of England was wounâ—ed was put down and rooted out by common Consentâ— of the Mahometan Princes The Anabaptists it is true come nearest For they professe the pulling down of Magistrates And they can chaunt the Psalm To bind their Kings in Chaines and their Nobles in fetters of Iron This is the Glory of the Saints mâ—ch like the Temporall Authority that the Pope Challengeth over Princes But this is the difference That that is a Furious and Fanaticall Fury And this is a sad and solemn Mischief He imagineth Mischief as a Law A Law-like Mischief As for the Defence which they do make it doth aggravate the sin And turneth it from a Cruelty towards Man to a Blaâ—phemy towards God For to say that all this is in ordine ad spirituale And to a good End And for the salvation of Soules It is directly to make God Author of Evill And to draw him into the likenesse of the Prince of Darknesse And to say with thoseâ— that Saint Paul speaketh of Let us do Evill that good may come thereof Of whom the Apostle saith dâ—finitively That their damnatioâ— is Iust. For the Destroying of Government universally it is most evident That it is not the Case of Protestant Princes onely But of Catholick Princes likewise As the King hath excellently set forth Nay it is not the Case of Princes onely but of all Subjects and private Persons For touching Princes let History be perused what hath been the Causes of Excommunication And namely this Tumour of it the Deposing of Kings It hath not been for Heresie and Schism alone but for Collation and Investitures of Bishopricks and Benefiâ—es Intruding upon Ecclesiasticall Possessions violating of any Ecclesiasticall Person or Liberty Nay generally they maintain it that it may be for any sin So that the Difference wherein their Doctors vary That some hold That the Pope hath his Temporall power immediatly And others but in ordine ad spiritude is but a Delusion and an Abuse For all commeth to one What is there that may not be made spirituall by Consequence specially when He that giveth the Sentence may make the Case And accordingly hath the miserable Experience followed For this Murthering of Kings hath been put in practise as well against Papist Kings as Protestants Save that it hath pleased God so to guide it by his admirable providence As the Attempts upon Papist Princes have been executed And the Attempts upon Protestant Princes have failed Except that of the Prince Aurange And not that neither untill such time as he had joyned too fast with the Duke of Anjou and the Papists The rest is wanting The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Atturney Generall against M. L. S. W. and H. I. for Scandall and Traducing of the Kings Justice in the proceedings against Weston In the Star-Chamber 10. Novemb. 1615. THe Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offenders at the Bar is a Misdemeanour of a High Nature Tending to the Defacing and Scandall of Iustice in a great Cause Capitall The particular Charge is this The King amongst many his Princely vertues is known to excell in that proper vertue of the Imperiall Throne which is Iustice. It is a Royall Vertue which doth employ the other three Cardinall Vertues in her Service Wisdome to discover and discern Nocent or Innocent Fortitude to prosecute and execute Temperance so to carry Iustice as it be not passionate in the pursuit nor confused in involving persons upon light suspicion Nor precipitate in time For this his Majesties Vertue of Iustice God hath of late raised an occasion and erected as it were a Stage or Theater much to his Honour for him to shew it and act it in the pursuit of the untimely Death of Sir Thomas Overbury And therein cleansing the Land from Bloud For my Lords if Bloud spilt Pure doth cry to Heaven in Gods Eares much more Bloud defiled with Poyson This Great Work of his Majesties Iustice the more excellent it is your Lordships will soon conclude the greater is the Offence of any that have sought to Affront it or Traduce it And therefore before I descend unto the Charge of these Offenders I will set before your Lordships the weight of that which they have sought to impeach Speaking somewhat of the generall Crime of Impoysonment And then of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon Overbury And thirdly and chiefly of the Kings great and worthy Care and Carriage in this Business This Offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Devise or Description which was made of the Nature of one of the Roman Tyrants That he was Lutum Sanguine maceratum Mire mingled or cymented with Bloud For as it is one of the highest Offencesâ— in Guiltiness So it is the Basest of all others in the Mind of the Offenders Treasons Magnum aliquid spectant They aym at great thingâ—â— But this is vile and base I tell your Lordships what I have noted That in all Gods Book both of the Old and New Testament I find Examples of all other Offences and Offendours in the world but not any one of an Impoyâ—onment or an Impoysoner I find mention of Fear of casuall Impoysonment when the Wild Vine was shred into the Pot they came complaining in a fearfull manner Maister Mors in ollâ And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts and Serpents The Poyson of Aspes is under their Lips But I find no Example in the Book of God of Impoysonment I have sometime thought of the Words in the Psalm Let their Table be made a Snare Which certainly is most True of Impoysonment For
Therefore contain your selves within that Moderation as may appear to bend rather to the Effectuall Ease of the People then to a Discursive Envy or scandall upon the State As for the Manner of Carriage of Parliament Businesse ye must know that ye deal with a King that hath been longer King then any of you have been Parliament Men And a King that is no lesse sensible of Formes then of Matter And is as far from induring Diminution of Majesty as from regarding â—lattery or Vain Glory And a King that understandeth as well the Pulse of the Hearts of People as his own Orb. And therefore both let your Grievances have a decent and Reverent Form and Stile And to use the words of former Parliaments let them be Tanquam Gemitus Columbae without Pique or Harshnesse And on the other side in that ye do for the King Let it have a Mark of Vnity Alacrity and Affection which will be of this Force That whatsoever ye do in substance will be doubled in Reputation abroad as in a Crystall Glass For the Time if ever Parliament was to be measured by the Houre-glass it is this In regard of the instant Occasion flying away irrecoverably Therefore let your Speeches in the House be the Speeches of Counsellors and not of Oratours Let your Committees tend to dispatch not to dispute And so marshall the Times as the publique Businesse especially the proper Businesse of the Parliament be put first And private Bills be put last as time shall give leave or within the spaces of the Publique For the Foure Petitions his Majesty is pleased to grant them all as liberally as the Ancient and true Custom of Parliament doth warrant And with the cautions that have ever gon with them That is to say That the priviledge be not used for Defrauding of Creditours and Defeating of ordinary Justice That Liberty of Speech turn not into License but be joyned with that Gravity and Discretion as may tast of Duty and Love to your Soveraign Reverence to your own Assembly and Respect to the Matters ye handle That your Accesses be at such fit Times as may stand best with his Majesties pleasure and Occasions That Mistakings and Misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented as much as may be then salved or cleared CERTAIN TREATISES VVritten or Referring TO Queen Elizabeths TIMES BEING OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published in Anno 1592. A true Report of Doctour LOPEZ his TREASON An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of ENGLAND A Collection of the Felicities of Queen ELIZABETH By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published this present year 1592. INTITULED A DECLARATION Of the TRVE CAVSES OF THE GREAT TROVBLES Presupposed to be intended against the REALM of ENGLAND IT were Just and Honourable for Princes being in Warrs together that howsoever they prosecute their Quarrels and Debates by Arms and Acts of Hostility yea though the Warrs be such as they pretend the utter Ruine and Overthrow of the Forces and States one of another yet they so limit their Passions as they preserve two Things Sacred and Inviolable That is The Life and good Name each of other For the Warrs are no Massacres and Confusions But they are the Highest Trials of Right when Princes and States that acknowledge no Superior upon Earth shall put themselves upon the Iustice of God for the Deciding of their Controversies by such Successe as it shall please him to give on either side And as in the Processe of particular Pleas between private Men all things ought to be ordered by the Rules of Civill Lawes So in the Proceedings of the Warre nothing ought to be done against the Law of Nations or the Law of Honour Which Lawes have ever pronounced those two Sorts of Men The one Conspiratours against the Persons of Princes The other Libellers against theâ—r good Fame to be such Enemies of common Society as are not to be cherished no not by Enemies For in the Examples of Times which were lesse corrupted we find that when in the greatest Heats and Extremities of Warrs there have been made Offers of Murderous and Traiterous Attempts against the Person of a Prince to the Enemy they have been not onely Rejected but also Revealed And in like manner when Dishonourable Mention hath been made of a Prince before an Enemy Prince by some that have thought therein to please his Humour he hath shewed himself contrarywise utterly distasted therewith and been ready to contest for the Honour of an â—nemy According to which Noble and Magnanimous Kind of Proceeding it will be found that in the whole Couâ—se of her Majesties Proceeding with the King of Spain since the Amity interâ—upted There was never any project by her Majesty or any of her Ministers either moved or assented unto for the Taking away of the Liâ—e of the said King Neither hath there been any Declaration or Writing of â—state No nor Book allowed wherein his Honour hath been touched or taxed otherwise then for his Ambition A point which is necessarily interlaced with her Majesties own Justification So that no Man needeth to doubt but that those Warrs are grounded upon her Majesties part upon just and Honourable Causes which have so Just and Honourable a prosecution Considering it is a much harder Matter when a Prince is entred into Warrs to hold respect then and not to be transported with Passion than to make Moderate and Iust Resolutions in the Beginnings But now if a Man look on the other part it will appear that rather as it is to be thought by the Solicitation of Traitorous Subjects which is the onely Poyson and Corruption of all Honourable Warr between Forrainers Or by the Presumptâ—on of his Agents and Ministers then by the proper Inclination of that King there hath been if not plotted and practised yet at the least comforted Conspiracies against her Majesties Sacred Person which neverthelesse Gods Goodnesse hath used and turned to shew by such miraculous Discoveries into how near and precious Care and Custody it hath pleased him to receive her Majesties Life and Preservation But in the other Point it is strange what a number of Libellous and Defamatory Bookes and Writings and in what Variety with what Art and cunning handled have been allowed to pass through the World in all Languages against her Majesty and her Government Sometimes pretending the Gravity and Authority of Church Stories to move Belief sometimes formed into Remonstrances and Advertisements of â—state to move Regard Sometimes presented as it were in Tragedies of the Persecutions of Catholicks to move Pitty Sometimes contrived into pleasant Pasquils and Satyres to move sport So as there is no shape whereinto these Fellowes have not transformed themselves Nor no Humor nor affection in the mind
by the great Fervour of the Vnholy Ghost do expresly affirm that the Protestanticall Church of England is not gathered in the name of Christ but of Antichrist And that if the Prince or Magistrate under her do refuse or defer to reform the Church the people may without her Consent take the Reformation into their own Hands And hereto he addeth the Fanaticall Pageant of Hacket And this is the Effect of this Accusation in this point For Answer whereunto First it must be remembred that the Church of God hath been in all Ages subject to Contentions and Schismes The Tares were not sown but where the Wheat was sown before Our Saviour Christ delivereth it for an Ill Note to have Outward Peace Saying When a strong Man is in possession of the House meaning the Devill all Things are in Peace It is tâ—e Condition of the Churâ—h to be ever under Trials And there are but Two Trials The one of Persecution The other of Scandall and Contention And when the One ceaseth the other succeedeth Nay there is scarce any one Epistle of St. Pauls unto the Churches but containethâ— some Reprehension of unnecessary Schismaticall Controversies So likewise in the Raign of Constantine the Great after the time that the Church had obtained Peaceâ— from persecution strait entred sundry Questions and Controversies about no lesse Matters then the Essentiall Parts of the Faith and the High Mysteries of the Trinity But Reason teacheth us that in Ignorance and Implyed Belief it is easie to agree as Colours agree in the Dark Or if any Countrey decline into Atheism then Controversies wax dainty because Men do think Religion scarce worth the Falling out for So as it is weak Divinity to account Controversies an ill Sign in the Church It is true that certain Men moved with an inconsiderate Detestation of all Ceremonies or Orders which were in use in the time of the Roman Religion As if they were without difference superstitious or polluted And led with an affectionate Imitation of the Government of some Protestant Churches in Forrain States Have sought by Bookes and Preaching indiscreetly and sometimes undutifully to bring in an Alteration in the Extern Rites and Pollicy of the Church But neither have the Grounds of the Controversies extended unto any Point of Faith Neither hath the Pressing and Prosecution exceeded in the generality the Nature of some Inferiour Contempts So as they have been farr from Heresie and Sedition And therefore rather Offensive then Dangerous to the Church or State And as for Those which we call Brownists being when they were at the most a very small Number of very silly and base people here and there in Corners dispersed They are now thanks be to God by the good Remedies that have been used suppressed and worn out So as there is scarce any Newes of them Neither had they been much known at all had not Brown their Leader Written a Pamphlet Wherein as it came into his Head he inveighed more against Logick and Rhetorick then against the State of the Church which Writing was much read And had not also one Barrow being a Gentleman of a good House but one that lived in London at Ordinaries And there learned to argue in Table-Talk And so was very much known in the Citty and abroad made a Leap from a vain and Libertine youth to a preciseness in the Highest Degree The strangeness of which Alteration made him very much spoken off The Matter might long before have breathed out And here I note an Honesty and Discretion in the Libeller which I note no where else In that he did forbear to lay to our charge the Sect of the Family of Love For about 12. years since there was creeping in some secret places of the Realm indeed a very great Heresie derived from the Dutch and named as before was said which since by the good Blessing of God by the good strength of our Church is banished and Extinct But so much we see that the Diseases wherewith our Church hath been visited whatsoever these Men say have either not been Maligne and Dangerous Or else they have been as Blisters in some small Ignoble part of the Body which have soon after fallen and gone away For such also was the Phreneticall and Fanaticall For I mean not to determine it Attempt of Hackett Who must needs have been thought a very Dangerous Heretick that could never get but two Disciples And those as it should seem perished in their Brain And a Dangerous Commotioner that in so great and populous a Citty as London is could draw but those same two Fellowâ— whom the People rather laughed at as a May game then took aâ—y heed of what they did or said So as it was very true that an honest Poor Woman said when she saw Hackett out of a Window passe to his Execution Said she to her Self It was foretold thâ—t in the latter dayes there should come those that have deceived many but in faith thou hast deceived but a Few But it is manifest Vntruth which â—he Libeller setteth down that there hath been no Punishment done upon those which in any of the foresaid kinds have broken the Lawes and disturbed the Church and State And that the Edge of the Law hath been onely turned upon the pretended Catholicks For the Examples are very many where according to the Nature and Degree of the Offence the Correction of such Offenders hath not been neglected These be the great Confusions whereof he hath accused our Church which I refer to the Judgement of an indifferent and understanding person how true they be My Meaning is not to blanch or excuse any Fault of our Church Nor on the other side to enter into Commemoration how flourishing it is in Great and Learned Divines or painfull and excellent Preachers Let Man have the Reproof of that which is amisse and God the Glory of that which is good And so much for the First Branch In the Second Branch He maketh great Musters and Shewes of the strength and Multitude of the Enemies of this State Declaring in what evill Termes and Correspondence we stand with Forraign States And how desolate and destitute we are of Friends and Confederatesâ— Doubtingâ— belike how he should be able to prove and justifie his Assertion touching the present Miseries And therefore endeavouring at the least to maintain That the good Estate which we enjoy is yet made somewhat bitter by reason of many Terrours and Feares Whereupon entring into Consideration of the Security wherein not by our own Pollicy but by the good Providence and Protection of God we stand at this Time I do find it to be a Security of that Nature and Kind which Iphicrates the Athenian did commend who being a Commissioner to treat with the State of Sparta upon Conditions of Peace And hearing the other side make many Propositions touching Security Interrupted them and told them There was but one maner of Security whereupou the
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
of Mortification which I think with very good Meaning they have preached out of â—heir own Exprience and Exercise And Things in private Counsels not unmeet But surely no Sound Conceits Much like to Parsons Resolution or not so good Apt to breed in Men rather weak Opinions and perplexed Despaires then Filiall and True Repentance which is sought Another Point of great Inconvenience and perill is to entitle the People to hear Controversies and all Kinds of Doctrine They say no part of the Counsell of God is to be suppressed nor the People defrauded So as the Difference which the Apostle maketh between Milk and Strong Meat is confounded And his Precept that the weak be not admitted unto Questions and Controversies taketh no place But most of all is to be suspected as a Seed of further Inconveniâ—nce their Manner of Handling the Scriptures For whilest they seek expresse Scripture for every Thing And that they have in a manner deprived themselves and the Church of a speciall Help and Support by Embasing the Authority of the Fathers They resort to Naked Examples Conceited Inferences and Forced Allusions such as do mine into all Certainty of Religion Another Extremity is the Excessive Magnifying of that which though it be a principall and most holy Institution yet hath it Limits as all things else have We see wheresoever in a manner they find in the Scriptures The Word spoken of they expound it of Preaching They have made it in a manner of the Essence of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to have a Sermon precedent They have in a sort annihilated the use of Liturgies and Formes of Divine Service Although the House of God be denominated of the Principall Domus Orationis A House of Prayer and not a House of Preaching As for the Life of the good Monks and Hermits in the Primitive Church I know they will condemne a Man as half a Papist if he should maintain them as other then Prophane because they heard no Sermons In the mean time what Preaching is and who may be said to Preach they move no Question But as far as I see every man that presumeth to speak in Chair is accounted a Preacher But I am assured that not a few that call hotly for a Preaching Ministery deserve to be the First themselves that should be expelled All which Errours and Misproceedings they do fortifie and intrench by an addicted Respect to their own Opinions And an Impâ—â—ience to hear Contradiction or Argument yea I know some of them that that would think it a Tempting of God to hear or read what may be said against them As if there could be A Quod bonum est tenete without an Omnia probate going before This may suffice to offer unto themselves a Thought and Consideration whether In these things they do well or no And to correct and asswage the Partiality of their Followers For as for any Man that shall hereby enter into a Contempt of their Ministery it is but his own Hardness of Hart. I know the work of Exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these Men and they have Zeal and Hate of Sin But again let them take Heed that it be not true which one of their Adversaries said That they have but two small wants Knowledge and Love And so I conclude this Point The last Point touching the due Publishing and Debating of these Controversies needeth no long Speech This strange Abuse of Antiques and Pasquils hath been touched before So likewise I repeat that which I said That a Character of Love is more proper for Debates of this Nature then that of Zeal As for all direct or indirect Glaunces or Levels at Mens Persons they were ever in these Causes disallowed Lastly whatsoever be pretended the People is no meet Arbitrator but rather the quiet modest and private Assemblies and Conferences of the Learned Qui apud Incapacem loquitur non disceptat sed calumniatur The Presse and Pulpit would be freed and discharged of these Contentions Neither Promotion on the one Side nor Glory and Heat on the other Side ought to continue those Challenges and Cartells at the Crosse and other Places But rather all Preachers especially such as be of good temper and have Wisdome with Conscience ought to inculcate and beat upon a Peace Silence and Surseance Neither let them fear Solons Law which compelled in Factions every particular Person to range himself on the one side Nor yet the fond Calumny of Neutrality But let them know that is true which is said by a wise Man That Neuters in Contentions are either better or worse then either Side These things have I in all sincerity and simplicity set down touching the Controversies which now trouble the Church of England And that without all Art and Insinuation And therfore not like to be gratefull to either Part. Notwithstanding I trust what hath been said shall find a Correspondence in their minds which are not embarqued in Partiality And which love the Whole better then a Part. Wherefore I am not out of hope that it may do good At the least I shall not repent my self of the Meditation FINIS IN HAPPY MEMORY OF ELIZABETH QUEEN of ENGLAND OR A COLLECTION OF THE FELICITIES OF Queen Elizabeth Written by his Lordship in Latin AND Englished by the Publisher QVeen Elizabeth both in her Naturall Endowments and her Fortune was Admirable amongst Women and Memorable amongst Princes But this is no Subject for the Pen of a meer Scholler or any such Cloistred Writer For these Men are eager in their Expressions but shallow in their Judgements And perform the Schollers part well but transmit Things but unfaithfully to Posterity Certainly it is a Sciencâ— belonging to Statesmen and to such as sit at the Helmes of great Kingdoms and have been acquainted with the weight and Secrets of Civil Business to handle this matter dextrously Rare in all Ages haâ—h been the Raign of a Woman More rare the Felicity of a Woman in her Raign But most rare a Permanency and Lasting joyned with that Feliciâ—y As for this Lady she raigned Four and Fourty years compleat and yet she did not survive her Felicity Of this Felicity I am purposed to say somewhat yet without any Excursion into Praises For Praises are the Tribute of Men but Felicity the Gift of God Fiâ—st I reckon it as a part of her Felicity that she was advanced to the Regal Throne from a Private Fortune For this is ingenerate in the Natuâ—e and Opinions of Men to ascribe that to the greatest Felâ—city which is not counted upon and cometh unlooked for But this is not that I intend It is this Princes that are trained up in their Fathâ—rs Courts and to an immediate and Apparent Hope of Succession do get this by the Tendernesse and remisseness of their Education that they become commonly lesse capable and lesse Temperaâ—e in their Affections And therefoâ—e you shall find those to have been the ablest and most accâ—mâ—lished Kings
is in vain to tell you with what wonderfull Still and Calm this Wheel is turned round Which whether it be a Remnant of her Felicity that is gone or a Fruit of his Reputation that is comming I will not determine For I cannot but divide my Self between her Memory and his Name Yet we account it but a fair Morn before Sun-rising before his Majesties Presence Though for my part I see not whence any VVeather should arise The Papists are contained with Fear enough and Hope too much The French is thought to turn his Practice upon procuring some Disturbance in Scotland where Crowns may doe wonders But this Day is so welcom to the Nation and the time so short as I doe not fear the Effect My Lord of Southampton expecteth Release by the next Dispatch and is already much visited and much well wished There is continual poasting by Men of good Quality towards the King The rather I think because this Spring time it is but a kinde of Sport It is hoped that as the State here hath performed the part of good Atturneys to deliver the King quiet Possession of his Kingdoms So the King will re-deliver them quiet Possession of their Places Rather filling Places void than removing Men placed So c. A Letter to my Lord of Northumberland mentioning a Proclamation drawn for the King at his Entrance It may please your Lordship I Doe hold it a Thing formal and necessary for the King to fore-runn his Comming be it never so speedy with some Gracious Declaration for the Cherishing Entertaining and preparing of Mens Affections For which purpose I have conceived a Draught it being a thing familiar in my Mistris her times to have my Penn used in Publick Writings of Satisfaction The Use of this may be in two sorts First properly if your Lâ—rdshipâ—hink â—hink it convenient to shew the King any such Drâ—â—ght because the Veins and Pulses of this Stâ—te cannot bin beâ— beâ—â— known here which if your Lordship should doe then I would desire you to withdraw my Name and onely signifieâ— that you â—ave some Heads of Direction of such a Matter to one oâ— whose Stile and Penn you had some Opinion The other Collateralâ— Theâ— though your Lordship make no other use of it yet it is a Kinâ—e oâ— Portraicture of that which I think worthy to be advised by your Lordship to the King And perhaps more compendious and significant than if I had set them down in Articles I would have attended your Lordship but for some little Physick I took To morrow morning I will wait on you So I ever c. A Letter to the Earl of Southampton upon the Kings Comming in It may please your Lordship I Would have been very glad to have presented my humble Service to your Lordship by my attendance if I could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you And therefore because I would commit no Error I chose to write Assuring your Lordship how credible soever it may seem to you at first yet it is as true as a Thing that God knoweth That this great Change hath wrought in me no other Change towards your Lordship than this That I may safely be now that which I was truly before And so craving no other pardon than for troubling you with my Letter I doe not now begin to be but continue to be Your Lordships humble and much devoted A Letter to the Earl of Northumberland after he had been with the King It may please your good Lordship I Would not have lost this Journey and yet I have not that I went for For I have had no private Conference to purpoâ—eâ— with the King No more hath almost any other English For the Speach his Majesty admitteth with some Noblemen is rather Matter of Grace than Matter of Business With the Atturney he spake urged by the Treasurer of Scotland but no more than needs must After I had received his Majesties first Welcom and was promised private Access yet not knowing what matter of Service your Lordships Letter carried for I saw it not And well knowing that Primeness in Advertisement is much I chose rather to deliver it to Sir Tho. Heskins than to cool it in mine own Hands upon Expectation of Access Your Lordship shall finde a Prince the furthest from Vain-Glory that may be And rather like a Prince of the auncient Form than of the latter Time His Speech is swift and Cursory and in the full Dialect of his Country And in Speech of Business short in Speech of Discourse large He affecteth Popularity by gracing such as he hath heard to be Popular and not by any Fashions of his own He is thought somewhat general in his Favours And his Vertue of Access is rather because he is much abroad and in Press than that he giveth easie Audience He hastneth to a mixture of both Kingdâ—ms and Occasions faster perhaps than Policy will well bear I told your Lordship once before that methought his Majesty rather asked Counsel of the time past than of the time to come But it is yet early to ground any Setled Opinion For the particulars I referr to conference having in these generals gone further in so tender an Argument than I would have done were not the Bearer hereof so assured So I continue c. A Letter to Mr. Pierce Secretary to the Deputy of IRELAND Mr. Pierce I Am glad to hear of you as I doe And for my part you shall find me ready to take any Occasion to further your credit and preferment And I dare assure you though I am no Undertaker to prepare your way with my Lord of Salisbury for any good Fortune which may befall you You teach me to complain of Business whereby I write the more briefly And yet I am so unjust as that which I allege for mine own Excuse I cannot admit for yours For I must by Expecting exact yoâ—r Letters with this Fruit of your Sufficiency as to understand how things pass in that Kingdom And therefore having begun I pray you continue This is not meerly Curiosity for I have ever I know not by what Instinct wish'd well to that impollish'd part of this Crown And so with my very loving Commendations I remain A Letter to the King upon presenting the Discourse touching the Plantation of Ireland It may please your excellent Majesty I Know not better how to express my good wishes of a New Year to your Majesty than by this little Book whichâ— in all humbleness I send you The Stile is a Stile of Business rather than Curious or Elaborate And herein I was encouraged by my Experience of your Majesties former grace in accepting of the like poor Field-Fruits touching the Vnion And certainly I reckon this Action as a Second Brother to the Vnion For I assure my Self that England Scotland and Ireland well united is such a Trifoile as no Prince except your Self who are the worthiest weareth in his Crown Si
if it wâ—re but by Surviving alone though he had no other Excellency One that hath passed the Degrees of Honour with great Travell and long Time which quencheâ—h alwayes Envy except it be joyned wâ—th extreme Malice Then it appeareth manifestly to be but a Brick wall at Tennis to make the Defamation and Hatred rebound from the Counsellour upon the Prince And assuredly they be very simple to think to abuse the VVorld with those Shifts Since every Child can tell the Fable That the VVolfs Malice was not to the Shepherd but to his Dog It is true that these Men have altred their Tune twice or thrice when the Match was in Treating with the Duke of Anjou they spake Honey as to her Majesty All the Gall was uttered against the Earl of Leicester But when they had gotten Heart upon the Expectation of the Invasion they changed stile and disclosed all the Venome in the World immediately against her Majâ—sty what New Hope hath made them return their Sinons Note in teaching Troy how to save it self I cannot tell But in the mean time they do his Lordship much Honour For the more despitefully they inveigh against his Lordship the more Reason hath her Majesty to trust him and the Realm to honour him It was wont to be a Token of scarce a good Liedgeman when the Enemy spoiled the Countrey and left any particular Mens Houses or Fields unwasted 6. Certain true generall Notes upon the Actions of the Lord Burleigh BUT above all the rest it is a strange Fancy in the Libeller that he maketh his Lordship to be the Primum Mobile in every Action without Distinction That to him her Majesty is Accomptant of her Resolutions That to him the Earl of Leicâ—ster and Mr. Secretary Walsingham both Men of great Power and of great wit and understanding were but as Instruments whereas it is well knownn that as to her Majesty there was never a Counseller of his Lordships long Continuance that was so applyable to her Majesties Princely Resolutions Endeavouring alwayes after Faithfull Propositions and Remonstrances and these in the best words and the most Gratefull Manner to rest upon such Conclusions as her Majesty in her own wisdome determineth and them to execute to the best So far hath he been from Contestation or drawing her Majesty into any his own Courses And as for the Forenamed Counsellours and others with whom his Lordship hath consorted in her Majesties service It is rather true that his Lordship out of the Greatnesse of his Experience and Wisdome And out of the Coldnesse of his Nature hath qualified generally all Hard and Extreame Courses as far as the Service of her Majesty and the Safety of the State the Making himself compatible with those with whom he served would permit So far hath his Lordship been from inciting others or running a full Course with them in that kind But yet it is more strange that this Man should be so absurdly Malitious as he should charge his Lordship not onely with all Actions of State but also with all the Faults and Vices of the Times As if Curiosity and Emulation have bred some Controversies in the Church Though thanks be to God they extend but to outward Things As if Wealth and the Cunning of Wits have brought forth Multitudes of Suits in Law As If Excesse in Pleasures and in Magnificence joyned with the unfaithfulnesse of Servants and the Greedinesse of Monied Men have decayed the Patrimony of many Noble Men and others That all these and such like Conditions of the Time should be put on his Lordships accompt who hath been as far as to his Place appertaineth a most Religious and Wise Moderator in Church Matters to have Vnity kept who with great Iustice hath dispatched infinite Causes in Law that have orderly been brought before him And for his own Example may say that which few Men can say but was sometime said by Cephalus the Athenian so much Renowned in Plato's Works who having lived near to the age of an 100 years And in continuâ—ll Affairs the Businesse was wont to say of Himself That he never sued any neither had been sued by any Who by reason of his Office hath preserved many Great Houses from Overthrow by relieving sundry Extremities towards such as in their Minority have been circumvented And towards all such as his Lordship might advise did ever perswade Sober and Limited Expence Nay to make Proof further of his Contented Manner of Life free from Suits and Covetousnesse as he never sued any Man so did he never raise any Rent or put out any Tenant of his own Nor ever gave consent to have the like done to any of the Queens Tenants Matters singularly to be noted in this Age. But however by this Fellow as in a False Artificiall Glasse which is able to make the best Face Deformed his Lordships Doings be set forth yet let his Proceedings which be indeed his own be indifferently weighed and considered And let Men call to Mind that his Lordship was never a violent and Transported Man in Matters of State but ever Respective and Moderate That he was never Man in his particular a Breaker of Necks no heavy Enemy but ever Placable and Mild That he was never a Brewer of Holy water in Court no Dallier no Abuser but ever Reall and Certain That he was never a Bearing Man nor Carrier of Causes But ever gave way to Iustice and Course of Law That he was never a Glorious Wilfull Proud Man but ever Civill and Familiar and good to deal withall That in the Course of his Service he hath rather sustained the Burthen then sought the Fruition of Honour or Profit Scarcely sparing any time from his Cares and Travailes to the Sustentation of his Health That he never had nor sought to have for Himself and his Children any Penny-worth of Lands or Goods that appertained to any attainted of any Treason Felony or otherwise That he never had or sought any kind of Benefit by any Forfeiture to her Majesty That he was never a Factious Commender of Men as he that intended any waies to besiege Her by bringing in Men at his Devotion But was ever a true Reporter unto her Majesty of every Mans Deserts and Abilities That he never took â—he Course to unquiet or offend no nor exasperate her Majesty but to content her mind and mitigate her Displeasure That he ever bare Himself reverently and without Scandall in Matters of Religion and without blemish in his Private Course of Life Let Men I say without Passionate Mallice call to mind these Things And they will think it Reason that though he be not canonized for a Saint in Rome yet he is worthily celebrated as Pater Patriae in England And though he be Libelled against by Fugitives yet he is prayed for by a Multitude of good Subjects Aud lastly though he be envied whilest he liveth yet he shall be deeply wanted when he is gone And assuredly many
Pâ—inces have had many Servants of Trust Name and sufficiency But where there have been great parts there hath often wanted Temper of Affection Where there have beeu both Ability and Moderation there have wanted Diligence and Love of Travaile Where all Three have been there have sometimes wanted Faith and Sincerity Where some few have had all these Four yet they have wanted Time and Experience But where there is a Concurrence of all these there is no marvaile though a Prince of Iudgement be constant in the Employment and Trust of such a Servant 7. Of divers parâ—icular Untruths and Abuses dispersed thrugh the Libel THE Order which this Man keepeth in his Libell is such as it may appear that he meant but to empty some Note Booke of the Matters of England To bring in whatsoever came of it a Number of Idle Jests which he thought might fly abroad And intended nothing lesse then to clear the Matters be handled by the Linht of Order and Distinct Writing Having therefore in the Principall Points namely the Second Third and Fourth Articles ranged his Scattering and wandering Discourse into some Order such as may help the Judgement of the Reader I am now content to gather up some of his By-Matters and Stragling Untruths and very briefly to censure them Page 9. he saith That his Lordships could neither by the Greatness of his Beades creeping to the Crosse Nor exteriour shew to Devotion before the High Altar find his entrance into high Dignity in Queen Maries Time All which is a meer Fiction at Pleasure For Queen Mary bare that Respect unto him in regard of his constant standing for her Title As she desired to continue his Service The Refusall thereof growing from his own Part He enjoyed nevertheless all other Liberties Favours of the time Save only that it was put into the Queens Head that it was dangerous to permit him to go beyond the Sea because he had a great Wit of Action and had served in so Principall a Place Which neverthelesse after with Cardinall Poole he was suffered to do Pag. Eadem he saith Sir Nich. Bacon that was Lord Keeper was a Man of exceeding crafty wit Which sheweth that this Fellow in his Slanders is no good Marks-Man But throweth out his Words of Defaming without all Levell For all the World noted Sir Nich. Bacon to be a Man Plain Direct and Constant without all Finenesse and Doublenesse And one that was of the mind that a Man in his private Proceedings and Estate and in the Proceedings of State should reâ—t upon the Soundnesse and Strength of his own Courses and not upon Practise to Circumvent othersâ— According to the Sentence of Salomon Vir Prudens aduertit ad Gressus suos stultus autem divertit ad Dolos Insomuch that the Bishop of Rosse a Subtile and Observing Man said of him That he could fasten no words upon him and that it was impossible to come within him because he offered no play And Queen Mother of France a very politick Princesse said of him That he should have been of the Councell of Spain because he despised the Occurrents and rested upon the First Plot So that if He were Crafty it is hard to say who is wise Pag. 10. he saith That the Lord Burleigh in the Establishment of Religion in the Beginning of the Queens Time prescribed a Composition of his own Invention Whereas the same Form not fully six years before had been received in this Realm in King Edwards Time So as his Lordship being a Christian Politick Counseller thought it better to follow a President then to innovate And chose the President rather at Home then Abroad Pag. 41. he saith That Catholicks never attempted to murther any principall person of her Majesties Court as did Burchew whom he calleth a Puritan In wounding of a Gentleman instead of Sir Christopher Hatten But by their great Vertue Modesty and Patience do manifest in themselves a far different Spirit â—â—om the other Sort. For Burchew it is certain he was Mad As appeareâ—h not only by his Mad Mistaking but by the violence â—hâ—t he â—ffâ—ed afâ—er to his Keeper And most evidently by his bâ—haviour at his Exâ—cution But of Catholicks I mean thâ— â—raâ—lâ—rus sort of them a Man may say as Cato said sometimes of Caeâ—ar Fum ad evâ—rtendam Remp. sobrium accessisse They came sober and well advised to their Treasons and Conspiracies And commonly they look not so low as the Counsellers but have bent their murdâ—râ—ur Attempts immediatly against her Majesties sacred Person Which God have in his precious Custody As may appear by the Conspiracy of Sommervile Parry Savadge and Six and otheâ—s Nay they have defended it in Thesi to be a Lawâ—ull Act. Pag. 43. he saith That his Lordship whom he calleâ—h the Archâ—Politick hath fraudulently provided that when any Priesâ— is arraigned the Indictment is enforced with many odious Mattâ—râ— Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance if it be not Mallice For the Law permitteth not the Ancient Formes of Indicâ—ments to be alâ—ered Like as in an Action of Trespass although a Mâ—n take away anothers Goods in the peaceablest manner in the World yet the Writ hath Quare vi Armis And if a Man enter upon anothers Ground and do no more the Plantife mentioneth Quod Herbam suam ibidem crescentem cum Equis Bobus porcis Bidentibus depastus sit conculcavit consumpsit Neither is this any Absurdity For in the Practise of all Law the Formularies hâ—ve been Few and Certain And not varied according to every â—articular Case And in Indictmeuts also of Treason it is not so far fetched as in that of Trespass For the Law ever presumeth in Treason an Intention of subverting the State and Impeaching the Majesty Royall Pag. 45. and in other places speaking of the persecuting of Catholicks he still mentioneth Bowellings and Consuming Mens Entraâ—les by Fire As if this were a Torture newly devised Wherein he doth Cauâ—elously and Maliciously suppresse that the Law and Custom of this Land from all Antiquity hath ordained that Punishment in Case of Treason and permitteth no other And a Punishment surely it is though of great Terrour yeâ— by reason of the quick Dispatching of lesse Torment far then either the Wheele or Forcipation yea then Simple Burning Pag. 48. he saith England is confederate with the Great Turk Wherein if he mean it because the Merchants have an Agent in Constantinople How will he answer for all the Kings of France since Francis the First which were good Catholicks For the Emperour for the King of Spain Himself for the Senate of Venice and other States that have had long time Embassadours Liedgers in that Court If he mean it because the Turk hath done some speciall Honour to our Embassadour if he be so to be termed we are beholding to the King of Spain for that For that the Honour we have won upon Him by Opposition hath given us Reputation through the World If