means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity ita consueta Regaiis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut posposita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown as Henry the 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vasconâ—ae leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign And caused himself not long after by the like occasions to sell for 300000. l. except some pittances reserved the entire Signiorie of Normandie What our late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh in memory But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues have often resumed the possessions of their people as Edward the second anno 5 8 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae suae all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown Richard the second an 1 did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry the 5. an 1. and Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign Edward the 4. in an 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother Neither is this in it self unjust since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government the Revenues and Profits quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain firme and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want our Princes have been so neer beset as with Nâ—rva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an 26. in wars beyond Sea impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to pawn the Kings Jewells any where in England to raise money Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda to pawn his Jewells Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war The Black Princes was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea diversa Iocalia vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles Henry the 4. an 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an 10 th 12 th and 29. many parcells of his rich Jewells And the late Queen in the end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the like with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift that Edward the third invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times an 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant first in the 24. and after an 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign And when Henry the third had laid to gage omnia Insignia Regalia all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour A course more moderate then by force to have taken as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches or as Glement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels was in the end when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain Pauper sum omni destitutus Thesauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have no Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo My friend I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants then to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned home loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies since no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will easily enforce them Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrâ—â— Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back then for the expence of their own moneyes For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly or maimed or half-starved or else reduced to extreme poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages
them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intite Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made Confederates For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first the 3d. Edwards the 5 th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earle of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Maâ—ks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homâ—nes in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of inter-marriage dâ—ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who is an â—0 assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundâ—e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare And in an 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in an 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King
our mightiest Neighbours which by holding of our hands and onely looking on we shall easily do since Spain and France hang so indifferently that a little weight will cast the Beam imploying ours as Claudius did his Forces in Germanie ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent ne forte elati Pacem turbarent to assist the Conquered party and to over-awe the Victor lest he should be puffed up with pride and disturb our peace Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes using as his Motto of Honour and Power this Cui adhaereo praest He rules whom I stick to And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies then to inlarge her Dominions multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities winking at her own wrongs rather then willing to revenge And as the great Mistris of the world once did what rather became her Greatness then what severity of Armes required Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates and her Land here cleared of Enemies For according to Micipsae's counsell to Jugurth Non exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome but such Allies as neither Armes constrain nor monyes purchase sed officio fide pariuntur And since by fortune of the times succeeding this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force it is most safe neither to discover weakness nor hazzard losse by any attempt Besides standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement order of their differences to us As the Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third and Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth Thus every pare shall woe us all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their debates and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own For as well in States as in Persons Suitours are an infallible token of Greatness which Demost henes told the Athenians they had lost since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour Riches and Safety and in all other but endlesse Expence Trouble and Danger Robert Cotton Bruceus FINIS THE FRENCH CHARITY WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed for William Shears at the Bible in S. Paul's Church-yard Anno 1655. THE FRENCH CHARITY ALthough we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them that the same Wind both lights and blow's out the taper that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs wherein that which is once ill is alwayes accounted such from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republicks have established the Maxims of their subsistence And found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible so unseasonable that it is suspected and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood Philosophers say we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us I will passe my censure upon nothing yet let me have the liberty to judge of all I find so great a wonder in this change that I find a conflict in my self to believe it It is no common marvell that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us should now make it their glory to reunite us That those who place their rest in our troubles should now apply their cares for our repose and that after they have cast us down headlong they should reach us a plank for to come ashore Let the wise Reader here whilst I determine nothing allow me at least a little distrust it is the Mother of Safety The Trojans who could not be overcome by Armes perish't by a pledge of peace All the French civilityes are faire and good but in the bottome Quicquid id est timeo Gallos dona ferentes Let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement Is it Religion surely no for that which they professe is contrary to that of this Kingdome and the little Charity they have for their own ought not to perswade us that they have much for ours Is it for the inclination they have to peace surely no for if they esteemed it a benefit they would seek first for themselves It is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late warres and for the assistance we gave to those of Rochel I his would be truely Christian indeed to render us good for evill They will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage which bind them to the Queen and yet they have let the Mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them and having beheld her without pitty and succour in her greatest extremities they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill But if this be the reason of their admittance I conceive them no lawfull nor indifferent Mediators since they are so much concern'd in one of the parties They will whisper us in the eare that the designe is to pacify us and to ingage us in a league with them against the Spaniard although at the same time they designe Ambassadours for Munster to endeavour a peace with him O we should wrong them very much to believe it though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us They are too gallant spirited to pretend it they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their Chesnut out of the fire that a body recovering health from a
12. m. 8. f Rot. Pat. anno 4. E. 2. a Dors Claus anno 17. E. 2 m. 11. b Claus anno 38. m. 34. c Ex Rot. Vascon m. 29. d Claus an 6. E. 2. e Rot. Scot. anno 1 2 3. m. 10. an 4 m. 5. an 9. Rot. pat anno 10. m. 12 f Rot. Pat. an 16. m. 3. g Rot. Scotiae anno 8. m. 9. h Rot. Scot. Dorso anno 7. m. 8. i Dorso claus anno 16. m. 3. k Rot. Scotiae anno 1 2 3. m. 8. l Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors claus anno 9. m Claus an 16 E. 2. n Ex Dors claus 7. E. 2 m. 7. a Claus an 16. m. 20. b Ex Paterculo de Aug. c Claus an 16. m. 11. cla an 15. m. 19. d Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso e Rot. Scotiae an 11. m. 16. f Rot. Pat. an 15. m. 19. g Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 13 h Claus an 18 m. 13. i Rot. Pat. an 16. m. 27. k Rot. Pat. anno 9. m. 22. Dors Cla. 10. m. 26. claus anno 15. m. 13 Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 l Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. m Dors claus anno 6. m. 28. Rot. Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus anno 8. m. 30. claus an 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. a Rot. claus anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium anno 15. m. 16 b Rot. claus anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 c Rot. claus anno 15. m. 19 d Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. c Claus an 13 m. 20. f Pat. an 48. E. 3. m. 10. Edward 3. a Ex Rot. Alman an 12. m. 17. b Claus an 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso a Claus an 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. b Claus an 2. E. 3. c Claus an 10 d Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. Rot. Alman an 12. m. 12. e Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. f Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. g Rot. Alman anno 1. E. 3. m. 2. a Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 b Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. c Rot. Scotiae anno 1. d Parla an 13 E. 3. Parla anno 14. E. 3. e Rot. Franc. anno 46. f Claus an 1. E. 3. m. 1. g Parl. an 22. E. 3. n. 9. a Parl. an 2. 14. Rot. 2. n. 8. Richard 2. a Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. â— m. 3. a Tacit. lib. 2. b Rot. Parl. annis 3 4 5. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. H. 4. n. 32. Henry 4. a Hist Tho. VValsingham Henry 5. Henry 6. Nota First monopolies a Rot. Parl. an 11. H. 6. a Rot. Parl. an 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. b Ex Paterculo Edward 4. c Rot. Parl. an 2 8. E. 4. d Placita Coronae e Chron. Fabiani f Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. g Rot. Parl. Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 7. a Fabian b Ex litera missa Abbatiss Barking manu Regis H. 7. a Ex litera Ducis Nerfolciae b Ex lib. Acquit in t Regem Dudly R. C. Henry 8. a Ex originali signat manu Regis b Ex originali Instructione c Ex instruct originali anno 14. H. 8. d Rot. Parl. an 21. H. 8. Edward 6. Q. Mary Q. Elizabeth Princes extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars Credit of Ks. so much impaired that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest a Math. Paris b Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. Nota. a Ex Instruct. Thomae Gresham anno 1557. b Ex Instruct Willielm Herie 16. August an 5. Eliz. Similiter c Thomae Gresham 1563. 76. d Ex litera Edw. Lee orat Regis H. 8. in Hisp anno 28. Kings enforced to abate their hospitalitie a Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. b Ex hist majori Math. Paris Kings enforced to pawn and sell their Dominions c Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. d Ex contract orig Hist Norman a Rot. Vasc 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an 8. Rot. cui titulus ex tract de donacionib c. 9. 10. E. 2. Kings enforced to make Resumption of their Lands b Rot. Parl. â— anno 1. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. d Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. E. 4. e Ex legibus Theodos Valentinian in Codice Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewells f Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an 56. H. 3. in 21. m. g Rot. Pat. Claus an 1. E. 1. m. 7. h Claus an 1. E. 3. i â—he Walsingham a Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. b Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. c Pat. an 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12. H. 6. m. 13. d Pat. an 29. H. 6. m. 20. Kings enforlced to pawn their Regal Crown e Pat. Pars. 1. an 17. E. 3. f Pat. an 24. m. 21. g Claus an 30 E. 3. Com. de Ter. Hill 38. E. 3. ex parte Rem Regis h Pat. anno 5. H. 3. m. 23. similiter an 9. Rot. Pat. an 51. H. 3. m. 17. 18. i Ex historia â—uicciardini a Ex hist S. Albani In place of spoile the Souldiers return oppressed with extreme Beggery b Lucan de Bello Civili lib. 7. a Math. Paris pag. 580. b Hist Mat. Paris p. 1358 c Math. Paris pag. 909. d Ex lit Cardin Wolsei ad Card. Sodrin a Ex Instruct Rich. Wingfield b Ex lit Tho. Wolsey Episc Lincoln c Ex compute in Archivis Rob. Com. Salisb. a Ex tractat anno 1598. b Ex computo deliberat Domino Thesaur Burleigh c Ex computo Joannis Hawkins Thesaur Naviae * Hor. Epo 7. Forreign Dominions alwaies charge no benefit Example in Normandy a Math. Par. b Ex Legibus antiquis c Ex Walt. Gisborn d Ex lib. Rubro e Ex lib. Pipnell f Rad. Coggeshall g Math. Par. h Ex Archiv de redit Norman tempore H. 3. i Ex origin Instr. Domini Scrope a Ex libro Domini Carew de anno 1. 2. H. 6. b Ex Rot. Par. de an 11. H. 6 c Ex lib. originali Roberti Cotton d Rot. Parl. an 27. H. 6. n. 27. Aquitain Gascoign Guien e Rot. liber anno 26. H. 3. f Rot. an 22. H. 6. g Math. Paris Pag. 578. a Ex Comput Willielm de Otterhampton anno 17. E. 2. b Pat. an 1. E. 3. c Ex Comput Richardi Longley an 36. E. 3. in Thesaur Regis Westmon in Rot. Aquitaniae d Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. m. 24. e Rot. Parl. anno 17. R. 2. f Ex Comput Walt. de Weston g Ex Comput Tho. Swinburn anno 10. H. 4. h Ex Comput Ioannis Tiptoft an 1. H. 5. i Ex Comput Will. Clifford Robert Holme an 5. H. 5.